{"AIPUUID":[{"label":"AIPUUID","value":"0faa64b3-835f-46a5-a61d-1076cf689d2d","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"https:\/\/open.library.ubc.ca\/terms#identifierAIP","classmap":"oc:DigitalPreservation","property":"oc:identifierAIP"},"iri":"https:\/\/open.library.ubc.ca\/terms#identifierAIP","explain":"UBC Open Collections Metadata Components; Local Field; Refers to the Archival Information Package identifier generated by Archivematica. This serves as a link between CONTENTdm and Archivematica."}],"AggregatedSourceRepository":[{"label":"AggregatedSourceRepository","value":"CONTENTdm","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/dataProvider","classmap":"ore:Aggregation","property":"edm:dataProvider"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/dataProvider","explain":"A Europeana Data Model Property; The name or identifier of the organization who contributes data indirectly to an aggregation service (e.g. Europeana)"}],"AlternateTitle":[{"label":"AlternateTitle","value":"[Oregon Historical Quarterly]","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/alternative","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:alternative"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/alternative","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; An alternative name for the resource.; Note - the distinction between titles and alternative titles is resource-specific."}],"CatalogueRecord":[{"label":"CatalogueRecord","value":"http:\/\/resolve.library.ubc.ca\/cgi-bin\/catsearch?bid=7951155","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isReferencedBy","classmap":"edm:ProvidedCHO","property":"dcterms:isReferencedBy"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isReferencedBy","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; A related resource that references, cites, or otherwise points to the described resource."}],"Collection":[{"label":"Collection","value":"British Columbia Historical Books Collection","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isPartOf","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:isPartOf"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isPartOf","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included."}],"Contributor":[{"label":"Contributor","value":"Young, Frederic G.","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/contributor","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:contributor"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/contributor","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource.; Examples of a Contributor include a person, an organization, or a service."}],"Creator":[{"label":"Creator","value":"Oregon Historical Society","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/creator","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:creator"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/creator","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; An entity primarily responsible for making the resource.; Examples of a Contributor include a person, an organization, or a service."}],"DateAvailable":[{"label":"DateAvailable","value":"2017-02-08","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","classmap":"edm:WebResource","property":"dcterms:issued"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource."}],"DateIssued":[{"label":"DateIssued","value":"1925","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","classmap":"oc:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:issued"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/issued","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; Date of formal issuance (e.g., publication) of the resource."}],"Description":[{"label":"Description","value":"\"Title varies: v. 1-26 (March 1900-June 1926) as Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society. Supersedes the society's Sources of the history of Oregon. Indexed in International index. Table of contents for each issue; index for annual bound volumes. A cumulative index for v. 1-40 (1900-1939) was published in 1941. Cumulative index for v. 41-60 in process.\" -- Lowther, B. J., & Laing, M. (1968). A bibliography of British Columbia: Laying the foundations, 1849-1899. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 160.
\"Title varies. To vol.26, December, 1925, as Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society. Superseded the Society's Sources of the history of the Oregon. Indexes for annual bound volumes; cumulative indexes for vols. 1-40, 1900-1939, and vols.41-60, 1940-1960. Also indexed in the International Index. Includes articles and reviews of importance for the pre-colonial period of British Columbia.\" -- Strathern, G. M., & Edwards, M. H. (1970). Navigations, traffiques & discoveries, 1774-1848: A guide to publications relating to the area now British Columbia. Victoria, BC: University of Victoria, p. 230.","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/description","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:description"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/description","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; An account of the resource.; Description may include but is not limited to: an abstract, a table of contents, a graphical representation, or a free-text account of the resource."}],"DigitalResourceOriginalRecord":[{"label":"DigitalResourceOriginalRecord","value":"https:\/\/open.library.ubc.ca\/collections\/bcbooks\/items\/1.0342742\/source.json","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/aggregatedCHO","classmap":"ore:Aggregation","property":"edm:aggregatedCHO"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/aggregatedCHO","explain":"A Europeana Data Model Property; The identifier of the source object, e.g. the Mona Lisa itself. This could be a full linked open date URI or an internal identifier"}],"Extent":[{"label":"Extent","value":"iv, 454 pages : maps, photographs, illustrations ; 22 cm","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/extent","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:extent"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/extent","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The size or duration of the resource."}],"FileFormat":[{"label":"FileFormat","value":"application\/pdf","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/elements\/1.1\/format","classmap":"edm:WebResource","property":"dc:format"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/elements\/1.1\/format","explain":"A Dublin Core Elements Property; The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource.; Examples of dimensions include size and duration. Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary such as the list of Internet Media Types [MIME]."}],"FullText":[{"label":"FullText","value":" THE QUARTERLY\nof the\nOregon Historical Society\nVolume XXVI\nMARCH, 1925\nCopyright, 1923, by the Oregon Historical Society\nThe Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors\nto its pages.\nCONTENTS\n:\nPages\n1-11\nLewis A. McArthur\u2014The Lakes of Oregon ~^^^^^^^^^a\nF. W. How ay\u2014Some Additional^ Notes Upon Captain Colnett\nand the \"Princess Royal\" ' W^S^^^^^^eS^S^^^i. 12~22\nT. C. Elliott\u2014Introduction to David Thompson's Narrative:\nThe Discovery of the Source of the Columbia jfts - - 'Jpjr j 23-28\nDavid Thompson\u2014Narrative of the Expedition, ^tc. etc. - - 28-49\nPeter H. D'Arcy\u2014Memorial Tribute to Judge J. A. Stratton -.'-. 50-51\nReviews\u2014David Thompson, The Explorer, F. W. Howay;\nHarvey W. Scott: History of the Oregon Country, F. G. Ycung 52-56\nNews and Comment - \"ii^^%fe%^^^^^^^^Mi^^' \" \" 57-64\nPRICE: FIFTY CENTS PER- NUMBER,' TWO DOLLARS PER YEAR\nEntered at the post office at Portland, Oregon, as second-class matter THE\nQUARTERLY\nOF THE\nVOLUME XXVI\nMARCH, 1925\u2014DECEMBER, 1925\nEdited by\nFREDERIC GEORGE YOUNG\nEogene, Oregon\nKoke-Chapman Co.\n1925\n[ I ] TABLE OF CONTENTS\nSUBJECTS OF PAPERS\nPages\nBarlow, Samuel Kimbrough\nBy Mary Barlow Wilkins .. 209-224\nColnett, Captain, and the \"Princess Royal\/*'\nSome Additional Notes Upon\n-By F. W. Howay . 12-22\nDuFLOT de Mofras, Eugene, Introduction to Translation of\nJournal of\nBy Nellie Bowden Pipes 151-152\nFinlay's Journal, An Error Concerning\nBy Marion O'Neil _ 274-275\nHelmick, Sarah, and Helmick Park\nBy Virginia Nesbit. .444-447\nHistorical Expedition, the Upper Missouri\nBy F. G. Young _ 276-279\nHunsaker, Reverend Arthur J., A Tribute to\nBy Charles B. Moores 225-228\nLakes of Oregon, the\nBy Lewis A. McArthur. 1-11\nLyle, John, and the Lyle Farm\nBy Julia Veazie Glen 130-150\nNewspapers of Oregon, the, 1846-1870\nBy Flora Belle Ludington \u201e\u201e .. 263-273\nOregon, the Creation of, as a State\nBy Charles H. Carey. 281-308\nOregon Geographic Names\nBy Lewis A. McArthur 309^23\n'Stratton, Judge J. A., Memorial, Tribute to\nBy Peter H. D'Arcy _ 50-51\nThompson, Davtd, Introduction to the Narrative of, Relating\nto the Discovery of the Columbia River\nBy T. C. Elliott 23-28\nThompson, Davtd, Pathfinder and the Columbia River\nBy T. C. Elliott. I 191-222\nVerendrye Expeditions, Review of the\nBy Grace Flandrau . _ . ~. 65-82\nVerendrye Journals, Introduction to the\nBy Ralph Budd . 83-4\nDOCUMENTS\nDuflot de Mofras, Eugene, Translation of Extract from\nExploration of Oregon Territory, Undertaken During\nYears 1840, 1841 and 1842, Introdutton and Translation\nBy Nellie Bowden Pipes..\u2014 -..., 151-190\n[hi] Table of Contents\nEmmons, Extracts from the Journal of Lieut. George Foster,\nU. S. Navy, Attached to the U. S. Exploring Expedition,\nIntroduction by Geo. Thornton Emmons, U. S. Navy\nBy T. C. Elliott 263-273\nThompson, David, Narrative of the Expedition to the Kootanae\nand Flat Bow Indian Countries on the Sources of the\nColumbia River\nIntroduction by T. C. Elliott ~ 23-56\nVerendrye Expedition, Journal of the, to the Mandan Villages\non the Missouri 1738-9\nTranslated by Douglas Brymner 85-115\nVerendrye Exploration, Journal of the, to the Foothills of\nthe Rocky Mountains, 1742-3\nTranslated by Anne H. Blegen \u201e - 116-129\nErrata ~ 280\nREVIEWS\nF. W. Howay, David Thompson, the Explorer\nBy Charles Norris Cochrane 52-3\nF. G. Young, Harvey W. Scott History of the Oregon Country,\nCompiled and Annotated by Leslie M. Scott 53-56\nAUTHORS\nBlegen, Anne H.\u2014Translation of the Journal the Verendrye\nExploration to the Foothills of the Rocky Mountains, 1742-3....116-129\n1742-3 116-129\nBrymner Douglas\u2014Translation of the Journal of the Verendrye\nExpedition to the Mandan Villages on the Missouri River,\n1738-9 85-115\nBudd, Ralph\u2014Introduction to the Verendrye Journals 83-84\nCarey, Charles H\u2014 The Creation of Oregon as a State 281-308\nD'Arcy, Peter H.\u2014Memorial Tribute to Judge J. A. Stratton 50-51\nElliott, T. C.\u2014Introduction to David Thompson's Narrative: The\nDiscovery of the Source of the Columbia 23-28\n David Thompson, Pathfinder, and the Columbia River.... 191-202\nEmmons, Lieut. George Thornton\u2014Introduction to Extracts from\nthe Emmons Journal 263\nFlandrau, Grace\u2014Revievj of the Verendrye Expeditions 65-82\nGlen, Julia Veazie\u2014John Lyle and the Lyle Farm 130-150\nHoway, F. W.\u2014Some Additional Notes upon Captain Calnett and\nthe \"Princess Royal\" .. \u201e 12-22\n\u2014i Review of David Thompson, the Explorer 52-3\nLudington, Flora Belle\u2014The Newspapers of Oregon, 1846-1870....229-262,\nMcArthur, Lewis A.\u2014The Lakes of Oregon L. l-H\n Oregon Geographic Names 309-423\nMoores, Charles B.\u2014A Tribute to Reverend Andrew J. Hun-\nsaker .\u00ab 225-228\nO'Neil, Marion\u2014An Error Concerning Finlay's Journal 274-275\nPipes, Nellie Bowden\u2014Translation of Extract from Exploration\nof Oregon Territory by Eugene Duftot de Mofras 151-190\nWilkins, Mary Barlow\u2014Samuel Kimbrough Barlow 209-224\nYoung, F. G.\u2014The Review of Harvey W. Scott's History of the\nOregon Country 53-56\n The Upper Missouri Historical Expedition 276-279\n[iv] THE QUARTERLY\nof the\nOregon Historical Society\nVolume XXVI\nMARCH, 1925\nCopyright, 1923, by the Oregon Historical Society\nThe Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors\nto its pages.\nTHE LAKES OF OREGON\nBy Lewis A. McArthur\nPreliminary investigations indicate that there are\nabout 500 lakes in Oregon that our people have seen fit\nto identify by names. These lakes vary in size and importance from fine bodies of water, clear and amid delightful surroundings, to shallow desert ponds of highly\nmineralized solution that literally dry up and blow away\nwith summer winds.\nOregon has excellent examples of every form of lake\nenumerated by the physical geographer. Her lakes are\nimportant economically as well as from a scenic and rec-\ncreational point of view. They furnish abundant supplies of water for human consumption, for power development, irrigation and mining, and it is difficult to conceive of more beautiful spots for camping and fishing\nthan on the shores of some of the lakes of the mountain\nranges of the state. They provide an attractive field for\nstudy.\nIn general a lake is an inland body of standing water\nsomewhat larger than a pool or pond. In the west the\nwords pool and pond are seldom used, and the word lake\nis generally employed to include even very small bodies\nof water. The term is also applied to the widened parts\nof river and sometimes to bodies of water which lie along\nthe coast, even when they are at sea level and are directly\nconnected with the sea. Lewis A. McArthur\nThe conditions necessary for the existence of lakes\nare (1) Depressions without outlets, and (2) a sufficient\nsupply of water. By depressions without outlets it must\nnot be understood that lakes have no outlets. It means\nthat below the level of the lake outlet there is in each\ncase a depression which has no outlet. It is this depression without an outlet that makes the lake, and when\nthe water reaches the elevation of the outlet it overflows.\nLake basins originate in many ways, but most of them\nare the result of vulcanism and diastrophism. Diastro-\nphism includes movements of the earth's crust up or\ndown. Vulcanism produces crater lakes, and in Oregon\nparticularly, streams of lava have caused a considerable\nnumber of our water bodies. Other common causes are\nlandslides which dam up streams, glacial deposits, and\nfrequently glacial action, gouging out depressions in soft\nrocks. Lakes are also produced by dams built of windblown sand.\nLakes are considered to be the most short lived of all\nimportant geographic features. Every lake's fate is certain and its ultimate destruction has led to the famous\nepigram, \"Rivers are the mortal enemies of lakes.\" The\nmain causes of lake destruction are the lowering of\noutlets by stream cutting which results in ultimate drainage of lakes, and by sedimentation from streams entering lakes which results in the depressions being filled up.\nLake basins are being filled constantly with sediment from\ninflowing water, and also by wave action along the shores\nand particularly by organic matter deposited by shell-\nbearing animals, plants and other growths. In some\ncases wind-blown dust accomplishes the end.\nOregon has four well defined lake regions. While\nthere are lakes in most of the counties of the state, nature\nhas concentrated her efforts as far as lakes are concerned\nin definite areas. The first area is along the main axis\nof the Cascade Range. This part of the state is well supplied with lakes, some of which are large and impressive, The Lakes of Oregon 3\nsuch as Crater, Odell, Crescent, Davis and Waldo. In no\npart of the state are lakes more beautiful or better suited\nto recreational purposes. The setting and surroundings\nof most of the Cascade Range lakes leave little to be desired.\nSouth central Oregon, particularly Lake county, has a\nnumber of large lakes, the most important of which,\nAbert1 and Summer, are the results of shifts in the earth's\ncrust. The lakes of south central Oregon include some of\nthe largest in the state and for the most part they are\nalkaline or otherwise chemically impregnated. The value\nof the soluble minerals will have to be determined in the\nfuture. Waterfowl abound in the tules on the edge of\nmany of these lakes, but generally the surroundings do\nnot provide attractive camping grounds.\nThe area between the Coast Range and the Pacific\nOcean, from the mouth of the Siuslaw River south to Coos\nBay furnishes most of the coastal lakes of the state, and\nsome of them are very fine. Siltcoos, Tahkenitch, Clea-\nwox, Tenmile, and others will in time come to be very important to our citizens. It is interesting to note that the\nCoast Range itself, and for that matter large areas of\nthe Blue Mountains too, bear but few lakes, even of\nsmall size.\nThe fourth well-defined lake region of Oregon is in the\nWallowa Mountains. Wallowa Lake has a setting that is\nsuggestive of Switzerland, and while other of the Wallowa Mountain lakes are fairly small, they are well worth\nvisiting.\nIt is not the purpose of this article to enumerate all\nthe lakes of the state, but to call attention to interesting\nfacts about the situation or history of some of the more\nnotable ones.\nTwo lakes stand out above all others in importance\nto Oregonians. The first is Bull Run Lake which furnishes\nnecessary domestic and industrial water supply to nearly\n1 Lake Abert was reported dry in 1924, but this was not confirmed. Lewis A. McArthur\na third of the population of the state. The civic and\neconomic importance of the lake cannot be stated in mere\ndollars. This lake is one of Oregon's very greatest assets\nand should be remembered as such. Veiled from the public both by law and by nature, Bull Run Lake sits surrounded by virgin forests and puts forth the best it has\nto give for the comfort and health of over a quarter of a\nmillion souls.\nCrater Lake is one of nature's marvels. It is more\nin the nature of a scenic wonder than anything else the\nwriter has ever seen. Oddly enough it is not a real crater\nlake at all, because it occupies a caldra far larger than the\ncrater of the original mountains. Volcanic action produced the mountain and the crater, but the depression now\noccupied by the lake is the result of diastrophism.\nIn the historic days of the first week in August in\n1914 the writer camped on the rim of Crater Lake and\ngazed at every changing hue of sky and water and measured light and shadow from the cliffs above. Early in the\nmorning the slanting rays of the sun fell through the\nforest smoke that clouded the atmosphere, and turned\nthe waters of the lake a copper red and cast a rosy glow\non the surrounding walls. The sight more than anything\nelse resembled a giant pot of molten copper. In a few\nseconds it was over and the water quickly turned to in-\nfathomable blue.\nCrater Lake has been the subject of so much writing\nand is so well known to the public that the writer does\nnot feel it necessary to elaborate. There are, however,\ntwo illusions about the lake that should be dispelled. The\nlake does freeze over, contrary to popular belief. Also\nmany people discuss the possibility of underground outlets from Crater Lake. It is doubtful if there are any.\nThe lake receives its entire water supply direct from\nprecipitation, as the drainage area is but a little larger\nthan the lake. It is fairly certain that evaporation accounts for all of the outgo from the lake, without any\nallowance for underground flow. The Lakes of Oregon 5\nNorth of Mount Jefferson, wedged in between living\nglaciers on the south and a rough precipitous mountain\nwall a thousand feet high on the north, lies Jefferson\nPark, a natural playground, invitingly level, directly\nathwart the Cascade Range. I have seen much snow in\nthis park even as late as the first of September, but generally during August the park is a mass of flowers. There\nare several lakes in the park, and the largest is but a few\nhundred feet in diameter, but looking down into it from\nthe north, one gets a fine reflection of Mount Jefferson.\nThis lake was named in honor of Dr. Israel C. Russell,\none of the early geologists of the United States Geological\nSurvey, who was an enthusiastic investigator of Oregon\nin the early eighties. The lake forms the south fork of\nthe Breitenbush River until late in the season, when\nevaporation reduces its level to a point below the outlet.\nThe elevation of the lake above the sea is about 5900 feet.\nThe three so-called Deschutes lakes are the best known\nof the lakes of the Cascade Range, with the exception of\ncourse of Crater Lake. These are Odell, Crescent and\nDavis lakes, and for natural beauty and surroundings\nthey are hard to duplicate. Odell is fed from melting\nsnows on Diamond Peak and Maiden Peak, and is about six\nmiles long. Its western end is but a few moments walk\nfrom the summit of the Cascade Range at the proposed\ncrossing of the Eugene-Klamath Falls line of the Southern\nPacific Company. This lake occupies a depression cut by\na glacier and the terminal moraine makes the dam that\nimpounds the water. A stream connects this lake with\nDavis Lake to the northeast, and while not so attractive\nDavis Lake is well worth visiting. Davis Lake is unusual\nin that it has a subterranean outlet under a lava flow,\nso that it always discharges about the same amount of\nwater. Odell and Davis lakes have an important influence\nin keeping the flow of the Deschutes River constant. Davis\nCreek flows directly into the main Deschutes.\nThe third of this trio is Crescent Lake, one of the\nloveliest in the state. It has an elevation of 4837 feet Lewis A. McArthur\nand bears a descriptive name. The surrounding woods\nare magnificent, and with the reconstruction of the Willamette Highway between Eugene and Klamath Falls,\nCrescent Lake is becoming easy of access. Hundreds of\nvisitors linger on the shores of these three lakes during\nsummer months, hunting and fishing in the midst of the\nmost refreshing natural surroundings.\nLittle known, but growing in importance, are the\nOlallie Lakes clustered about the foot of Olallie Butte\nmidway between Mt. Jefferson and Mt. Hood. These lakes\nlie in surroundings popular with the Indians who gave\nto the Butte the name Olallie, meaning berry. From the\nsummit of this great rocky knob more than 30 lakes may\nbe counted without a glass. The proposed Cascade Range\nroad will pierce the very heart of this region and bring\nthese lakes within a day's drive from Portland. The\nlargest are Olallie, Monon, and Trout, covering many\nacres, and even the smallest are well stocked with eastern\nbrook trout.\nClatsop county furnishes two lakes of interesting\nhistory. Cullaby Lake, named for a local Indian celebrity,\nis on the northern part of Clatsop plains and formerly\nmade its outlet through Necoxie Creek, first north and\nthen south to the estuary of the Necanicum River. Cattle\ngrazing along the lower Necoxie cut the nearby sands\nwhich were shifted by winds, thus damming the creek\nand forming Necoxie Lake. A short section of Necoxie\nCreek still flows into the estuary, but the lake drains to\nthe north back toward Cullaby Lake, which now outlets\nthrough Skipanon River. Here is a curious example of, a\ncomplete change of direction of stream flow and lake\noutlet.\nCullaby Lake is the scene of the activities of the Clatsop county cranberry growers, and a number of acres of\nlow land lying adjacent to the lake have been converted\ninto cranberry bogs.\nI have already mentioned Wallowa Lake. This is one\nof the larger mountain lakes of Oregon, and is approxi- The Lakes of Oregon\nmately four miles long. It is fed principally by the Wallowa river which is formed by the junction of the east\nand west forks about a mile south of the lake. The elevation of the lake is approximately 4340 feet and the name\nis derived from a Nez Perce word meaning a fish trap\nbuilt in a peculiar manner by the use of three poles sunk\nin the water. The name was first applied to a point on the\nWallowa River where a number of these traps were located and has since become attached to the lake itself\nand other important geographic features in northeastern\nOregon. A view from the north end of the lake includes\nthe serrated peaks and spires of the Wallowa Mountains,\nmany of which bear snow throughout the entire year..\nThis view of Wallowa Lake is certainly one of the most\nbeautiful in the state.\nNature narrowly missed giving Oregon two crater\nlakes almost equal in size and beauty, but like many other\nsecond attempts to improve upon a masterpiece, this one\nfailed. Twenty-five miles south of Bend lies Newberry\ncrater, a result of vulcanism much more recent than the\ncaldra that is occupied by Crater Lake. Newberry crater\nis situated in the summit of the isolated Paulina Mountains and in this crater are two lakes, Paulina Lake and\nEast Lake, at an elevation of about 6500 feet or several\nhundred feet higher than Crater Lake. It is apparent\nthat the caldra was at one time occupied by one lake, but\nsubsequent volcanic action has built up a series of small\ncraters running north and south across the middle which\ndivides the depression and leaves East Lake with neither\ninlet nor outlet. Paulina Lakes overflows to the west\ndown Paulina Creek to the east fork of the Deschutes\nRiver. Paulina Creek is blessed with several pretty waterfalls. Newberry crater broke down its western side and\nif it had not been for this break it is apparent that the\nwater level would be much higher in the crater, and the\nsurroundings would have more nearly resembled Crater\nLake itself. At some points around the two lakes the walls\nare precipitous and high, and Paulina Peak, which is Lewis A. McArthur\njust south of Paulina Lake, affords what is probably the\nfinest view in Oregon. It stands about 8500 feet high, or\n2000 feet above the lake, and its sides to the north are\nrough and jagged. From the Forest Service lookout on\ntop the writer has seen the great snow peaks of the Cascade Range spread out like a fan in magnificent panorama, extending from Mt. Adams on the north to Mt. Mc-\nLouglin on the south. Paulina Peak is situated well to the\neast of the Cascade Range and permits a comprehensive\nview of the great mountain backbone of the state that cannot be duplicated, not only on account of the height of the\nviewpoint but also on account of its distance from the\nmain range which provides an almost perfect perspective.\nPaulina Lake was named for the famous Indian chief of\ncentral Oregon.\nSummer Lake, in Lake county, is one of the larger\nlakes of the arid part of the state and has an area of\nabout 60 square miles. Its main source of supply is the\nAna River which is a spring-fed stream attaining great\nvolume within a short distance from its source. Summer\nLake has no outlet and as a result its water is strongly\nimpregnated with salts, particularly sodium salts. The\nlake was discovered and named by then Captain John C.\nFremont, of the U. S. topographical engineers on December 16, 1843. As he looked down from the ridge which\nhis party had climbed from the west he saw the sun\nshining on the lake, bordered with green grass and the\ncontrast was so great that he named the mountains Winter Ridge and the body of water Summer Lake.\nFour days later Fremont reached another large lake\noccupying a great trough in the earth's surface, and this\nhe named for his chief, Colonel J. J. Abert. Lake Abert\nis about the same size as Summer Lake and is fed principally by the outlet of Chewaucan Marsh and Crooked\nCreek. The water is strongly impregnated with various\nsodium carbonates and other salts. The great fault scarp\nwhich stands above this lake on the east is an imposing\nsight. The Lakes of Oregon\nThe Warner Lakes, which occupy the extreme southeast corner of Lake county, were discovered at Christmas\ntime in 1843 by Captain Fremont. They consist of various\nshallow lakes, marshes and playas, extending almost the\nentire length of Warner Valley. The lakes and marshes\nare connected by surface channels or by underground\nseepage and they present an attractive field of study to\nthe geologist. The valley and lakes were named for Brevet\nCaptain W. H. Warner, who explored the valley in the\nlatter part of 1849 and was ambushed and massacred by\nthe Indians on September 26 of that year near the present\nsight of Warner Lake post office.\nFremont discovered and named one of these lakes\nChristmas Lake but it is not definitely known which lake\nhe distinguished by the name. It seems probable that it\nwas Hart Lake. Much confusion has resulted over this\nname on account of the fact that there is another lake\nnorth of Summer Lake now known as Christmas Lake,\nand it is frequently mentioned as having been discovered\nby Fremont, although such of course is not the case.\nUpper Klamath Lake is one of the largest lakes in\nthe state and is of considerable importance from an economic standpoint. The elevation of the water has been\nput under control and it is probable that very substantial\nuse of the water for irrigation and power purposes will\nbe developed from time to time. Upper Klamath Lake is\nsurrounded by large areas of marshes which are said to\nbe susceptible of being converted into valuable agricultural land if properly drained.\nLower Klamath Lake is one of the other substantial\nstorage reservoirs that form the Klamath River, but it is\nnot nearly as large as Upper Klamath Lake and the surrounding swamp areas make it much less attractive from\na scenic point of view.\nTule Lake to the east of Lower Klamath Lake no longer exists as water body in Oregon as practically all of the\narea that originally lay north of the Oregon-California\nstate line has been reclaimed by- irrigation enterprises. 10 Lewis A. McArthur\nMaps of Oregon show two large lakes in the northern\npart of Harney county. Malheur Lake and Harney Lake\nare connected by The Narrows. These lakes have achieved\nconsiderable prominence because of the controversies that\nhave developed over them between the proponents of bird\nrefuges and champions of the development of reclaimed\nlands for agricultural enterprises. The lakes are far more\nimposing on the map than they are on the ground. They\nare shallow bodies of water, and after a succession of\ndry years they actually occupy a much smaller area than\nindicated on the maps. At the time of this writing they\nare substantially smaller than they were at the time the\nfirst land surveys were made. Malheur Lake, which receives the flow of several large streams, remains comparatively fresh, but owing to the fact that the lake outlets\ninto Harney Lake the latter acts as a catch basin for\nmineral deposits and as a result is gradually growing\nmore alkaline in character.2\nAs official map making progresses many new lakes\nare brought to public attention. This is particularly true\nof the Cascade Range area. As a result of the activities\nof the U. S. Forest Service a large number of small unnamed lakes and ponds between Crater Lake and Mt.\nJefferson have been placed on the map. There are probably more than fifty of these bodies of water that are not\nyet named, and a considerable number of them are within\neasy reach of Bend. There is no doubt but that they will\nin the future constitute an attractive field for recreation.\nA large number have been stocked with game fish.\nThe lakes of the coast region are not generally of\neconomic importance. Most of them occur near the sea\nlevel and are so situated that they are not suitable for\npower or for irrigation development. Some of them offer\ngood recreational facilities, but so far the people of Oregon have not realized what an asset they have in the coast\nlakes, and also in the Cascade Range lakes. The city of\n5 Both of these lakes were reported dry in 1924. The Lakes of Oregon\n11\nBend is just beginning to get an estimate of the value of a\nnumber of fine bodies of water within easy automobile\ndistance from The Dalles-California Highway.\nAs I said before, the lakes of Oregon present an attractive field of study, not only the lakes as they exist\ntoday, but the lakes as they have existed throughout\ngeological time. Geologists have hardly scraped the surface of their investigations with reference to the prehistoric conditions in the Warner Valley and in other\nsections of the southeastern part of the state. It is hoped\nthat the time will come when it will be possible to assemble in one place the large mass of information that\nnow exists in scattered form about these most interesting\nfeatures of Oregon geography. SOME ADDITIONAL NOTES UPON\nCAPTAIN COLNETT AND THE \"PRINCESS ROYAL\"\nIn the issue of this Quarterly for March, 1924, (Volume xxv, pp. 36-52) Professor Ralph S. Kuykendall, of\nthe Hawaiian Historical Commission, presented a fine\nstudy of \"James Colnett and The Princess Royal',\" limited, however, to the period between the release of Colnett\nfrom his imprisonment in Mexico in July, 1790, and the\narrival of the Princess Royal at Macao the following year.\nThese notes are offered as a contribution towards the\ncompletion of the story by filling up some of the gaps\nwhich Professor Kuykendall was obliged to leave.\nOn page 39, after stating that Colnett sailed in the\nArgonaut from San Bias on July 9, 1790, expecting to\nreceive the Princess Royal from the Spaniards at Nootka,\nhe proceeds: \"From this point on, Colnett's movements\nare difficult to trace with certainty;\" and on page 40 he\nsays: \"It is, however, reasonable to conclude that his\narrival in China from Nootka occurred a short time before the date, July 25, 1791.\" Thus the material on\nwhich Professor Kuykendall was working leaves a blank\nspace of about a year, July 1790 to July 1791, save only\nas to the incident at Hawaii in April, 1791.\nThis hiatus can, to a certain extent, be filled up from\nthe copies of the British Foreign Office Correspondence\nin the Archives of the Province of British Columbia and\nfrom Hoskins' manuscript Narrative. In a letter from\nJoseph d'Anduaga to the Count d'Aranda it is stated\nthat though Colnett left San Bias on July 8, 1790, for\nNootka, he did not arrive there until February 4, 1791\u2014\n\"nearly six months, when only a few weeks were necessary,\" the Spaniard complains.1 Where was he in this\ninterval? Hoskins' manuscript Narrative furnishes the\n1 Letter dated 14th November,\nColumbia.\n1792. Copy in Archives of British Captain Colnett and \"Princess Royal\" 13\nanswer.2 In June, 1791, the Columbia (on which Hoskins\nwas clerk, etc.) reached Clayoquot Sound, the next sound\nsouth of Nootka on the west coast of Vancouver Island;\nand about 15th June Hoskins records that he was informed by Tootiscoosettle, a subordinate chief, \"that\nCaptain Colinet [sic] was here the last season and wintered here.\"\nHoskins then goes on to recount an incident which\nthat chief had told him. He says:\n\"Captain Colinet, having sent Captain Hudson, Mr.\nTemple, and four hands, in a sail boat to Nootka; in their\npassage thither, they ran on to a ledge of rocks, near to\nEsquot: the boat went to pieces, and they were drowned;\na few days after, their bodies were found by the natives,\ntaken up, striped, gashed, and thrown out for the crows\nto devour, this account has also been confirmed, by Clee-\nshinah, or Captain Hanna, and several other Chiefs; with\nthis addition, that it blew very hard, with a heavy sea,\none of which upset the boat; the natives of Esquot seeing\nit, went off in their canoes, to their assistance; but before they got to them, the boat's crew were all dead;\nthey picked them up, brought them ashore, and treated\nthem, as above related, he also added that after Captain Hudson, with his boat's crew, had been gone some\ntime, Captain Colinet hearing nothing of them, sent Mr.\nGibson to Nootka, to enquire of the Spaniards there,\nabout them (I suppose suspecting the Spaniards had detained them) ; in a short time Mr. Gibson returned, and\nbrought word they were killed by the natives; on hearing\nof which, Captain Colinet took Tootiscoosettle and Too-\ntooch; at the same time threatening, without the dead\nbodies were brought, in a week, for him to see, whether\nthey were killed or not; he would kill those two Chiefs, and\nevery native he could find. Cleeshinah says, he immediately went to Esquot himself; where the dead bodies were,\nbut being putrified and much eaten by the crows, he did\nnot bring them; but brought all their cloths: these not\nbeing bloody, Captain Colinet was satisfied, released the\n2 The narrative of a voyage to the North West Coast of America and\nChina on trade and discovery, by John Hoskins. Performed in the ship\nColumbia Rediviva, 1790, 1701, 1792 and 1793. The original manuscript\nis in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society; copy in the\nArchives of British Columbia. 14\nF. W. HOWAY\nChiefs, and made them a present of several sheets of\ncopper, cloating, etc. etc. but before he returned, he says,\nhis people had taken one of Captain Colinet's out of a boat\nnot far from the ship. Since this, I have been informed\nby Captain Kendrick, that it is the opinion of the Spaniards at Nootka, that these people were murdered by the\nnatives; and those of Clioquot were the instigators of it.\"\nWe may therefore conclude that Colnett spent the remainder of the season of 1790 in trading for furs along\nthe Northwest Coast and wintered in Clayoquot Sound.\nThis seems to follow from the fact that when he arrived\nin Macao on 21st May, 1791, he had a cargo of 1,200\nsea-otter skins.3\nWhen Colnett left the coast is not exactly known;\nbut, from Nootka on 28th February, 1791, he wrote a\nletter to Quadra.3 He must have sailed shortly afterwards; for the voyage to the Sandwich (Hawaiian) Islands usually occupied about a month, and he was there\non April 2, 1791, as Professor Kuykendall has shown.\nAs he reached Macao on May 21, 1791, his visit must\nhave been very brief.\nNow, as regards the Princess Royal, Professor Kuykendall has traced her movements in the summer of 1790,\nwhen, under Quimper, she was employed in exploring the\nstrait of Juan de Fuca. According to the \"Viage\"4 she\nsailed from Nootka on 31st March, 1791, and finished her\nwork on 1st August following. Doubtless she was sailing\nsouthward under the circumstances mentioned by Professor Kuykendall, while Colnett in the Argonaut was\npressing northward to obtain her. After her arrival the\nPrincess Royal was, in a gale, driven ashore at San Bias.\nThis further complicated the plans for her return, and in\nconsequence, the Viceroy wrote to Captain Colnett stating\nthat the sloop would now be sent to Canton in order to be\n3 Letter of 14th November, 1792, mentioned in note 1 for both statements.\n4Relacion del viage hecho por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana (Madrid,\n1802). See the translation in papers relating to the Treaty of Washington:\nBerlin Arbitration (Washington, 1872), vol. v, p. 97. Captain Colnett and \"Princess Royal\" 15\nre-delivered to him through the Philippine Company. On\nher arrival in a damaged condition as Macao she was\ntendered to her owners; but, as Lord St. Helens explains,\n\"though tendered at Macao she was not actually restored,\nand the tender itself, considering the circumstances in\nwhich she then was, was little better than illusory.\"5\nAfter the tender was refused the Spanish authorities\ndecided, as Professor Kuykendall states, to sell the sloop,\nbut he is uncertain whether the sale actually occurred.\nThe letters in the Archives of British Columbia fill up\nthis small gap; they show that the Governor of the Philippine Company reported that the Princess Royal had\nbeen sold for $2,000.6 This was probably a very fair\nprice in view of her alleged poor condition; she had been\nbought by her owners for $3,600, some three years before.\nColnett appears to have been in correspondence with\nthe Spanish officials and, as usual, making complaints:\nan occupation which he seems almost to have enjoyed.\nThe following extracts from a letter from the Viceroy of\nMexico to him may prove of interest.\n\"The moment that you preferred to me in your complaint of having been robbed of your effects I ordered a\nspeedy and formal judicial enquiry to be made and from it\nwe learnt that the gold watch had been returned to Ken-\ndriek, the octant and the musquets\u2014it had been under-\nslJood that they had been given as presents\u2014have been returned to their owners. ***** Bad weather occasioned\nthe Princess Royal to go ashore at San Bias and this unfortunate accident prevented her being sent to you at\nNootka; by the dispositions that were immediately made\nshe will be carried to Canton in order to be redelivered\nto you by the means of our Philippine Company. Of this\nI informed you in my letter of the 18th of January of this\nyear which you will have received at Canton.\"7\n5 See letter appended hereto; from the Archives of British Columbia.\n6 Letter 4th December, 1792, from Francis James Jackson, British\nAmbassador at Madrid, to Lord Grenville. Copy in the British Columbian\nArchives.\n7 Letter to Captain Colnett dated 2nd September, 1791; copy in the\nArchives of British Columbia. 16\nF. W. How AY\nIn the Archives of British Columbia will be found\nmany leters dealing with the efforts of Meares and his\nassociates to wring a little more money out of Spain. The\noriginal claim of $653,433 was, in September, 1790, increased to \u00a3469,865 (i. e. it was multiplied about four\ntimes), and in order that anything omitted might thereafter be included, the statement bears the words\": \"Errors Excepted.\"8 Perhaps they regarded this as the 18th\ncentury form of singeing the Don's beard. The whole indemnity paid by Spain was only $210,000. From the\nletter appended hereto it seems that $200,000 had been\ntentatively agreed upon on the understanding that, inter\nalia, the Princess Royal had been restored in good order.\nAfter is was ascertained that this was not really the fact,\n$10,000 more was obtained.\nThe conduct of Colnett at Hawaii in April, 1791, as\ndescribed by Professor Kuykendall and the letter that he\nreproduces show him to have been, at the best, a man\nwho in an emergency easily became unduly excited and\nacted in a precipitate, ill-judged ,and un-balanced manner.\nMeares states that on the seizure of the Argonaut Colnett\nbecame so deranged that he attempted frequently to\ndestroy himself. Meares, though in general quite unreliable, has in this instance the support of the Spaniards.\nMartinez in his manuscript diary, under the date July\n9, 1789, writes:\n\"This afternoon, the pilot Don Jose Tovar, who is\nentrusted with the guarding of the packet, (i. e. the Argonaut) informed me that Captain Comet, whom, the day\nbefore, I had permitted to be on board his own ship, had,\neither through madness or desperation at seeing himself\na prisoner, made a motion as if he wished to throw himself into the water. * * * * However the men who were at\nwork and some of his officers who were in sight prevented him from leaping overboard.\"\n8 See the Report of the Archivist of British Columbia for 1913.\n(Victoria, 1914) p. 35. Captain Colnett and \"Princess Royal\" 17\nTwo days later the diary contains this entry:\n\"At daybreak this morning, I was informed by the\npilot Don Jose Tovar, who is entrusted with the command\nof the packet for its voyage to San Bias, that Captain Colnett, from the effects of despair or madness, had thrown\nhimself into the water through one of the port-holes or\nwindows of his cabin. However, on hearing the noise\nwhich he made when he struck the water, he was discovered from the quarter-deck, and was picked up by\nthe packet's launch, which went to him at once. When it\nreached him he was half-drowned, but they turned him\non his stomach and relieved him of much of the water he\nhad swallowed. I immediately ordered that he be shut\nup in a stateroom to prevent him from suffering harm in\nthat way.\"\nThe documents annexed hereto are reproduced by the\nkind permission of Mr. Forsyth, the Archivist of British\nColumbia. They will, it is hoped, be found useful to\nthose who are interested in this side of the celebrated\nNootka dispute.\nPaper Endorsed \"Princess Royal. Certificate of Cost\"\nJohn Etches of ffenchurch Street in the City of\nLondon, Merchant, lately Commercial Superintendant on\nboard the Ship Prince of Wales, James Colnett, lately\nMaster, having then under his Command the Sloop called\nthe Princess Royal, Charles Duncan, Master, on a voyage\nfrom London to the North West Coast of America, and\nCanton in China, maketh Oath and saith that the said\ntwo Vessels arrived in * Macao Roads, from the North\nWest Coast of America, with each a Cargo of Furs, in\nor about the Month of November 1788, and that the said\nSloop Princess Royal was afterwards valued by the said\nCaptains Colnett & Duncan with all her Tackles and furniture as she arrived there from Sea, at the sum of Three\nthousand and six hundred Dollars or Nine hundred 18\nF. W. Howay\npounds Sterling, for which Sum she was actually and bona\nfide sold to Daniel Beale Esq. Agent at Canton, for the\nAssociated Merchants trading to the North West Coast\nof America.\n(Signed) John Etches.\nSworn at Guildhall,\nLondon, the 4th of November, 1791,\nBefore me\nJohn Boydell,\nMayor.\nHarrogate,\n15 September, 1792.\nPrivate.\nMy dear Lord,\nAs I imagine that you are by this Time returned to\ntown and are prehaps preparing to send instructions to\nMr Jackson for the final adjustment of the Nootka claims,\nI take the Liberty of laying before you a few remarks\nthat have occurred to me in looking through Mess\u2122\nMeares and Etches last letter upon that subject to Sr\nR. Woodford.\nIn the first place, it seems to me that their demands\nof an indemnification for the Ship the Pss Royal, over\nand above the 50,000 \u00a3 which they expect to receive by\nway of compromise, is by no means well-founded, since it\nis in reality asking to be paid for her twice over; neither\ncan they have any kind of claim to the cargo which she\nbrought to China, and which they themselves admit to\nhave been purchased and loaded upon Spanish account.\nBut in other respects the circumstances which this letter\nmentions relative to that Vessel (and which I do not\nrecollect to have seen distinctly stated before) are, I\nthink, deserving of notice, and, should Your Lordship be\ninclined to press the Spanish Minister to increase his\noffer, of a nature to give great weight to such a requisition. For I well remember that the only reason which he Captain Colnett and \"Princess Royal\"\n19\nassigned for reducing it to 200,000 Dollars from 237,000\nat which it had been fixed, was his having received what\nhe considered as positive information of these two facts,\nthe one, that this Vessel, the Pss Royal, had been actually\nre-delivered to her owners, in good condition, at the Port\nof Macao; the other, that the Vice Roy of Mexico had not\nonly advanced a considerable sum of Money to Captn\nColnett, but provided, at the King of Spain's expence, for\nthe entire re-equipment of his Ship, the Argonaut. Now it\nappears pretty clearly from this letter and from Colnett's\nformer narrative, 1\u00b0, that in adjusting the proposed compromise, the value of the Pss Royal and her original cargo\nought to be taken into account, since tho' tendered at\nMacao, she was not actually restored, and the Tender\nitself, considering the circumstances in which she then\nwas, was little better than illusory; and 2\u00b0, that Captn\nColnet was obliged, tho' as it should seem, contrary to the\nVice Roy's intentions, to expend at St Bias almost the\nwhole of the money with which he had been supplied at\nMexico, in the necessary repairs and refitting of his Vessel; so that, as the Spaniards were confessedly bound to\nrestore both Ships in statu quo, they are plainly not entitled to charge that advance of money as making part of\nthe stipulated indemnification. I presume therefore, as\nI mentioned above, that the Spanish Minister, on his being made acquainted with the substance of these two\npapers, must immediately see that the information which\nhad led him to lower hia intended offer, was by no means\ncorrect, and consequently agree to fix it, as before, at\n237,000 Dollars, which sum, rating the Dollar at only\n4s and 2d\u00bb which I believe is less than its present value,\nwould amount to within a few hundred Pounds of the\n50,000 \u00a3 demanded by the Claimants, but I think that it\nwould be better to try to obtain the augmentation by this\nmode, than by proposing as Messrs Meares & Etches\nrecommend, that the 200,000 Dollars now offered should\nbe rated at 5s each, so as to render the effective payment\nabout 240,000 Dollars. For Count d'Aranda would not 20\nF. W. Howay\nreadily comprehend this last proposal (which would besides be somewhat repugnant to the idea of a compromise,\nby requiring an investigation of many items of the account) whereas it must certainly be present to his recollection, and that of his first Secretary, M. Otamendi\n(with whom I negotiated the detail of this business) that\nthe result of the conferences which we held together last\nJune had been that their intended proffer should amount\nto the precise sum of 237,000 Drs, though they afterwards\nreduced it on receiving the above mentioned advices from\nMexico; and indeed this fact is partly proved by the correspondence between myself and Count d'Aranda, copies\nof which I transmitted in my dispatches of that period.\nI have thought it my duty to mention these circumstances to your Lordship, under the notion, that as the\nClaimants would, no doubt be highly gratified in obtaining these additional 37,000 Drs and there is reason to suppose that they may be easily had, you may perhaps think\nit worth while to ask for them; but I no means wish to\nintimate as my opinion that in case this application\nshould fail, it would be prudent to reject the present\ntender altogether, and have recourse to the other alternative of an arbitration; nor indeed can I easily persuade\nmyself that the claimants themselves would wish to carry\nmatters to that extremity notwithstanding the language\nwhich they may now affect to hold. In fact every thing\nconsidered there seems great reason to doubt whether,\neven after all the expence, delays, and other inconveniences attendant upon a reference, the ultimate award of\nthe Arbitrators would be for a larger sum than that now\noffered. I inclose herewith a translation of the papers\nin Spanish annexed to the above mentioned letter from\nMess\u2122 Meares & Etches as they have been so incorrectly\ncopied as to be hardly intelligible in the original.\nHaving found great benefit from these Waters, I propose remaining at Harrogate a few weeks longer, after Captain Colnett and \"Princess Royal\" 21\nwhich I believe I shall go to Nottinghamshire, but, at any\nrate if Your Lordship should have any commands for me\nMr Aust will always know where I am to be found. I beg\nmy best respects to Lady Grenville, and that you will believe me ever with the sincerest attachment,\nMy dear Lord,\nMost faithfuly & truly yours,\n(Signed) S* Helens.\nThe R* Honble Lord Grenville.\nSt. Helens to D'Aranda. May 22,1792.\n\"D\"\nTranslation\nGranting that the points of the provisional adjustment\nagreed to between the Commissaries concerning the skins\non board the Ship Princess Royal: the value of the Argonaut; and that of the Jason, which amount the three\ntogether to 137,333 hard dollars, are not to suffer other\ndiminution than what may result from the documents\nwhich on the part of Spain may prove to be satisfactory,\nwe only could pay down immediately to the reclaiming\nparties 47,816 hard dollars which is the sum that for the\nsake of a speedy conclusion might be looked upon as disembarrassed or in other words as indisputable out of the\n185,152 hard dollars of the provisional adjustment.\nLetter from Vice Roy of Mexico to Captain Colnett.\nMy orders for the careening & refitting of your Ship\nwere most ample, directing that no cost should be spared\nand in truth it so turned out, as I am persuaded that\neverything was done to your satisfaction & the Sloop the\nPrincess Royal was refitted in the same manner, the\ncareening of which, it being a small Ship, cost 1062 hard\ndollars. 22\nF. W. Howay\nLetter to Count Florida Blanca from Mexico. May 1,1790.\nThe Sloop \"Princess Royal\" shall be delivered to\nThomas Hudson at Nootka in a good and serviceable condition, for which I direct the Commandant to give the\nnecessary orders.\nLetter addressed from Whitehall, Sept. 1792, to\nMr. Jackson.\nYou will have observed in Lord St Helens Correspondence in the Month of June last, that before the Intelligence was received from the Vice Roy of Mexico, of the\norder he had given for the Restoration of the Princess\nRoyal, Count d'Aranda had fixed the intended offer at\n237,000 Dollars, and that he lowered the Sum to 200,000\nonly on the Supposition of these orders having had their\nfull effect. I cannot therefore Doubt, when you explain\nthese Circumstances to him, that he will consent to add\nthe Sum of 37,000 Dollars to his Proposal as he originally\nintended, and as this total will then be a very little\nshort of \u00a350,000 Sterling.\nLetter from Anduaga to Aranda. Nov. Ik, 1792.\nWith respect to the restitution of the Sloop Princess\nRoyal, since Spain had offered to make it, and it had not\ntaken place, I said to Mr. Jackson that I considered it just\nthat the Value should be made good; though I observed\nto him that Captain Colnet should not have refused to\nadmit her, but should have received the Vessel and demanded the Amount of the damage that it might appear\nshe had sustained compared with the state in which she\nought to have been restored; adding that this step had\nbeen taken at Canton with the necessary formalities on\nour part, by which it appeared the price for which she\nhad been sold at Canton, after Colnet's Protest and the\nestimate that was made of the damages which she was\nfound to have suffered compared with the value that had\nbeen put upon her before the same formalities. THE DISCOVERY OF THE SOURCE OF THE\nCOLUMBIA RIVER\nSettlement of the Oregon boundary dispute by the\ntreaty of 1846 on the basis of the forty-ninth parallel of\nNorth latitude from the Lake of the Woods west to\nGeorgia strait included a remarkable coincidence, in that\nsuch a line at its western end actually divided the watershed of the Fraser river from that of Puget Sound\u2014using\nthe last term broadly. This was as it should be by reason\nof the journey of Alex. MacKenzie in 1792, and the explorations of Simon Fraser in 1806 and the prior occupancy\nof the watershed of the Fraser by British tradings posts\nor forts. The United States had acquired any Spanish\nrights of discovery of the mouth of that river by Elisa\nin 1790 or 1791, but did not press that claim.\nOn the other hand the United States asserted a right\nto the entire basin of the Columbia river because of the\nfirst entrance of its mouth by Capt. Gray in 1792 and the\nexplorations of Lewis and Clark in 1805-6, but waived\nsuch right to that half of the river, which lies north of\nthe forty-ninth parallel. This also was just because an\nEnglishman, David Thompson, had first found and explored that part of the river. This fact received little\nor no attention in the diplomatic controversy, and may\nalso be called a remarkable coincidence. But in losing\nthis part of the basin of the Columbia, the United States\nobtained all of the Puget Sound country, which Capt.\nGeo. Vancouver had discovered and explored and mapped\nin 1792.\nThese remarks serve to introduce the document now\npresented, namely, a cotemporaneously written account\nby David Thompson of his discovery of the source of the\nColumbia in 1807. The mss. transcript of this document\nhas come to the writer through the courtesies of the Archives Department of the Canadian Government and a\nfriend who is much interested in such research, Mr. John\nA. Chisholm, of Canada.\nM\nmil\nX 24\nT. C. Elliott\nThe written histories of the Columbia river have given\nvery little attention to the discovery and exploration of\nits source and upper reaches, while much has been said\nabout the finding and exploration of its mouth. The\nrecords left by Capt. Robert Gray, and John Boit, of the\ncrew of the Columbia (Rediviva) have been reproduced,\nwith maps and notes, in the pages of the Oregon Quarterly. The writer of this introduction has also contributed\ncertain data as to David Thompson, but until comparatively recent years little has been known of the life and\ncareer of this remarkable man, who, first of white men,\ncrossed over the Rocky Mountains of Canada and found\nthe river there. This account\u2014now presented\u2014was written by himself and sent back that same year in the form\nof a report to his associates of the Northwest Company,\nthen the active rival of the Hudson's Bay Company in\nthe fur trade of Canada. This man David Thompson,\nofficially designated the astronomer of the company, was\na practical trader for furs, a careful scientist and close\nobserver. This document has not before been printed,\nas far as known to the writer, and is of peculiar interest\nto the scientific student and the lay reader as well. The\nassertion that David Thompson first crossed over the\nRocky Mountains may seem a trifle strong and need qualification; but there is a difference between crossing over\nthe mountains and through them, and a great difference\nin the physical barriers at different parts of the range.\nWith this in mind, David Thompson may be contrasted\nwith Alexander MacKenzie and his famous journey in\n1792, who is entitled to all honor therefor. But it is. to\nbe remembered that MacKenzie stemmed the current of\nPeace river, which flows through the main range of the\nRockies, and crossed a spur of that range to the westward\nat a low elevation. Further south the Lewis and Clark\nparty in 1805 crossed the main divide by a very easy\npass, the Lemhi, and came to the waters of tributary\nstreams, not the river itself. It is known that intelligent\nIndians and men of mixed blood had crossed the Rockies D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 25.\nto the Columbia prior to 1807, but without leaving any\nwritten or dictated report. In the future something may\nbe found to disclose who did actually set eye upon some\nof the physical conditions existing west of the Rockies\nand appearing on maps published before and during the\ntime of Jonathan Carver (Flathead Lake, for instance),\nbut the above references seem to include all of our present\nknowledge of the subject.\nThe writer of this introduction has twice visited the\nsource of the Columbia river and has taken phonographs\nthere. For the better understanding of the lay reader it\nmay be well to indicate here a few of the names and locations appearing in this document with reference to\npresent day geography. The lake region where the Columbia rises is now easily accessible by a fine auto highway,\nextending across the mountains to Banff; but is was no\nsuch pass as that by which David Thompson crossed.\nIn 1807, and years before, the fur traders of the Saskatchewan prairies and streams of Canada had been doing business with small bands of Indians, who had crossed\nthe mountains and descended the Eastern slope to a\nprairie or meadow of the foothills known to them as the\nKootenae plain. This prairie was situated considerably\nnorth of the present site of Banff and the Canadian Pacific railroad. These Indians were known as the Kootenaes\nand therefore the river which David Thompson came\nupon on the 30th of June, 1807, flowing to the North,\nwas called by him the JKootenae river: he did not know\nthat he had found the Columbia. And, in distinction, the\nriver now called the Kootenay was named by him the\nFlatbow river: just why we do not know. The name\nFlathead, as applied to the Saleesh Indians, is equally\nmysterious.\nThe trading posts or forts of the Northwest Company\nand the Hudson's Bay Company, located in the Saskatchewan country, were classed colloquially among the traders\nas Forts des Prairies, and the particular fort at which 26\nT. C. Elliott\nDavid Thompson outfitted in 1807 was called Rocky\nMountain House, and was situated on a branch of the\nNorth Saskatchewan river some distance southwest from\nthe present city of Edmonton. That city has grown up\non a later site of Fort Augustus, which was, in 1807,\nsome twenty miles distant from where Edmonton now is.\nThe pass over which David Thompson crossed, came\nto be and still is mapped as the Howse pass, a name applied by David Thompson himself in honor of a rival\ntrader of the H. B. Co., who followed him through it.\nVery fittingly it might have been named the Thompson\npass. The engineers who selected the route for the Canadian Pacific railroad explored this pass and some of them\nmuch preferred it to the pass actually used some distance\nto the south. The stream which David Thompson followed\nwestward from the summit was afterward named Blaeberry creek: he referred to it merely as the portage\nstream. This pass has not been used for many years, and\nis blocked with fallen timber, the merchantable timber\nhaving been logged off and there being few meadows\nfitted for agriculture. This stream flows into the Columbia six or seven miles north of the divisional town of\nGolden of the Canadian Pacific railroad, near a siding\ncalled Moberly.\nFrom that point David Thompson ascended the Columbia about one hundred miles and came to Windermere\nlake, a beautiful sheet of water, and further south to Columbia lake, which he described as being shallow, and\nquite properly so as compared with the former. Now the\nriver flows northward out of Windermere lake at the edge\nof the bench or bluff at its eastern side, but in 1807 it\nprobably used a channel at the western side of the lake (or\nat least partly flowed that way) and joined the stream\ncoming in from the Selkirk range on the west now known\nas Tobey creek, but which David Thompson then named\nKootenae river. It was close to the junction of those two\nstreams that he built his permanent Kootenae House, as\ndescribed. Just where he had built his warehouse for a D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 27\ntemporary protection of goods and furs is not positively\nknown, but it was not far from the fine log building which\nhas been erected as a memorial there, at the joint expense\nof the Canadian Pacific R. R. and the Hudson's Bay Company, and which was dedicated with fitting ceremonies\nin the late summer of 1922.\nFinnan MacDonald, the assistant of David Thompson\u2014with the rank of clerk, was a remarkable Scotchman, then young and with limited experience, who remained in the Columbia basin till 1826 or 1827, and explored many parts of this region, and whose career demands a special contribution.\nJaco Finley, whose name appears, afterward built\nSpokane House (1810), and was a resident there as late\nas 1825-6. His name remains attached to several streams\nand localities of Old Oregon, and it is evident that he had\nbeen across the Rockies before 1807, and was then, probably, living in the Flathead country as a trapper on his\nown account. He again took on employment by David\nThompson a few months later.\nMention is made of the name Ear Pendant Indians\u2014\nreferring to the Pend Oreilles; and this is the earliest use\nof that name which occurs to the writer. It must have\ncome from free trappers\u2014Indians or mixed blood, who\nused the French language and had already penetrated\ninto the region of the Spokanes and other tribes.\nMention of the establishment of trade on waters of the\nColumbia in 1807 by Americans is merely an item of gossip, and shows how fast news travels among the Indians.\nThis must have referred to the arrival of Manuel Lisa's\nmen on the Yellowstone river, and possibly at the three\nforks of the Missouri on a trapping expedition. Those\ntraders were from Saint Louis, and included two of the\nLewis and Clark party\u2014notably one named Colter. 28\nT. C. Elliott\nWith these rather extended\u2014and to many readers\nunnecessary\u2014remarks, which are intended to avoid the\nuse of footnotes, the document is now presented.\u2014T. C.\nElliott.\nNarrative of the Expedition to the Kootanae @ Flat\nBow Indian Countries, on the Sources of the Columbia\nRiver, Pacific Ocean, by D. Thompson on behalf of the\nN. w Company 1807.\nMay 10th Having built a large Canoe @ got all ready,\nbeing as well furnished with every Necessary, both for\nTrade @ Building as the upper Department of Fort des\nPrairies could supply\u2014I sent off Mr. Finan McDonald\n@ 5 men in the Canoe, with orders to follow the River to\nthe Kootenae Plain, where we would wait each other.\nOne man with myself @ 2 half engaged Men going by\nLand @ taking in Charge 10 Horses belonging to the\nCompany, carrying 300 lbs of Pemmican @ some Baggage.\nThese Horses were for the Transportation of the merchandise &c across the Mountains, when the water Carriage should fail us. also 13 Horses belonging to the Men.\nOn May 25 the Canoe arrived at the Kootenae Plain; the\nPeople had experienced much Danger @ Fatigue from the\nvery strong Current; but as the water was very low, they\nwere enabled to make use of the Line almost the whole\nof the way. I had picked out 2 very good new Lines at\nKam @ yet they were found unequal to the rapidity of\nthe Current, often breaking @ endangering the Men @\nProperty. The greatest Hardship of the People lay,in\nbeing continually wet up to the Waist, exposed to cold\nhigh winds, @ the water, coming direct from the Snows\non the Mountains, was always so excessively cold as to\ndeprive them of all feeling in their Limbs. On May 28th\nI sent the Canoe @ 6 Men down as far as the eastern Ridge\nof Mountains for the Goods we had placed there in the\nWinter; with which they arrived at the Kootenae Plain,\nall well the 2d June. On June 3d All the Horses @ D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 29\nBaggage &c arrived, having had extreme difficulty in getting hereto, from the badness of the Country @ the emaciated state of the Horses, no Grass as yet havg. sprung\nup in these cold Regions. Having rested the People @\nHorses on June 5th I sent off the Canoe @ 6 Men with\nhalf Cargoe to proceed as far as the Water would permit.\nA Man @ myself going by Land. The Horses @ rest of\nthe Property were left at the Kootenae Plain, in care of\nMr. Finan McDonald @ a Man, as this was the last @\nonly Place, where Pasture could be found for the Horses\nor Animals for the People for Food. On June 6th at\nNoon we left the main Stream coming from the N. N. Wd.\n@ followed a Rivulet for abfc. 4 Miles, where it becoming\ntoo shoal, we put the Goods on shore, @ I staid in care of\nthem; the Men @ Canoe immediately went off for the remainder, @ by June 10 all was landed at my Residence\nthe People returned to live at Kootenae Plain, 'till I\nshould send for them. Here among their stupendous @\nsolitary Wilds covered with eternal Snow, @ Mountain\nconnected to Mountain by immense Glaciers, the collection\nof Ages @ on which the Beams of the Sun makes\/hardly\nany Impression when aided by the most favourable weather I staid for 14 Days more, impatiently waiting the melting of the Snows on the Height of Land. During this\nTime we arranged all the Goods @ whatever could receive Harm by Shocks against the Trees, Rocks &c in\nBoxes of thin Boards sewed together. The Weather was\noften very severe, cloathing all the Trees with Snow as\nin the Depth of Winter, @ the Wind seldom less than a\nStorm we had no Thunder, very little Lightning, @ that\nvery mild; but in return the rushing of the Snows down\nthe Sides of the Mountains equalled the Thunder in\nSound, overturning everything less than solid Rock in its\nCourse, sweeping the Mountain Forests, whole acres at a\nTime from the very Roots, leaving not a Vestige behind;\nscarcely an Hour passed, without hearing one or more of\nthese threatening Noises assailing our Ears. The Mountains themselves for half way down, were almost ever S3BHH\n30\nT. C. Elliott\ncovered with Clouds; in the chance Intervals of fair\nWeather I geometrically measured the Height of 3 of\nthose that were most eligible, @ found their perpendicular Height above their Bases, or the level of the Rivluet\nto be 4707 ft. 5200 ft. @ 5089 ft. The Peakes of a few\nMountains rose ab*. 500 to 700 ft. above these; @ considering their elevated Situation on the Globe, they fall\nlittle short of the most celebrated in Height above the\nLevel of the Ocean. Wearied with waiting @ anxious\nto proceed, contrary to the Opinion of every one, I set off\nwith Bercier, my Guide, to examine if the Portage was\npassable\/ We started very early on 2 good Horses @ by\n10 A. M. we were at the Head of the Defile or Ravine,\nwhere the Springs send their Rills to the Pacific Ocean;\nI this Sight overjoyed me. We held our Route down along\nthe Brook, which was continually increasing it's Stream,\nour Road was very bad: by 1 P. M. from a View of the\nCountry; I considered that part of the Defile as passed\nin which the Snow was most likely to remain; my Giude\naffirmed not but as all the Snow that lay direct in our\nRoad noways incommoded us, being only Patches, altho'\nevery Thing was dreary Winter about us. I determined\nto return immediately @ send for the Men @ Horses\nfrom the Kootanae Plain\u2014 June 24 in the Evening all\nthe Men @ Horses arrived. I separated to the Men the\nHorses @ Goods that each might be responsible for what\nwas put under his immediate Care. The Merchandise\nStores, &c, were equal to the Carriage of 18 Horses in\nthis rugged Country @ we had only 10 Horses. I therefore left the Goods we could not take in charge of Mr.\nFinan McDonald who was thus obliged to remain all alone,\ntill the return of the men a disagreeable work. Our whole\nStock of Provisions now amounted to no more, than 220\nlbs of Pemmican, @ we had no Hopes of adding to it,\nas the Country at this Time of year affords no Animals. June 25 Early we collected the Horses @ set off\nevery Man on foot, their own Horses carrying their Baggage\u2014 At 2 P. M. we put up at the Scources of the Brook, D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 31\nthat falls into the Kootenae River, the only Place where\nthere is a little pasture for the Horses. Our Road was\nmostly over Pebbles @ Gravel, crossing\/\u00ae recrossing continually the Brooks of the Saskatchewan\u2014 As I knew\nthe Road before us to be almost impassable to loaded\nHorses, I sent 3 Men to clear away the wood as far as\nthey could\u2014 June 26th We began to proceed down the\nBrook, a Man with myself going before @ clearing the\nway for the Horses, as much as Circumstances would\npermit, rarely, or never could even the Trace of a Road\nbe discerned. As the weather was very fine, @ the first\nthat had been this Season, the snow on the Mountains\nmelted, @ the water descending in innumerable Rills, soon\nswelled our Brook to a Rivulet, with a Current foaming\nwhite, the Horses with Difficulty crossed & recrossed at\nevery 2 or 300 yards, & the Men crossed by clinging to\nthe Tails @ Manes of the Horses, @ yet ran no small Danger of being swept away @ drowned\u2014 At 2 P. M. put up\nas the Horses @ Men were much fatigued, @ as this was\nthe only Spot where a little Pasture could be found-\nS**\nGave the Men a large Dog for Supper for want of Bet- \"J\u00b0^Z\u00bb^^\nter\u2014 Dried the Goods that had got wet. The Brook of\nthis Morning runs in a deep Ravine closely hedged in by\nMountains for ab*. 6 Miles, the Mountains then recede @\nleave a narrow Valley for the Course of the Brook, now\nswelled to the turbulent Torrent of a Rivulet. June 27 we\ncontinued our March but made little Progress for the\ntime spent as we were almost every Step obliged to clear\nthe way, in the Afternoon we took to the Flats of the\nRivulet, now become a River with a Current extremely\nrapid, the Space occupied by the gravel Banks, was generally from 2 to 600 yds. wide over which the River ran\nin a Zig Zag Course, from Side to Side, so that we were\never crossing it, @ as it was now very\/much swollen by\nthe melting of the Snows, @ all the Flats covered, the\nstate of the Men, Horses @ Property was very alarming,\n@ I every Moment expected to see one or other fall a\nvictim to the fury @ depth of the River, however thank\nP-\n\\1^ 32\nT. C. Elliott\nHeaven, we continued on 'till 6 P. M. when we put up\nwith no other Accident, than having wet almost the whole\nof the Goods, @ the Men @ Horses very much fatigued.\nHere where the Valley is wide the State @ Foliage of the\nHerbs @ Trees, shewed Summer to have been here, at\nleast a full fortnight or more. June 28 by 6% A. M. set\noff @ directly crossed the River, we now proceeded a\nshort way, 'till the Country being impassable with\nWoods @ rocky Land, all Hands set to Work to clear a\nRoad for ab*. l1\/^ M. @ by Noon got all our Horses &c\nthis far, we now came to a low flat Points which havg\nGrass @ our Horses much fatigued, we stopped to refresh them, four Men now went off Axe in hand to clear\naway the Wood, @ by 4% P. M. they returned, when\nheavy Rain coming on we camped for the Night.\nHere is a hard Day's Work, at the end of which we\nfound ourselves only abt. 1% Miles from whence we had\nset out this Morng. June 29th by 5*4 A.\" M. we set off,\nhavg. gone in 3 dy. 2% Miles, we came (to a) Brook,\nwhose descent from the Mountains was so great, that\nnotwithstanding it had not more than from 3 to 3% ft.-\nwater, yet no loaded Horse could cross it without extreme Danger; we were obliged to throw a Bridge of very\nlarge Trees across it, @ at last succeeded; havg. carried\nall the Goods, Saddles &c. across\/we obliged the Horses\nto cross @ altho' they were quite light, yet the Current\nswept them under for the distance of a few Feet. havg.\nreloaded our Horses, we went on in an old Kootanae Road,\ntolerable good 'till 11 A. M., when we stopped to clear the\nPath up a long high Bank; we then went over much fallen\nwood, the Country full of fine Timber @ great quantity\nof Herbage. At 6 P. M. we descended a Hill, dangerous\nto Horses, at the foot of which we camped. Killed a Red\nDeer, which made a most acceptable Meal. Animals are\nvery, very scarce. Our route thro' the Woods has always\nbeen near the River Banks, the Stream from it's great\nDescent, a Torrent that seemingly nothing can resist,\nalways foaming with it's Velocity against the inequalities D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 33\nof the Bottom @ may be abt. 60 yds. wide. June 30th\nHeavy Rain came on @ detained us till 8i\/2 A. M. when we\nset off; cleared pieces of the Road, tho' in generall it was\npassable from the nature of the Country; crossed a Hill\nthat forms a Point between this @ the Kootanae River,\non the Banks of the latter, thank God, we camped all safe\nat 3!\/2 P. M. set to work @ dried the Goods lost part of\nmy little Stock of Sugar by the Water.\nJuly 1st a very fine Day, we completed drying the\nGoods and put them all in good Order. July 2nd at 3 A. M.\nsent off two Men in a small Canoe up the River to endeavour to find the Kootanaes @ bring a few of them to\nour assistance, at 6 A. M. sent 4 Men with the Horses\nto recross the Portage for the rest of the Goods. My\nwhole Stock of Provisions was now only 6 lbs of Pem-\nmican, in a close woody Country\/ very scarce of Animals,\nnor would our Provisions have held out so long, had I\nnot shared out to each Man the scanty allowance of the\nday. I staid with 2 Men, one of whom very sick,\nunable to do any Duty. Having examined the Canoes\nbuilt last year at a great Expence, I found one of them\nuseless for Carriage, the other capable of carrying only\n8 Pieces with 2 Men, so that I found myself absolutely\nobliged to build a large Canoe, otherwise I could not advance with the Merchandise; there being no farther Road\nfor Horses: The information we had received ab*. the\nBirch Pine Cedar &c. proved to be quite false, @ I was\nobliged to search the Islands before I could find the Materials for a Canoe, on which I set to work with all Diligence being pinched by Hunger we tried angling, but\ncould not procure Fish of any kind.\nJuly 8th In the Evening the 2 Men sent to look for\nthe Kootanaes, returned with 3 Lads @ the Meat of a\nsmall Chevreuil a grateful Sight, they had found 2 Tents\nof Kootanaes near the Lake @ had learnt from them that\nthe body of the Tribe with the old Chief was very far off\nwith the Canoe Flat Heads. Next morning sent the Lads\nan huntg. July 10 Mr. Finan McDonald with the Men 34\nT. C. Elliott\n@ Goods arrived @ all the Horses except one that was\nkilled on the Spot in a bad part of the Road on the Portage. July 11 finished the Canoe @ got in order to set off.\nOur sick Man was now so far recovered as to begin to\nwork he had it seems in eating swallowed the Quill of a\n\u25a0 Porcupine which had perforated the Intestines, till it\nmade its appearance under the middle of the Ribs on the\nleft Side from whence I extracted it two days ago.\nThe Kootanae Lads we had sent huntg. not returning\/,\nI was anxious lest some accident had befallen them. I\ntherefore sent Mr. McDonald @ 2 Men in a small Canoe\nto look after them but they returned without havg. seen\nanything of them. The next day as we were ready to\nstep into our Canoes, heard a shot below us, which we\nconcluded to be fired by the Kootanae Lads; we went @\nfound them, they had killed a Red Deer; a small part of\nwhich half dried they had brought on their backs @ was a\ngrateful Meal after 2 days fasting. From what has been\nsaid of the Road on the Portage, it is clearly seen that\nJaco Finley with the Men engaged last Summer to clear\nthe Portage Road, has done a mere nothing\u2014 the Road\nwas no where cleared any more than just to permit Jaco\n@ his Family, to squeeze thro' it with their light Baggage and it is the opinion of every Man with me, as well\nas mine that Jaco Finley ought to lose at least half his\nwages for having so much neglected the Duty for which\nhe was so expressly engaged at 150 \u00a3 pr. year, besides a\nPiece of Tobacco @ Sugar, @ a Clerk's equiptment. It\ncould not be on acct. of Provisions, as they had always\nmore than they could destroy. He had given in an acct.\nof having left Timbers for a Canoe, not one could be\nfound, nor had he ever left one, as 2 of the Men, that were\nwith him, & are now with me witnessed. As I had no\nProvisions for the Voyage, I offered the Men a Horse for\nFood, which they refused. Gave to each Man 1 fishing\nLine of 2 fms @ 2 Hooks. With a Man I now set off in\na small Canoe, to hunt what Fortune might throw in my\nway. July 13 havg. killed 9 Swans I waited the Canoes, D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 35\nthey did not arrive till Noon next day; havg. taken a\nMeal, @ given them the rest of the Swans, we set off,\nbut could procure nothing more whatever for Food. July\n16 as I was ahead a Kootanae Man @ woman in a Canoe\nof Pine Bark\/came to us, we told them to bring us something to eat, but they paid little attention to us, @ we\npaddled on 'till 1 P. M. when we came to a Camp of 6\nMen; they had a mere nothing for themselves, however\nby 4 P. M. we procured enough to make a Meal, @ they\nafterwards traded abt. 6 lbs of Buck Meat. I got 2 of\nthem to go a huntg. @ late in the evening they arrived\nwith 3 Swans, which they ran away with @ almost in\nan instant devoured, without offering us a Mouthful,\nseeing no Hopes of getting further good from these Hogs,\nnext morning at day break I set off @ waited the Canoes,\nwho soon coming up. I gave them the Morsel I had procured @ we all agreed to paddle on without delay to the\nLake, in Hopes of getting a Meal of Fish by our Nets &c.\nJuly 18 at Noon we arrived at the Kootanae Lake extremely hungry @ fatigued, so that we were hardly able to\npaddle; luckily we found a few Berries, which relieved\nus a little; we hasted @ set the Nets.\nBoulard, a half free Man, with the 3 Kootanae Lads,\nhad agreed at the Portage to bring us the Horses hereto,\nbut they arrived with only 3 Horses @ those the worst\nbelonging to the Compy. this was occasioned partly by\nthe laziness of the Fellow @ the badness of the Country,\nbeing almost impassable., from whatever Cause the want\nof the Horses was severely felt @ it was a material disadvantage to us in proceeding any farther, had it been\nnecessary, especially in our low Condition.\nThe 9 Kootanae Men whom we had left behind, also\narrived @ gave us near half a Chevreuil, which made a\nmost welcome, tho' scanty meal for us. Early in the next\nMorng. we visited the Nets, but to our great Mortification\nnot a Fish in them. From the State of the Country @ the\nSituation of my Affairs I found myself necessitated to\nlay aside\/ all Thoughts of Discovery for the present @\nffifcV\nl:; 36\nT. C. Elliott\nbend my whole aim to an establishment for Trade &c.\u2014\nand as our pressing necessities did not allow Time for\nThought upon Thought. I set off to look out for a Place\nwhere we might build, that as soon as I saw the Property\nin safety @ a mode of living for the People I might be at\nliberty to seize every favourable opportunity of extending my knowledge of the Country. I had for a second\niMr. Finan McDonald, who, however well intentioned was\nby far too unexperienced to act alone in the present unfavourable situation. I first examined the Lake, but found\nno Place that had Wood half sufficient, being only a thinly\nscattered sort of Hemlock @ after havg. passed the major\npart of the Day to no purpose, I was obliged to pitch\nupon a Spot at the Head of the River, on a Bank of abt.\n240 ft. high, @ very steep @ not a drop of water but\nwhat must come up this Bank @ still we had nothing to\nbuild with other than straggling, stunted sort of Hemlock\nTrees,\u2014not a Fir, nor Pine, within a Mile of us, @ those\nin a swamp across the River. We now got every Thing\nup the Hill @ pitched our Tents. As I was this Morng.\nsearching for a Place to build on, we came to a wildHorsej\nthat had been killed yesterday even, @ not knowing from\nwhence to get a mouthful for the day, we took a little of\nthe outside Meat, the inside we could not touch, as the\nHorse was not embowelled, @ a strong taint prevaded\nthe whole Carcase, however it seemed tolerable Meat to\nus, @ we determined to try @ make a Meal of it; so soon\nas we arrived at the Camp, we boiled it, @ shared a small\npiece to\/every Man who joyfully eat it, in hopes of its\nbeing portable in the Stomach, hunger is an excellent\nSauce, we found the Taste tolerable good, @ 3 of the Men\nset off to dispute with the wolves the rest of the Carcase\nof the Horse, of which they brought abt. 100 lbs. But\nabout 2 Hours after eating the Horse Meat we were\nseized with sickness of the Stomach, @ however much we\nwished to keep the Meat in our Bellies, were obliged to\nthrow it up, @ thus ended our Hopes of being able to feed\non wild Horses; tho' I attribute the Sickness we were D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 37\nseized with, by no means to the natural quality of the\nHorse Meat, but to the Putrifaction already begun thro'\nthe whole of the Carcase. In the eveng. I called the\nKootanae Men together @ spoke to them about their inattention towards furnishing us with Provisions, @ that\nif they continued, we should be necessitated to return;\nthey brought me three fourths of a Chevreuil, which for\nthe present satisfied our Hunger. I then spoke to them\nconcerning the Situation of the surrounding Tribes, they\ntold me they expected the old Chief with all the rest of\ntheir Countrymen, in company with a large band of Flat\nHeads in abt. 10 Nights hence. As to the Flat Heads\nthey believed them far off but would soon be here, when\ninformed we had begun building, I accordingly engaged\ntwo of their Men of abt. from 30 to 40 years of age to go\n@ find the old Kootanae Chief @ tell him to hasten his\ncoming @ to bring us Provisions. I also engaged a steady\nman to set off @ inform the Flat Bows of our arrival,\nwith order to the Chief of that tribe, whom I had formerly\nseen @ given a Ring to come with all Diligence, as I\nwished him to pilot me thro his Lands, that I might also\nmake an establishment for Trade in his Country. The\nKootanae told me my messages\/ would be highly agreeable to all Parties, @ promised to set out the very next\nMorning on their respective Commissions, assuring me\nthat I might expect to see them again in about 10 or 12\nNights hence. What a fine Opportunity was here lost of\ngoing to the Flat Bow Country, from the embarrassed\nSituation of my Affairs; on one hand the Property was\nwithout Shelter @ the Men famishing, without knowledge\nfrom whence to get any Sustenance\u2014 on the other hand\na large Band of Indians, part of whom had never seen\nwhite People was expected in a few Days @ perhaps a\nfew Peagans &c with them\u2014 amidst much anxiety, nothing could sooth my Mind, but the expectation of the\nspeedy arrival of\" the Flat Bows, when I hoped still to\nhave Time enough between my Departure @ the 15th\nSeptr. (the day when the People must go off for the\nloll I 38 T. C. Elliott\nGoods from Kam) to explore at least the Flat Bow Country, @ by the Course of the large River, determine\nwhether it is the Columbia or not. Sleep at last relieve's\nme from a Train of anxious thoughts. Circumstances,\nwhich I could neither foresee nor prevent. Early the next\nMorng. the Kootanaes traded a very few Lynx, among\nwhich were the Skins of 4 white Goats, with the wool of\n4 others. I traded them to send to Montreal that their\nvalue might be known @ if worth taking. I also procured\nabt. 12 lbs of dried Provisions at a high price. Having\ngiven Tobacco to the Kootanae Men engaged to find out\nthe other Indians @ Inform them of my being here. They\nimmediately set off on their Journey. With the rest of\nthose who are to stay near us. I sent Boulard to bring us\nany Meat he might be able to get from them. Here it\nmay not be amiss to state the nature of the Country.\nThis of the Kootanaes is a valley of from 6 to 12 Miles\nwide, if we compute from Mountain to\/Mountain, but if\nonly the level space, it will seldom exceed 2 Miles, being\nthe Ground occupied by the River; it's Islands, small\nLakes @ Marshes. It is bounded on the East by the great\nChain of Mountains @ to the westward by a Chain of\nsecondary Mountains, nearly as wide @ abrupt as the\nprimeval Mountains, but do not rise above 3 to 4000 feet\nabove the Level of their Base; close behind to the west-\nward of those secondary Mountains, rise others far more\nelevated, covered with Snow @ Glaciers half way down.\nAt the south extremity of this Valley, where the western\nHills bend off to the Swd. @ the others recede to the eastward, lie the Kootanae Lakes, the southermost is a shoal\nLake of abt. 6 M. long fed by small Brooks, but sends out\na navigable Rivulet of abt. 7 M. long, which falls direct\ninto the second Lake, on which we are situated, this Body\nOf water is very clear, @ has from 2 to 4 feet Water, is\nabt. 7 M. long @ 1 Mile wide, in its greatest width it\nsends out a Stream of from 50 to 60 yds. wide @ 3 ft.\ndeep\u2014 2 Miles from the Lake it is joined by the Kootanae\nRiver a rapid Current of 30 yds. wide, from the interiour\nI trfi \u25a0\nI\nm D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 39\nof the western Mountains\u2014 they now one River under\nthe name of the Kootanae River take its Course thro the\nValley N. w. 70 Miles, to where we first saw it @ then\nbends round seemingly more to the westward, with a very\nstrong deep Current; as it flows along it is joined by 2\nother considerable Rivers @ several large Brooks, which\nsoon swell it's waters to 200 yds. wide of clear Channel,\nbut in general has many Islands, @ the Space occupied\nby the River, is seldom less than from % a Mile to\n1 Mile wide.\nThat part of the Kootanae River near the Portage is\nwell wooded with a kind of Hemlock 3 sorts of Fir, three\nof Pine, with Aspens @ Birch, @ it's sides are thick set\nwith Alders-Willows, @ a few Poplar, abt. 20 Miles above\nthe Portage are low points of fine white Cedars, the Red\nCedars grow everywhere but seldom to any Size. Beaver\nseem to be plenty @ the River, Islands @ Valley seem\nexpressly made for\/ them. Of the Animals there are a\nfew Bears @ others, a few Red Deer @ a small sort of\nChevreuil, one of whom 10 Men will very well eat at a\nMeal. As one approaches the Lakes, the Woods of this\nalmost impenetrable Forest, become gradually less close,\n@ abt. 25 Miles below the Lakes, begins to show small\nMeadows, @ soon becomes open clear Ground for Horses,\nbearing plenty of good Grass, with straggling Hemlock;\nthe Spot that any Person is in, is a fine Meadow of Hill\n@ valley @ Gullies, with Hemlock planted upon it as it\nwere for Shelter against the Heat @ bad weather, all the\nrest of the Country to\" the Spectator appears a thick\nForest, but as he advances, he constantly finds the same\nopen Meadows, which become more @ more Spacious,\nas one proceeds to the southward, @ the Red Deer @\nsmall Chevreuil become more @ more plenty. What kind\nof Fish the Lake produces we cannot tell, as all our angling, have produced only 1 small Trout @ a few Mullett\nas the Water is clear, Carp @ a small kind of Herring\nhave been seen, from our Nets, however changed from\nplace to place @ well attended, we never get anything. 40\nT. C. Elliott\nJuly 21st Havg. sent abt. 6 Miles for Birch for Helves\nfor Tools, we began to cut down Wood for a Warehouse\nof 16 ft. by 16 ft. in the Clear\u2014 but the sort of Hemlock\nwe have is hard to cut with the axe, @ very heavy, @ we\ncan seldom get more than 16 ft. from a single Tree, which\nwith the weakness of the Men, made the work go on\nslowly. July 24 we finished the warehouse @ put all the\nGoods within. During this Time our Nets afforded us\nnot a single Fish; by angling we sometimes procured a\nscanty Meal of Mullets very weak food. The Men were\nnow so weak, that however willing, they actually had not\nstrength to work, @ some of them told me that two or\nthree days more of Famine would bring them to the\nGround, I deeply-Felt their Situation @ my own, but\nwas determined still to wait a few Days before I could\nconsent that any should return. We had tried several\nMethods to procure Food, but all had failed us. Berries\nwere our principal support\u2014 too weak to go far about in\nthis hilly Country, we very much felt the want of our\nHorses. I accordingly sent down three Men in a small Canoe to bring as many of them up as possible but to leave\nthose belonging to the Company, that they might be fat @\nready for the Fall. At length, thank Heaven two Kootanae\nMen arrived, they saw our famished looks @ asking no\nQuestions, gave every one a sufficiency to eat, which was\nmost gratefully accepted, @ then traded with me Provisions enough for two days. Having got the Goods under\nShelter we set to work to make a Weir across the River,\nthe Current was deep & rapid, with a moveable Bottom\nof Gravel, the Kootanae told me the Weir could not stand,\nbut strong necessity urged us on. On the 2nd day we had\nit nearly completed when part of it gave way; no ways\ndiscouraged, we repaired what was broken down @ endeavoured to finish the whole but the Stream was too\nviolent @ breaking the Weir in some places, in others\nundermining it, it was so much damaged that we were\nobliged to abandon it as hopeless. One of the Kootanaes\nwho arrived is the Brother of the old Chief, they prom-\nI\nwf D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 41\nised not to leave us, @ said they were very thankful we\nhad come on their Lands; after some Conversation they\ntold me plainly that the Situation of the Building was bad,\nas it was far from water, @ open to the insult of the\nPeagans, who seldom fail every year to\/make a Visit @\nsteal Horses. I had a long thought on this myself but was\nat a loss where to find a better Place; after much looking\nabout, at last found an eligible Spot on the Kootanae\nRiver, in a commanding Situation, the water quite near,\na rapid River in front, with a small, nearly surrounding\nLake, that precluded all approach but on one Side, @\nPines enough at hand; these advantages decided me to\nchange the Place of my Building. As I arrived in the\nevening an alarm was given of a Body of strange Indians\nbeing close on us, we ran to Arms; but fortunately it\nturned out to be only 3 Kootanae young Men, who had\ncome ahead from a Band of 10 Men in the eastern Mountains, @ who are shortly to be in here; they had sent\nthese three young Men to hunt for us, @ they brought us\na scanty Meal on their Backs. July 29th we removed\nevery thing to the Kootanae River, @ began cutting wood\nfor the \\^axehouse, which we completed on the 1st Augst.\nbad weather had hindered us much, during this Time we\nhad made a shift to live by the huntg. of the Kootanaes,\nbut our Nets however well attended @ changed from\nPlace to Place yielded not a single Fish\u2014 Being now again\ntotally destitute of Provisions, we dispersed ourselves to\nfind Berries to satisfy our Hunger, @ were so fortunate\nas to angle a few fair Mullets, a dram of H wines had\noften done us much good, but our Keg, what with leaking\n@ with expenditure was nearly finished. Aug8*. 4th\nlate in the evening the young Men came from huntg. @\nbrought 2 poor small Chevreuil @ next day one of the\nMen killed a Bear this gave us Life again, @ we began\nto cut wood for a dwellingJIouse of 16 ft. by 16 ft. in the\nclear which was all cut and the major part\/hauled to\nthe Spot for the building. The Men whom I had sent for\nthe Horses also arrived, with all the Horses of private\n1 42\nT. C. Elliott\nProperty, except one that was killed on the way, @\nanother lost.\nAug. 7 to 12 hard employed on Buildings. 4 Kootanae\nMen arrived who brought us Provisions,\u2014 also 5 Tents\nof do\u2014who had much dried Meat, but the Hogs would not\npart with more than a day's allowance to us. Aug8t. 13\nProvisions becoming short for want of a regular supply,\nfor we cannot get these People to hunt constantly, they\nare so addicted to gaming. We again set to work to make\na Weir in the Kootenae Lake River, with good Hopes to\nsucceed, as the Water was much lower @ the Current\nnot so strong. Aug. 15 finished the Weir, that is to say\ndammed the River from Side to Side, but have not made\nthe Weir, as the Kootanaes say it will be of no real\nservice till the Fall, what is now made is to Serve for\nthe Salmon when they arrive. Aug. 13th Two young\nMen arrived from the Kootanae Camp, they had no sooner\nspoken that all the Men @ Women rended the Air with\ncrying @ shrieking. We thought an Attack at hand @\nstood to Arms when one of them came @ informed us,\nit was on account of the Death of the Son of the old Chief,\nwho had been killed by the Peagans.\nWhen they had made an end of their Lamentation,\nthey informed me, that a very large Band of Peagans.\nBlood @ Blackfeet Indians had crossed to this Side of\nthe Mountain @ made Peace with the Flat Heads; but as\nthey were preparing to depart, the Meadow Indians began to pillage, which raised a Tumult, @ ended by the\nFlat Heads taking Arms @ killing 13 of the Aggressors\n@ obliging the others to fly with precipitation. \/Four of\nthe Flat Heads were killed @ several wounded. This\naffair had prevented these People from coming to pay me\na visit as they intended @ they had all pitched away to\na military Post of the Americans, except 10 of the Flat\nHeads, who were still with the old Chief. The Kootanaes\nwere on the Point of being joined by a large Band of\nFlat Bows, the whole of whom, they assured me would\nbe here in 10 Nights hence, the latter have a few Beavers, D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 43\nthe others nothing. They also informed me that about 3\nweeks ago the Americans to the number of 42 arrived to\nsettle a military Post, at the confluence of the two most\nsouthern @ considerable Branches of the Columbia @\nthat they were preparing to make a small advance Post\nlower down on the River. 2 of those who were with Capt.\nLewis were also with them of whom the poor Kootanaes\nrelated several dreadful stories. This establishment of\nthe Americans will give a new Turn to our so long delayed settling of this Country, on which we have entered\nit seems too late; but, in my opinion the most valuable\npart of the Country still remains to us @ we have nothing\nto obstruct us, but the difficulty of getting Goods from\nFort des Prairies, @ the still more formidable poverty\nof the Country in Animals. Time @ Perseverance will\nshow what we can do, @ if worth our Expence @ Trouble.\nAug. 15 The two Kootanae young Men returned @ with\nthem several others\u2014 I sent Tobacco to the different\nNations, with Word to the old Chief to hasten his coming,\nfor I was exceedingly anxious to visit the Flat Bow\nCountry, which could not be done, till I had seen @ arranged with these Indians, havg. none to do it for me.\nAug. 16 to 27 Men employed in building; during this\nTime we had finished a Hall @ a House for the Men, except the Chimney &c. 12^Peagan Men arrived singing\ntheir\/War Songs; we sat down @ smoked with them,\nthey were all young Men, who to all appearance had\ncome to spy out how every Thing was situated;\u2014 they\nwere somewhat troublesome but their numbers gave us\nno other alarm, than as we considered them the forerunners of a more numerous Band, tho' they asserted\nnot; it is certain we are much in their Power. The Salmon now made their first appearance but too fugitive\nfor us to profit by them; on the 29th we speared in the\nNight 5 Salmon, the largest weighed 26 lbs. they were\ntolerable good, but havg. come so far had lost all their\nfatness. Sepr. 1st we got this Band of troublesome Peagans away, they had all along persisted in waiting the 44\nT. C. Elliott\ngreat Band in Hopes of stealing Horses; but Hunger\nmade them decamp. On going away they stole 3 of the\nKootanae Horses\u2014 the only 2 Kootanae Men, who were\nhere (except a very old Man) went off after them; a\nstruggle ensued, @ the Peagans chased the Kootanaes\na small Distance, but upon the latter firing upon them,\nthe Peagans made off, but with the Horses they had\nstolen. On the first arrival of the Peagans the Kootanae\nWomen (several of whom were left here, by the Men\nwhile they hunted far off) put the major part of their\nlittle Property under our Care; they now put the whole,\n@ came @ camped close to the House, the old grey headed\nMan, with the 2 young Men kept constant guard, @ by\nall appearance had there been 5 or 6 Kootanae Men,\nthe Peagans would not have got off with their Plunder\nwe also kept on the look out in case of Surprize\u2014A Slave\nof the Peagans who stayed behind from the bad usage\nhe had received, this poor fellow the Kootanaes took for\na Peagan\/@ would have killed him, had I not prevented\nthem, but they were soon reconciled to him, when he said\nhe was a Flat Head, @ to prove it, spoke that Tongue\nfluently. Late in the Evening a Kootanae Man arrived,\nhe informed us, that he had the Day before left a Band\nof 30 Peagan Men, who were advancing hereto, @ that\nhe had also met the Band of Horse Stealers, who were on\ntheir way to join the others. This News alarmed us, @\nhowever much I wished to have been on Discoverey, I\nthought it fortunate that I was here, to guard against any\nattempt that might be made on the Property or ourselves. )&%\u00a3\nLate at Night we heard a shot across the River, but\ndid not answer it as the Kootanae told us, it was the\nPeagans who had followed hard after him, we kept guard\nthe whole Night. Very early the next morning 3 Peagan\nMen arrived, as I knew them very well I asked what their\nIntentions were, they said they were come peaceably to\nsmoke with the Kootanaes @ exchange @ trade Horses.\nBad weather intervened, of which I made use to throw a D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 45\nFence from the House to the steep Bank of the River.\nOiTthe 5th Sepr. they arrived, as I saw 2 good Chiefs\namong them, I did not apprehend much Danger, but keeping on our Guard we did not permit them to enter the\nFence, but sat without @ smoked with them. A few\nKootanaes also dropped in, one after another, but soon\ndecamped from the Trouble they had from the Peagans,\nin asking their Horses, Cloathing &c. On the evening\nSeptr. 6th Bercier whom I had sent off to the great Band\narrived with 2 Kootanaes they informed me, that a violent Distemper had taken the Flat Heads, which had communicated itself to\/the Kootanaes @ Flat Bows, @\nhad brought the major part of them so low, as to prevent\nthem from decamping, @ that many Children had already\ndied of it; @ it was not expected they could be here\nunder 12 or 15 days hence, altho' they were not far off.\nThree Tents of those People arriving Sepr. 7 & 8th confirmed the above, they were all very ill @ reduced to\nmere Skeletons\u2014 Sept. 9 part of the Kootanaes ill as they\nwere decamped to get rid of the Peagans. One of them\nwho had a good Horse @ which the Peagans wished to\nhave, in order to get rid of their importunities gave his\nHorse to one of the Men for a sorry Mare, rather than\nthe Peagans should have him.\nA few Kootanaes also arrived with Provisions, these\nwere mostly steady old Men, who were determined to stay\n@see the Peagans off. they traded abt. 4 days Provisions\nwith me, @ would have graded half as much more, had\nnot the Peagans begged so much from them. During this\nTime our Living was partly on Salmon @ partly on Meat,\nwe made a Salmon Net of 45 fms long, but the strength\nof the Fish aided by the Current very often broke it.\nWe also began a Net for small Herrings, but dare not set\nit till the Salmon are gone. The Timbers for the large\nCanoe being made of very bad cedar, for want of better\nat that Time, I sent off 2 Men in a small Canoe for green\nCedar for other Timbers @ also wood for a small Canoe,\nwhich they brought at the end of five days. I again sent 46\nT. C. Elliott\nBercier with a Kootanae to the great Band to hasten\ntheir coming, as the Peagans said they would not decamp till their arrival (5) lam also in want of Horses\nfor the Portage, which I must trade from them.\/\nSeptr. 13 The Peagans, to our great satisfaction\nthought proper to decamp; hunger obliged them. As the\nChiefs had made the young Men conduct themselves very\norderly @ expressly forbid them to steal any Horses\neither from us\u2014\nThe Kootanaes, I rewarded each with a foot of Tobacco @ 6 rounds of Ammunition @ each of the young\nMen with 3 In of Tobacco @ a paper of Vermillion. I\npreferred being at this Expence, to avoid the Trouble\nwhich they certainly had in their Power to give us, @\nthereby perhaps bringing on a far greater Expence.\nAfter they were almost all gone, I was informed that\ntheir going away so peaceably was only an act of dissimulation to cover their intended future proceedings,\n@ that they had threatened we should not long be found\nhere, @ that many of the married Men had said to the\nothers not to steal Horses at present, as bye @ bye they\nshould have them at their disposal. Two of them who remained behind gambling I had called to me, @ spoke to\nthem about such perfidious Conduct; they told me that the\nyoung Men in general had wished for a Quarrel that they\nmight have an occasion to steal Horses, @ had no doubt\nuttered many foolish Expressions; but the wish of the old\n@ steady Men was a good understanding between all parties. I told them we were well prepared for the worst that\ncould happen, @ if any Trouble was given us, it was a\nvery easy thing to build far out of their Power, @ where\nthey would never get a pipe of Tobacco from us, but that\nall their Efforts would never make us relinquish the Trade\n\/this Side of the Mountains, they again repeated they had\nno wish for a rupture @ were glad we were here to get a\npipe of Tobacco in the Summer @ then we parted.\nSeptr. 16. Twelve Rapid Flat Bow Indian Men @ 1\nwoman arrived, with each a small Parcel on their Backs;: D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 47\nthese People hunt on the Lands adjoining the Ear Pendant\nIndians @ make no use of Horses. Their Country is\nmarshy, with thick woods, full of Lakes @ Rivers, in\nwhich they say there are plenty of Beaver, but except the\nBear, no Animals larger than the small Chevreuil\u2014 Fish\nof various kinds of which Sturgeon is the principal, @\nwith Berries forms the greater part of their Food. They\nwaited the great Band 3 days\u2014 during this Time I collected every information possible from them, 2 of them\nwere very old Men, they spoke much to the purpose on all\nquestions I asked, @ after drawing a Chart of their\nCountry @ from thence to the Sea, @ describing,the\nNations along the River, they assured me that from this\nHouse to the Sea @ back again was only the Voyage of\na Summer Moon; but from the number of Falls &c it\ndoes not appear easy to go without a Guide.\nI proposed to them to go down the Kootanae River,\nas far as the Ear Pendant Indians, if 2 of them would\naccompany me; but the old Men, answered that it was too\nlate in the Season, @ that none of them were Men of\ngreat Note, @ therefore would be unable to protect me\nagainst the lower Indians, who were a set of harsh brutish\nPeople paying little respect to Strangers\u2014 they added\nthat if I wished to go in safety I must employ\/ the Chief\nof the Flat Bows (Ugly Head) who is on his Road hereto,\n@ who is known @ respected far off, @ who only is\ncapable of guiding @ protecting us. I replied to their\narguments but to no purpose. They said they had come\nso far merely to see us, @ had brought nothing as they\ndid not know what we preferred, that their Country was\nvery hard in Winter, @ that we could not live there.\nI told them Beaver, Bears, Otters &c were the Objects of\nour coming here. They assured me they would all make a\ngood Hunt @ see me next Spring with the rest of their\ncountry men. They traded 29 Skins value, in Beavers,\nBears, Cats, Otters @ Fishers, with a little Sturgeon Oil\n@ about a Bushel of Berries, these last I took merely that\nthey might have the means of living @ to kill Beaver &c. 48\nT. C. Elliott\n@ go away contented but informed them that Furrs only\nfor the future would be taken in excxhange for Goods.\nSeptr. 19 after passing the whole night in gambling with\nthe Kootanaes, they went away early in the Morning\u2014\nThey appear to be a handsome hardy race of People @\nlook something like the Muskagoes of Lac Winipeg.\nSeptr. 17 Bercier whom I had again sent off to hasten the\ncoming of the Indians with their Furrs arrived, he said\nthey were so ill that no hopes could be entertained of\ntheir coming under 8 or 9 days hence. I was therefore\nnecessitated to send off Mr. F. McDonald, @ 2 Men to\ntrade 5 Horses for the Portage. I sent with him 150 Bals\n\/ @ Powder for this Purpose with Beads &c. to trade\ndressed Leather. Sepr. 22 in the evening they arrived @\ninformed me that the Kootanaes would not trade any\nHorses, altho they had far more than they could make\nuse of. in hopes of getting a high Price for them at the\nHouse, they have been so much accustomed to high Prices\nfor Horses, that we can procure none at moderate rates,\nbut fortunately we set no Value on them @ necessity\nalone, compels us to get a few for the Portage, the Kootanaes will therefore be much disappointed if they expect\nto trade any Horses here, even at a low Price.\nMr. F. McDonald also informed me of a Quarrel that\ntook place the other day, between the Kootanaes @ Peagans in which several Horses were Killed; but they understand so little of the Indian Tongue that nothing could\nbe learned from them on that head, for certainly, nor\nfrom what Cause the Quarrel arose. The 150 Balls sent\nwere lost along the Road, this is adding Misfortune to\nVexation. I have however, with some difficulty got Horses\nfor the Portage @ every thing else ready @ hope all will\ngo well, @ with this Hope, thanking God for his past\nFavours, @ praying for his continued Protection I close\nthis Narrative.\nD. Thompson. D. Thompson's Discovery Source of Columbia 49\nMr. J. McDonald @ me, settled the Canoes for the Columbia for the next Summer from Fort Augustus, at 4\nMen each, 18 Pieces, and I apprehend that 4 Men are not\nable to bring 18 Pieces to the Mountain Portage if Mr-\nMcDonald can get them to agree to this, I shall be very\nglad, it will be saving the Wages @ Equipments of 2 Men.\nbut I fear the Goods at 4 Men will run too great risque\nof being lost. I now reckon myself at 6 voyaging Men, 1\nMan to take of the Horses at the Kootanae Plain for the\nPortage. I Clerk @ I Summer Man @ myself for where\nnecessary, to add 4 Men, is to put the 2 Canoes that may\ncome at 5 Men each, & I think this is the best method. h M m\nMEMORIAL TRIBUTE TO JUDGE J. A. STRATTON\nBy Judge Peter H. D'Arcy\nIn the death of Judge J. A. Stratton of Seattle, on the\n23rd of September, 1924, a noted and distinguished pioneer of Oregon passed away.\nJudge Stratton was f ormely a resident of Salem. Few\npeople who live there now were personally acquainted with\nhim. He was one of the old time residents of the city.\nIn former days he was well known. He moved to Seattle in\n1889. He occupied important positions in our state.\nAmong the number, clerk of the supreme court of Oregon\nand superintendent of our state penitentiary. He was\nelected one of the judges of the superior court of Seattle.\nHe discharged the duties of his office in a manner to\nreflect credit upon himself and to the entire satisfaction\nof the people of the state of Washington.\nJudge Stratton was born in Indiana in 1844. He came\nwith his parents to Oregon in 1854. His family was a\nprominent one in the annals of the history of our state.\nHis brother, Riley E. Stratton, was an able lawyer and\njudge of the supreme court of Oregon. His brother, Rev.\nC. C. Stratton, was an eminent minister of the Methodist\nEpiscopal church. He was pastor of the church at Salem\nfor some time. His brothers, Milton and Horace Stratton,\nwere notable merchants in Oregon. His sisters were\nwomanly women of the pioneer period.\nJudge Stratton came to Salem from Roseburg, Or.,\nabout 1860, and was a resident here until he moved to\nSeattle.\nHe was a warm friend of my boyhood years, which\nfriendship continued until his death. He worked as a\nprinter for a long time. When the writer of this was a\n\"printer's devil\" in the Unionist and Statesman offices\nhe was the foreman. Judge Stratton was a graduate of\nWillamette university, a splendid lawyer and an able\njudge. His foresight in business enabled him to accumulate a large amount of property, to secure his family and Judge J. A. Stratton\n51\nhimself a competency in his declining years and old age.\nHe lived beyond the Biblical period, being at his death\neighty years. He was filled with the milk of human kindness. His legal and business ability enabled the poor\nprinter boy to obtain a standing in the northwest that is\na pleasure for his friends to note and a fine example for\nthe young men and women to follow, who are striving\nfor success in the various walks of life.\nMy close acquaintance with Judge Stratton, for over\nfifty years from my early boyhood to the time of his\ndeath, prompts me to say that he is worthy of any eulogy\nthat can be offered for one of sterling integrity and honorable endeavor.\nJudge Stratton belonged to the romantic and chivalric\ndays of the Oregon country. Was familiar with the struggles and vicissitudes the pioneers were compelled to encounter. In his high and noble qualities, love of justice\nand right, he represented the best type of men and women\nwho blazed the way that we might enjoy the refinement\nand culture that we now possess.\nFrom out the mysteries of life and the great silence\nof the unknown I think I could hear the friend of olden\ntime say:\n\"Sunset and Evening Star,\nAnd one clear call for me!\nAnd may there be no moaning of the bar,\nWhen I put out to sea.\" REVIEW\nDavid Thompson, the Explorer. By Charles Norris Cochrane, Toronto.\nThe Macmillan Company, 1924. Pp. 173. $1.00.\nMr. J. B. Tyrrell rescued the name and fame of David\nThompson from Oblivion. In the Proceedings of the Canadian Institute, 1887-88, he gave the first connected account of this wonderful man and his work. Mr. T. C.\nElliott has published with illuminating introductions and\nexplanatory notes many extracts from his journals covering short journeys here and there in the region west\nof the Rockies. And Thompson's own Narrative with\nnotes by Mr. Tyrrell, Mr. Elliott, and others has been\nissued by The Champlain Society. But all of these have\nbeen for the lover of history, for the person already well\nversed in the story of the West.\nNow appears this little book which makes a very broad\nappeal to the student; to him who wishes to learn something of the romantic past of the North West; and to him\nwho merely desires to read an attractive, but true tale\nof adventure.\nProfessor Cochrane has succeeded in producing a book\nWhich finely combines accuracy with attractiveness. The\nstory ripples along; at the same time a true picture is\ndrawn; and Thompson stands out, a real and living person. The incidents are interestingly told and leave upon\nthe reader's mind a distinct view of the salient features\nof Thompson's character. There is no pretense to any\nindependent research. The author has, as the preface indicates, merely taken Thompson's Narrative with its full\nexplanatory notes, condensed it discriminatingly, and told\nthe story in terms of modern geography.\nPage 106 is, however, a very unfortunate page. It is\ndoubtful whether, in 1806, John Jacob Astor was \"exerting all his strength to build up a fur trading empire on\nthe Pacific slope;\" nor is it at all clear that, in 1806,\nthe Hudson's Bay Company \"for some years had been Review\n53\nknocking at the Barrier of the Rockies and spurred by\ncompetition they might at any moment burst through;\"\nnor had Fraser in 1806 \"already advanced from the Forks\nof the Peace and accomplished the difficult and dangerous\nfeat of descending the Fraser River\"\u2014that descent was\nnot made until 1808. Chapter VII, \"The Race to the Sea,\"\nshows that there really was no \"race.\" I am unaware\nthat Thompson's \"orders were to anticipate this ship\n(Astor's) in reaching the mouth of the river.\" Thompson\nin his Narrative (p. 448) states that his \"object was to\nbe at the Pacific Ocean before the month of August.\" As\nMr. T. C. Elliott has said, \"This argues against any extreme haste on his part to forestall the Astorians.\"\nBut these are, after all, merely minor defects or, perhaps, only differences of interpretation which do not in\nthe least detract from the merit and interest of the book.\nF. W. Howay.\nHistory of the Oregon Country. By Harvey W. Scott, Forty Years\nEditor of the Morning Oregonian. Compiled by Leslie M. Scott. Printed\nby the Riverside Press (Cambridge). In six volumes. 1924. Pp. xvii, 2036.\nThis is a project of constituting a history out of a\nclassified and arranged compilation of representative editorials and public addresses, carefully annotated, of the\nlong-time and renowned editor of the leading newspaper\nin the Pacific Northwest. These conditions make this an\nunique undertaking. Insuperable difficulties would seem\nto debar the possibility of approximating anything near\nan ideal history with such a plan and materials. History's\nfunction is to convey a sense of continuity and unity of\nthe social process depicted. To be true to reality all events\nmust be seen as interrelated and developing as an organic\nwhole. Editorials and public addresses wholly distinct\nand appearing apropos to casual occurrences, without any\nthread of sequence, are thus quite unpromising elements\nfor an integrated story of a people's life. And yet the revealing potencies of these constituent units of the text of\nthis work, supplemented by the results of the assiduous 54\nReview\nresearch of the compiler that are with fine art used to\narticulate these elements and round out the story, do\nachieve an effect, different from that of a connected narrative, but probably equal to the highest.\nThe last volume is wholly taken up with an exhaustive\nindex and bibliography. The contents of each of the first\n^ve include a main portion\u2014averaging about two-thirds\nof the volume\u2014the output of the pen of the elder Scott,\nfunctioning as editor and publicist. This main body of\neach volume is followed by an \"appendix\" by the son in\nwhich we have a most effective exhibit of the historian's\nart of enabling the reader to get a complete mental picture\nof the course of events, with references to the sources\nof pretty much all extant records for the account given.\nThere are thus two positive historical contrbutions fused\nin the work, the nucleal or textual, that originated during\nthe period from 1865 to 1910, excepting a gap of five\nyears from 1872 to 1877; the second, designated as the\n\"appendix\" in each volume, applied to the bringing of\nadditional light from other sources and to the factual setting of each situation discussed by the editorial or address.\nNo assurance bearing on the character of this work\nneed be offered to the great majority of those who were\nas adults living in the Pacific Northwest prior to 1910.\nDefinite opinions of Harvey W. Scott's intellectual leadership are held by virtually all of these, either from a confirmed habit of reading the editorial page of the Oregon-\nian or through an acquaintance with the ideas there set\nforth gained in their community center discussions. That\neditorial page through the thought and discussion it provoked constituted essentially a folk school, for by it the\npeople of all of the \"Old Oregon Country\" communities,\naccessible from Portland, were stimulated and guided\ntowards grappling with their community problems.\nThis institutionalizing of the editorial sanctum of the\nOregonian with Harvey W. Scott in charge came about\nnaturally. As a boy of fourteen he participated in the Review\n55\ngreat and trying adventure of crossing the plains with the\nmigration of 1852. Arriving here, his father's accumulations were exhausted, he did his share towards supporting\nthe Scott household, but was left to his own resources for\nearning the means to attend college. The beginning in this\nwas\" made through the use of an ax to secure which he\nhad to have a loan. Applying his powerful native intellect\nwith indefatigabe energy and with unremitting study\nof the best books he rose gradually from the level of association with the day laborer to regular companionship\nin his reading with the best minds of all ages. Having\nthus shared the conditions of life from the humblest\nplanes he retained a keen interest in the lot of every class\nthrough which he rose to become the managing editor of\nthe metropolitan daily, the counsellor and guide of the\ncommonwealth.\nThrough his assiduous reading and thought on the\nmost fundamental interests in human experience he saw\nin clear perspective the course of change down through\nthe centuries. The meaning of the occupation by the\nwhite man of the Pacific coast in all its relations was\nclear to him. As he had grown up with the country he\nwas doubly at home in the discussion of any phase of\nthe history of the Pacific Northwest. The following is a\nlist of the subjects under which the compiler grouped\nthe selections used: Discovery, exploration and acquisition ; pioneer settlement, especially around Champoeg and\nPuget Sound centers; Indian affairs\u2014wars and treaties;\nnomenclature of the Pacific Northwest; varied matters\nin the earlier and later periods; Oregon colleges; Oregon\nand California, Northern Pacific and Union Pacific railroads and railroad miscellany; political comment on the\nadmission of Oregon, slavery, the Civil War and the party\ncontests; climate, floods; biographies and obituaries of\nnotable Oregonians.\nThe agency of change that probably had deepest appeal to him was the railroad. All of volume four is taken\nup with an account of the development of the railway 56\nReview\nmileage of this region. He hailed the advent of the transforming change inaugurated through rail transportation\nbut his heart and admiration was with the heroic age\nthen fading into the misty past. The trinity of principles\nmost sacred in their relation to our national welfare\nwere from his point of view the indestructible Union,\nsound money and representative government.\nAn introduction, including a review of his career and\nan estimate of his work by Alfred Holman, an able associate trained by him, and a second paper by his son, the\ncompiler, on his writings, give the publication something\nof the character of a memorial.\nF. G. Y. NEWS AND COMMENT\nAn association known as the \"Native Sons and\nDaughters of Oregon\" was organized at Hillsboro on November 21, 1924, with the following officers :\nMrs. Alice L. Redmond _ President\nCharles A. Lamkin 1st Vice-President\nW. V. Wiley 2nd Vice-President\nE. L. McCormick Secretary\nC. Jack, Jr Treasurer\nThe time of meeting agreed upon was the second\nFriday evening of each month.\nThe purpose and aims of the organization are:\n\"First: This Association is for the purpose of banding\ntogether the descendants of the pioneers of Oregon so\nthat we may be able to preserve the old traditions, old\nhistorical landmarks, and perpetuate memories and deeds\nof our pioneer ancestry, who faced hardships and dangers\nin order to make this country what it is today.\n\"Second: To endeavor to cement the ties of friendship\nthat will endure throughout our lifetime and be handed\ndown to our descendants.\n\"Third: We pledge ourselves to help the pioneers and\ntheir descendants in all reasonable ways.\"\n!\nThe thirteenth annual session of the North Pacific\nSurgical Association was,formally opened December 12,\n1924, with a ceremony unveiling a bronze bas-relief of\nthe late Doctor Kenneth A. J. Mackenzie. Doctor Mackenzie was dean of the University of Oregon Medical\nSchool from 1912 to 1920. The ceremony was held at\neleven o'clock at the Medical School.\nThe bas-relief is the work of A. Phimister Proctor,\nsculptor of the Roosevelt statue in the park blocks and of\nother monuments to be seen in Portland, Eugene and\nSalem. The relief is a profile bust and an inscription dedicates the bronze to his memory. 58\nNews and Comment\n\"The Museum Association of Oregon\" has recently\nbeen formed and incorporated. Its officers, elected January 10th are:\nFrank B. Riley President\nWilliam P. Merry Vice-President\nIra A. Williams Treasurer\nJ. Neilson Barry Secretary\nIn charge of the department of Forestry is E. N.\nKavanagh; of the department of Zoology, Stanley G.\nJewett; of the department of Ornithology, William L.\nFinley; of the department of Geology, Ira A. Williams;\nand of the department of Geography, John A. Lee.\nThe purpose of the association is \"To encourage and\ndevelop the study of Ethnology, Biology, Botany, Geology\nand other sciences and the establishment of local museums\nthroughout the state of Oregon. To act as a clearing\nhouse for information pertaining to museums.\"\nThe Trail Seekers or Junior Historical Society of\nOregon has recently added 33 pupils of Ainsworth School\nto its membership roll. This organization was incorporated in 1924 with an aim \".... to encourage young people\nto seek the 'Footsteps of the Past' by searching for historic relics, historic incidents and historic localities.\"\nThe officers on the council are:\nMrs. Lillie D. Thomas President\nMrs. Edith G. Smith.. Vice-President\nMiss Genevieve Eckleson Treasurer\nMiss Eugenie Bouchet Secretary\nJ. Neilson Barry Director\nJanuary 27, 1925. The first complete topographic map\nof the Three Sisters region was completed this week by\nDr. Edwin T. Hodge, Professor of Geology and eight geology students of the University of Oregon. The map will\nbe printed for distribution shortly to serve as a guide for\nthose who visit the section. News and Comment\n59\nThe area covered was 16 by 12 miles. The scale of\nthe map is one inch for 200 feet and the contour interval\nis 100. The features on the map include a portion of the\nMcKenzie highway, trails, mountain lakes, glaciers and\npoints of scenic and geologic interest.\nNewspapers and magazines of general circulation are\npublished in 134 communities of Oregon, according to\nthe annual survey of the state press made by Professor\nGeorge S. Turnbull of the University of Oregon School of\nJournalism. The total number of periodical publications\nlisted in Professor Turnbull's Directory of the Oregon\nPress, is 251.\nMonuments or markers have been erected even to a\nfew of the most noted varieties of apples. In 1895, a\nmonument was built to the Baldwin at Wilmington, near\nLowell, Massachusetts. In 1903 in New York state, a\nmarker was erected on the original site of the Primate\napple trees. In 1912, in the middle west there followed\ntwo similar monuments\u2014to the Northern Spy and the\nMcintosh Red.\nThe new Lewis and Clark Bridge on the Seaside Highway at Astoria was finished during the month of February. This adds yet another improvement to the lower\nColumbia River highway. Seaside, by a resolution adopted\nby the legislature of the State of Oregon on February 13,\n1925, is designated as the official terminus of the Lewis\nand Clark Trail and a suitable monument is to be erected\nthere. #?;\nThe resting place of Homer Calvin Davenport, native\nof Silverton, Oregon, and one of the most distinguished\ncartoonists of the United States, was marked during the\nfirst week in February, by placing an appropriate monument in the Silverton cemetery. \"\u25a0\n60\nNews and Comment\nThe monument is nine by three feet and six inches\nand five feet tall. On one side is a copy of Davenport's\nown drawing entitled \"The Journey Across,\" which he\nmade May 4, 1911, en route from New Jersey to Oregon\nto attend his father's funeral. The cartoon was on exhibition at the funeral and was later presented to the\nOregon Historical Society.\nThe 66th anniversary of the admission of Oregon to\nthe Union was celebrated by a reception and dinner given\nby the \"Sons and Daughters of Oregon Pioneers.\" It\nwas held at the Portland Chamber of Commerce, Saturday, February 14th, at 5:30 o'clock. The guests were met\nby Mr. J. N. Teal, president of the Society, and Mrs.\nTeal. Judge Fred W. Wilson, of the circuit court of\nWasco county, delivered the principal address of the\nevening. Miss Mary Bullock as \"Miss Oregon\" lighted\nthe 66 candles on the large birthday cake especially\nbaked for the occasion by Olds, Wortman & King.\nOn their fifteenth anniversary, the Portland, Oregon,\nCouncil of the Boy Scouts of America unveiled a marker\nfor the first house built in the present confines of the\ncity of Portland. The Scouts assembled in the park\nacross from Scout Headquarters and marched to Old\nIronsides Park, at the corner of Curry and Hood streets,\nwhere the exercises took place. After several addresses,\nthe marker was unveiled by Mrs. Amelia Clemens, daughter of William Johnson, builder of the cabin.\nThe Lang Syne Society held its twelfth annual dinner Wednesday evening, the 28th of January, at the\nChamber of Commerce, Portland. A reception at 5:30\no'clock preceded the dinner by one hour and about 300 News and Comment\n61\nmembers of the club were present. Mr. Charles B.\nMoores read the names of twenty-nine members who have\ndied since the annual meeting one year ago. Mr. C. M.\nIdleman presided over the meeting and Mr. F. B. Irvine\nand Mr .Leslie M. Scott were the principal speakers of\nthe occasion. A feature of the dinner was the Pioneer\ntable, seating only those who were over eighty years\nof age.\nThe most important addition to Northwest History\nis the \"Pioneers' Edition of the History of the Oregon\nCountry\" by Harvey W. Scott, edited by his son, Leslie\nM. Scott.\nThe history is virtually a history of the Oregon country as told in the editorial and news columns of the\nOregonian during the 40 years regime of Harvey W.\nScott, one of the notably outstanding men in the annals\nof American journalism.\nThe work is made exceptionally valuable by its extensive foot-notes and appendices by the compiler, his son.\nThis compilation represents some 14 years of continuous\nwork on the part of Mr. Leslie Scott.\nThe work is in six volumes, including a complete general index. Volume one, is composed of a review of\nHarvey W. Scott's life and work and of his writings on\ndiscovery, exploration and acquisition in the Oregon\ncountry; volume two, deals with pioneer settlement, early\ngovernment, nomenclature, etc; volume three, with varied\nmatters of Oregon history; volume four, with railroad\nhistory; volume five, with political comments, \"weather\"\nand things in general, and volume six is the index. The\nedition is limited to five hundred sets and is from the\nRiverside Press, Cambridge, Mass.\nm\\t 62\nNews and Comment\nA children's museum of natural history in a rural\ncommunity on Long Island has been established in what\nwas once a poultry house. Its pointed roof and cross\nbeams provide a very satisfactory place for holding owls,\nhawks and other high perching birds. Long tables, with\nglass cases fill the middle section of the room, and a zinc\ncovered table long enough to seat 12 or 14 boys serves\nfor conferences and the work of mounting. The success\nof the undertaking has been immediate and gratifying.\nThe boys learn and become interested in natural science,\ngaining much valuable knowledge in their study and\nwork. OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY\nMuseum Notes\nExhibits of Interest:\nThe safe of Dr. John McLoughlin, Chief Factor of the\nHudson's Bay Company from 1824 to 1846. This was\nprobably the first safe in the Oregon country, brought\nfrom Canada to Vancouver in 1824. It was presented to\nthe Society by Mrs. Theodore Wygant, a grand-daughter\nof Doctor McLoughlin.\nA small trunk used by Rev. Jason Lee, a missionary\nof the Methodist Episcopal Church. He crossed the plains\non horseback in 1834 and was the first minister of any\ndenomination to come to the Oregon country. The trunk\nwas presented to the Society by Col. F. D. Butterfield,\nof Derby Line. Vt.\nA Photostat copy of the official plot of San Francisco,\nthe original of which was filed at Oregon City, Oregon\nTerritory, February 1, 1850. Oregon City was the first\ncourt of record of the United States government on the\nPacific Coast.\nRecent Acquisitions:\nA framed photograph of the Seth Catlin house, built\nin 1852 on the Catlin farm, Cowlitz county, Washington.\nPresented to the Society by Mrs. Frank Foster, a granddaughter of Mr. Catlin.\nA Sarony, Major and Knapp lithograph of a group of\neleven generals of the Civil War made about 1862. The\ngenerals pictured are: Geo. B. McClellan, Irwin McDowell, Franz Sigel, John E. Wood, John A. Dix, Nathaniel P. Banks, S. P. Heinzleman, Winfield Scott, Robert\nAnderson, John C. Fremont, Benjamin F. Butler, and\nCommodore Silas Horton Stringham. Presented to the\nSociety by Mr. Leon S. Baum.\nSix photographs of a bowlder upon which the face of\na human being has been engraved, found on the beach of Museum Notes\nthe Willamette river within the limits of the links of the\nWaverly Golf Club. Presented to the Society by Mr. F. S.\nPerrine.\nSeveral photographs of the unusual ruins found near\nColton, Oregon, taken by Mr. Rodney L. Glisan and presented by him to the Society. THE OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY\nOrganized December 17, 1898 W'M^\nFREDERICK V. HOLMAN - - \u2022% - - | President\nCHARLES B. MOORES y^,\u00a3^^^A*$\u00a7$^ \" Vice-President\nF. G. YOUNG - \"i^SSt - JP^Sp | \" Sfe\" Secretary\nLADD & TILTON BANK -S^^^p^^Kf^^' Treasurer\nGEORGE H. RIMES, Curator\nDIRECTORS\nTHE GOVERNOR OF OREGON, ex-officio\nTHE SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, ex-officio\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 19216\nCHARLES H. CAREY, B. B. BEEKMAN\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1926\nLESLIE M. SCOTT, JOHN GILL\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1927\nP. H. D'ARCY, T. C. ELLIOTT\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1928\nLEWIS A. McARTHUR, FRED W. WILSON\nThe Quarterly is sent free to all members of the Society. The annual dues are\n.two dollars. The fee for life membership is twenty-five dollars.\nContributions to The Quarterly and correspondence relative to historical materials, or pertaining to the affairs of this Society, should be addressed to\nF. G. YOUNG, Secretary,\nEugene, Oregon\nSubscriptions for The Quarterly, or for other publications of the Society, should\nbe sent to -\nBARBARA C. ELLIOTT, Ass't Secretary,\nPublic Auditorium,\nThird St., between Clay and Market Sts.,\nPortland, Oregon\nHi' THE QUARTERLY\nof the\nOregon Historical Society\nVolume XXVI\nJUNE, 1925\nCopyright, 1923, by the Oregon Historical Society\nThe Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors\nto its pages.\nVERENDRYE NUMBER\nCONTENTS\nPages\nTHE VERENDRYE OVERLAND QUEST OF THE PACIFIC:\nGrace Flandreau\u2014Review of the Verendrye Expeditions - - 65-82\nRalph Budd\u2014Introduction tb the Verendrye Journals - 83-3\nDouglas Brymner\u2014Translation of Journal of Verendrye Expedition to the Mandan Villages on the Missouri, 1738-9 - - 85-115\nAnne H. Blegen\u2014Translation of Journal of Verendrye Exploration to the Foothills of the Rocky Mountains, 1742-3 - 116-129\nJulia Veazie Glen\u2014John Lyle and Lyle Farm 1 - - 130-150\nNellie Bowden Pipes\u2014Translation of Extract from Exploration\nof Oregon Territory .')M. . Undertaken ^during years 1840,\n1841 and 1842 by Eugene Duflot de Mofras |%i;;. - - H 151-190\n:fXt\n'#H\u00bb* Grace Flandreau\nneeds came from two principal sources: one was the merchant class of the eastern seaboard and Europe; the\nother was the church. There was some government aid\ntoo, mostly by way of trading privileges in the country\nto be opened up. But whether backed by private capital,\nchurch, or state, the adventurous fur traders and missionaries, who struggled side by side, were explorers and\ndiscoverers primarily, and upon their explorations and\ndiscoveries rests their fame, rather than upon trade or\nspiritual conquest.\nFirst the French, and later the English traders penetrated the trackless wilderness of what is now Northwestern United States\u2014the country west of the Great\nLakes. To compensate for the expense and hazard of\nthe commercial expeditions, there must be promise of\nlarge profits and quick returns, hence trade must be in\narticles of high value, and to make the venture possible\nat all, the goods to be transported must be light and\nmanageable. Beaver, mink, fox, ermine, and other furs\nmet these requirements. The abundance of supply along\nthe countless lakes and streams, and the eagerness of the\nIndians for trinkets, beads, bright colored cloths and\nblankets, knives, guns, and other manufactured articles,\nnot to mention whiskey, for which an Indian would\nbarter all he had or ever hoped to have, made the skins\nprocurable at little cost.\nAs early as 1659, Radisson and Groseillers were along\nthe upper Mississippi and some of its tributaries, speculating on the possibilities of the fur trade in the great\nregion to the west of Lake Superior and Lake Michigan.\nAs a result of their investigations in this region, as well\nas the country north of the Great Lakes and around\nHudson's Bay, they carried to France, and then to England, a most enthusiastic account of the profits to be\nmade. Through the influence of Prince Rupert, they\nfinally succeeded in having two ships, the Eaglet and the\nNonsuch, fitted out in 1668 to make a trial trip from The Verendrye Explorations\n67\nEngland to Hudson's Bay. Although the Eaglet was disabled in a storm and had to turn back, the cargo of the\nNonsuch was so valuable and profitable that King Charles\nII, in 1670, issued a charter to the \"Governor and Company of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's\nBay,\" the first Governor being Prince Rupert. The\nHudson's Bay Company is still in existence and often is\nreferred to as being the oldest company in the world.1\nJean Nicolet had been exploring the Western shores\nof the Great Lakes twenty years before Radisson and\nGroseillers, but they were the first to push westerly\nas far as the Mississippi Valley. Following them shortly\ncame Du Luth, Joliet, Le Seur and others lesser known,\nbut perhaps as brave as they. Along with these earliest\ntraders, and sometimes preceding them, there came also\nthose equally fearless spirits, Allouez, Hennepin, Marquette, and the rest, devoting their lives unselfishly to\ncarrying the Christian faith to the Indians.\nTravel in those early days was by canoe and trail,\nfollowing watercourses almost entirely. It had not yet\nreached the prairies to any great extent. Portages or\n\"carrys\" were necessary around the steepest rapids and\nfrom the headwaters of one stream across the \"height\nof land\" to the headwaters of another. In this way canoe\ntrips had been made up the St. Lawrence and the Hudson,\nand across the Great Lakes, or by the Ottawa River.\nIt was known also, before the year 1700, that a feasible\nroute existed westward from Lake Superior via the\nKaministiquia River at least as far as Rainy Lake.\nIndeed as early as 1689, a trading post had been established at the mouth of the Kaministiqua by Du Luth. But\nby the end of the century incessant warfare among the\nIndians, and the ruinous effect upon authorized trade,\n\u00abK\n1 It is believed that this distinction belongs to the Mining Company\nof Great Copper Mountain of Sweden, whose charter is dated February\n24, 1347. 68\nGrace Flandreau\nof the illicit traffic in furs carried on by the coureurs\nde bois, caused this and other remote western posts to\nbe abandoned.\nIt must not be forgotten that New France was at all\ntimes subject to the tyrannical domination of the French\ncourt and affairs in the colony fluctuated according to\nchanging circumstances in Europe. France now became\ninvolved in the War of the Spanish Succession and her\nremote overseas empire underwent a period of complete\nneglect.\nBut with the termination of this war and the death\nof the brilliant but frustrated French king, an important\nchange took place. At the court of the Regent who succeeded Louis XIV, the significance of this wide, savage,\nlittle known dependency was again recognized; especially\nthe discovery of an overland route to the Pacific assumed\nacute importance in the eyes of the statesmen of Versailles.\nIn 1715, a plan was presented to the Regent for the\naccomplishment of this great purpose. Du Luth's post\nat the mouth of the Kaministiquia was to be re-opened,\nand two other posts, one on the Lake of the Christineaux\n(Crees)\u2014now Lake of the Woods\u2014and another on Lake\nWinnipeg, were to be established. Fur monopolies were\nto reward the men who built and maintained the posts,\nbut a considerable sum of money was to be provided\nfrom the royal treasury for the actual expeditions which\nwere to set out from these bases in search of the Western\nSea.\nThis plan was only partially carried out. The Kaministiquia post was re-built by a Canadian officer, the\nLieutenant de la Noue, in 1717, and a few years later the\nJesuit traveler and historian Charlevoix was sent down\nthe Great Lakes and the Mississippi to seek all possible\ninformation as to overland routes to the Pacific.\nWe are not concerned here with the interesting reports and recommendations made by Charlevoix. Al- The Verendrye Explorations\n69\nthough partially carried out, the resultant activities did\nnot promote the western exploration. It often seems as\nif important achievements wait for the men especially\nfitted\u2014one might almost say inspired or destined to\nbring them about. At any rate, no progress toward the\ndiscovery was made until a Canadian officer, the Sieur\nde la Verendrye, took up the quest with an ardent enthusiasm which was to endure for many years and meet\nwithout flagging many heart breaking difficulties.\nUnlike most explorers of those early days who came\nfrom France and England seeking adventure in the New\nWorld, the Verendryes, father and sons, were natives of\nNorth America. About seventy miles above Quebec, the\nSt. Maurice River flows into the St. Lawrence from the\nnorth. Near its mouth there are two islands which divide it into three channels. Here, in 1617, a post had\nbeen established and aptly called Three Rivers, and here\nin 1685, Pierre Gaultier de Varennes, Sieur de la Verendrye, was born. His mother was the daughter of Pierre\nBoucher, Governor of Three Rivers, and his father was\nRene Gaultier de la Verennes, who succeeded to that\noffice in 1688.\nLa Verendrye became a soldier when very young,\nhaving entered the army as a cadet at the age of twelve.\nHe was engaged with the French colonial troops in frontier warfare against the Indians and the English colonists, but this command was transferred to France, and\nwe find him, in 1707*, fighting in Flanders. There he\nremained until 1711, a French soldier in the war of the\nSpanish Succession. That he saw desperate service is\nevidenced by the fact that he was so severely wounded\nas to be left for dead on the victorious battle field of\nMalplaquet. He married Marie-Anne Dandonneau at\nThree Rivers in 1712 and lived near there until 1726.\nDuring this time he engaged in trading along the St.\nMaurice River, and had charge, a part of the time, of 70\nGrace Flandreau\nthe post of La Gabelle. From 1726 until 1731 he was\nin charge of a post on Lake Nipigon north of Lake Superior. Many Indians from the far west came to this\npost to trade. Their accounts of the vast country beyond,\nthe river flowing westward into a great lake of bad\ntasting water (the Pacific, or Great Salt Lake), fired\nhim with zeal to undertake the much talked of discovery\nof an overland way to the Western Ocean. One of the\nIndians, Ochagach by name, gave a very particular account of the country and even made a map on birch bark\nshowing the great River of the West.\nBy the year 1729, Verendrye's plans had ripened and\nhe made the long journey to Quebec to lay them before\nthe Governor of New France, General Beauharnois. The\nlatter received him with enthusiasm, approved his project\nand sent an urgent request to the court at Versailles for\nthe necessary official sanction and for financial aid.\nBut conditions in France had changed. The Regency\nwas at an end. Louis XV had come of age and he and\nhis kingdom were ruled by the agend and parsimonious\nminister, Cardinal Fleury. France moreover, was staggering under the crushing load of debt bequeathed by\nthe wars and follies of the previous regimes. Still, the\ndiscovery of a highway to the sea, and the vast acquisition\nof territory consequent to such explorations, offered\nadvantages not to be ignored. In view of this, the court\ngranted to the Sieur de la Verendrye its official permission to make the exploration at his own expense, and\nto take possession of all newly discovered territories\nin the name of the King. In return he was to be granted\nexclusive fur trading privileges in the countries visited.\nNaturally, Verendrye's resources were not great\nenough to finance such an undertaking, but with this\nfur trading monopoly as a bait, he was able to secure the\nbacking of certain Montreal merchants. They cared\nnothing for his route to the Pacific but from reports\nof the vast region into which he was going, they believed :4r: fmi\n\u25a0 \u25a0i.ra? The Verendrye Explorations 71\nthat these virgin hunting grounds would yield rich\nreturns and were willing to advance the necessary funds.\nThe plan was to establish posts for trade with the\nIndians and to send peltries to Montreal each summer.\nThat Verendrye regretted the necessity which obliged\nhim to place the success of his mission at the mercy\nof these associates is apparent from his journal. He\nspeaks of the arrangement with a misgiving which was\nto be only too well justified by events.\nIn the spring of 1731, the party set out by canoe from\nMontreal. It consisted of Verendrye, three of his four\nsons, his nephew the Sieur de la Jemeraye\u2014a Canadian\nofficer who had been stationed among the Sioux on Lake\nPepin^-and some fifty Canadian voyageurs.\nVerendrye chose a new and better route than that\npreviously taken. It became known as the Grand Portage\nroute, and followed Pigeon River, the great chain of\nLakes, and Rainy River along what is now the northern\nboundary of Minnesota for 300 miles; it became, and for\nover a hundred years continued to be, the main route of\ntravel to the North West.\nAlmost at once the difficulties began which were to\nbeset Verendrye's gallant undertaking to the end. His\nvoyageurs, daunted by the long portage over the height\nof land between the water sheds of Superior and Lake\nWinnipeg, mutinied and refused to proceed. Some\nauthorities believe they had been tampered with either\nby rival traders in Montreal, or by the English, who did\nnot wish to see the stream of furs that had poured from\nthe northwest wilderness to their posts on Hudson's Bay,\ndiverted to the French.\nBut with that power over men which is the indispensable asset of true leaders, Verendrye kept the mutineers in hand. A certain number were persauded to\nproceed to Rainy Lake under La Jemeraye and there\nFt. Pierre was established. - ^u^^juy.\n72\nGrace Flandreau\nVerendrye himself remained at the mouth of Kam-\ninistiqua for the winter, with his band of malcontents.\nIn the spring, accompanied and guided by a large band\nof friendly Indians, he and his men traversed Rainy Lake,\ndescended Rainy River, threaded their way through the\nintricate channels of Lake of the Woods and, at its\nwestern extremity began the construction of Ft. St.\nCharles. This post was completed by the fall and became\nthe important rendezvous for the various detachments\nof the Verendrye party and principal base for further\nexplorations. Both Ft. St. Pierre and Ft. St. Charles\nwere on land now in the state of Minnesota near the\ntowns of International Falls and Warroad respectively.\nThen winter again. Verendrye's partners had sent\nhim no spring supplies and only one of the four canoe\nloads expected in the fall reached him. Another long\nCanadian winter, with the savage cold creeping through\nevery crack of the windowless log fort, separated by\nhundreds of miles of ice-bound wilderness from the small\nFrench settlements on the Great Lakes. We picture\nthe life within the post, a life stripped of every comfort\nand many of the b.arest necessities, the men crowded\ntogether in constant, wearing intimacy, from which there\nwas no escape; and outside, in the trackless, silent forest,\nthe ever present menace of a lurking enemy\u2014the implacable Sioux. But harder for Verendrye than any\nphysical discomfort was the knowledge that his associates\nwould not countenance or assist his cherished purpose\nof pushing farther west to establish a post on Lake\nWinnipeg, then called Lake Bourbon.\nWe can imagine with what impatience he awaited the\nspring, when the ice should break up in the lakes, and\nthe streams, swollen to raging torrents by the melting\nsnow, should subside and again become navigable for the\negg shell canoes of the voyageurs. He had determined\nto send his nephew to Montreal to report favorably on\nthe progress he had made in winning the loyalty of the The Verendrye Explorations\n73\nIndians and obtaining from them information of the\ncountry further west, and to make an earnest appeal to\nhis faint hearted associates for continued help. Also,\nthe Jesuit missionary Father Messaiger, who had joined\nthe Verendrye party at Michilimackinac on its outward\njourney, now daunted by the hardships and the terrible\nisolation of this small outpost of white men that were\nhere plunged so deep in the unknown wilderness, demanded\nthe earliest possible release from the enterprise,\u2014an\nincident surprising to those who have read of the heroic\nJesuits of the preceding century. The commander himself remained at or in the vicinity of Ft. St. Charles,\ntrading and extending official relations with the Indians\nduring an impatient summer and a third perilous winter.\nHe received no supplies or word of encouragement.\nHowever, in the spring of 1734, impelled by the deplorable state of his affairs, he set out for Montreal.\nBefore leaving he managed, with characteristic determination, to make arrangements for one of his sons to\nproceed to Lake Winnipeg and there establish the projected post. This plan was duly carried out and Ft.\nMaurepas was built on the southeast shore of the lake\nin the late summer or fall.\nIn the meantime Verendrye, in Montreal, fought for\nthe future of his enterprise. From Governor Beauhar-\nnois, in spite of the latter's good will, he obtained nothing\nbut words of praise and further orders concerning the\nexpedition; but by mortgaging the whole future profits\nof the fur trade he managed to secure a new set of partners. In the autumn of 1735 he was again at Ft. St.\nCharles, which he found destitute of food and \"without\nhope of wild rice on account of floods of water.\"\nThe disasters of this tragic year of 1735-36 can be\nbut briefly outlined. Owing to the mismanagement of\nthe guide, the four canoe loads of supplies expected in\nthe fall did not arrive. Fish and game failed, and by\nspring the occupants of Ft. St. Charles were starving.\nM\n'<&>\ny\nf\n&\nJ?!3\n\u00a5d\na* 74\nGrace Flandreau\nFort Maurepas was in like condition. In May, 1736,\nLa Verendrye's sons, returning from Maurepas, brought\nhim news of the death of his nephew La Jemeraye, which\nhad occurred during the journey. The following month\nthe climax of misfortune was reached in the murder of\nVerendrye's eldest son.\nA second missionary priest, Father Aulneau, whom\nVerendrye had brought with him the previous fall, proved\nunequal to the grim life of this new frontier. He demanded to be returned to Michilimackinac and asked\nthat Verendrye's son should accompany him so that he\nmight make the journey with the greatest speed and\nsafety. Verendrye granted the request and also manned\nand despatched a flotilla of three canoes to obtain supplies, at any cost to himself, for the destitute forts.\nThe little band set out from Ft. St. Charles in June,\n1736. When not more than 20 miles from the post they\nwere ambushed by a Sioux war party and every member\nof the company was killed. Not long before, some of\nthis tribe had been fired upon and killed by the Crees\nat Ft. St. Charles, and now their people were taking the\ninevitable revenge. This tragic occurrence took place\non an island in the Lake of the Woods, since known as\nMassacre Island.\nThe very terseness of Verendrye's entry in his journal\nindicates perhaps the depth of his grief: \"I lost my son,\nthe reverend Father and all my Frenchmen, which I will\nregret all my life.\"\nLa Verendrye's efforts had now covered a period of\nfive years. He had established and was maintaining\ntrading posts far to westward of any previous settlement.\nHe was bereaved and impoverished, and his task was\nscarcely begun. But to him the undertaking was not\na task, but a crusade; it was a passion which misfortune\ncould not discourage or overcome.\nThe Crees and Assiniboines were eager to join with\nthe French in a war of revenge upon the Sioux. This The Verendrye Explorations\n75\nVerendrye would not permit, although in refusing he\nrisked incurring the scorn and enmity of his allies. Such\na war would seriously jeopardize further westward exploration, and would inevitably result in the death and\ntorture of such Frenchmen as might be found in the\nSioux country.\nThe following autumn brought Verendrye, as he notes\nin his journal, \"only a little aid.\" Evidently his new\nbackers were hardly more to be relied upon than the\nformer had been. Doubtless too, the returns from the\nmarketing of furs fell below their expectations, although\nthe country was, as subsequently proven, rich in peltries.\nPerhaps the actual necessities of the party consumed\nmore of the profits than the Montreal merchants considered fair; also the failure of the Montreal people\nto supply trade goods in adequate quantities must have\nbeen a serious handicap; and above all, the heart of the\nleader was not in the building up of profitable trade,\nbut rather in a more glorious adventure,\u2014the discovery\nof the new northwest passage, the passage by land to\nthe sea and so to India and Cathay.\nBesides the disaffection of his associates Verendrye\nnow had to cope with the importunities of the Assiniboines and Crees, who demanded that he obtain military\nprotection for them from the Sioux. The unavenged\ninsult offered to the whites by the latter had, they alleged,\nincreased the audacity^of their enemies to a dangerous\ndegree.\nEarly in the summer of 1737, Verendrye set out again\nfor Montreal leaving his three remaining sons and most\nof his voyageurs among the Indians. This journey\nseems to have had happier results. He obtained from\nthe Governor not only the usual praise and permission\nto continue his activities,\u2014for which Verendrye seemed\nalways to be touchingly grateful,\u2014but some military aid.\nThe following summer (1738) he returned with six\ncanoes and twenty-two men to Lake of the Woods. In\nlip 76\nGrace Flandreau\nthe autumn he ascended the Assiniboine to where Portage\nla Prairie now is and there established Fort La Reine.\nThat same year he established Fort Rouge on the Red\nRiver of the North, at the mouth of the Assiniboine\u2014\nthe present site of Winnipeg. These activities constituted a long step in establishing the great route of the\nNorth, which became a regular thoroughfare of the fur\ncompanies, and so continued for more than a century.\nIn the fall of that year Verendrye was reinforced\nby the arrival of the brothers de la Marque, bringing\nmen and supplies. With this assistance he was able to\nundertake an expedition he must have contemplated with\neagerness for some time. He had learned from the Indians of a certain people known as the Mantannes (Man-\ndans or Hidatsas) who lived southward on the Missouri,\nand who, it was said, knew the way to the sea and would\nguide him to it. This people he was told differed from\nother Indians. They occupied permanent dwellings, cultivated the soil and many of them were fair in coloring,\nlike the whites.\nAccordingly, with ten of la Marque's men and ten\nof his own, accompanied by one of the brothers la Marque\nand by two of his sons, he set out to visit the Man-\ndans. He knew nothing of the distance from the Red\nRiver Valley to the Pacific Ocean, or whether the intervening country would afford subsistence for the party.\nThe hope that the Mandans could tell him, and might\nguide him, filled his breast as he started up the Assiniboine. It was a year of protracted drought and 'the\nstreams were lower than usual in October, 1738. On\nthis account, practically the entire journey was made\nfrom Fort La Reine overland, following generally a\nsouthwesterly direction until a point was reached near\nthe south bend of the Mouse River loop, not far from the\npresent town of Verendrye, North Dakota. There La\nVerendrye found the first Mandan village, and from\nthere he sent one of his sons and a Frenchman to other L_\nThe Verendrye Explorations\n77\nvillages on the Missouri River, 75 miles to the southwest.\nHis is the first account of any visit to the Mandans or to\nthis part of the Missouri. As we have seen, he expected\nthey would be found to be quite different from, and\ngreatly superior to, other Indians; and while he tells of\nblonde and white individuals among them, and considers\ntheir fortifications superior to those of other Indians\nhe had seen, he voices disappointment at learning that\nthey were just Indians after all.\nHe returned to Fort La Reine early in 1739, leaving\ntwo men to learn the language and customs of these\nIndians, so that the remainder of the trip to the Western\nSea might be made easier by their aid, for he had no\nthought but to resume the journey as soon as possible.\nAs usual, he found his posts beset with all manner\nof difficulties, and as the season advanced was confronted\nwith the usual failure of supplies. At last, it became\nnecessary for him to undertake a fourth journey to Montreal. He arrived there in August, 1740, only to find\nthat the incomprehensible envy and calumny which his\nefforts in behalf of New France had ever aroused, had\nculminated in a law suit. Action had been brought\nagainst his posts, and accusations of greed and of dishonest use of his trading privileges to amass a private\nfortune, had been sent to the French court. To this\nslander Verendrye merely replied: \"If more than\n40,000 livres of debt which are hanging over me are an\nadvantage I flatter myself with being very rich.\"\nBeauharnois remained at all times La Verendrye's\nstaunch friend and supporter and this loyalty was a great\nconsolation to the brave adventurer, who himself admits\nthat at one time he was all but overwhelmed with grief\nat the bitter and unceasing attacks made upon him.\nHe did not, however, turn for an instant from his\nself appointed mission, although he had now made up\nhis mind to send his sons on the forthcoming journey\ntoward the Pacific, reserving for himself the arduous If. (\u00a3\n&\nII \u2022 ,;\u00ab$\n|! \" UnS'\n\u00bb\u25a0\u2022\u2022\ni'8\n1\nif ';*#\nR \u2022 tyllt\n8l!r\n78\nGrace Flandreau\ntask of maintaining the forts they had established in\nthis savage fastness. Before their departure, other more\nremote posts, not long occupied, and now doubtful of\nlocation were built,\u2014Fort Dauphin probably on Lake\nManitoba, and another on the Saskatchewan.\nAt last, early in the summer of 1742, two of Verendrye's sons, accompanied by two Canadians only, set out\nto accomplish the long anticipated and hazardous journey\nto the sea. Their first objective was the Mandan village\nthey had already visited in 1738, where they expected\nto obtain guides. The expedition left Fort La Reine and\nfollowed Mouse River past the present town of Verendrye\nto the Missouri.\nThe Mandans, it appeared, knew nothing of the sea,\nbut they supplied the Frenchmen with two men who\nwere to conduct them westward to a tribe obscurely\nreferred to as the Horse Indians,2 a people who, it was\nbelieved, had knowledge of the western ocean. The small\nparty traveled for twenty-one days through a country\nuntenanted, except for the endless variety of game that\npastured on the rich herbage of the plain and excepting\nalso for the innumerable water fowl that rose on whirring wings from lake and stream.\nThen they met the human occupants of this primeval\nland, and it was fortunate for the small and defenseless\nband of Frenchmen that these Indians had not yet come\nto know the ways of white men. How significant it is\nto compare the experience of the Verendryes with that\nof later expeditions! Without exception the numerous\ntribes they encountered received them with courtesy,\nkindness and often with rejoicing. They passed from\ntribe to tribe seeking the information they required;\nbut none could give it. At last, they joined a vast horde\nof Bow Indians3 who were marching westward to make\n2 Cheyennes or possibly Aricaras.\n3 Probably of the same racial stock as Horse Indians. The Verendrye Explorations\n79\nwar upon the Snakes. Of the disinterested helpfulness\nof these savages the travelers speak with special enthusiasm.\nJust where the party went is uncertain. Possibly\nthey followed the Missouri as far as the Great Falls,\nor even to the gate of the mountains (near the present\nsite of the station called Wolf Creek on the Great Northern Railway). The preponderance of proof, however,\nseems to indicate that they kept on the bench between\nthe Little Missouri and the Yellowstone, eventually\nreaching a point near Custer's battle field. In any event,\non January 1st, 1743, the brothers saw the snow-clad\npeaks of the Rockies, or of some eastern range of the\nRocky Mountain system.\nThey desired eagerly to press on, feeling sure that\njust beyond the shining barrier they would at last look\ndown upon the object of their long endeavor. But the\nwar strategy of the Indians prevented them from proceeding. The Snakes were a dangerous foe, and the\nBows, finding the camps of the enemy deserted, feared\nthey had circled to the rear and would fall upon the\nwomen and children of the attacking party, who had\nbeen left some distance in the rear.\nIn spite of the protests of their chief, (whose loyal\ncare of the Frenchmen is worthy of record) they retreated in disorder. The baffled explorers had no choice\nbut to return; they proceeded eastward and finally\nreached the Missouri at what is now Fort Pierre, South\nDakota. The elder son, the Chevalier, relates that he\nburied a leaden plate, under a rock, on a high bluff overlooking the Missouri, and it was there, in February,\n1913, a school girl found the plate, after it had lain for\nalmost 170 years at the place he left it. From this point\nthey returned, by way of the Mandan villages and then\ndown the Mouse River past the present town of Verendrye, to Fort La Reine, and eastward via Grand Portage.\nThe Verendryes, father and sons, have much claim\nfvf 80\nGrace Flandreau\nto fame as pathfinders of the Northwest. They discovered the Red River of the North, the Assiniboine and\nMouse Rivers, and the upper Missouri\u2014that is to say,\nthe great plains country of northwestern Minnesota,\nManitoba, North Dakota, northern South Dakota, and\neastern Montana. They established a post (Fort La Reine)\n500 miles farther west than any that had been before\nlocated. In their quest for a route to the western ocean,\nthey went more than half the distance from the Atlantic\nto the Pacific; and it was fifty years later that MacKenzie\npushed on across the remaining distance. It was fifty-\nnine years after their first trip that David Thompson\nretraced their route up the Mouse River, past the present\ntown of Verendrye, across from the Mouse River loop\nto the Missouri, where he established trade relations with\nthe Mandans for the North West Company and then took\nup the western explorations that carried him, in 1808,\nthrough the Kootenai and Flathead country, thence down\nthe Columbia to be, in 1811, the first white man to traverse that great river from its source to its mouth. Lewis\nand Clark spent a winter among the Mandan villages,\njust sixty-six years after the Verendryes' first visit.\nGreat as were the achievements of the first adventurous Frenchmen, more important still was their influence in hastening other explorations, as reports of\ntheir exploits spread among the trading po^ts and camps.\nThe only recompense La Verendrye received from the\ngovernment which, at no expense to itself, profiled\ngreatly by his services, was the gift of the order of St.\nLouis. This honor reached him shortly before his death\nin 1749, when he was about to set out once more for\nthe far west. His sons were deprived (not only of\nthe posts they had built, but of supplies with which they\nhad stocked these posts, by the authorities. All three\nsons were military officers. Pieree Gaultier, a lieutenant,\nwas drowned off the coast of Cape Breton, in 1761, when The Verendrye Explorations\n81\nl'Auguste was wrecked; Francois, the Chevalier, gave\nhis life for New France at the siege of Quebec; Louis\nJoseph died in 1775.\nIt is interesting to follow the development which has\ntaken place in the territory first explored by the Veren-\ndryes. When the four young Frenchmen left the Mandan\nvillages they entered a virgin land of unlimited possibilities. They had seen corn, pumpkins, beans and melons\nflowering under the rude implements of the Mandan\nwomen\u2014a hoe made from the shoulder blade of an elk,\nand a pointed stick hardened by fire; they found rich\nprairies of waving grass furnishing sustenance to numerous great herds of buffalo, to deer and antelope; and,\npasturing on the highlands, they saw multitudes of elk\nand mountain sheep.\nBut they were Frenchmen; they gave little thought\nto this obvious fertility, except as a means of sustenance\nin their eternal quest for new horizons. The history of\nthe French in America is a history of exploration. The\nAnglo-Saxons were primarily settlers, the French were\nnot; and in this failure lay the cause of their own elimination from the vast new world they were the first to\npenetrate.\nNor were the early adventurers alone in ignoring the\npotentialities of the rich lands stretching from the Mouse\nRiver and the first great western bend of the Missouri\nalmost to the Rocky Mountains. When the fur traders\nhad cleared the streams of beaver and the plains of\nbuffalo, theregion that is now the Dakotas and Montana,\nwas regarded for the most part, as a barren no man's\nland to be got over as quickly as possible in the rush to\nthe Pacific. Then the time came to build railroads and\nthese it was believed must be carried by heavy government subsidies over territories from which they could\nderive little revenue. In fact, from the time of the Veren- 82\nGrace Flandreau\ndryes to that of a very different pathfinder, James J. Hill\n\u2014the builder of the last of the great pioneer roads\u2014this\nview largely prevailed.\nMr. Hill was an Anglo-Saxon, not a Frenchman. He\ntoo was lured by distant horizons, but he was willing to\nproceed toward them slowly, sending deep roots into\nthe soil as he advanced. Where crops had thriven under\nthe rude culture of the Indian women, crops on a far\ngreater scale would-flourish under the advanced methods\nof cultivation; where buffalo, antelope and deer, elk and\nmountain sheep had found ample sustenance, the livestock of the pioneer would live and multiply. Mr. Hill\nproposed to blaze a new overland trail to the Pacific, but\nit was to advance scarcely more rapidly than settlements\nwhich could support it.\nIt must be remembered that there was only left for\nhim the most northely route, the one least likely, in\nthe unseeing eyes of his time, to support such an enterprise as he contemplated. Time has demonstrated the\naccuracy of his judgment. The Great Northern railway,\nbuilt without government aid, both created and has been\nsupported by, the agricultural and stock raising communities of a country carelessly condemned as worthless.\nA vast and prosperous population has followed the shadowy footsteps of those early Frenchmen and the faith\nand practical sagacity of a great American. JOURNALS OF THE LA VeRENDRYE TRIPS TO\nTHE MANDAN VILLAGES ON THE MISSOURI\nRIVER IN 1738-39 AND TO THE FOOTHILLS\nOF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS IN 1742-43\nIntroduction\nThe first of these journals was translated from the\nFrench by Douglas Brymner, Archivist, and is reprinted\nby permission, from a Report on Canadian Archives, being an Appendix to Report of the Minister of Agriculture,\nOttawa, 1889. The second was translated by Anne H.\nBlegen, of the Minnesota Historical Society, from the\nMargry Papers, hereinafter mentioned.\nThe two journeys here described were the most important of their efforts to reach the Pacific. On the first, the\nstory of which is in the narrative written by the elder\nVerendrye, they came from the frontier trading post, Fort\nLa Reine (now Portage la Prairie, in Manitoba), southwesterly up the Mouse River to the south bend of the\nMouse River loop, thence southwesterly to the Missouri.\nThis is the first visit of white men among the Mandan\nIndians of which there is any definite record and occurred\nsixty-six years before Lewis and Clark were there. The\nnext was made in the winter of 1742-43 by two of Le Verendrye's sons, Chevalier Francois and Louis Joseph. They\nrevisited the Mandans and continued southwestely until\nthey reached the foothills of the Rockies from where, on\nJanuary 1, 1743, they reported seeing snow covered peaks\nto the west. This is the first report of white men having\nseen the Rocky Mountains in the northern part of the\npresent United States.\nAn accident to their astrolabe prevented the observation of latitude on this trip, so their exact course is not\nknown, but fortunately a lead plate, which they buried\nMarch 31, 1743, was found in 1913 on the bank of the 84\nRalph Budd\nMissouri River at Fort Pierre, South Dakota. That discovery assisted greatly in clearing up the uncertainty\nof their route, although discrepancies in dates and distances render it impossible to state positively whether\ntheir most westerly point was in southeastern Montana,\nnorthwestern Wyoming, or southwestern South Dakota.\n\u2014Ralph Budd. Journal of the First Expedition of Peerre Gaulthsr,\nShsur de La Verendrye to the Mandan\nVillages on the Missouri\n[Translation from the French by Douglas Brymner,\nArchivist]\nJournal in the form of a letter, from the 20th of July,\n1738, date of my departure from Michilimakinak, to May\n1739, sent to the Marquis de Beauharnois, Commander of\nthe Military Order of St. Louis, Governor and Lieutenant\nGeneral of the whole of New France, lands and country\nof Louisiana, by his very humble servant La Verendrye,\nlieutenant of a company of the detachment of the marine\nin Canada, commissioned by his orders for the discovery\nof the Western Sea.\nI had the honor, Sir, last year to notify you of my\ndeparture from Michilimakinak in six canoes, twenty-two\nmen, so fitted out as to be capable of making great speed.\nI reached the flat lands on the morning of the first of\nAugust, the twelfth day after leaving. I stopped there\nabout three hours to speak to the Indians as your representative. I found there only the chief of the Gamanes-\ntigouya, a few old and a few young people. I had already\nknown that they had all left to go among the Sioux. I\ncaused to be assembled what men there were, made them\na present of tobacco and wheat, which they value more\nthan merchandise, which is given to them cheap. I began\nmy speech by finding fault with them for going to war\nagainst the word they had given me last year when passing among them, to undertake nothing till my return;\nthat I brought them your word that you were not for the\npresent inclined to have war; that every one should keep\nquiet on his lands; that you had your reasons for this;\nyou would have them warned if you required their services. I then communicated news about which they are\nvery curious.\nS';:t;lV| ''.J.\n86\nDouglas Brymner\nThe chief answered me at once: My father, be not\nvexed with us; parties have been raised against our will.\nIt is the Canard (Duck, Indian name of M. LaPlante)\nwho wished it, to tell the truth, speaking with fine presents from our father, which thou seest here with us.\nWe did not wish to listen, expecting thy return; we are\nnot children to have two words; thou hast been long\nwith us; thou shouldst know us; we have always been\nattached to our father; we shall always be so. I encouraged them in these good dispositions, to listen after this\nonly to chiefs entrusted with your orders, to hunt well\nin order to supply the wants of their families, that the\nFrench would bring your bounty to them upon their\nown land. I bade them adieu, wishing to take advantage\nof the good weather for the rest of the day.\nI arrived on the 5th at Gamanestigouya.1 I had your\norders published and left a copy with the French who\nkeep the fort, concerning that post and that of Tekam-\namihouenne, to be handed to M. de la Marque, who was\nto arrive there at an early day. I left on the morning of\nthe 6th, and went to the Lake Tekamamihouenne.2 On\nthe 22nd of the present month I found a war chief, Mon-\nsony, with a small band, who was expecting me near\nthe little strait on the lake. They begged me to camp\nearly to give them the news. I did so and made them\na present in your name, read to them the replies which\nyou had had the goodness to make to their speeches to\nkeep quiet for the present, to take good care of their\nlands, so that the French, who came from so long a distance to supply their wants, should always find the road\nopen. The chief answered me: I thank thee, my father,\nfor having had pity on us. I will carry the news to all\nour people, who are gone for wild rice; I will make\nthem joyful at thy return and in relating to them the will\nof our father, with the words thou hast brought and the\n1 Site of present Ft. William.\n2 Probably Dog Lake. tiff\nThe Verendrye Explorations 87\naccount which the old man has given me, as well of our\nfather as of all he has seen below. Thou wilt find many\npeople at thy Fort of Lake of the Woods3, all the chiefs\nexpect thee. In finishing my speech to them, I recommended them to continue faithful to the French, not ta\nforget your words, to hunt well, so as to satisfy the traders. He answered with loud acclamations of gratitude,\nassuring me that he would never forget all that I had told\nhim. I did my best to encourage him and went to Fort\nSt. Charles, Lake of the Woods.\nOn the 31st4 I did not find Lacolle, chief of the Mon-\nsony; I sent to notify him. Wishing to speak to all the\nchiefs together, I deferred speaking to them till the 3rd\nof September, when I collected all the headmen in my\nroom and made a present in your name to the three chiefs,\nLacolle, Lamicoine and leChenail, of whom I have several\ntimes spoken in my previous journals. I began by the\nanswers to their speeches, which you had had the goodness to make, emphasizing strongly each paragraph, in\norder to make them understand the (kindness) you felt\nfor them; that all (you) had allowed them was well assured to them, so long as they on their side should be\nobedient to your word. I knew that the old man whom\nI had brought with me, entrusted with their words,\nalthough with empty hands, had made a faithful report\nto them of the kindness (you) had shown him; he constantly sang your praises; that they had a good father,\nwho should be pleased by doing his will. LaColle\nanswered for all the others, that he did not cease to weep\nfor my son and all the French men; that the lake was\nstill red with their (blood), which called for vengeance,\nwhich he had not been able to take as he wished. It was\nnot for them, people without intellect, to ask your reasons\nfor keeping them quiet for the present; that they were\n3 Fort St. Charles\n* Of August, 1738.\nWe are indebted to Chas. E. DeLand, President South Dakota\nHistorical Society 1910-1913 for these explanations. Douglas Brymner\nobedient children; agreed to your will; would keep their\nlands as you ordered them, still hoping that you would\nobtain vengeance at some future time for the miserable\nstroke the Sioux had made on their lands. However,\nyou were the master to punish or to pardon; that he\nthanked you in the name of all and prayed you to acknowledge them as your true children; that they would\nalways be faithful to us; you ordered them to keep their\nlands; that was to their interest.\nLamicoine gave profuse thanks for the great care I\nhad had of his brother. It was from the old man whom\nI had brought with me that he had learned he would\nnever see him more, begging me to assure you of his\ngratitude; that whilst he lived he would not forget the\ngood you had done to his brother; that it would be for\nhim and his to be always attached to the French; that\nmy return had brought joy to all; that their joy would\nnot be long continued, as according to what his brother\nhad told him, I was going to winter a long way off; that\nhe prayed me not to abandon them; if I wished to go far\naway from them, to leave one of my children; that he\nwished it was in his power to follow me; that he would\ndo so heartily; that his brother and his nephew who expected to follow me, would take his place. I encouraged\nthem to keep their word and to hunt well to supply the\nwants of their families; that I was going further on;\nthat was your will; I wished to increase the number of\nyour children; that I left my eldest son with them in my\nplace, who was adopted by the nations and would inform\nthem *of your words The council ended with many\nthanks. I then thought of preparing to leave; had my\nson received as commandant in my absence, and had an\norder published. Taking the two others with me, I deferred leaving until the 11th of September, waiting for\nMr. la Marque, to whom I had promised not to hasten\nso as to give him the opportunity of joining me, he having\npromised me at Michilimakinak to make haste, so that\n\"Si ' !H3 The Verendrye Explorations\n89\nhe might come with me in the autumn for the discovery\nof the Mandans, who were formerly called Ouachipou-\nanne, according to the Monsony, Courtchouatte, Crees,\nMandans: these are the names of the nation.\nSeeing on the 10th of the month that he had not arrived, and everything being in good order, as well at\nthe fort as for my departure, I left on the 11th, as I have\nalready stated, hoping that he would join me soon to\ncome with me. I arrived at Fort Marpas (Maurepas)5\non the 22nd, where I had the arms examined, published\nyour orders concerning the said post, gave a copy of it\nto Mr. Lariviere, clerk to these gentlemen, and selected\nfive of his men to come with me. As I had agreed, I left\nnine men with Mr. de Lariviere. I went to the fork of\nthe Asiliboiles (Assiniboine)6 on the 24th, where I found\nten Cree huts and two war chiefs, who expected me, with\na quantity of meat, having been notified that I was coming. They begged me to agree to remain, to have the\npleasure of seeing us and of giving us something to eat.\nI agreed, being happy to speak to them. I sent for the\ntwo chiefs to my tent. I knew that they went every\nyear to the English; it had been reported to me that there\nwas one who had received a belt from the English to play\na bad trick on the French. I told the one who had been\naccused, everything that had been said of him. I had\nthe honor of writing to you last year from Michilimakinak: of the rumors current on the subject. He\nanswered: My father, I know there are many envious\nmen who speak against me; I have not been to the English for more than six years. I sent, indeed, during the\nlast years that the French abandoned us, and it was\nnecessary to have our wants supplied. Ask those who\nhave been on my account, who are here, if they heard\nof any such accusation. I can assure thee the Englishman\nis quiet and does not speak of the French. They are\n:lW\n5 At mouth of Winnipeg River.\n6 Site of present city of Winnipeg. 90\nDouglas Brymner\nliars who have set these rumors afloat. Thou wilt know\nthe truth in time. So long as the French hold our lands\nhere, we promise thee not to go elsewhere.\nI made then a small present to encourage them to\nkeep their word; I told them everything I had said to\nthe others, as well your orders as the news. Our old man\nthen gave a great account of his journey, which afforded\nthem much pleasure. The chief whom I had accused\nsaid to me: My father, we thank thee that thou hast\nspoken well below to our father for us; we now know\nthat he has had pity on us by sending to us Frenchmen\non our lands to supply our wants; we will keep quiet as\nhe desires; the Sioux should do the same; our hearts are\nstill sick for thy son who came the first to build a fort\non our lands; we loved him much; I have once already\nbeen at war to avenge him; I have destroyed only ten\nhuts, which is not enough to satisfy us; but now our\nfather has ordered us to keep quiet; we shall do so. He\nthen asked me where I intended to go; that the river\nAssiniboine was very low; that we ran the risk of\nmaking our canoes useless; that we were going among\npeople who did not know how to kill the beaver, and\ncovered themselves only with ox skins, which we did not\nneed. They were a people without intelligence, who had\nnever seen the French and could not know them.\nI answered that I wished to go in the autumn among\nthat nation of whites who had been so much spoken of;\nthat I would ascend the river as far as I could to put\nmyself in a position to make my journey according to\nour orders; that I wished to increase the number of our\nchildren to learn to hunt on the Assiniboine and to give\nthem intellect, and that next year I would go elsewhere.\nThou dost run a great risk, my father, that the canoes\nwill leave empty. There are many Assiniboines, it is\ntrue, but they do not know how to hunt beavers; I wish\nthat thou shouldest give them intelligence. The Verendrye Explorations 91\nI left on the 26th. My old man asked me to remain a\nfew days with the Crees, who urgently asked him to remain with them and that he would rejoin me shortly.\nAs he had his vehicle I consented willingly, and recommended him to encourage these people to hunt well, to\ncarry provisions to the French forts and to keep their\nword not to go to the English. He told me that he would\nspeak to them as well as he could, and that he hoped I\nwould be satisfied. I found the water very low, there\nhaving been no rain last summer. The river flows from\nthe west, winding about greatly, wide, with a strong current and many sand bars; it is lined with fine woods on\nthe banks and the prairies extend beyond sight, through\nwhose extent are many cattle and deer. I chose to go by\nland, following the prairie; with the useless people in\nthe canoes. The road is much shorter by the prairies;\nseveral points of the river are cut at once, and a straight\nroad can be kept; game is along the river in great abundance.\nI had not marched long without meeting several Assiniboines, who, having been warned that I was ascending their river, came to meet me. I still kept on my road,\ndeferring to speak to them on their own lands. The company was increasing daily. I marched six days, making\ngood use of the time. On the evening of the 2nd of October the Indians notified me that I could not ascend the\nriver further, the water being too low; that my canoes\ncould only pass the woods, provided all the people were\nat the portage7 which goes to the Lake of the Prairies8,\nfor this is the road of the Assiniboines in going to the\nEnglish.9 Being here thou wilt stop everyone; thou\nwouldest go to the Mandans; thou art close to the road.\nI consulted what we should do, believing that we were\nabout sixty leagues from the fork by water and about\n7 Site of present city of Portage la Pr.airie.\n8 Lake Manitoba.\n9 At Hudson's Bay. 92\nDouglas Brymner\nthirty-five to forty by land, by taking the prairies. All\npresent, seeing that we could not pass further and that\nwe ran a great risk of damaging our canoes so that we\ncould not leave, being in a place without resources for\nrepairing them, having neither gum nor resin, felt that it\nwas more suitable to remain in a place where there was\nplenty and which was on the road to go to the English,\nthat we had reason to hope well of the people and all\npersons who certainly do not go to Fort Maurepas. I resolved on the morning of the 3rd to select an advantageous place to build a fort, which I made them begin\nimmediately. I still hoped that M. de la Marque would\ncome to join me. If I had gone higher up he would not\nhave been able to find me. I spoke to the Assiniboines\nwhilst they were building an oven, I assembled them near\nmy tent, made them a present in your name, of powder,\nball, tobacco, axes, knives, paring knives, awls, the whole\nmuch valued among those who are in great need of everything. They received me with great ceremony; many with\ntears in testimony of their joy in exchange for their grief s.\nI received them among the number of your children,\ngiving them afterwards full instructions respecting your\norders, repeating them several times in order that they\nmight comprehend. That appeared to give them great\npleasure.\nThey thanked me greatly, promised to do wonders.\nI recommended them to inform the Assiniboines of the\nRed River that there were Frenchmen among them;\nthat the French would not abandon them; so long as they\nhad intelligence they ought to know the kindness you\nhad for them by sending them what they needed from\nsuch a distance; that their relative, the old man, whom\nI had brought with me, could tell them what had taken\nplace with us daily. He, in truth, spared nothing to inform them and to teach them what it is to have to do\nwith the French; all ended in great weeping and thanks. The Verendrye Explorations 93\nSome days later, I secured a guide whom, with others,\nI paid to accompany me on my search and to carry the\nbaggage.\nOn the evening of the 9th Mr. de la Marque with the\nSieur Nolant, his brother, and eight men in two canoes\narrived, which gave me much pleasure. I testified by\ngratitude to Mr. de la Marque for the trouble he had\ntaken to bring us reinforcements; I questioned him if he\nhad left many people at Fort St. Charles, Lake of the\nWoods, and whom he had left at [Fort] Maurepas. He\nanswered me that he had left eight men at the first with\ntwo traders, having brought all the canoes he had, not\nbecause he hoped to be able to load them, since he had not\nbeen able to bring the heavy goods, but that he had promised he would join me, and did not wish to break his word;\nthat I * required people for my expedition, that he had\nbrought them, without injury to himself, not requiring\nhis people during the winter. I thanked him, telling him\nthat if he joined our expedition he would be saved, himself and all his people, the expense until they returned.\nHe told me he wished to share the expense. I answered\nthat that could not be, it was enough for me that he\nsupplied the men and himself without the necessity of\nsharing the expense, which I had already provided for.\nI gave him room, at his request,in my fort to build a\nhouse to lodge all his people.\nOn the return from 'our journey on the 15th of the\nmonth, the fort and houses being completed, I thought\nof making everything ready for our departure. Mr. de la\nMarque told me he had brought Mr. de Louviere to the\nFork with two canoes to build a fort there for the accommodation of the people of the Red River. I approved of\nit, if the Indians were notified. On the 16th I had the\ndrum beat to arms, to pass every one in review and to\nselect such as were necessary for my expedition. After\nthe inspection of the arms, I published your orders regarding the post; I selected twenty men, ten of Mr. de la vrrr\n94\nDouglas Brymner\nMarque's and ten of mine. I warned them to keep themselves in readiness for the 18th, gave them a pound of\npowder and twenty balls each, shoes, an axe, a kettle to\nbe used on the journey; gave to each man, French and\nIndian, a bag of powder, sixty balls, two fathoms of tobacco; some small wares, more for present necessities\nthan anything else, as awls, gun-flints, gun-screws and\nsteels. I had put into a leather bag what I wanted for\npresent use, that a wife of our guide carried for me, and\nall that was of use for myself, my servant and my slave\ncarried. That settled, I had Sanschagrin received as\ncommander in my absence, as a man of wise and prudent\nmind, who fills the office of sergeant. Taking my two\nchildren with me, I left him two soldiers and ten hired\nmen as a guard for the fort, and then give him orders and\ninstructions in writing of all he was to do during my\nabsence.\nOn the 18th10, all being in good order in the fort, I\nmade all our people set out, with orders to encamp not\nfar off, and afterwards to leave with Mr. da la Marque\nabout noon, encouraging the Indians whom I left at the\nfort to hunt cattle11, the beaver not being yet good, to\nfurnish provisions to the French whom I left. Our small\nband consisted of 52 persons, twenty hired men, all good\nmen, Mr. de la Marque, his brother, my two children,\nmy servant and a slave, the rest Indians. The third day\nafter leaving, a village of forty Assiniboine huts joined\nus, with the intention of speaking to me. The chief asked\nme to grant him the favor of remaining for the day, to\nhave the pleasure of seeing us and of showing their hospitality. I agreed, on the solicitation of our guide. I made\nhim a small present of powder, and made the same statement to him as I had done to all the others. He testified\n10 Of October.\n11 Buffalo. The Verendrye Explorations 95\nmuch gratitude, promising wonders; that he would carry\nprovisions to the French, and would hunt to the utmost,\nso as to supply their wants.\nOn the 21st we continued our route, as far as the first\nmountain12, twenty-six leagues distant from our fort, still\nto the south by south-west; from the first mountain to\nthe second13 west and by north-west, 24 leagues. From\nthe point of the second mountain to go direct to the Mandans we must keep to the southwest. But we were obliged\nto do much more, as on a road which is two leagues in a\nstraight line, we made three or four from our fort. It may\nhave been a hundred and twenty leagues to the west\nsouth-west that our guide lengthened the road by from\nfifty to sixty leagues and a number of stops to which we\nwere obliged to agree, making us spend the finest weather\nin autumn staying still, so that we took forty-six days to\ngo a distance we should have done easily in sixteen or\ntwenty days at the most. We had, perforce, to have patience; all that I could say to our guide to make him\nhasten was to no purpose. He made us take for the\nheight of happiness twenty-two leagues of a road which\nwas taking us off our route, to get to a village14 of a\nhundred and two huts which he had gone to look for, and\nhad brought us eight men, whom the chiefs of the village\nhad sent to beg me to join them, that they were all inclined to accompany me to the Mandans, telling me that\nthe Sioux often visited in that direction and that I had\nneed of an escort. We had to make up our minds to go\nthere.\nWe arrived there on the 18th of November, in the\nafternoon. A number of messengers had gone before us\nand we were received with great joy. They led us, Mr.\nde la Marque, his brother and my children, into the hut\n12 Probably the Pembina Mountains.\n13 Turtle Mountains.\n14 This Indian village is supposed to have been on the west side of\nthe Mouse River just south of the international boundary in North Dakota. 96\nDouglas Brymner\nof a young chief, where every one was ready to receive\nus. They made a great feast for us and for all our people,\nwho did not want for a good appetite. On the 19th I assembled the chiefs and head men of the village in the hut\nwhere I was, I gave them a present in your name of\npowder, balls, knives and tobacco, telling them that I\nreceived them into the number of your children; that if\nthey had sense you promised hot to abandon them; that\nthe French were now established on their lands and would\nprovide for all their wants; that they must hunt the\nbeaver and keep to their lands; that you did not wish\nfor war at present, desiring to make all the lands smooth,\nso that all our children might live in peace, of whom I\nwould increase the number every day. I made the same\nrecital to them that I had made to all the others. There\nwas a great thankfulness, with many tears and ceremonies, by passing their hands over my head, taking\nme in your room and place as their father, and our\nFrenchmen as brothers by again passing their hands\nover our heads, all weeping. This ceremony ended, the\norator said: We thank thee, my father, for so willingly\ntaking the trouble to come to us; we are all going in\nthy company to the Mandans to bring thee to thy fort;\nwe have sent four men to warn them who are about to\narrive, who report that the Mandans are greatly rejoicing at thy coming amongst them and are to come to\nmeet thee. We have sent other four young men to bring\nthem to the place we have selected for them; we will go\nquietly to the hunting to have fat on arriving there, to eat\nwith the grain of which they always eat much, having\nseldom either meat or fat. I thanked them for their good\nwill, and encouraged them to send us on quickly; that\nthey could see as well as I, the very advanced season.\nKnowing that the Mandans had no supplies of fat, I\npurchased it in the village to give to all of our people\nwhatever they would carry, and made the Indians carry\nfor us, for which I paid them; I warned our Frenchmen The Verendrye Explorations\n97\nthat I intended to spend part of the winter among the\nMandans; that if they did not take a good load of fat,\nthey must eat their wheat and beans with water.\nOn the 20th, the whole village set out on the march\nto' go the seventeen leagues where the meeting place for\nthe Mandans had been chosen; every day they entertained\nus with the tale that the whites we were going to see\nwere Frenchmen like ourselves, who said they were our\ndescendants. All they told us gave us good hope of\nmaking a discovery which would deserve attention. Mr.\nde la Marque and I made plans along the road from what\nthey were telling us, believing that to be true, from which\nwe had to deduct much. I observed to Mr. de la Marque\nthe good order in which the Assiniboines march to prevent surpise, marching always on the prairies, the hillsides and valleys from the first mountain, which did not\nmake them fatigued by mounting and descending often in\ntheir march during the day. There are magnificent plains\nof three or four leagues. The march of the Assiniboines,\nespecially when they are numerous, is in three columns,\nhaving skirmishers in front, with a good rear guard, the\nold and lame march in the middle, forming the central\ncolumn. I kept all the French together as much as possible. If the skirmishers' discovered herds of cattle15 on\nthe road, as often happens, they raise a cry which is soon\nreturned by the rear guard, and all the most active men\nin the columns join the vanguard to hem in the cattle,\nof which they secure a number, and each takes what\nflesh he wants. Since that stops the march, the vanguard\nmarks out the encampment which is not to be passed;\nthe women and dogs carry all the baggage, the men are\nburdened only with their arms; they make the dogs even\ncarry wood to make the fires, being often obliged to encamp in the open prairie, from which the clumps of wood\nmay be had at a great distance.\nm\n16 Buffalo. 98\nDouglas Brymner\nOn the morning of the 28th16, we arrived at the place\nselected for the meeting with the Mandans, who arrived\ntowards evening\u2014a chief, with thirty men and the four\nAssiniboines. The chief, after having from the top of a\nheight considered for some time the extent of our village,\nwhich appeared of a good size, I had him brought to the\nhut where I was, where a place had been prepared to receive him on one side of it. He came and placed himself\nnear me; one of his people then, on his part, presented\nme with a gift of Indian corn in the ear, and of their tobacco in rolls, which is not good, as they do not know how\nto cure it like we. It is very like ours, with this difference, that it is not cultivated and is cut green, everything\nbeing turned to account, the stalks and leaves together.\nI gave him some of mine, which he thought very good.\nI acknowledged that I was surprised, expecting to see\ndifferent people from the other Indians, especially after\nthe account given me. There is no difference from the\nAssiniboines; they are naked, covered only with a buffalo\nrobe, worn carelessly without breech clout. I knew from\nthat time that we had to make allowance for all that we\nhad been told.\nThe chief spoke to me in Assiniboine, testifying the\njoy which I had given to all their nation by my arrival\namong them; that he begged me to accept them among the\nnumber of your children; that he wished afterwards to\nhave to do only with us; that I might dispose of all he\nhad; that he begged me to remain at his fort, that it was\nthe nearest and smaller than the others, but well supplied\nwith provisions; that there were six forts belonging to\nthe same nation; that it was the only one not far from the\nriver. He told me he had received two belts from me;\nthat they had been shown to me on my arrival as they\nhad always hoped to see me. I thanked him for all his\ncivilities and offers, telling him that I had come from a\nlong distance to form a friendship with them, and that\n16 November. The Verendrye Explorations\n99\nI would speak to them so soon as I should have arrived\nat their fort. He immediately played us a trick; having\nexamined our village on his arrival, as I have stated,\njudging that there would be a great many people, and if\nthey all came to his fort, there must be a great consumption of grain, their custom being to feed liberally all who\ncame among them, selling only what was to be taken\naway, he gave many thanks to the Assiniboines for having brought the French among them; that it could not\nhave happened more opportunely; that the Sioux would\nnot be long of arriving among them, having been warned,\nbegging me, like the Assiniboines, to assist them, hoping\nmuch from our valour and courage. I was entrapped like\nthe Assiniboines, with this difference, that the Assiniboines stood confounded, whilst I rejoiced, believing that\nI had found an opportunity to be avenged on that accursed nation. I promised him every assistance from myself and our Frenchmen should they come whilst we were\nwith them, for which he thanked me. He was sent for to\ncome to the feast and questioned respecting the Sioux.\nThe Assiniboines, numerous, strong and robust men,\nare not brave; they greatly fear the Sioux, whom they\nthink to be braver. The Mandans know their weakness\nand profit by it, as opportunity arises. The council was\nheld to discuss what should be done. The most decided\nopinion was that it was not necessary to go further than\nto warn me of the risk I was about to run if I wished to\npursue our course. An old man rose firmly: Do not think\nthat our father is a coward; I know him better than\nthe others do; I have been with him ever since he left\nhis fort; do not believe that the Sioux can frighten him or\nany of his people. What will he think of us? He has\nlengthened his road to join us, agreeing to our wish for\nhis company among the Mandans and to bring him back\nto his fort. He would have gone to-day if he had not\nlistened to us, and you would think of abandoning him\nby letting him go alone, which cannot be. If we fear the 100\nDouglas Brymner\nSioux let us leave our village here till our return; let every\nman able to march follow our father. All agreed in the\nold man's opinion; it was decided that only a few should\nremain to protect the women; all the rest would accompany me. I was notified of the result of the council; word\nwas sent throughout the village to warn every one to be\nready to march the day after tomorrow, the 30th of the\nmonth17, thus making a little longer delay among the\nMandans, who knew how to profit by it by the sale of their\ngrain, tobacco, peltry and painted plumes, which they\nknow the Assiniboines greatly value, who had brought\nand now gave i,n exchange muskets, axes, kettles, powder,\nballs, knives and awls. They are much craftier in trade\nthan the Assiniboines and others, who are constantly\ntheir dupes.\nWe left on the morning of the 30th, about 600 men,\nseveral women without children, the best walkers. On\nthe evening of the third day of our march, about seven\nleagues from the first fort of the Mandans, I was informed that an Assiniboine had taken the bag from my\nslave on the road, under pretext of relieving him, and\nhad returned to the village. My box, in which were my\npapers, and many things of use to me, were in the bag.\nI immediately engaged two young men to run after him,\nwhom I paid, making them promise to bring the bag to\nthe Mandans, where I would wait for them. They set out\nduring the night, overtook the rascal, who had already\ndecamped from the village, made him return everything\nand came back to their village to keep the whole, hoping\nto restore it to me on my return, not daring to come after\nme, being afraid of the Sioux. I saw myself deprived of\nmany things which were of daily use. The orator gave\nnotice that we must leave before four in the morning in\norder to arrive early at the fort. I found at a league and\na half, about noon, near a small river, a number of people\nwho had come to meet us had lighted fires, expecting us,\n17 November. The Verendrye Explorations\n101\nand had brought coarse grain cooked and flour made into\na paste, with pumpkins, to give all enough to eat. Two\nchiefs had made a place ready for me near the fire and\npresented me first with something to eat and to smoke.\nMr. de la Marque arrived shortly after me. I asked him\nto sit near me and to eat whilst resting.\nWe remained fully two hours resting. We were\nwarned that it was time to go. I made one of my children\ntake the flag painted with the arms of France, and march\nat the front; and ordered the French to follow in ranks.\nThe Sieur Nolant relieved my son in carrying the flag,\neach taking it in turn. The Mandans would not let me\nmarch, but offered to carry me, to which I had to consent,\nbeing requested by the Assiniboines, who told me I would\ndisplease them greatly if I refused.\nAt four acres from the fort, on a small height, the\nold men of the fort, accompanied by a great number of\nthe youth, were waiting to present me with the calumet\nand to show me the two belts I had sent them four or five\nyears ago. They gave a seat to me and to Mr. de la\nMarque. I received their compliments, which related\nonly to the joy they felt at our arrival. I ordered my son,\nthe Chevalier, to make all our Frenchmen draw up in\nline, the flag four paces in front; all the Assiniboines who\nhad muskets placed themselves in line like our Frenchmen. After compliments had been paid, I saluted the fort\nwith three volleys. Many people came to meet us, but\nnothing in comparison with what appeared on the ramparts and along the trenches. I marched in good order\nto the fort18, into which I entered on the 3rd of December\nat four in the afternoon, escorted by all the French and\nAssiniboines. We were led into the hut of the head chief.\nIt was certainly large, but not enough to hold all who\nwished to enter. The crowd was so great that they\ncrushed one another, Assiniboines and Mandans. There\n18 This fort was located about five miles south of Minot, near the\nsouth loop of the Mouse River.\nttfl 102\nDouglas Brymner\nwas only the place where we were, Mr. de la Marque, his\nbrother and my children, free of them. I asked that the\ncrowd should retire, to leave our Frenchmen clear, and to\nput their baggage in a place of safety, telling them they\nhad all time to see us. Everyone was put out, but I had\nbeen too late. The bag of goods had been stolen, in which\nwere all my presents, through the fault of one of the hired\nmen in whose care I had placed it before reaching the\nfort. He had unloaded on entering the hut without looking out for the bag, which he had put beside him in the\ngreat crowd. I felt rather confounded; my box lost, my\nbag of presents, which was very necessary for the place,\nand there were upwards of 300 livres inside.\nThe Assiniboines seemed greatly annoyed and at once\nmade a strict but useless search. Their fort is full of\ncaves, well suited for concealment. The chief of the Mandans appeared greatly moved at my loss, and said for my\nconsolation that there were many rascals among them.\nHe would do his utmost to discover something about it.\nHad I accepted the offer of the Assiniboines, I might have\nhad it found in a little time by force, but I preferred to\nlose it and to make peace about everything, as I wanted\nto spend a part of the winter with them to get a knowledge of the more distant country.\nOn the 14th19 I had the principal Mandans and Assiniboines assembled in the hut where I was. I gave them\nmy present of powder and balls, telling them that I could\ngive them nothing else; that they all knew that\nwhat I brought to give in presents had been carried,off.\nI declared to them that I was inclined to remain some\ntime to gain a knowledge of the country according to our\norders, which I could not do in a day. The Mandans testified their joy, assuring me that I need not be afraid of\nfasting, that they had provisions in reserve, far more\nthan were necessary for us, and that their whole fort was\nwell supplied, that I might dispose of it being master\n19 Should be December 4th. The Verendrye Explorations\n103\namong them. The elder of the Assiniboines, the orator of\nthe village, said to me: My father, we have brought thee\nhere; I do not doubt that thou mayest be well here; we\nflatter ourselves with bringing thee back to thy fort; thou\nart the master to do what thou shalt consider suitable;\nwe will come to seek thee, so soon as thou shalt wish it.\nSpeaking then to the Mandans: We are leaving our\nfather; take great care of him and of all the French;\nlearn to know them; they know how to do everything;\nhe is a spirit; we love and fear him; do like us. We leave\nmuch grieved at the theft which has been committed on\nour father by entering among us; what can he think of\nus; we cannot deny that it is an unworthy thing. The\nFrenchman came to see us and you robbed him; we are\npleased that our father should be good or it would not\nhave passed in that way. I do not fear to tell you so; we\ncould have found the bag had he wished it; there is still\ntime if he will. I made him finish, as I saw the old man\nwas getting heated.\nOne of the Mandan chiefs answered: Neither I, nor\nmy people have any share in what you accuse us of; I\ndo not answer for others; I am vexed enough; I have\nhad every search made by my young men; I have nothing\nto reproach myself with. Who knows if it is not an Assiniboine? There were some of both in the crowd; thou\ncan'st answer for nothing. Be not uneasy as to what regards our father and all his people; he is here master as\nif he were at home. We beg him to number us among his\nchildren. This I did at once, by putting my hands on the\nhead of each chief, which is the usual ceremony, answered\nby loud shouts of joy and thanks. I then said to the Assiniboines : I am sending four Frenchmen to my fort to\ngive my news there; I recommend you to get them to that\nplace as soon as you can. I have left powder in the village and all that is necessary to have them brought. The\ncouncil ended with loud thanks from both parties. As the\nAssiniboines did not yet speak of leaving, although they 104\nDouglas Brymner\nhad purchased all they were able to do, such as painted\nox-robes, deer skin, dressed buck skin and ornamented\nfurs and feathers, painted feathers, and peltry, wrought\ngarters, circlets for head, girdles.\nThese people dress leather better than any of the\nother nations, and work in furs and feathers very tastefully, which the Assiniboines are not capable of doing.\nThey are cunning traders, cheating the Assiniboines of\nall they may possess, such as muskets, powder, balls,\nkettles, axes, knives or awls, Seeing the great consumption of food daily by the Assiniboines, and afraid that it\nwould not last long, they set afloat a rumor that the Sioux\nwere near and that several of their hunters had noticed\nthem. The Assiniboines fell into the trap and made up\ntheir minds quickly to decamp, not wishing to be obliged\nto fight. A Mandan chief let me understand by a sign\nthat the rumor about the Sioux was to get rid of the\nAssiniboines. At six in the morning they all left in great\nhaste, believing the Sioux were near and fearing the road\nmight be blocked up. The chief with whom I had lodged\nbrought five men to remain with me, saying: My father, I\nstill hope that you will join us for a little; I march peaceably. Here are five of my young men whom I give thee\nto remain with thee and to guide thee when thou shalt\nwish to leave. I made him a small present to thank him,\ntelling him that he knew that I had sense and that I intended shortly to reward him for his attention. He left\nwith great protestations of friendship.\nI was notified shortly after that an interpreter whom\nI paid liberally to secure him had decamped in spite of all\nthe offers which my son, the Chevalier, had made him,\nas he was going after an Assiniboine woman with whom\nhe had fallen in love, but who would not remain with him.\nHe was a young man of the Cree nation speaking good\nAssiniboine. As there were several Mandans who spoke\nit well enough, I made myself very well understood, as\nmy son spoke Cree and the Cree interpreted into Assini- The Verendrye Explorations\n105\nboine. But here was the height of misfortune, as we\ncould only make ourselves understood by signs and demonstrations. If I had suspected my interpreter, who every\nday assured me he would always remain with me and\nnever abandon me, I would have taken advantage of the\ntime I had him with me to make the demands on the\nMandans I wished to make. But flattering myself that I\nhad a man on whom I could rely, I put off till after the\ndeparture of the Assiniboines.\nAll day I was greatly embarrassed; all that I wanted\nto know and the few questions I had put were asked in\nthe evening after everyone had retired; such as, if there\nwere many people along the river going down, and what\nnations; if the places at a distance were known. I was\nanswered that there were five forts on the two banks of\nthe river, belonging to their nation, much larger than\nthat in which we were; that at a day's journey from the\nlast of their forts were the Pananas, who had several\nforts; then the Pananis; that these two nations who held\nmuch of the country were now at war for four years, had\nalways from all time been closely united and in alliance\ntogether; that he would tell me afterward the causes\nwhich had set them at variance. The Pananas and Pananis20 made their forts like them. In summer they grew\nwheat and tobacco on the lower part of the river, which\nwas very wide, land not being visible from one shore to\nthe other; the water bad for drinking. All these lands\nare inhabited by whites21' like us, who work in iron. The\nword iron among all the nations here means all sorts of\nmetals which they call iron; that they only marched on\nhorseback, both for hunting and war; that these men\ncould not be killed by arrow or musket, being covered with\niron, but that by killing the horse the man could be caught\neasily, as he could not run; that he had a shield of iron\nvery clear, fought with lances and sabres, with which he\nm\n20 Perhaps Pawnees on the upper Platte'River.\n21 The Spaniards on the lower Mississippi River. 106\nDouglas Brymner\nwas very skilfiul; the women were never seen in the\nfields; their forts and houses were stone. I asked if there\nwere fine woods, and if the prairie continued in heights\nand hollows. He answered that the wood was along the\nriver in places and also on the prairies in islands; that\nthe further down the more the hills increased; that many\nof them were only rocks of fine stone, especially along the\nriver. I asked if it took long to go where the whites, the\nhorsemen, were. I was answered that the Pananas and\nPananis had horses like the whites; it would take a whole\nsummer to make the journey, and that since they were\nat war with the Pananas the men would not undertake\nto go far, the roads being closed to them. That cattle\nwere abundant on the prairies, far larger and fatter than\nthose we had seen on their prairies; their coat white and\nof several colours. He showed us horns split in half, of a\ngreenish colour which hold nearly three pints. In all the\nhuts they have them in use as ladles, proving that they\nhave killed many when the road was open. That was\nall I could learn even by chance, as I had relied on my\ninterpreter, that I would have time to be thoroughly informed at leisure.\nSix days after the Assiniboines left I sent my son,\nthe Chevalier, with Sieur Nolant, six Frenchmen and\nseveral Mandans to the nearest fort, which is on the bank\nof the river22. If well received they were to sleep there,\nto get the best information of the course of the river;\nwho dwell there; if they are acquainted with the lower\npart, in accordance with what was told us; to learn all\nthat could be ascertained by signs and demonstrations.\nAfter their departure, Mr. de la Marque and I walked\nabout to observe the size of their fort and their fortifications. I decided to have the huts counted. It was found that\nthere were a hundred and thirty of them. Several of our\n22This fort was on the east side of the Missouri River, one mile\nsouth of the mouth of the Little Knife in McLean County, North Dakota. (O. G. Libby, University of North Dakota.) The Verendrye Explorations\n107\n> m\nsquares and huts resembled each other. Several of our\nFrenchmen wandered about; they found the street and\nsquares very clean, the ramparts very level and broad;\nthe palisade supported on cross-pieces morticed into posts\nof fifteen feet. At fifteen points doubled are green skins\nwhich are put for sheathing when required, fastened\nonly above in the places needed, as in the bastion there\nare four at each curtain well flanked. The fort is built\non a height in the open prairies with a ditch upwards of\nfifteen feet deep to eighteen feet wide. Their fort can\nonly be gained by steps or posts which can be removed\nwhen threatened by an enemy. If all their forts are alike,\nthey may be called impregnable to Indians. Their fortifications are not Indian.\nThis nation is mixed white and black. The women\nare fairly good-looking, especially the white, many with\nblonde and fair hair. Both men and women of this nation\nare very industrious; their huts are large and spacious,\nseparated into several apartments by thick planks; nothing is left lying about; all their baggage is in large bags\nhung on posts; their beds made like tombs surrounded\nby skins; all go to bed naked, men and women. These\nmen are always naked, covered only with a buffalo robe;\na great part of the women naked like the men, with this\ndifference, that they wear a loose apron, about a hand\nbreadth wide and a foot long, sewed to a girdle in front\nonly; all the women have this kind of protection, although\nthey have a petticoat wnich gives no constraint, they do\nnot close the thighs; as is the case with other Indian\nwomen when they sit down. Several carry a kind of gown\nof very soft deer skin; there are many deer, they are\nvery small. Their fort is full of caves, in which are stored\nsuch articles as grain, food, fat, dressed robes, bear skins.\nThey are well supplied with these; it is the money of the\ncountry; the more they have of it the richer they believe\nthemselves to be. They are fond of tatooing, but never\nmore than half of the body is tatooed, both of men and wmm\nzk\nI\n108 Douglas Brymner\nwomen. They make wicker work very neatly, flat and in\nbaskets. They make use of earthen pots, which they use\nlike many other nations for cooking their food. They are\nfor the most part great eaters; are eager for feasts.\nThey brought me every day more than twenty dishes of\nwheat, beans and pumpkins, all cooked. Mr. de la Marque,\nwho did not hate feasts, went to them continually with\nmy children. As I did not go to them, my share was sent\nto me. The men are stout and tall, generally very active,\nfairly good looking, with a good physiognomy. The women\nhave not the Indian physiognomy. The men indulge in a\nsort of ball play on the squares and ramparts.\nOn the evening of the 4th23, the Sieur Nolant and my\nson arrived, well satisfied with their journey, having\nbeen well received and strongly urged to remain longer.\nThe fort is on the bank of the river, as large again as this;\nthe squares and streets very fine and clean; their palisade is in the best order and strength; the whole built in\nthe same fashion as the one in which we were. From\nwhat they could hear, all their forts were alike; who saw\none saw them all, with this difference, that some were\nmuch larger than others; that the last was the largest of\nall. The nearest to the Pananas that the river appeared\nto go, was according to the compass, south-west by south,\nby signs given to them; the lower part may go to the sea\nto the south-west by west. They were often amused with\nbroken talk; not being able to answer questions put\nto them, they answered something else, for want of understanding. The waters of their rivers come down with\ngreat rapidity, having many shoals. The water is not\ngood for drinking, being brackish. We have constantly\nfound from the last mountain almost all the marshes and\nponds brackish, or sulphurous. What they could understand was, that on the lower part of the river there\nwere men like us, who made cloth and linen, were very\n\u00bb Of January, 1739. rf-Pil!\nThe Verendrye Explorations\n109\nnumerous, and had wars with a large part of the Indians. We saw that it was useless to question them, as\nthey could not undestand us.\nWe did not cease going to their feasts all the time\nwe were at their fort, but could not attend all those to\nwhich we were asked. We noticed that in the plain there\nwere several small forts, of forty or fifty huts, built like\nthe large ones, but no one was there at the time. They\nmade us understand that they came inside for the summer to work their fields and that there was a large reserve of grain in their cellars. This is all the information\nthey could give of their journey. On the 8th of December24\nI ordered my son to take the latitude which was forty-\neight degrees, twelve minutes. On the evening of the 7th\nI had consulted with Mr. de la Marque as to the course\nwe should take. Like myself, he knew that little remained\nwith us for presents, which rendered it impossible for us\nto go further; the season too trying to be able to undertake anything, and above all, no interpreter nor any hope\nof getting one during the winter. We had every reason to\nfear that the roads would become impracticable in spring\non account of the waters and with the risk of arriving too\nlate for the setting out of our canoes; the powder I would\nhave would not perhaps be enough to supply all our wants\nduring the winter and with the small quantity of goods\nremaining we might find ourselves in a difficulty about all\nour people, having no longer anything to carry us on, as\nthe Indians would only serve us so far as they were paid\nand that in advance, as they look on promises as a very\nsmall resource. On the other hand, that we had reason to\napprehend setting out on a march in the worst season of\nthe year. After having considered the whole, we decided\nthat we must set out, leaving two men fit to learn the\nlanguage in a short time, one in the fort in which we\nwere and the other in the nearest fort, as being alone\n24 Of January, 1739. 110\nDouglas Brymner\nthey could learn much more quickly and could consequently give all the information. Mr. de la Marque selected one\nof his hired men, a man of intelligence, whom he offered\nme as being one of the most capable, able to write. I accepted him with pleasure and gave him my servant as the\nsecond, although he was very useful to me, as well as\nvery useful and attached to my service, I preferred to\ndeprive myself of him for the good he might afterwards\nrender, knowing his strong and quick intellect, with a\ngood memory and facility in learning languages, very\nwise and fearing God. I gave him full instructions of\nall he had to do, and on his side, Mr. de la Marque promised to send to look after them next summer.\nThat ended, so far as regarded the two men whom I\nleft, I notified our five Assiniboines, whom I made to understand that I wished to set out shortly, which gave\nthem much joy. I showed them by signs, not being able\nto make myself understood otherwise, that it would be\nnecessary for them to set out with two Frenchmen on the\nmorning of the next day, that everything would be ready\nfor them, so that they might go speedily to the village\nto warn them to expect us; that I would leave four days\nafter them', so that I might prepare everything for the\njourney. I then informed the Mandans of my design,\nwhich appeared to give them much sorrow. I showed\nthem the two Frenchmen whom I left in my place, recommending that they should be taken good care of. They\ngave me many thanks, with great protestations of friendship and fidelity. I then let them know that I would not\nabandon them. I asked the chief to give me meal for the\njourney. The news soon spread throughout the fort. On\nthe morning of the 8th, I made the two Frenchmen set\nout, guided by two Assiniboines, as I have already said,\nto go to warn the village of my departure. Wheat flour\npounded for the journey was brought, much more than\nwas necessary. I thanked them, giving them some needles\nwhich they greatly value. They would have loaded a The Verendrye Explorations\n111\nhundred men for the journey; in a short time all hastened\nto bring me some. I made all our people take what they\nwished, which was done in a very short time.\nHaving provided for all that our people needed, I assembled the chiefs and principal Mandans, made them a\npresent of powder, balls, and several trifles, which they\ngreatly value, owing to their need for them. I gave the\nhead chief a flag, gave him a leaden plate, which I had\nornamented with ribbon at the four corners. It was put\ninto a box to be kept in perpetuity, in memory of my\ntaking possession of their lands, which I did in the king's\nname. It will be preserved from father to son, better\nthan if I had put it in the ground, where it would have\nrun the risk of being stolen. I made them understand as\nwell as I could, that I left them that mark in memory of\nthe Frenchmen who had come upon their lands. I very\nmuch desired I could have made them understand, in order\nto tell them many things which might have been very\nuseful to them and to us, which to my regret and to theirs\nI could not do. I had wrought with so much diligence,\nthat on the evening of the eighth everything was\nready for our departure, which I calculated to accomplish\nsooner than I had given notice of. During the night, between the 8th and 9th, I was taken ill, and in a very short\ntime was very ill; I did not know what to think of it.\nI kept my bed for three days. Finding myself better\non the fourth, I prepared to set out the next day. I gave\nthe two men enough to defray their expenses liberally,\nand even to pay a guide, if need were to bring them to our\nfort; informed them once again of the cause which obliged\nme to leave them there. So soon as they could make themselves understood, they were to neglect nothing to learn\nwhat was this nation of whites, what metal they worked\nwith; if there were any mines to their knowledge; what\nnations were above, going up the river; if they knew a\nheight of land\u2014in a word, to neglect nothing to obtain all\npossible information respecting the country.\n|||'>1 112\nDouglas Brymner\nI set out, although ill, in the hope that it would be\nnothing and that I would recover at the village my box\nin which I had put some remedies. On the 13th of December25, to the great regret of all the Mandans, a chief\ncame to conduct us a league and a half's distance, whence\nI sent him back; he testified to me by great demonstrations the regret he felt at my departure, making a sign\nthat I would not abandon him, but to return and that\nhe would accompany us. I gave him a small present of\npowder, once more recommending the two Frenchmen\nwhom I left with them. He made me a sign that he\nwould take one to his own house. I dismissed him after\ngiving him many thanks. In the evening I noticed that\nwe had only two Assiniboines with us. They made me\nunderstand that one had remained with our Frenchmen,\nnot wishing to abandon them; that they would return\nonly in summer with them. I arrived at the village on\nthe 24th, still very ill. We had experienced excessive\ncold, which caused great delay.\nMy box was restored to me; nothing had been touched;\nthey had been satisfied with the slave's bag, which was\nreturned to me empty. Having rested a little, I reproached them for lying to me respecting the Mandans;\nthat there was very little truth in all they had told me.\nThey answered, that they had not pretended to speak\nof the Mandans, saying that they were like us, that they\nhad intended to speak of that nation which is at the\nlower part of the river, who work in iron. An Assiniboine rose above the others, saying to me: This is the\nonly one who can speak better to thee about it; thou\nhast not understood properly what was said to thee; I\ndo not lie. Last summer I killed one who was covered\nwith iron, as I have already said several times. If I had\nnot killed the horse first, I could not have killed the man.\nI said to him: What hast thou brought of his spoil to\nshow us that thou speakest the truth? As I wished to\n5 Of January. The Verendrye Explorations\n113\ncut off his head, I noticed men on horseback, who were\nblocking the way, I escaped with difficulty; I kept nothing\nto carry off; I threw away everything I had even to my\nblanket, in my flight. What I say is true, and I will\nhave it told to thee by others who were with me the following spring. They are not here now, but thou shalt\nsee them. What I have said I repeat; the other side of\nthe river cannot be seen; the water is salt; it is a country\nof mountains; a great extent between the mountains of\nfine land; many cattle, big and stout, white and of different colors, many stags and deer; I have seen their\nwheat fields, where no women are to be seen; what I tell\nthee is without deceit; thou wilt learn further of it afterwards.\nI continued my journey after three days' rest. I\nreached the first mountain on the 9th of January26, where\nwe remained a long time. Mr. de la Marque made up his\nmind to go on, seeing me still very ill, in order to send\nme assistance. He arrived on the first of February; I\narrived only on the 10th27, greatly fatigued and very ill.\nI met the assistance he sent me at thirty-five leagues\nfrom the fort, which gave me great pleasure, having\ngreat need of it. I have never endured so much wretchedness in my life, from illness and fatigue, as in that\njourney. I found myself, after a fortnight's rest, a little\nrestored. Mr. de la Marque waited my arrival to carry\nout his design of going to Fort Maurepas, having learned\nthat there were no provisions. I told him that I thought\nhis presence would be very useful in his post. He determined to set out, asking me to leave his brother with a\nlarge party of hired men for provisions at my fort, flattering themselves that there was more hope there of seeing\npeople. We were nearly starving, when fortunately two\nhuts of Indians came, whom I stopped at the fort. They\nsupplied us by their hunting moose and deer. We num-\nM\n26 Should be February 9th.\n27 March 10. 114\nDouglas Brymner\nbered forty-two persons in the fort, which means a large\nconsumption of food. Mr. de la Marque left on the\n16th28 of the month. I received news from him shortly\nafter. He informed me that he dreaded a famine, not\nseeing Indians. We are now in the 16th of April and\nhave not yet seen any one. I do not know how God preserves us.\nI sent my son, the Chevalier, that morning, the 16th\nof April, with an Indian to go to make a search for the\nfort of Lake Winipigon29, and to take notice of the rivers\nwhich fall into it, especially the White River30 (to which\nI intend to go on the return of our canoes), from the\nmine which is in the lake, and from that which is in the\nWhite River, from the outlet into it, especially the White\nRiver (to which I intend to go on the Indians from going\nto the English, by making them hope for our speedy\narrival.\nI received a letter from Mr. de la Marque on the 23rd\nof April, which notified me that he had not yet had any\nof the Indians; that he has decided to go to find them\nin the great River Winipigon81 where they are engaged\nbuilding their canoes.\nI think he is leaving the post too early; the Indians\nmight arrive from Red River after his departure. On\nthe 22nd of the present month I learned from an Indian\nthat a large band of Assiniboines had drawn up on the\nLake of the Prairies who were working on their canoes\nto go to the English.\nOn the 24th I sent Sanschagrin with a hired man to\nbring them here so as to turn from going to the English.\nOn the 30th five Assiniboines arrived towards evening to let me know that a large number of people was\ncoming; we have much need of them, having done nothing till now.\n28 March.\n29 Lake Winnipeg.\n30 Saskatchewan.\n31 Winnipeg. The Verendrye Explorations 115\nOn the 3rd of May this great band was reduced to\nvery few.\nOn the 10th, Mr. Nolant, despairing at no more coming, asked leave to set out, representing to me that there\nwere no more provisions and that they could not remain\nlonger. I did my best to induce him to have patience for\nsome time yet, being much vexed that he should go\nempty.\nSeeing him determined to set out, I gave him permission.\nOn the same day, the 10th, in the evening, fifteen\nAssiniboines arrived to notify us that there were sixty\nhuts coming and that they had been told we had gone.\nI sent them back with tobacco to hasten their coming.\nThey arrived on the 18th and did their trading in a short\ntime. These left. On the 20th, three men arrived to beg\nme to delay our departure, that thirty huts would arrive.\nI made them set out with speed, giving them tobacco to\ntell their people to hasten their coming.\nI discovered these days a river flowing to the west.\nAll the lakes and rivers of which.I have had any knowledge go to Hudson's Bay, the Northern Sea, except the\nMandan River32.\nI will obtain complete knowledge of it this summer,\neither by myself or some person on my behalf.\nI have deferred the departure of my canoes till the\n28th of the month, waiting uselessly for the people to\ncome; only a few arrived, all postponing their coming\ntill summer.\nThey are so stupid that they think they will be waited\nfor into the summer, and that there will always be time\nenough to carry off their beavers.\nI promised them that as soon as my son and the two\nmen arrived, whom I had left with the Mandans, I would\nremove from this as quickly as possible.\nm\n': I\n32 Verendrye believed he had found that the River of the Mandans\n(Missouri) was the highway to the \"Western Sea.\" Journal of the Voyage Made by Chevalhsr de la\nVerendrye, with One of His Brothers, in Search\nof the Western Sea Addressed to the\nMarquis de Beauharnois\n[Translated from the French, (Margry papers)\nby Anne H. Blegen, Minnesota Historical Society]\nSir:\nI take the liberty of giving you an account of the voyage which I have made with one of my brothers and two\nFrenchmen sent by my father, honored by your orders\nto proceed to discover the Western Sea by way of the\ncountry the Mantanes [Mandans] according to the accounts of the Indians.\nWe departed from Fort La Reine on April 29th33 and\nreached the Mantanes on May 19th. We remained there\nuntil July 23rd, awaiting the Gens des Chevcmx3*, whom\nwe were led to expect from day to day. Since the season\nwas advancing and I absolutely refused to give up the\nexpedition, I sought from among the Mantanes two men\nto guide us to the country of the Gens des Chevaux, in\nthe hope of finding some village near the mountain or\nalong our route; two offered their services willingly.\nWe left without a moment's delay. We marched for\ntwenty days west southwest, which did not augur well\nas to our route; we encountered no human being, but\nmany wild beasts. I noticed in several places soils of\ndifferent colors, such as blue, a vermillion shade, meadow\ngreen, shining black, chalk white, and others the color\nof ochre. If I had foreseen at that time that I should\nnot return through these regions, I would have taken\nsome of each kind. I could not burden myself, knowing\n33 1742.\n34 Horse Indians, probably Cheyennes, or possibly Aricaras. In general it may be said that there is much doubt as to the identity of the\nseveral Indian tribes mentioned in this narrative. The Verendrye Explorations\n117\nthat I had a long journey to make. We arrived on August 11th at the mountain of the Gens des Chevaux. Since\nour guides did not wish to go further, we set to work to\nconstruct a little house where we could await the first\nIndians who might happen to discover us; we lighted\nfires on all sides for signals, to attract attention, being\nthoroughly resolved to trust ourselves to the first tribes\nthat might appear.\nOn September 10th only one Mantane remained with\nus; his comrade had departed ten days before to return\nto his people. I went or sent someone every day to explore the hills. On September 14th our scouts perceived\na column of smoke south southwest of us.\nI sent the Frenchman with our Mantane, and they\nfound a village of the Beaux Hommes35 who welcomed\nthem. They (the Frenchman and the Mantane) made\nthem (the Beaux Hommes) understand by signs that there\nwere three more Frenchmen established nearby. The\nnext day the chiefs sent some of their young men with\nour two men to fetch us. We went there on the 18th and\nwe were welcomed with great demonstrations of joy.\nOur Mantane asked my permission to depart, fearing\na tribe which was an enemy of his own; I paid him\nliberally and gave him whatever was useful and necessary for him to return to his people, just as I had done\nbefore to his comrade.\nWe remained with the Beaux Hommes twenty-one\ndays. I made them understand as best I could that we\nwished to be conducted to a village of the Gens des Che-\nvaux. They replied that some of their youths would\nguide us as far as the first village which we might encounter. I made them several presents, with which\nthey appeared to be very well satisfied.\nWe left them on November 9th. We were beginning\nto understand them well enough for our needs. Our\nguides led us south southwest.\n35 Handsome Men, perhaps Crow Indians. 118\nAnne H. Blegen\nOn the second day we came upon a village of the\ntribe of the Petits Renards (Little Foxes)36, who showed\ngreat joy upon seeing us. After making them a number\nof presents I had our guides tell them that I was seeking\nthe Gens des Chevaux who, we hoped, would conduct us\nto the sea. The result of this was that the entire village\nmarched with us, still following the same route. I felt,\nindeed, at the time that we could hope to find nothing\nbut a known sea. On the second day of the march we\nencountered a populous village of the same tribe. They\nshowed us great friendliness. I gave them a number\nof presents, which they looked upon as great novelties,\nand they seemed to me very grateful for them. They\nguided us to a village of the Pioya37 which we reached\non the fifteenth. We were very well received there.\nAfter proffering them some presents I proposed to them\nthat they conduct us to some tribe on the route to the\nsea. We continued on our way to the southwest. On\nthe 17th we encountered a populous village of the same\nnation. I presented them with some gifts. We all\nmarched on together, keeping to the south, until the\n19th, when we reached a village of the Gens des Chevaux.\nThey were in a state of great desolation. There was\nnothing but weeping and howling, all their village having\nbeen destroyed by the Gens du Serpent (Snake Indians)\nand only a few members of their tribe having escaped.\nThese Snake Indians are considered very brave. They\nare not satisfied in a campaign merely to destroy a village, according to the custom of all other Indians. They\ncontinue their warfare from spring to autumn, they are\nvery numerous, and woe to those whom they meet on\ntheir way!\nThey are friendly to no tribe. We are told that in\n1741 they had entirely destroyed seventeen villages, had\n36 These may have been a branch of the Cheyennes.\n37 Perhaps a wandering band of the same tribe as the Gens des\nChevaux. The Verendrye Explorations\n119\nkilled all the old men and old women, and made slaves\nof the young women and had traded them at the seacoast\nfor horses and merchandise.\nIt was of the Gens des Chevaux that I inquired for\nknowledge of the tribe which lived by the sea. They\nreplied that no member of their tribe had ever been there,\nsince the route was blocked by the Snake tribe; that, if\nwe made a long detour, we might meet with some tribes\nalong the way who traded with the white men at the sea.\nI persuaded the village, by means of gifts, to march\nwith us to the country of the Gens de VArc (Bow Indians)38, the only tribe who, by dint of their bravery,\ndo not fear the Snakes. They have even made themselves\ndreaded by the Snakes through the wisdom and good\nleadership of their chief. I was also made to hope that\nthey would be able to give me some knowledge of the\ncountry along the sea, since they are friendly to the\ntribes that go there to trade.\nAfter marching steadily toward the southwest, we\nencountered on November 18th a very populous village\nof the Gens de la Belle-Riviere38 (Belle River Indians).\nThey gave us information about the Gens de VArc38\n(Bow Tribe), who were not far away. We marched on\ntogether to the southwest; on the 21st, we descried the\nvillage, which appeared very large to us. All the tribes\nof that country have a large number of horses, asses,\nand mules; these they use to carry their baggage and to\ntake them on their hunting parties as well as on their\nexpeditions.\nWhen we arrived at the village, the chief led us to\nhis lodge, treating us graciously and courteously, in a\nmanner not at all characteristic of the Indians. He ordered that all our baggage be placed in his lodge, which\nwas very large, and that great care be taken of our\nhorses.\n.\u25a0:\u2022 \u25a0\n38 These tribes have not been identified, but may have been of the\nCheyenne linguistic stock. 120\nAnne H. Blegen\nUp to that time we had been well received in all the\nvillages through which we had passed, but all that was\nas nothing in comparison with the admirable behavior\nof the great chief of the Bow tribe, a man who was not\nat all covetous as the others had been, but always took\nvery great care of all that belonged to us.\nI became attached to this chief, who merited all our\nfriendship. In a short time, due to the pains which he\ntook to instruct me, I learned the language sufficiently\nwell to make myself understood and to understand also\nwhat he said to me.\nI asked him if his tribe knew the white men who\nlived by the sea and if they could guide us there. He\nreplied: \"We know them by what the prisoners of the\nSnake Indians, whom we are to join shortly, have told\nus of them. Do not be surprised if you see many villages\njoined with us. Messages urging them to meet us have\nbeen sent out in all directions. Every day you hear the\nwar song chanted; that is not without purpose: we are\ngoing to march to the great mountains which are near\nthe sea, to seek the Snakes there. Do not be afraid to\ncome with us, you have nothing to fear, you will be able\nto see there the ocean for which you are searching.\"\nHe continued his speech as follows: \"The French\nwho are at the sea coast,\" he said, \"are numerous; they\nhave many slaves, whom they establish upon their lands\nby tribes; they have separate quarters, they marry among\nthemselves, and they are not oppressed; the result is\nthat they are happy with them (their masters) and they\ndo not seek to run away. They raise a large number of\nhorses and other animals, which they use to work on\ntheir lands. They have many leaders for their soldiers,\nand they have many also for prayer.\" He pronounced\na few words in their language. I recognized that he was\nspeaking Spanish, and what fully assured me of the fact\nwas the account which he gave me of the massacre of\nthe Spaniards who were seeking to discover the Missouri, The Verendrye Explorations\n121\nof which I had heard before. All this dampened my ardor\nfor the search of a known sea; nevertheless I should have\nliked very much to go there, if it had been feasible.\nWe continued to march, sometimes south southwest,\nsometimes northwest; our band was augmented continually by the addition of a number of villages of different tribes. On January 1st, 1743, we were in sight\nof the mountains. The number of the warriors exceeded\ntwo thousand; with their families it made a considerable\nband, advancing all the way through a magnificent prairie\nwhere animals are plentiful. At night there was singing\nand shouting, and they wept continually, begging us to\naccompany them to war. I resisted steadily saying that\nwe were sent to pacify the land and not to stir it up.\nThe chief of the Bow Indians repeated often that he\nwas troubled on our account because of what all the\ntribes would think of us for hesitating to accompany\nthem, and he asked us as a favor (since he was bound\nto the other Indians and could not go off with us until\nafter their return from the war) to accompany him\nsimply as spectators, not asking us to expose ourselves;\nthe Snakes were our enemies as well as theirs and we\nmust surely know that they had no friends.\nWe conferred among ourselves as to what we should\ndo. We resolved to accompany them, because of the\nimpossibility of coming to any other decision, in addition\nto my desire to see the ocean from the summit of the\nmountains. I acquainted the chief of the tribe with our\ndecision and he seemed well satisfied with it. A grand\ncouncil was then called to which they invited us, as was\ntheir custom. The harangues of members of each tribe\nwere very long. The chief of the Bows explained them\nto me. Everything turned upon the measures which\nmust be taken for the safety of their women and children\nduring their absence and the manner in which they\nshould approach their enemies. Then they turned to us,\nbegging us not to abandon them. I made the reply to the\nm wmttn\n122\nAnne H. Blegen\nchief of the Bows, who then repeated it to the entire\nassemblage, that the great chief of the French desired\nthat all his children should live peacefully and had ordered us to carry peace to all nations, wishing to see the\nwhole world calm and peaceful; that, knowing their\nanger to be aroused with good cause, I bowed my head\nin submission and we would accompany them, since they\ndesired it so urgently, to aid them merely with advice,\nin case they required it. They thanked us effusively\nand went through long ceremonies with the calumet.\nWe continued to march on until January 8th. On\nthe 9th we left the village. I left my brother to guard\nour baggage, which was in the lodge of the Bow chief.\nThe larger part of the men were on horseback, advancing in good order. At last, on the twelfth day, we reached\nthe mountains. They are for the most part thickly-\nwooded with all kinds of wood and appear very high.\nAfter approaching the main part of the village of\nthe Snake tribe, the scouts returned to inform us that\nthey (the Snakes) had all fled in great haste and had\nabandoned their huts and a large part of their belongings. This report brought terror to everyone, for it\nwas feared that the enemy, having discovered them, had\ngone to fall upon their villages and would reach them\nbefore they, themselves, could arrive to defend them.\nThe chief of the Bows did what he could to persuade them\nto the contrary and to prevail upon them to continue.\nNo one would listen to him. \"It is very annoying,\" he\ntold me, \"to have brought you to this point and not'be\nable to go further.\"\nI was exceedingly vexed not to be able to ascend the\nmountains, as I had hoped to do. We determined therefore to return. We had come so far in good order, but\nthe return was very differenet, each one going his own\nway. Our horses, although good, were very tired and\nhad few opportunities to feed. I went in company with\nthe chief of the Bows, while my two Frenchmen followed The Verendrye Explorations\n123\nus. After having covered a considerable piece of ground\nI realized, without looking behind us, that they were\nmissing. I told the Bow chief that I no longer saw my\nFrenchmen and he replied: \"I will stop everyone who\nis in our band.\" I wheeled about at full speed and I\ndiscovered them at the tip of an island allowing their\nhorses to feed. After joining them I perceived fifteen\nmen approaching from the woods, covering themselves\nwith their arrow quivers. There was one who was far\nahead of the others, and we let them approach within\nhalf range of a rifle shot. Seeing that they were preparing to attack us, I though it well to fire several shots\nat them, and this obliged them to retreat hastily, this\nweapon being much respected by all those tribes which\ndo not have the use of it and whose arrow quivers cannot\nsave them from the bullets. We remained there until\nnight, when we started out, following our instincts as to\ndirection, in the hope of finding traces of our Indians.\nThe prairie through which we passed is dry and barren,\nand the hoof prints of the horses cannot be detected.\nWe continued our journey at random, not knowing\nwhether or not we were on the right track. We were\namong the first to reach the village of the Bow tribe,\narriving finally on February 9th, the second day of our\nreturn journey.\nThe Bow chief had hastened off to try to stop the band\nwhich had been marching with us, but they were too\nfrightened to linger in a region so near the enemy. He\nwas very uneasy all that night; the next day he had us\ncircled to stop us from going further. He continued to\nhave his people search, but they were without success.\nFinally he reached the village, five days after us, more\ndead than alive from grief at not knowing what had\nbecome of us. The first bit of news that he had received\nwas that we had fortunately arrived the evening before\nthe bad weather had set in, two feet of snow having\nkm\nif\nu . Kpa\nnsl\n124\nAnne H. Blegen\nfallen accompanied by a terrible storm the day after our\narrival. His grief turned into joy and he did not know\nhow to show his gratitude.\nIt was very surprising that the Bow chief, with the\nhelp of several others, had scattered his band in search\nof us, in order to find us. Every day groups of them\narrived at the villaye, very downcast, believing us to be\nlost. All the tribes had separated in order to find food\nmore easily. We continued to proceed with the Bow tribe\nuntil the first day of March, keeping constantly east\nsoutheast.\nI sent one of our Frenchmen with an Indian to the\ntribe of the Gens de la Petite Cerise (Little Cherry Indians), having learned that they were near. They spent\nten days on the journey and brought us word inviting\nus to join them.\nI communicated our plan to the Bow chief, who\nshowed emotion on seeing us resolved to leave him. We\nwere just as sorry to leave him because of the kind behavior which he had always shown us. To console him,\nI promised to come to visit him, on condition that he\nshould settle near a small river which I pointed out to\nhim, and build a fort and grow grain there.\nHe acquiesced in all that I proposed to him and begged\nme to leave again the following spring and join him as\nsoon as I had seen my father at Fort La Reine. To relieve his distress, I promised all that he asked, and presented him with everything that I thought might be useful to him.\nSeeing that there was no likelihood of being conducted\nto the Spanish territory and having no doubt that my\nfather was very uneasy about us, we determined to depart\nfor Fort La Reine, and left the Bow tribe, to the great\nregret of all.\nOn March 15 we reached the tribe of the Little\nCherry. They were returning from their winter quar- lift\n^4 <\u25a0 il\nThe Verendrye Explorations\n125\nters and they were two days' march from their fort,\nwhich is on the bank of the Missouri.\nWe reached their fort on the 19th and were received\nwith great demonstrations of joy. I applied myself to\nlearning their language and found it very easy. There\nwas one man among them who had been brought up\namong the Spaniards and spoke their language as his\nnative tongue. I questioned him often, and he told me\nall that had been related to me concerning them, that\nhe had been baptized and had not forgotten his prayers.\nI asked him if it was easy to get there, (to the Spanish\ncountry). He replied that it was very far and there\nwere many dangers to be met on account of the Snake\ntribe, and that it took at least twenty days to make the\ntrip on horseback.\nI inquired about their commerce. He told me that\nthey made articles of iron and carried on a large trade\nin buffalo skins and slaves, giving in exchange horses\nand merchandise, according as the Indians desired, but\nno guns or ammunition.\nHe informed me that three days' distance away from\nthem there was a Frenchman who had settled there several years before. I should have gone to find him, if our\nhorses had been in condition. I determined to write\nhim and induce him to come to us, saying that we would\nwait for him until the end of March, since we were expecting to leave at the beginning of April to return to\nthe Mantanes and thence to Fort La Reine, and that, if\nhe should not come, he should at least send us news of\nhimself.\nI placed upon a hillock near the fort a lead plaque\nwith the arms and inscription of the king and formed\na pyramid of stones for the general. I told the Indians,\nwho had no knowledge of the lead plaque which I had\nplaced in the ground, that I was setting up these stones\nin memory of our coming to their country. I should 126\nAnne H. Blegen\nhave liked very much to take the latitude at that place;\nbut our astrolabe had been out of order since the beginning of our journey, the *ring being broken.\nFinding ourselves without news of our Frenchmen\nwhen the month of April came and being urged on by\nthe guides whom I had engaged to conduct us to the\nMantanes, and our horses being in good condition, I\nprepared to leave and offered several gifts to the chiefs\nof the tribe, who had always guarded us and treated\nus well while we were with them, as well as to a number\nof the most important of our good friends. I suggested\nto the chiefs that if, by chance, the Frenchman to whom\nI had written should come to their fort, shortly after\nour departure, he could find us with the Mantanes, since\nwe expected to remain there for a time. I should have\nbeen glad to get him away from among the Indians.\nI assured the chief of the tribe that I would take very\ngreat care of the three young men whom he gave us as\nguides, and that, although the Mantanes were their enemies, they would have nothing to fear while with us.\nWe departed on April 2nd, much lamented by the\nwhole tribe. They entreated us urgently to come to see\nthem again. On the 9th, at mid-day, we came to a village\nof twenty-five lodges of the Gens de la Fleche collee,\notherwise called Prairie Sioux. We passed along among\nthe women and baggage. We stopped a very short time.\nThey showed us great friendliness and pointed out to us\nthe place where they were going to make their camp.\nWe settled down for the night in sight of their village,\nexpecting that some of them would come over to us,\nand we remained on our guard all the time. No one came.\nThe next day we continued on our route, sometimes\nnorth northeast and sometimes northwest, as far as the\ncountry of the Mantanes, without meeting anyone. We\narrived there on May 18th. I sent our guides back after\nhaving settled with them to their satisfaction. a I\nObverse side of Lead Tablet placed by Chevalier De La Verendrye\nnear Pierre, South Dakota. The Verendrye Explorations\n127\n> urn\nWe intended to remain there fifteen or twenty days to\nrest ourselves and put our horses in good condition; but,\non the 26th day I learned that there were some Assiniboels at Fort La Butte, who were about to leave for Fort\nLa- Reine. We got ready promptly to make use of the\nopportunity and to protect ourselves thereby from the\ndanger of enemies. We went to Fort La Butte on the\nmorning of the 27th; the Assiniboels had just left. We\nhad not let them know that we wished to go with them.\nTwo Mantanes offered to come with us in order to see\nmy father and learn the way to our fort. We hastened\nour pace a little and we joined the Assiniboels at their\ncamping ground; there were more than a hundred of\nthem. We continued on our way together.\nOn the 31st, our scouts perceived thirty Sioux ambushed on our route. We advanced upon them in a body.\nThey were greatly surprised to see so many men and\nretreated in good order, occasionally making opposition\nto those who approached them too closely. They knew\nvery well with whom they had to deal and thought the\nAssiniboels to be cowards. As soon as they perceived\nus, all mounted on our horses, and noted that we were\nFrenchmen, they fled in great haste, not even stopping\nto look behind them. None of our men were killed but\nseveral were wounded. We do not know how many men\nthey lost, except for one man who was found among us.\nWe arrived at the village near the mountain on June\n2nd. As our horses were tired, we wanted to proceed\nwith the Indians of the village until the 20th. We procured a guide to conduct us to Fort La Reine, where we\narrived on July 2nd, to the great satisfaction of my\nfather, who was very uneasy about us as it had not been\npossible to send him any news of us since our departure,\nand also to our own great satisfaction, being past all\ndifficulties, perils and dangers.\n;Mi\n111 128\nAnne H. Blegen\n1 -\nNote: Ambassador M. Jusserand, in 1913, commenting upon the lead tablet mentioned in this journal,\nsaid:\n\"The text of the plate so wonderfully recovered has a\nlittle story to tell. As it was not easy to print a text on\nthe way, during such difficult expeditions, people would\nstart with ready-prepared ones. The Chevalier seems\nto have provided himself with one which had been made\nin view of his elder brother's before mentioned expedition of 1741. It bears, in fact, the name of the eldest of\nthe La Verendryes the text stamped under the arms of\nFrance reading:\n\" 'Anno XXVI Regni Ludovici XV\u2014Prorege illus-\ntrissimo Domino, Domino Marchione de Beauharnois,\nMDCCXXXI\u2014Petrus Gaultier de Laverendrie Posuit.'\n\"That is: Tn the twenty-sixth year of the reign of\nLouis XV., the most illustrious Lord, the Lord Marquis\nof Beauharnois being Viceroy, 1741, Peter Gaultier de\nLaverendrie placed this.'\n\"But the obverse of the plate, shows that it was really\nturned to use by the Chevalier and at the exact moment\nmentioned by him. Instead of the beautiful regular inscriptions engraved at home in Latin for the elder brother\nbefore he started, we have but a rough one, made as\nbest they could, with the point of a knife, and certainly\nnot by Verendrye himself. As the placing of the plate\nin the earth was done secretly, and he himself was probably staying, as usual, with the chief of the tribe he\napparently gave orders to one of his followers to do the\nnecessary work. That follower must have been one of\nthe 'two Frenchmen' which he mentions without giving\ntheir names as having accompanied him. It was not\nhis brother who is not named in the plate, and who,\nas we see in the journal, would sometimes be stationed\nat a different place. The author of the inscription was\na man of little education who writes 'chevalier' with\na y and a t: 'Chevalyet,' and who apparently performed\nhis work in some hurry. So far as it can be read on the\nphotograph which you had the kindness of sending me,\nthe text is: |:v\"-\"--~~\\ -7\nReverse side of Lead Tablet placed by Chevalier De La Verendrye\nnear Pierre, South Dakota The Verendrye Explorations\n129\nTose par le\nChevalyet de Lave\nt b St (?) Louis la Londette\nA Miottee\nle 30 de Marse 1743'\n\"Louise or St. Louis la Londette and A. Miottee who\nsign as witnesses were undoubtedly the 'two Frenchmen' who had accompanied the Chevalier.\n\"Everything about the plate tallies with everything\nin the journal; its authenticity cannot be doubted. As\na reminder of the plucky attempt of ancestors, acting\nunder the most trying difficulties the new-found relic\nhas a truly sacred character, for Frenchmen and for\nAmericans both.\"\nLater he added the further observation:\n\"I can add but little to what I had written before\nconcerning the La Verendrye family and the leaden plate\nso wonderfully discovered. I have, however, ascertained\nhow the third line of the inscription in French should\nbe interpreted. The first letters preceding the word\nLouis are an abbreviation for the christian name of\nToussaint. The full name of the man mentioned in that\nline reads, therefore: Toussaint Louis la Londelle.\"\n[South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. VII, pp.\n374, 378 (1914).]\nThe tablet was discovered at Fort Pierre, South Dakota, February 16, 1913, and, its historical importance\nbeing at once recognized, it became the subject of much\nstudy. The chief documents concerning the La Verendrye explorers, in Pierre Margry's valuable work, entitled: \"Devouvertes et Etablissements des Francais\ndans le Sud de FAmerique Septentrionale, 1614, 1754,\"\n(Paris, Vol. VI, 1888), were critically examined, and\nthe whole subject became the theme of debates and historical comments that were later published in the volume\nof the South Dakota Historical Collections above mentioned.\nZiM JOHN LYLE AND LYLE FARM\nBy Julia Veazhs Glen\nTravelers along Ellendale Lane are familiar with the\nhouse among spreading old trees at the corner where the\nroad turns away from Salem into Dallas. Few know\nthat belated passersby have been cheered by lights in\nthose tall windows since 1858.\nIn that summer John Eakin Lyle saw his vision of\nan Oregon home take dignified and hospitable shape.\nHe planned spacious grounds about the house. In front\nhe placed silver poplars, on the south English walnut\ntrees. From the native woods he brought firs and maples\nwith which he planted a grove on the north.\nThree years later, slender, erect, smiling, he walked\ndown the graveled path never to return. It was a long\ntime ago and few remember him but the home, a deed\nof gift, some yellowed old records still exist and leave\nno doubt as to John Lyle's way of dealing with the social,\nspiritual and economic problems of his day.\nThe Lyles came from Ireland to America. Three\nbrothers, Matthew, John and Daniel, with a nephew\nSamuel Lyle, came from near Larne on the Irish coast\nin the County of Antrim, about 1740 and settled in the\nColony of Virginia on Timber Ridge in what is now\nRockbridge County. At the time of their residence near\nLarne it was said to be a settlement\u2014\"all Presbyterian\nand Scotch, not one natural Irish in the Parish.\" 'The\ntime of the migration of the Lyles from Scotland to Ireland is placed at about 1606. William Robertson, author\nof \"Historical Tales and Legends of Ayrshire,\" says:\n\"The Lyles are a very old family. Old enough to have\na wraith. That is, a duplicate of the head of the house\nwho came to warn some relative that the master, or Lord,\nwas about to die. The ballad 'Lord Lyle' is founded on\nAyrshire traditions.\" John Lyle and Lyle Farm 131\nJohn Eakin Lyle was a direct descendant of Daniel\nLyle and through a marriage of cousins, also of John\nLyle. He was born in 1815, a son of William Lyle who\nmarried Jane Eakin and located in Blount County, Tennessee. Upon the death of Lyle's parents an uncle, John\nEakin, took the lad to his own home near Knoxville, gave\nhim a father's affection and supervised a careful education. To him John Lyle was indebted for a college training which he put to immediate use in teaching.\nHis life was cut off before he had leisure to write the\nstory of the migration to Oregon as he doubtless would\nhave done in later years. That he was not actuated primarily by the desire for land is manifest for he made\nno haste to secure a donation land claim. Incentives,\nhowever, were plenty. He could scarcely have escaped\nthe \"Oregon fever.\" He was teaching in Illinois during\nthe winter of 1844-45. The Oregon question was seething. The boundary line between Great Britain and the\nUnited States was still in dispute. Congress persisted\nin dilatory tactics which threatened a loss of the Columbia and the shores of the Pacific.\nImaginations of the day painted a vivid picture. * *\nOn the banks of the Columbia, within fortified walls dwelt\nthe Chief Factor of the Hudson's Bay Company, Dr.\nJohn McLoughlin, whose flowing white locks and imposing stature, as well as his lordly manner, awed the savage\nheart of the Indian. Drv. John McLoughlin, representative of a powerful British monopoly, able by a lift of the\nfinger to hinder any movement of the few American\nsettlers toward development of trade or natural resources.\nTo incur his displeasure might precipitate an international conflict which would doubtless be the signal for\nan Indian uprising and massacre of the Americans. . . .\nOpposing the Hudson's Bay Company was what?\nMemorials to Congress etched that picture . . . \"an infant colony\u2014praying for the high privilege of American\nI 132\nJulia Veazie Glen\ncitizenship\" . . . \"struggling to develop a provisional\ngovernment in a land without the protection afforded\nby law.\"\nJason Lee and Marcus Whitman had ridden across\nthe continent pleading for \"more men, men and American institutions\" to make Oregon \"American and Protestant\" rather than \"British and Catholic.\" \"Oregon\nand Texas\" had been the campaign cry of 1844. Oregon\noffered an appeal to every spirit\u2014adventurer, trapper,\nfighter, zealot, patriot.\nAmos Harvey asked if Lyle would accompany him\nto Oregon and drive a second wagon. Lyle accepted.\nThey prepared to start in the spring of 1845.\nJohn Lyle was not at heart a frontiersman. He loved\nthe formalities of dress and of living. He was thirty,\nunmarried and heart-whole\u2014free to go and free to return. A farewell letter to his sister and his brothers\nwith whom he held in common a paternal estate in Tennessee, a letter to his uncle John Eakin and he was ready\nto pack his traveling chest. What did he need? First\nof all, a sturdy saddle horse, a good gun and a sharp\nknife. Then into the strong birch chest went an inkwell\nand quills, a small Bible, a dictionary and as many other\nbooks as space would permit\u2014some old favorites and\nsome school-books.\nThere are men and women still living who speak\nreverently of the few worn leather bound volumes carried\nin that chest. To pioneer children they unlocked the lore\nof the past and revealed the world of literature. Simple\ntoilet articles, changes of clothing and boots, white shirts,\nties, several fancy waistcoats, filled the chest. John Lyle\nwas ready to wind his watch, put money in his wallet,\na pipe in his pocket and be off on the hazardous journey\nacross the \"great American desert.\"\nA parting friend presented him with a letter of introduction to Miss Ellen Scott. Her father, Felix Scott,\nwho was a prosperous man and had risen to political John Lyle and Lyle Farm\n133\nprominence in Missouri had been preparing for a year\nto take his family to the Oregon country. Perhaps, suggested the friend, Lyle would meet Miss Scott on the\nplains. If not, he must be sure to find her in Oregon.\nLyle smiled at the pretty name\u2014Ellen Scott\u2014and tucked\nthe neat, handfolded envelope into his wallet\u2014nor\nguessed that it had been inscribed by the hand of destiny.\nIt was by the Platte that the two wagon trains encamped and Ellen Scott and John Lyle met. She was\ntwenty\u2014as free from care as he\u2014the journey to her\na long galaday. Hearts were young and eyes were bright\nand there were merry hours around the campfires at\nnight within the barricade of covered wagons, beneath\nthe starry, open skies. There was dawn, and noon, and\ntwilight in which to talk of adventure and dangers\nbraved and of the high sweet hopes that were winging\ntoward the land of the setting sun. Love came then as\nnow with roseate promise.\nEllen Scott was one of a family of fair people, tall\nand of dignified presence. On the way to Oregon were\nFelix Scott, his wife, Ellen, three daughters, Ellen, Harriet and Juliet, and the sons, Felix, Junior, Marion, Nim-\nrod and Rodney. The father was a Virginian by birth\nbut was driven by tireless energy to seek adventure.\nFelix, Junior, and Marion like their father became known\nin pioneer days for generous initiative and intrepid\nspirits. In 1850 Felix, & lad in the early twenties, was\nsent by his father from Oregon across the plains with\nbags of gold dust from the California mines with which\nto purchase horses and cattle of good stock in Missouri.\nHe accomplished the journey and, accompanied by relatives, returned with one of the first importations of livestock brought across the plains. In 1862 he opened a\nwagon road across the McKenzie Pass, a feat regarded\nas impossible even by expert teamsters who had swung\ntheir wagons across the Rockies. The achievement is\ncommemorated at McKenzie Bridge by a stone bearing\n5 Hi 134\nJulia Veazds Glen\na bronze memorial tablet. Rodney was several times a\nmember of the Oregon legislature, county judge of Lane\nCounty, and Regent of the State University. In the same\npioneer company were Eugene Skinner and family, for\nwhom the town of Eugene is named.\nThe trains met once again before the Scotts turned\noff at Fort Hall for a winter in California. Ellen and\nJohn parted with the promise of meeting the next summer in Oregon.\nThrough spring and summer and autumn John Lyle\nwith his wagon climbed the mountains and forded the\nrivers on the long journey. The swing down the Columbia on rafts brought him face to face with Dr. John\nMcLoughlin \"autocrat of the Columbia.\" Lyle marvelled at what he saw and found no explanation. Dr.\nMcLoughlin, protector of British interests on the Pacific,\nat the cost of his own position, was furnishing food and\nshelter to needy American immigrants, advancing necessary supplies and trusting without security to payment\nwhen the first crops came in. No man, British or American could fathom the workings of McLoughlin's mind in\nthose days. So all, to some extent, distrusted him.\nAlmost immediately Lyle opened a school at the residence of Colonel Nathaniel Ford who had come to Oregon\nthe preceding year and located upon a donation land\nclaim near the settlement now known as Rickreall but\nlong known as Dixie. He had built a double log cabin\nwith a fireplace at each end and generously gave the use\nof one room for the first school in Polk County, taught\nby John E. Lyle during the winter of 1845-46.\nLyle boarded with Colonel Ford and in so doing\nstepped into the niceties of living that he enjoyed. The\nFords represented pioneering \"de luxe\". Not only were\nthey charming and cultivated people but they had brought\nwith them negroes, Scott, Robbin and Polly, and their\nchildren, who had their own cabins and performed the\nfarm and household labor. It was a happy winter for John Lyle and Lyle Farm\n135\nLyle. Mrs. Ford and her daughters were dainty women.\nThe two older daughters, Josephine and Mary Ann had\nattended \"The Female Seminary\" at Columbia, Missouri.\nYoung Marcus Ford had attended Bacon College, at Har-\nrodsburg, Kentucky, and in Oregon was reading law.\nColonel Ford was surveying and assisting in locating\nland claims for incoming pioneers and so collected and\nbrought home the news of the valley and the latest word\nfrom \"the States.\"\nMiss Caroline Burch, granddaughter of Nathaniel\nFord, has given a copy of the following letter which reveals some of the interests of the period:\nVale of the Rickreall,\nJudge Nesmith: June 15, '45.\nDear Sir:\nI send you by my father \"Chitty on Contracts\" which\nyou can retain if you wish to\u2014until next fall. I sent\nyou \"Mansfields' Political Grammar9' some two weeks\nago\u2014by Mr. Saxson.\nGenl. Gilliam and myself purpose taking an elk hunt\nsometime in the last days of July\u2014and I would be glad\nthat you would join us.\nI neglected to write until my father was to start and\nI am, consequently, compelled to forego the pleasure of\nwriting you a lengthy letter.\nVery respectfully,\nYour friend,\nM. A. Ford.\nThe beautiful little valley charmed travel worn settlers and claims were early located along the banks of\nthe creek from the foothills of the Coast Mountains to\nthe Willamette. On one side of Nathaniel Ford, Carey\nEmbree had located, on the other side was David Goff,\nbeyond him Joshua Shaw. To the west smoke rose from\nthe cabins of Cornelius Gilliam, and Mitchell Gilliam, of\nBenjamin Nichols and Frank Nichols. A mile or two 136\nJulia Veazdj; Glen\nbeyond them James A. O'Neil was operating a grist mill\nhe had erected during the winter of 1844-45.\nChildren came from neighboring settlements to attend the school and boarded with families near Colonel\nFord. The Applegate children came from Salt Creek\nwhere Jesse, Lindsay and Charles Applegate had located.\nAmong the pupils was little Mary Embree who many\nyears ago became Mrs. Thomas Hayter. She gives the\nlist of \"scholars\" as she today (1925) recalls them:\nSarah and Caroline Ford.\nMary and Thomas Embree\nAmanda Tharp\nCaroline and Pauline Goff\nAnn and John Howard\nGertrude Applegate and two Applegate boys.\nFor the next term she adds Martha Howard, Miller\nFord, three Blevens children and three Beagle children.\nOn February 5th, 1846, there was published at Oregon\nCity the first issue of the \"Oregon Spectator\" which was\nthe first newspaper published in American Territory\nwest of the Rocky Mountains. In the issue of March\n19, 1846, is found the following notice:\nJefferson Institute\nIs located in the Rickreall Valley, one mile west of the\nresidence of Col. N. Ford. The first session of this school\nWill commence on the second Monday of next April and\ncontinue twenty-four weeks. Scholars from a distance\ncan be accomodated with boarding in the neighborhood.\nTerms of tuition, $8.00 per scholar.\nN. Ford\nJames Howard John E. Lyle\nWilliam Beagle Teacher\nTrustees\nMarch 7, 1846 John Lyle and Lyle Farm\nThe name \"Jefferson Institute\" would lead us to\nbelieve that the intention was to establish a permanent\nschool of high grade. An interesting point\u2014a real joker\n\u2014is the use of \"Rickreall\" in a notice signed by John\nLyle for he soon became convinced that \"La Creole\" was\nthe original and correct form. The subject is as near a\nfeud as the Southerners on the creek ever developed and\nto this day perenially flares up and waxes hot in the summer months. The two camps are represented by the\ndescendants of Nathaniel Ford and by those of John\nLyle. Both sides have numerous adherents and considerable data. With this explanation, the writer, being a\nloyal descendant of John Lyle and having been twice\nforced by the exigencies of historical accuracy to inscribe\nthe distasteful word \"Rickreall\" will henceforth ignore\nit and refer to the loved stream as \"La Creole.\"\nJefferson Institute was a log cabin erected for\nthe purpose on the land claim of Carey Embree. It\nis to Mary Embree (Mrs. Hayter) that we must go for\ndetails of the school. Benches made of long planks were\nplaced along the walls and the children sat facing the\nwall, using for a desk a puncheon, a wide board, set on\nprops against the wall. Pens were made of sharpened\ngoose quills, many kept in readiness by Mr. Lyle. The\nfirst pencils were lead bullets hammered flat and long.\nInk was made by squeezing the juice from oak balls and\nletting it stand on iron filings. The writing paper was\nblue and probably purchased of the Hudson's Bay Company. The pioneers had brought school books. Carey\nEmbree brought enough to keep his children advancing\nfor three years. The Bible was read in the morning,\neach child reading a verse. There was a lunch period,\nalso recess, during which the boys played ball with\nknitted balls on one side of the house while on the other\nside the girls jumped the rope with ropes made of braided\nrawhide. *mwm\n138\nJulia Veazte Glen\nA pulpit was placed in Jefferson Institute. The cabin\nwas used for church and for all general gatherings. Lyle\nwas a Presbyterian. Denominational differences were\nignored and missionaries of all churches were welcomed.\nMacWaller preached there, as did John Boone and Glen\nO. Burnett. People came from miles away and through\nthe Sabbath morning could be heard the men's voices\nurging their ox-teams as they approached the Institute.\nHospitable cabins welcomed the arrivals and happy hours\nof visiting followed the religious service before the slow\nmoving oxen were turned homeward.\nIn summer additional shelter for the congregation\nwas provided by setting forked tree limbs upright across\nthe front of the building and covering them with fir\nboughs. The young girls sometimes decorated the room,\nfilling the fireplace with greens and inserting yew boughs\nalong the log walls. When they had finished, says Mrs.\nHayter, they carefully swept the litter from the doorway\nwith branches of snowberry.\nCourt, too, was held in Jefferson Institute during\nthat year. The provisional county circuit court was convened on September 6,1846. On a high steel shelf in the\nvault of the Polk County Court House at Dallas lies a\nworn volume that bears on time yellowed leaves the clear\nand legible record of the first circuit court of Polk County.\nIn some providential way these records escaped when\nthe court house burned in 1898. On the first page of the\nold record is written:\n\"Be it remembered that, at a circuit court, begun\nand held at the Jefferson Institute, within and for the\ncounty of Polk, on the first Monday in September, it\nbeing the sixth, A. D. 1846, when were present the Hon.\nA. A. Skinner, judge of the Circuit Court Oregon Territory, and Benj. F. Nichols, sheriff of said county. When\nthe court was opened in due form of law by the sheriff\nthe court ascertained that no venire for grand jury had\nbeen issued, also that the office of the clerk of the county t\/nt\/Y *\u25a0\u25a0 ' M, .!\/ ft\nt'\/u\/ rf>\nj\n':<>\no*tc\/ \/fry \/\/ff Cfr&nJL r\/\nA*!'\/)\n\/,\/\n\/\nefpi(> J'tjf\/ Jr;><\n\/ft t\u201ejj\n<\u00bb<-\/\nJ\u00a3-Y~ \/t'+trrA*^ rttn\/\/\/[\/\/,,\n* \/\/\/\ntfr\\\"\nf,\\M>\"\n\/hs>\nr7f\nIffsKtaj \/\u201e\u201e,\u00ab\/.*\n\/fft JfjfJSrf ft*\n4a*4&4 \/tfi> fi *&***'&*\u00a3 ,,,\/r\nr<,\u201e*i jt*,wf M>.s\nOpJifn\nUtY\nJ\u00ab\u00a3A*Jtpinct- a\u00bb\/\/,\u00ab<>\u25a0, y\/'stf\n'Y >\/<-\/*>\/\/\n\/ r?\ntfA4??\u201e Jja*, 4\n('\u00bb\/, }\n?\/\/'. \/.\n\/\/;, a**Z Vfo\/\/t\u00abr*L \/\/*Mf>j\nCt Jt ff\/f t IS \/{\/ J-t fl *\/\/ \/\n1%\nY p\nrs\/f\nhr**M \/?,\/\/>#,# tr- A\nf J 'Y' Y \u2022\/ \/\n\u00a7M fell Wfc\nFac-simile of court record in handwriting of John E. Lyle. wrmrmmZ John Lyle and Lyle Farm\ncourt was vacant, proceeded to the appointment of J. E.\nLyle, clerk pro tern of the circuit court for Polk County\nand the oath of office was administered to him. There\nbeing no prosecuting attorney present and the members\nof the bar present refusing to act pro tem the court proceeded to the business of the docket.\"\nLyl'e records are a clearly written and plain exposition of the court proceedings. He was clerk \"pro tem\"\nboth of the provisional court and the later district court\n\u2014\"pro tem\" for John Lyle was a Whig in a county of\nDemocrats and voted the Whig ticket, it is said, when\nbut one other man in the county voted it with him.\nIn June '46 Felix Scott and family came with pack\nand saddle horses through southern Oregon from Sutters\nFort in California. They came saddened by the recent\ndeath of Harriet. They went to the Joseph Watt home\nnear Amity. The June air was sweet with the fragrance\nof wild roses and of the wild orange blossoms and the\nstrawberries reddened on sunny hills when John Lyle\nand Ellen Scott met again. Before the leaves had turned\nto gold their wedding day was set. They were married\nNovember 3rd, 1846, by Glen O. Burnett at the home of\nJoseph Watt where Felix Scott was then living. Ellen\nand John mounted their horses and rode through the\nbright November sunshine to the Ramage neighborhood\nwhere he taught a short term of school. During the\nwinter they returned tovJefferson Institute where a cabin\nnear the school had been built for them. Mrs. Scott had\nkept darkies busy at the looms for a year before she came\nto Oregon and brought bolts of linen cloth, tablecloths\nand sheets. So Ellen Lyle was well supplied with linen,\nhad a dozen dresses and a feather bed and pillows for\nhousekeeping. Each of her granddaughters has today a\nsquare of one of the first hand woven tablecloths. Ellen\nwas not the only bride on the creek. Josephine Ford 140\nJulia Veazie Glen\nhad married Dr. James W. Boyle on May 12, '46, and\nPauline Goff had married James Nesmith in June of the\nsame year.\nThe supply of dishes and cooking utensils was very\nlimited until after '49. Older housekeepers had managed\nto tuck dishes into feather beds and bring them safely\nacross the plains but the first brides had rather sorry\nlooking tables. A Dutch oven, a three legged skillet, a\ncrane and kettle over good oak coals could broil grouse\nor venison, roast potatoes, boil wheat, brown hominy,\nbake salt rising and gingerbread, what more could one\ndesire? However plain the fare might be the latchstring\nwas always out.\nCarey Embree presented Ellen Lyle with her first\nbroom of broom corn, grown in his garden and made into\na broom by his own skilful hands. She had been using\none of those in general use\u2014made of a hazel stick finely\nsplit and peeled back and bound together with buckskin\nand sinew, making a strong, coarse broom. Carey Embree had a famous garden in the lowlands by the creek.\nEagerly accepted were his long handled dipper gourds.\nJohn Lyle had a fine garden there, too, and Ellen raised\nthe fragrant \"pocket melons\" that the women loved to\ncarry in their reticules. There were school and church\nand court and kindly neighbors and Ellen and John were\nso content that when they rode up through the valley\nand found that Mitchell Gilliam had decided to sell the\nrights to his claim they took it. A portion of that claim\nis the \"Lyle Farm\" now owned by Harriet Lyle Veazie,\ndaughter of John Lyle and Ellen.\nIt must have been about this time that a store was\nlocated on that land, said to have been opened by a man\nnamed Moran. Bits of stone from the chimney still\nlie on a little mound in the oak woods marking where\nthe old territorial road wound by.\nThe only articles in existence known to have been\npurchased at the store are two pictures treasured by Bits of stone in the oak woods on Lyle Farm marking the location of\n, store in 1847.\nP\n:1M\n.in ;-\u25a0; , \\ t\n9uM&M2m2k v.Svf wmim\nir \u00bbJi\n\u25a0~\u00a3Mn\nA copy of a picture purchased by Colonel Gilliam at a store located\nLyle Farm in 1847. A copy of a picture purchased at a store located on Lyle Farm in 1847.\n. *1\u00ab *\u00bb *P\"K\n'Urn-\n[US\nimm-'\n\u2022*-\u00bb ESi\nJohn Lyle and Lyle Farm\n141\nMrs. Frank Collins (Elizabeth Gilliam). She tells that\nher father, Colonel Cornelius Gilliam, took her and her\nsister Retta to the store. The little girls saw the pictures and were so captivated that Colonel Gilliam purchased for one the \"Morning Prayer\" and for the other\nthe \"Evening Prayer.\" The two little girls looked solemnly into each others eyes and vowed to treasure the\npictures as long as life should last and that the first to\ndie should leave hers to the other. The two have long\nhung on Elizabeth's walls.\n\"Simple days,\" says this generation. Recall for a\nmoment the year of 1847 in the Oregon Territory. The\nIndians as they saw more and more land claimed by the\nwhites were becoming sullen and threatening. The\nboundary line was settled but no United States government provided and no recognition of legislative or judicial\nacts of the Provisional Government. Anxiety over land\ntitles was becoming acute. The man who had braved the\nhardships of the journey across the plains to win the\n\"square mile of land\" wanted to be assured of a title.\nThere were not troops and supplies for military defense.\nIt was not pleasing to remember that if trouble came all\nmunitions of war were to be found in the storehouses\nof the Hudson's Bay Company at Vancouver where\nJames Douglas, now Chief Factor, acted under strict\nand explicit orders from London. War with the Mexicans was in progress in 'California. There had been no\neffort to improve or even mark a road from the western\nstates to Oregon. There was not even a provision for\ntransportation of mail across the continent. The isolation was becoming intolerable. November 29, 1847, was\nthe day of the Whitman massacre. Then horror, fear\nof the Indians, suspicion of the Catholic priests, distrust\nof the British and burning humiliation over the indifference of the United States!\nJefferson Institute was used as a recruiting station\nfor troops to be sent against the Cayuses. There was\nm\ni \u2022%\u2022'.'ETC*^K11 1\nif :|&f| 1\niff? 1 142\nJulia Veazie Glen\nno panic. School was held, court convened. Men and\nwomen looked calmly into the eyes of the Indians who\ncame and went and watched. The women smiled and\ntended their little flower gardens of hollyhocks and love\napples, of French pinks and fever-few and turned with\ngrave and anxious eyes to the medicinal beds of peppermint and catnip, of sage and tansy and hoarhound. They\nsmiled but listened always day and night for the sound\nof a horse's hoof-beats that might herald the arrival of\na messenger from the fighting volunteers.\nAmid these conditions Harriet Jane Lyle was born, in\nSeptember, 1847, in the cabin near Jefferson Institute.\nWhen she was a few weeks old, Ellen Lyle mounted a\nhorse, took her infant daughter on her knee and rode\nto her father's home at Amity. On the return journey .\nshe bore a little chair on her foot.\nDuring the first winter in Oregon Felix Scott, Senior,\nhad whiled away the dark days by fashioning a little\nchair out of an oxbow and yoke that he had used in\ncrossing the plains. The rawhide seat he made of the\nhide of a cow that had died on the plains. He designed\nthe chair for his tiny daughter, Linn, but it failed\nto please her capricious fancy, so he presented it to his\ninfant granddaughter, Harriet Lyle. The little chair\nhas had almost constant use from that day to this and\nis still one of the treasures of Lyle Farm.\nGold was discovered in California in 1847. The rush\nto the gold fields was at its height in '48. It seems' incredible that the women of the valley who had lived in\ndaily dread since the Whitman massacre should consent\nto have the men leave, for any amount of gold. But\nthey did. Many claims were held by women and young\nboys and little children. John Lyle was gone a few\nmonths and brought back $1000 in gold. Soon after his\nreturn a second daughter, Joan, was born. He taught\nin the Applegate settlement and then at La Fayette with\nyoung Matthew P. Deady as assistant.\nttmaa -\nm\nhair made in 1846, by Felix Scott, from an ox bow and yoke used\nin crossing the plains.\n1-\n'MRS\n;;IH\n1\nII\n1. \u2022;\n\u2022^;X_v f\\\nr- \" 4 S,\n\"U\"\n\u2022\u25a0+;. ,-:\u00ab.\"'\n;,**': w'^l''\nPl&lf !*'\n?\niifilKiil^\nI John Lyle and Lyle Farm 143\nIt was during these years that John Lyle knew a\nspiritual temptation\u2014perhaps a new impulse stirred by\nJesse Applegate's convincing logic, perhaps a fruition\nof those impulses that had primarily led him to Oregon.\nThere is evidence that Oregon held for many minds a\nmystic attraction as a land of social regeneration. Horace S. Lyman in his history of Oregon says:\n\"Interest in Oregon as a field for establishing society\nupon a new and wider plan, without the evils of older\ncommunities, continued to attract hither young men of\ngood education and idealistic minds.\" ijKffl^'\nDreams of Utopia were not new. They have been\nrecorded since the days of Plato's Republic. Perhaps\nthere is no finer monument to ideal democracy than the\nestablishment of the provisional government of Oregon\n\u2014a government self-imposed\u2014by subtlest diplomacy\nwinning the \"consent of all the governed',, composed\nof factions whose interests were diametrically opposed\n\u2014American and British, Catholic and Protestant. Conditions following the discovery of gold seemed to early\nsettlers to have permanently altered the trend of thought\nin the Willamette Valley. When Jesse Applegate, man\nof practical initiative and sane judgment, proposed to\na chosen few the establishment of a social colony in\nsouthern Oregon for themselves and their families, the\nmen listened eagerly and with growing enthusiasm. Far\ninto the night, said Ellen Lyle in later years, the men\nwould sit and talk and plan. The young wives talked,\ntoo, of the sacrifices of their first married years, of their '^}?1P\nbabes, of the future and said that they would not go!\nJesse Applegate went and became known as the \"Sage\nof Yoncalla.\" '^K\nOregon was recognized as a territory, donation land ffi$\nrights were upheld, and on August 20th, 1850, Ellen Lyle\nmounted her horse and took Joan in her arms and John\nLyle mounted her horse with Harriet on before and they Wl\nturned toward the claim they had taken but never occu- 144\nJulia Veazdjj Glen\npied. Beneath the blue summer sky, through the tall\nwild grass that brushed their ankles, they rode to the\nhome on La Creole. It was a lovely site, near the foothills of the purple Coast mountains, with snow peaks\nrising from the Cascades toward the east. Along the\nsparkling creek were great trees, the maple, the fir, the\nalder, the balm of Gilead.\nHere and there on the highland were splendid oaks.\n\"It was like a beautiful park,\" said Ellen, \"quite free\nfrom underbrush.\" They used the log cabin that Mitchell\nGilliam had erected and added to it as need demanded,\nbedrooms, a dining room, porches.\nAn agent for \"Luellings Traveling Nursery\" came\nby and Lyle took a number of fruit trees. That they\nflourished is evidenced by an entry in an old ledger used\nby W. C. Brown in his pioneer store. The entry is dated\nOctober 25, 1856. John Lyle is credited with three\nbushels of apples at $24.00.\nThe aged trees today blossom bravely and in the\nspring the old orchard is sweet with the fragrance of\nthe flowering cherry, the plum, the pear and the apple.\nFor more than seventy years those trees have fulfilled the\ncyle of bud and bloom, of ripened fruit and yellowed leaf.\nThere one finds old favorites, the Golden Sweet, Gloria\nMundi, Rambeau, Red June, Sweet June, the Damson\nPlum, the summer pear, the gourd pear, the pound pear,\nthe Concord grape.\nAn old record relates that on May 9, 1851, a meeting\nof the county court was held at the residence of John E.\nLyle, north of La Creole, and the members of that court\nwere Harrison Linville, David R. Lewis and Thos. J.\nLovelady; H. M. Waller was county clerk. At that meeting it was ordered that a court house two stories high\nbe erected at Cynthian, (located where North Dallas\nnow stands). The county donation square on which the\ncourt house was located is shown in the plat of the John\nE. Lyle homestead.\nMrmrmmfl II aim of Gilead tree which stands near where the old\nterritorial road passed.\n\u25a0***\nlife; **rm John Lyle and Lyle Farm\n145\nThat the court house was promptly completed we find\nin the first circuit court record.\n\"Term of District Court of the United States in and\nfor the County of Polk and Territory of Oregon began and\nholden at the court house in Cynthian on the\nfirst Monday of October, the same being the sixth day\nof October, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight\nhundred and fifty-one.\"\nThe next public service on record in which Lyle was\nconcerned was the establishment of La Creole Academic\nInstitute. A glance through the records beginning February 5, 1855, reveals that it was a far-seeing project.\nThe name Dallas had at the time replaced \"Cynthian.\"\nWater, however, could not be secured on the site and\nthe more progressive landholders, determined to keep\nthe sessions of the county court in their locality, adroitly\nmanaged a new townsite, while they endowed the\nAcademic Institute. The minutes are signed by Horace\nLyman, Secretary.\n\"The meeting called for the purpose of establishing\nan Academy at or near Dallas was held pursuant to call\nat the Court House and came to order by choosing Mr.\nHarvy to the chair, H. Lyman, Secretary.\" Trustees\nelected were R. P. Boise, N. Lee, Wm. Lewis, J. F. Roberts, J. E. Lyle, F. Waymire, A. H. Sweeney, J. M. Frederick and Horace Lyman. The trustees were to draft a\ncharter, select a location and report at the next meeting.\nIt was decided at this meeting that \"the provisions of the\ncharter be made such as to leave with the teacher at the\ntime employed, whether or not the exercises of morning\nand evening prayer should be had.\"\nR. P. Boise was elected president of the Board of\nTrustees, plans were presented for the building and each\ntrustee was requested to act as a solicitor to obtain funds\nfor the Institute. F. Waymire made \"the offer of twenty\nacres on the south side of La Creole\" for S. Shelton,\nwhich offer was subsequently raised to twenty-five acres\nVMae>\nm*\\ 146\nJulia Veazdj: Glen\nmi\nupon the offer of J. E. Lyle and W. Lewis to donate 40\nacres each should the Institute be located on the south\nside of the creek.\" (Old Dallas was on the north side).\nUnder date of July 12, 1855, we are told that the\n\"Trustees proceeded to the Seminary grounds to lay them\nout.\" \"Upon measuring them it was found that the\nground donated owing to the withdrawal of Mr. Levens\nwas insufficient, however laid out to be of much immediate service.\" \"The day wore away\" without a decision\nand the trustees adjourned until 8 o'clock the next\nmorning.\nThe next morning the trustees met and had evidently\ndone effective work over night. \"Present were R. P.\nBoise, H. Lyman, J. E. Lyle, W. R. Lewis, and Nicolas\nLee\u2014a quorum.\" Lewis raised his donation to 40 acres,\nShelton raised his to 32 acres and Lyle still offered the\noriginal 40 acres. Others had subscribed money. Deeds\nwere made, the trustees \"fixed upon the spot where to\nplace the building, laying off twenty-four rods square for\nthe Academy grounds, and laying off a street of eighty\nfeet all around, with lots one hundred by one hundred and\nfifty feet bordering, the several deeds were all signed,\nacknowledged and delivered.\"\nNot only was \"La Creole Academic Institute\" located\nand endowed with land but a site for Dallas fixed. Lots\nfacing the Academy square were offered for sale at $100\neach. A little later it was considered expedient to donate\nlots \"to certain individuals such as merchant, taverner,\nblacksmith, cabinet maker and the like\" provided they\nwould \"commence building early next season.\"\nThe first teacher of La Creole Academic Institute\nwas the Reverend Horace Lyman with Miss Elizabeth\nBoise as assistant. Horace Lyman graduated from Williams College in 1842 and from Andover State Seminary\nin 1846. The tuition charged \"was $4 for Reading and\nSpelling, $5 for all higher branches usually taught in\nCommon or Free Schools and $8 for the higher English Photographic copy furnished by the General Land Office,\nWashington, Dt C.\nmO BSB2] Sc&u& Ko*- PL^n\nO I iMtf\" )0 \u00bb3 \u00a3o\nHouse at Lyle farm, Dallas, Polk County, Oregon y mMJ L.\nJohn Lyle and Lyle Farm\n147\nstudies and the Languages.\" July 6, 1857, the trustees\ndonated a square to the county upon which in 1859 a\ncourt house was erected.\nAt this time John Lyle began to see within his reach\nthe house of his dream, the spacious home which should\nadorn a sightly spot on the highland back from the creek.\nLittle by little he and Ellen had saved toward it but now\nthe herds were large and thriving and the top drawer\nin the mahogany chest of drawers was almost full of\ngold coin. They had spent happy years in the log cabin\nand it was a cosy place. There was a little cook stove\nin the kitchen and in the family room a fire place where\noak fires glowed with bellows and hand wrought poker\nand tongs and shovel at hand; the big clock and gleaming\nbrass candlesticks on the shelf above. There were a\nmahogany table and mirror, rawhide seated and wooden\nWinsor chairs about the room. Many friends crossed\nthat flat stone doorstep, neighbors, attorneys and judges\nwho came to court and travelers going to and from the\nNesmith-Owens grist mill at Ellendale.\nThe contract for the house still standing at Lyle Farm\nwas let to William Pitman in 1858. He was also the\narchitect.\nThe Lyle residence is a typical New England house,\nsymmetrical in plan and elevation, with a stair hall as the\ncentral axis\u2014a characteristic early form. In accepting\nthe plan John and Ellen Lyle were forced by pioneer\nconditions to forego an expressed predilection for the\nsouthern type of residence with kitchen and servants'\nquarters separated from the main dwelling. The house\nwas erected evidently on the verge of the change from\nthe classic to the romantic period in American architecture as shown by the steep gable. That the house belongs\nto the colonial family is shown in details both exterior\nand interior which follow classical forms traceable to\ncolonial influence. The porch columns, the cornice and\nm 148\nJulia Veazie Glen\nHfli W\nI .*\u00ab\n1.! '**u\nHj'jl\nI>^\n;\/;',':.\nHl:;''\n1 **\u2022 '*\"%''\nthe fireplace details correspond to the Roman tradition\nwhich is the foundation of colonial forms. There are\nfour fireplaces.\nThe correspondence is shown in the enframement of\nthe fireplaces with a classic pilaster supporting an architrave and projecting cornice, which, of course, in simple\nterms, becomes the shelf.\nThe roof reveals the beginning of the romantic influence, expressed in the steep gable ends. The house\nis now as in 1858 of distinguished appearance.\nThere was not, said J. M. Campbell, one of the carpenters, a planer mark on the whole house, flooring,\nceiling, etc., all being dressed by hand. Moldings, cornice\nand balustrades were all made by hand. The front door\nhas the position of the lock reversed\u2014the keyhole upside\ndown. The key is six inches long. .\nIn 1859 a new court house was erected on the square\ndonated by the trustees of the Academy and Dallas was\nentrenched as a county seat.\nThe contract was let to William Pitman, the price\nfixed at $7,400. Upon completion the new edifice was\nregarded as one of the finest buildings in the state. In\narchitecture it is interesting.\nIt reveals distinct southern ancestry. Thomas Jefferson's influence is marked in the severe Roman classic\nlines. Indeed, comparing the court house with the original model of the Virginia State Capitol\u2014sponsored by\nJefferson and said to be the first monument of the classical revival in American architecture\u2014it is seen at once\nthat Dallas had in 1859 a reproduction of that model\nprepared in 1789.\nThe angle of the roof is a little sharper in the court\nhouse than in the Capitol at Richmond\u2014the columns are\nof the Doric instead of the Ionic order. The tympanum\nis an almost exact reproduction of the Roman temple,\npeculiarly appropriate to the South as it gives a shadow.\nThe architecture of the Capitol is inspired by the Maison If\nm\nt.WmPn\nFront door of Lyle house\nI&| mm: Fireplace in the living room of Lyle house. Brass candlesticks, chairs and\ncounterpane were used in the log cabin.\n\u25a0WW\nj i \u25a0\u00bb\" j-j TimTiriiMr\nFireplace in old parlor of Lyle house. The crib was made in 1859.\nChair and bellows used in log cabin John Lyle and Lyle Farm\n149\nCaree of Nismes, which Jefferson described in a letter\nto Madison as \"one of the most beautiful, if not the most\nbeautiful and precious morsel left us by antiquity.\" Of\nthe Capitol building he said :\n- ***It is very simple but is noble beyond expression\nand would have done honor to any country, as presenting\nto travelers a specimen of taste in our infancy, promising\nmuch for our mature years.\" The buildings of the University of Virginia belong to the same period of revival\nof interest in Roman architecture.\nThe old Academy was not so fortunate in an architect.\nIt follows no tradition. It is merely a belfried school\nhouse.\nIn '59 the Lyles were happily settled in the new house,\nthe young trees were growing and flowers blossomed\nbeneath the windows. The older children attended La\nCreole Academy. Seven children had come to John and\nEllen: Harriet, Joan, Alonzo, Alfred, Felix Scott, William and Julia. Alonzo, Felix Scott and Julia died in\ninfancy. John Lyle sent the herds of cattle to winter in\neastern Oregon. The winter of 1861-62, said to be the\nworst that Oregon has ever known, devasted the herds\nhe had sent and in order to retrieve the heavy loss he\nwent to the mines in eastern Oregon. He was taken ill\nalmost immediately upon reaching his destination and\ndied there in 1862.\nJohn Lyle was allotted seventeen years in Oregon.\nHe made good use of them. His work has endured. It\nis sixty-three years since he passed. Great grandchildren\nplay on the hill with the wagon he had made for the\namusement of his own children in 1858. The old records\nlie clean and legible in the worn volume on the court\nhouse shelf. The Academy lands and funds still mater-\nHI\n1 Bergh, Vol 5. Quoted by the Journal of the American Institute\nof Architects, September MCMXV.\nIll 150\nJulia Veazie Glen\nially aid education. Dallas is dominated by the county\nsquare and the wide streets donated in '55. The Mission\nRose, the Cloth of Gold, the pink and white Moss Roses\nthat Ellen loved long ago dropped their last petals but\nthe trees grow and year by year fling out greater\nbranches. John Lyle interpreted democracy not as a\nleveler but as an incentive to each man to be as fine and\naristocratic as he chose.\n\u25a0 MUX\n1\nn\nra.^\nv ,-'. ' i~,Y''\nIHliW\ntepliSjjH\nU^^^^^dH |:':'H ?\ni\u00a3i \u2022\nl'5*;\u00bb It 0\u00bbt\nif;\n'*' '\n*l>'\nfrVjKjf' V'\ntff \u2022\n\u25a0^\u2022'^^ EXTRACT FROM EXPLORATION OF THE\nOREGON TERRITORY, THE CALIFORNIAS, AND\nTHE GULF OF CALIFORNIA, UNDERTAKEN\nDURING THE YEARS 1840, 1841 AND 1842\nBY\nEUGENE DUFLOT DE MOFRAS\n(Translated from the French by Nellie Bowden Pipes)\nIntroductory Note\nEugene Duflot de Mofras came to Oregon in October,\n1841, as an agent of the French government on an errand\nwhich appears to have been solely commercial, and to\nhave had no political significance. He had been an attache of the French Embassy at Madrid, but at the close\nof the year 1839, was transferred to their Legation at\nMexico, with the special mission of visiting the provines\nof Western Mexico; Lower and Upper California, the\nRussian forts, the British and American posts on the\nColumbia, and the region of the Columbia River and the\nOregon Territory; he was to \"ascertain, independently\nof political considerations,\" as he himself says, \"what\nadvantages might accrue to France from commercial\nexpeditions and the establishment of stations in these\nregions, still so little known in France.\"\nHe arrived at Fort Vancouver in October, 1841.\nAfter a sojourn of about six weeks, he took a return\npassage on the Hudson's Bay Company bark, Cowlitz,\nsailing December 21.\nDe Mofras' visit to the French settlement on the\nWillamette is of especial interest. He was most hospitably received and describes with obvious fidelity and\nsympathy the manners and customs of these people, their\nreligious and political problems. His reception by the\nHudson's Bay Company officers at Fort Vancouver was\ni\nIf\nmf\nIII 152\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nnot over cordial, owing to a misapprehension of the purpose of his visit. His observations of those other than\nhis compatriots were not always accurate, but the value\nof his narrative stands out as an interesting attempt to\nset down the condition of the country from the point of\nview of one who was a Frenchman, first, last, and all\nthe time.\nHis report included geographic description, history\nof discoveries, hydrography of the coasts, statistics of\nthe country, customs of the inhabitants and of the\nIndians. .^\nThe following are Chapters VII and VIII of Volume\nII, of his work which was published in Paris in 1844,\nby order of the King.\nChapter VII\nForts of the Hudson's Bay Company.\u2014Fort Van Couver\n\u2014 Doctor MacLoughlin, Superintendent. \u2014 Governor\nSir George Simpson.\u2014Shipping and commerce of the\nCompany. \u2014 Colony of French - Canadians. \u2014 Puget\nSound Agricultural Company.\u2014French Missionaries\nin Oregon.\nAll the forts of the Company are built on almost the\nsame plan; they are in the form of a quadrilateral of one\nor one hundred and fifty meters1 along the front, and are\nsurrounded by a stockade six meters high made of logs';\naround some of them there runs an upper gallery; at the\nfour corners are bastions armed with four or eight guns\nof small calibre. These rude fortifications suffice to hold\nthe Indians in awe, and, in case of need, to repulse their\nattacks. There is not a single English soldier in the\nTerritory of the Company; but in places where the In-\n1 A meter is 39.37 inches. De Mofras Exploration of Oregon\n153\ndians are to be feared the engages are subjected to a sort\nof military service. In all the forts, except Van Couver\nand Nesqually, the population is composed only of the\nEnglish agent, who is in charge of the post, a small number of French Canadian engages, trappers, porters, boatmen, and some Indians and \"Bois brules,\" or half breeds.\nFort Van Couver\nThe headquarters and the most important of the\nEnglish establishments is the one founded in 1824 by\nDoctor John MacLoughlin, and which he named Fort Van\nCouver. It is situated on the right and north bank of\nthe Columbia River, thirty leagues2 from its mouth, in\na little plain a mile wide and extending two leagues along\nthe river. The ground rises gradually; the lower part\nis prairie, and the hill is crowned with fine timber. The\nsituation is extremely picturesque; before the fort in the\ndistance extend immense plains covered with verdure;\nin the foreground, the limpid waters of the river, shaded\nby gigantic trees, and to the southeast, Mount Hood,\nwhose eternal snows contrast with the sombre color\nof the pine forests which surround it.\nThe fort is three hundred meters from the bank; the\nstockade which looks to the south has a clearing of two\nhundred and forty by one hundred and thirty meters in\ndepth. There are neither moats, nor armament of any\nkind; in the middle of the court yard two old spiked\ncannons only. The wall encloses thirty different buildings: Lodgings of the Governor, the superintendent,\nand the other employes of the Company and their families; carpenter shops, iron mongery, cooperage, blacksmith shops, storehouses for furs, warehouses for European goods, a pharmacy and a Catholic chapel used as a\nschool. All these buildings are of wood, except the powder magazine, which is of brick and stands by itself. A\nPWt\nill\n2 A league is 2% miles. 154\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nlarge kitchen garden filled with fruit trees adjoins the\nfort, around which are sown annually six hundred hectares3. On the shore are the sheds and a dock yard for\nbarges, and boats, and at some hundred steps from the\nfort, the cabins of the employes. There are also at a short\ndistance a dilapidated shed used as a hospital, barns,\ntwo sheep folds, a dairy, stables, granaries and a threshing-mill.\nTwo kilometers4 above the fort and on a little ever-\nrunning stream, which flows into the Columbia, there\nhas been built a grist mill and a sawmill which can cut\nthree thousand feet of lumber a day. This mill employes\na score of workmen, all Sandwich Islanders, and a proportionate number of horses, ox-teams and carts. Not\nfar from the houses, but on the other side of the river\nare thirty lodges of the Flat Head Indians, who bring to\nthe fort the products of their fishing and hunting. The\ntotal population of Fort Van Couver is seven hundred\npersons, of whom twenty-five are English and one hundred French-Canadian engages with their families. These\nwhites, who for the most part are married to Indian\nwives, speak only the French tongue. As to the Chin-\nooks, whose huts are in the neighborhood of Van Couver,\nthey use a jargon formed of Indian words mixed with\nFrench words and some English expressions.\nAs do all the other Indians of this Territory, the\nChinooks distinguish readily at first sight the different\nnationalities of the whites; they designate the Spaniards\nof California by the name of Spagnols; and the English\nby that of Kin j or (corruption of the words King George)\nas being subjects of King George; they call the Americans Boston, doubtless because almost all of them come\nfrom this city; and the French-Canadians, Franse or\nPasayouk, that is to say \"white faces,\" the French being\nm\n3 A hectare is 2.471 acres.\n4 A kilometer is 0.6214 miles.\n\u2014^\u00ab,^ De Mofras Exploration of Oregon\n155\n*?J1\nunquestionably the first whites to cross the Rocky Mountains. It is with these last that the Indians associate\nthe most familiarly.\nThe commercial movement is quite considerable at\n\u2022Fort Van Couver, because this is the point where the\nproducts of the other forts of the Territory generally\narrive; and it is also from there that the caravans leave,\nand the brigades which go to distribute the goods to the\nstations of the interior. The result is that Fort Van\nCouver, which on the exterior resembles a large farm,\nsurrounded with buildings for agricultural purposes, is\nin reality, within but a shop and counting-house of the\ncity of London. About fifteen clerks are employed for\nbartering with the Indians, for making the sales and for\nthe accounts; they assemble at their desks at the sound\nof a bell, at seven o'clock in the morning, and work there\ntill nine o'clock at night, save for the time necessary for\nmeals, which are taken in common, and are presided\nover by the governor.\nIn the evening the young clerks come together to\nsmoke in a room called Bachelor's Hall; each tells of his\ntravels, his adventures, his fights with the Indians; one\nhas been forced to eat his moccasins, another is so sure\nof his rifle that he takes aim at the bears only in the\nmouth, so as not to damage the skin; and then sometimes\nas the Scotch melodies mingle with the Canadian songs,\none sees the hardy Highlanders enlivened by the gaiety\nof the French. The dwellings are a kind of barracks,\nwhere nothing recalls the comforts of the English. The\nfurniture consists of a little table, a chair or bench and\na camp bed of boards, infested with insects, with two\nwoolen covers. We must say, however, that this modest\nfurnishing would seem superb to any one who has passed\ntwo years sleeping in the open air, and whole weeks exploring the rivers in uncovered canoes, in cold and incessant rains. On Sunday the dining room is converted\ninto a chapel, and one of the employes reads the prayers\ni( [V 156\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nK^wifN\"\nPHli'P\nM ^^flfr pj'i '*\np ^|f||!y\n\u25a0r !i$w -'\u25a0\nFk, \u00bb |1\nMl*-' . I\n\u25a0KR:. \"1 I\nWilkes and Slacum call this place Camp Maud du\n>ie.\n16 Mice River is probably Mary's River. Joel Palmer in his Journal,\nai ~,\u201e\u201e*:~.\u2122 \u00ab A\/rn\u201e00 T?iVpr See alsn Oregon historical auarterlv.\n15 Champoeg,\nSable\nIVllCe -KlVer IS prOUHUiy ivj.aijr o iu\u00bb\u00ab. j\u00abw * \u2014\"-~- \u00ab- \u2014-~ jw- -.-,\np. 93, mentions a Mouse River. See also Oregon historical quarterly,\nv. 24, p. 249; and Carey's History of Oregon, p. 418n.\nmam 168\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nPrincipal French-Canadian Settlers on the\nWillamette\nName &~\nMich. Laframboise \u2014 1831\n*J. B. Desportes 1831\n*Joseph Gervais 1832\n\u2022J. B. Perrault 1832\n*Jh. Delor 1832\n*Etienne Luciat 1832\nXavier Lacoste 1832\n*P. Billique 1833\n*Jh. Deloze 1833\nJ. Arguette 1833\n*Xavier Dudevant 1834\nAndre Longpre 1835\nLouis Fourrier 1835\nCharles Plants 1835\nCharles Rondeau 1836\n*Andre Picord 1837\nGeorge Gay 1838\nLouis Fortia 1838\nCharles Roy 1838\nStanislas Jacquet 1838\nAbbe Blanchet 1839\n2w\ni\no\nX\no\nx\n|\n40\n20\n170\n200\n2\n1\n35\n20\n170\n100\n3\n1\n60\n30\n225\n50\n3\n1\n40\n30\n225\n10\n3\n15\n15\n100\n15\n2\n35\n30\n230\n35\n4\n1\n20\n12\n95\n14\n1\n30\n25\n195\n20\n2\n30\n20\n175\n14\n2\n40\n25\n185\n15\n2\n17\n17\n160\n18\n2\n22\n12\n90\n10\n2\n17\n16\n115\n20\n1\n30\n30\n225\n40\n2\n12\n12\n90\n15\n14\n12\n90\n10\n15\n12\n90\n12\n12\n10\n80\n12\n1\n12\n10\n85\n10\n20\n20\n180\n14\nlOOOt\n1\nt For the Mission of St. Paul.\n* This sign indicates the settlers who signed a petition addressed to\nthe Congress of the United States, and of which we will speak later.\n\u2014de Mofras. De Mofras Exploration of Oregon\n169\nAt the beginning of 184317 the French settlers on the\nWillamette possessed 3000 beef cattle, 1800 horses, 3000\nswine and 500 sheep; they harvested during the year\n10,000 hectoliters of wheat, and 3000 of leguminous and\nother grains; such as oats, peas and beans. The yield\nof these grains gives an average return of twelve for\none, and the soil produces at least eight hectoliters a hectare. The colonists sell their harvest to the Hudson's Bay\nCompany, which gives them European merchandise, iron\nand farm implements in exchange. Some of them have set\nup grist mills and sawmills on the numerous streams\nwhich water the valley. Others, and particularly Stanislas Jacquet, go to California nearly every year to buy\ncattle and horses. In the proper season they trap the\nsmall number of beavers which still remain, and prepare\nthe furs and skins, but their principal occupation is agriculture.\nAlthough the great majority of settlers have married\nIndian wives, the French language is the only one in use\nin the colony. Rapids, cascades, all the dangerous places\nbear French names: la Porte de Venfer, la Course de\nSatan, le Passage du Diable, les Comes du Demon, and\nother witticisms drawn from the vocabulary of the Canadian hunters. During our visit to the Willamette with\nGovernor Simpson, we could not help noticing the painful impression the Canadians experienced in seeing themselves governed by a person of a race and religion different from their own, and who did not even speak the same\nlanguage. Several farmers, indeed, when Sir George said\nto them in English, \"How do you do\"\u2014replied, \"We do\nnot speak English; we are all French here.\"\nThe Canadians, furthermore, are in the habit of considering as really superior only that which comes from\nFrance; they allow this prejudice to show in the least\nthings; thus it is that they call the finest breed of dom-\n17 De Mofras was here in 1841, but as his book was not published\nuntil 1844, he had opportunity to get additional information.\nmm\nII 170\nNellie Bowden Pipes\n\u00a7M\nestic ducks, French ducks; shoes of English leather,\nFrench shoes; the pound sterling, the louis; Europe,\nFrance, and all the whites, French. The Indians themselves carry this belief to such an extreme, that an old\nguide, an Iroquois half breed, on being asked where a\nbeautiful gun that he carried on his shoulder had been\nmade, answered that it came from the old France of\nLondon. The name of Napoleon is not unknown to them;\nseveral of them have given it to their children. All the\nhouses of the settlement are made of wood, and the tillable lands surrounded with light fences and hedges. At\neach of the places occupied by the white population there\nis a Mission, which serves as a sort of center for the\nFrench Canadians.\nUntil 1838 the Protestant agents of the Hudson's Bay\nCompany prevented our priests from crossing the Rocky\nMountains, but at that time,, and at the request of the\nBishop of Juliopolis, Monseigneur Provencher, residing\nat the Red River Colony, the Hudson's Bay Company consented to grant a passage to Mr. Blanchet, vicar-general\nof the Bishopric of Quebec, and also to the Abbe Demers,\nin their canoes, with the brigade of the annual express\nfrom Montreal to the Columbia river.18\nThe funds necessary for the establishment of these\ntwo missionaries were furnished by the Association for\nthe Propagation of the Faith, of France, which sends\nannually to Monseigneur Provencher twenty thousand\nfrancs for the missions of Hudson's Bay. This prelate\n18 See Annals of the Propagation of the Faith, 1842, No. 82, p. 171.\n\u2014de Mofras.\nF. N. Blanchet to John McLoughlin, St. Paul, Ore., Jan. 25, 1854\n\u00ab This desire to see the country settled I noticed in you\nin the month of June, 1838, when, en route for London, you learned with\ndeep regret, at Fort Garry on the Red River, that the Rev. Mr. Demers\nand myself would be allowed to enter Oregon on the boats of the\nHonorable Company only on the condition that we would not form\nany settlement except North of the Columbia, which was then considered\nthe English side. This desire^ induced you to exert your influence in\nLondon, which obtained the withdrawal of the condition put upon our\npassage. Hence the happy result of our first settlement in the Willamette Valley in the autumn of 1839.\" Ms. in Oregon Historical Society. -\nDe Mofras Exploration op Oregon\ngives eight thousand francs of this sum to the missionaries of the Columbia river. It will be learned, not without interest, that considerable sums are sent from France\neach year for the missions of British America, and particularly for our former provinces of Acadia and New\nFrance. The funds collected during these last years for\nthe British Possessions in America alone have reached\nnearly two hundred thousand francs a year.19\nMessrs. Blanchet and Demers, leaving Montreal in\nMay, 1838, arrived at Fort Van Couver at the end of\nNovember of the same year.20 They were actively engaged\nin founding missions among the natives, and in re-establishing order among the French Canadians who had been\nleft to themselves. These two ecclesiastics now had five\nmissions: one at Puget Sound, near Fort Nesqually, the\nmission of Saint Francis Xavier on the Kaoulis River;\nSaint Mary for the Chinook Indians of Fort Van Couver;\nSaint Louis, King of France, at Willamette falls; and\nSaint Paul, on the left bank of this river, in the midst\nof the farms of the French Canadians. On the excursions\nthat I made with the worthy Abbe Blanchet to the falls\nof the Willamette, he asked me to whom he should dedicate this mission. I did not think I could suggest a name\nmore glorious for France than that of our sainted King\nLouis.\nAt the three missions of Nesqually, Saint Francis\nXavier, and Saint Paul, lands have been reserved especially for extension of the missions. At the first two\nthey have kept three hundred hectares, and at Saint\nPaul have chosen a magnificent valley, fifteen hectares\nlong by seventy deep, divided between woods and prairies,\nand having several water courses where they can set up\n19 See the report of the Association of the Propagation. Montreal,\n1841. p. 58.\u2014de Mofras.\n20 Blanchet and Demers arrived at Fort Vancouver November 24,\n1838, but according to their agreement with the Hudson's Bay Company,\nestablished no missions south of the Columbia until the autumn of 1839.\nSee note 18. 172\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nmills. Hired farmers cultivate these fields, the produce\nof which is used for the relief of widows and orphans,\nand for the founding of schools and apprentice shops for\nadults. The aid that Messrs. Blanchet and Demers receive from France not sufficing for the creation of these\nestablishments, the diocese of Quebec made up the deficiency by sending during these last three years an annual contribution of one hundred louis. Dr. MacLoughlin\ngenerously furnished an equal sum from his private\npurse. A year ago two French priests, MM. Langlois\nand Bolduc, came by sea to the Columbia river to aid the\nmissionaries. These clergymen are in harmonious relations with the Spanish Franciscans of California, the\nFrench Jesuits stationed on the upper waters of the Missouri, at the foot of the Rocky Mountains, and our mission at the Sandwich Islands. The influence of the missionaries over the Indians is considerable. It is not unusual to see the natives travel a distance of one hundred\nand fifty to two hundred leagues to become acquainted\nwith the Black Gowns, the Great Chiefs of France, as\nthey call our missionaries. As to the free Canadians situated in the vicinity of the missions, it must be said to\ntheir credit that in the absence of civil authority they\nvoluntarily accept that of the French priests, which is\nwholly paternal. These instruct their children, adjust\ntheir differences and make the division of their lands.\nWe witnessed during our sojourn at Saint Paul on the\nWillamette a touching example of this patriarchial justice. A French Canadian was accused of having stolen a\nhorse from an American and confessed his fault. A\ncouncil of the heads of families, presided over by Abbe\nBlanchet, condemned him to restore the horse to its owner, and besides to remain three months at the door of the\nchurch during the services, without being permitted to\nenter. This man having submitted docilely to the ordeal\nfor two Sundays, Abbe Blanchet, after a short address,\nwent to seek him, led him into the church, embraced him De Mofras Exploration of Oregon\nwith tears in his eyes and had him sit among the other\nsettlers. It is at least doubtful whether the punishment\ninflicted in a like circumstance by a civil judge would\nhave produced as efficacious a result; besides, this paternal correction had the great advantage of not leaving any\nscar on the person who had received it.\nMission of Saint Paul\nIf at Fort Van Couver we were received as a foreigner, at the mission of Saint Paul Abbe Blanchet welcomed us as a compatriot and a brother; and we felt\nagain a keen joy in finding on these distant shores, in a\ncountry where France has allowed herself to be deprived\nof all her rights, a parish and villages which reminded us\nof those of our own provinces. But we must confess to a\npainful impression that we felt when on Sunday, in the\nchurch where six hundred Canadians were assembled, we\nheard a French priest say in French to a congregation entirely French: \"Let us pray for our Holy Father the Pope,\nand for our well beloved Queen Victoria.\" After mass we\nasked Mr. Blanchet the reason of this strange prayer;\nhe answered that it was enjoined on the priests to make\nit publicly once a month under pain of removal.\nThe Hudson's Bay Company sees, not without apprehension, the establishment of new families of free Frenchmen. It would like for the colonization to develop on the\nright bank of the Columbia. The Company fears that the\nfree population of the Willamette will escape it some\nday, especially since in March, 1838, at the instigation\nof Mr. Lee, head of the American Methodists, a petition\nsigned by twenty-seven Americans and nine of the principal French Canadian settlers was addressed to Congress\nto claim the protection of the United States Government\nand invite it to take possession of the territory.21 The\n21 Documents of the 25th Congress, No. 101, page 4.\u2014de Mofras.\nThis petition was dated March 16, 1838, and signed \"J- L. Whitcomb\nand thirty-five others.\" It was written by Philip L. Edwards, who had\ncome out in 1834 with Jason Lee. 174\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nnine French settlers, signers of this petition, are the\noldest and richest, and it does not seem unlikely that\ntheir example may lead others to free themselves from\nEnglish authority and the monopoly of the Company.\nIt must be said also that most of the settlers at the Willamette have trapped beaver a long time in California,\nin the Sacramento valley and San Francisco Bay; they\nall know that that country is preferable to this on account of its fertility, and its freedom from malarial\nfevers, which sometimes decimate the population of the\nWillamette, and the greater part of them would ask nothing better than to go there and stay if they were sure of\nfinding there efficient protection.\nChapter VIII.\nCession of Louisiana by France to the United States\u2014\nExplorations and commercial expeditions of the Americans\u2014Founding, sale, seizure and restitution of\nAstoria\u2014Official exploration of the Territory by order of the Government\u2014Direction of the emigration\nof the United States\u2014American population of Oregon.\nThe Americans, as well as the English, early appreciated the expediency of founding establishments on the\nNorthwest coast; and before going into the diplomatic\nquestion we will describe rapidly their possessions in\nthese parts, and give a history of them.\nFor a long time the problem of communication between the two coasts of America had occupied our governors of New France and the Mississippi. In 1674,\nCount Frontenac, thinking that the Mississippi emptied\ninto the Gulf of California, had ordered Joliet to explore\nit. It was the realization of this same idea that dictated\nthe voyages of Father Hennepin and of Lassalle [La\nSalle]. In one of his journeys to Hudson's Bay, about\n1699, dTberville finding himself at Fort Bourbon and\nthinking that by traveling westward he would be able to\ngain the Western ocean, for this purpose sent one of his\n\u2022i A\nm^MUXM De Mofras Exploration of Oregon\n175\nofficers named Renaudon; but he was stopped by ice and\nreturned to Fort Bourbon.22\nEven before the negotiations undertaken with France\nfor the sale of Louisiana, President Jefferson dreamed of\nmaking an examination of the upper waters of the Missouri in order to assure himself whether it was possible\nto reach the Pacific Ocean, either by the Columbia or Colorado rivers, and to establish direct and practical communication for commerce across the American continent.\nIn his message of January 18, 1803, the President submitted for the approval of Congress the names of Captains\nLewis and Clark as being the most likely to fulfil this mission, and here it may be remarked that the treaty of the\nLouisiana Purchase was signed on the 30th of April of\nthe same year.28\nThis sale, forever to be deplored, took place by virtue\nof a decree of the First Consul, on April 3, requiring the\nsum of seventy-five million francs, payable by the United\nStates. Of this sum, nearly 30 millions were used to indemnify the citizens of the Union who had claims against\nus for the capture of neutral ships in previous wars.\nThe remainder was delivered in specie into the hands of\nthe French commission and on December 23, 1803, the\nprefect of New Orleans, M. de Laussat, made the official\ntransfer of the whole of Louisiana to the American governor, Mr. Claiborne. If the cabinet of France committed\nan irreparable error, thaj; of Washington gave proof of\nthe wisest foresight; it hastened to terminate so advantageous an affair, and contracted without delay a loan, at\nsix per cent, to acquit itself toward us. Thus for the\nmiserable sum of nine million dollars France lost her last\npossession on the New Continent, this province which\ngave her command, to the south and west, of the Gulf of\nMexico and the Spanish vice-royalty, while on the north,\nby the upper waters of the Mississippi, she reached Can-\n1$\nill\nml\n%\n*'', titV' \/ '\nmfYt\nJ: if;; J\n*'Y?m\n22 Naval archives. Documents of New France.\u2014de Mofras.\n23 See Greenhow, Memoir, historical and political, p. 152.\u2014de Mofras.\nfli 176\nNellie Bowden Pipes\n\u25a0iUt\nada, and could in case of war, if not reunite it to the\nmother country, at least aid it in delivering itself from\nthe abhorred domination of the English.\nThe American officers penetrated to the Missouri,\nMay 14, 1804, crossed the Rocky Mountains, and November 15, 1805, arrived at Cape Disappointment, at the\nmouth of the Columbia river, after having come down the\nsouth branch of that stream. They erected near Youngs\nBay a wooden house which they called Fort Klatsop. The\nwhole American expedition departed for the United States\nMarch 4, 1806.24 This same year, fur traders of the\nUnited States, thinking to profit by the advantages which\nseemed to be promised by the expedition of Lewis and\nClark, established at Saint Louis, under the direction of\nDon Manuel Lisa, a Spanish merchant, a company under\nthe name of the Missouri Fur Company. The agents of\nthis company explored the upper Missouri and even succeeded in reaching, beyond the Rocky Mountains, one of\nthe small rivers forming the source of the Snake river,\nsouth branch of the Columbia. Mr. Henry, the head of the\nexpedition, had founded a post on one of these rivers; but\nrepeated attacks of the Indians and want of food forced\nhim to abandon it in 1810.\nIn the course of this same year, Jacob Astor,\nGerman merchant at New York, formed the association\nknown as the Pacific Fur Company. The object of this\ncompany was to trade direct with China and to take\nfrom the London companies the monopoly in furs. The\nadmirable plan of Mr. Astor was worthy of greater success. Washington Irving, in his delightful work has given\nus an account of the two expeditions, by land and by sea,\ntoo popular for it to be necessary to repeat it here. The\nship Tonquin, sent by Mr. Astor, arrived in the Columbia\nat the close of March, 1811, and on the left bank of the\n24 Journal of the Expedition across the Rocky Mountains, by Lewis\nand Clark, Phil. 1814. See also the excellent work of Maj. Poussin,\nThe American Power of the United States. Paris, 1843, v. 1, p. 280.\n\u2014de Mofras. L\nmm\nDe Mofras Exploration of Oregon\n177\nriver, a little distance from the hut where Lewis and\nClark had wintered, the expedition put up a fort, or factory, called Astoria, in honor of the head of the enterprise.25\nIn 1813 war broke out between England and the\nUnited States, and October 16, of the same year the establishment of Astoria, together with the furs and merchandise that it contained, was sold by the agent of Mr. Astor\nto the emissaries of the North-West Company, which had\nalso erected forts along the Columbia. On December 1,\nthe sloop-of-war, Racoon entered the river, and on the\n12th, Captain Black, of the British navy, took solemn\npossession of Astoria, which thereafter was called Fort\nGeorge. The Americans were in complete ignorance of\nthis when they signed with Great Britain the treaty of\nGhent, December 24, 1814.\nFort George was in the form of a parallelogram forty-\nfive by seventy-five meters, surrounded by a wooden palisade. The factory comprised divers buildings and sixty-\nfive persons of all nations and colors, of whom twenty-six\nWere Sandwich Islanders. The fort was defended by two\npieces of 18, two short cannon of 6, and seven swivel guns.\nNeither the agents of the American government nor those\nof Mr. Astor occupied Fort George, which was returned\nto them two years later, and the Pacific Fur Company\nceased to exist.26\nIn 1822, Astor founded a new company under the\ntitle of the North-American Company. This company\nlimited its operations at first to the vicinity of the Great\nLakes and the headwaters of the Mississippi; it extended\nthem to the Yellow Stone river, and ended by uniting\nwith another concern called the Columbia Fur Company.\nMr. Ashley, of Saint Louis, Missouri, who had established\n25 See Astoria, or Anecdotes of an Enterprise beyond the Rocky\nMountains. New York, 1834.\u2014de Mofras.\n26 See Greenhow. Memoir, hist, and polit. op. cit., page 168.\u2014de\nMofras.\n26 See Greenhow. Meoir hist, and polit. op. dr., page 168.\u2014de Mofras.\nMm J'*\nm\nr&\n'4 \u25a0;\u25a0*\nm\nits\n111 wmrrrrwi\n178\nNellie Bowden Pipes\n\\t--n-\na station on the Yellow Stone in 1823, sent a party of\nabout a hundred trappers beyond the Rocky Mountains\nnear the headwaters of the Colorado, toward the forty-\nsecond degree of latitude. Though these employes had\ndisputes with those of the Hudson's Bay Company, Mr.\nAshley collected in the space of three years one hundred\nand eighty thousand dollars worth of furs. In 1827 he\ndispatched sixty armed men, with one cannon, and some\nwagons drawn by mules, in the direction of the Rocky\nMountains. These gay adventurers at this time discovered the South Pass, situated between the headwaters\nof the Platte on the East, and the Colorado on the West,\nand set up a post on the shore of Lake Timpanogos of\nthe Spaniards, (Salt Lake of the Utah Indians), entirely\nMexican territory.\nAt the same time, Sublette, Smith, and Jackson, of\nSaint Louis, Missouri, acquired Ashley's stations and\ninterests and organized the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, for the purpose of establishing a regular traffic\nwith the country watered by the Columbia and Colorado\nrivers. The activities of the fur traders of Saint Louis\ngave new impetus to the enterprises of the North American Company, which also extended its operations beyond\nthe Rocky Mountains, as well as some independent parties\nof adventurers. In Febraury, 1829, Mr. Green,27 sent by\nthe Protestant committee of Boston, had the special mission of examining the Northwest coast from Sitka to\nCalifornia, and he proposed the sending of Methodist\nministers to the Columbia river.28\nBetween 1832 and 1834 Captain Bonneville, of the\nUnited States Army, got together a company of more\nthan a hundred men, and with twenty wagons and a great\nnumber of mules and horses loaded with goods, he traded\n27 Rev. Jonathan S. Green. He was not affiliated with the Methodists, but was sent to the coast by the American Board of Commissioners\nfor Foreign Missions. See Missionary Herald, Nov. 1830, p. 343.\n28 History of the American Board of Commissioners, etc., by J.\nTracy, 1840, p. 25.\u2014de Mofras. De Mofras Exploration of Oregon\nduring two years on the Upper Missouri and the south\nbranch of the Columbia.29 In 1834, several persons from\nNew York and Boston formed the Columbia River Fishing and Trading Company. Captain Wyeth took command of the expedition by land, while a ship was sent by\nsea to the Columbia. He was accompanied by five Methodist ministers, with their wives30,under orders of Mr. Lee;\na learned naturalist, Mr. Townsend, and a distinguished\nbotanist, Mr. Nuttall.31 Captain Wyeth passed by Fort\nHall, erected a short time before by the North American\nCompany32 on the Port Neuf river, one of the upper tribu-\ntraies of the south branch of the Columbia. Arrived at the\nColumbia, he chose some land between the two branches of\nthe Willamette on Multnomah island33, where in November, 1834, he set up a factory built of wood and called it\nFort William, but was forced to abandon these points immediately, as he was not able to endure the competition\nof the Hudson's Bay Company. Fort William no longer\nexists, and Fort Hall is occupied by the Hudson's Bay\nCompany, which bought it from the Americans.34\nMr. Lee and the Methodists were located at various\npoints on the Willamette and Columbia. In 1835, Messrs.\nParker and Whitman, Baptist ministers35, were despatched by the committee at Boston to found establishments\non the other side of the Rocky Mountains. Mr. Parker ar-\n29 Washington Irving: The Rocky Mountains from the Journal\nof Cap. Bonneville. 2 v., N. Y., 1836.\u2014de Mofras.\n30 Jason Lee and his nephew, Daniel Lee, Cyrus Shepard, Courtney\nM. Walker and Philip L. Edwards, none of whom was married. For\nsketch of Edwards see California hist. soc. quar. v. 3, Apr., 1924.\n31 See Narrative of a Journey across the Rocky Mountains to the\nColumbia River, by J. Townsend. Phil., 1839., p. 176.\u2014de Mofras.\n32 Fort Hall was built by Wyeth in July 1834. See Sources of Oregon\nHistory, v. 1, pts. 3-6, p. 147, 227.\n33 Sauvie's Island.\n34 See Memoir of Capt. Wyeth in the Documents of Congress, No. 101,\np. 6, Feb. 16, 1839. [25 Cong., 3 Sess. H. R. 101].\u2014de Mofras.\n35 Rev. Samuel Parker and Doctor Marcus Whitman were Congega-\ntionalists, sent by the A. B. C. F. M. Dr.. Whitman was not a minister,\nbut a doctor of medicine. At Green River Dr. Whitman returned East\nfor reinforcements, and Mr. Parker continued his journey to the Columbia. mttm&mi\n180\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nrived at the Columbia in October, 1835, explored the\ncountry and returned to the United States to make a report on his mission.36\nOn November 11, 1835, Mr. Forsyth, Secretary of\nForeign Affairs at Washington, commissioned Mr. Slacum\nof the United States Navy, to proceed to Oregon Territory and examine the state of the existing settlements,\ntheir population, the sentiment of the inhabitants toward\nthe United States, Russia and England, and to collect\nfinally, all the information, political, statistical and geographic, which might seem to be of interest to the government. Mr. Slacum left San Bias October 10, 1836, and\narrived in the Columbia river December 22. On March\n26, following, he addressed his report to the Cabinet at\nWashington. Slacum's voyage was made at the expense\nof the government, and cost thirty thousand francs.37\nIn 1838, a company from Saint Louis, Missouri, sent\nMessrs. Johnson and Giger38 .to the Columbia to explore\nthe territory of Oregon, and make a survey of the commercial enterprises that might be undertaken there. In\nAugust of the same year, a society was formed at Boston,\nunder the name of the Oregon Provisional Emigration\nSociety; it is still publishing a periodical called The Ore-\ngonian. Its object is hot only to instruct the Indians and\nto teach them husbandry and the mechanical arts, but\nalso to aid emigration and the settlement of families from\nthe United States in the disputed territory, to induce\nthem to take up agriculture, salmon fishing, silk culture,\nthe cultivation of hemp and flax, and commerce in lumber and furs. All the expenses of the society are divided\n36 Journal of Exploring tour beyond the Rocky Mountains, by Samuel\nParker. 1838.\u2014de Mofras.\n37 See Senate Document No. 24, December 18, 1837, and No. 101 of\nthe 25th Congress of the United States.\u2014de Mofras.\n38 William Geiger and D. G. Johnson were bound for California in\n1839, but not being able to obtain a guide, joined the missionaries Griffin\nand Munger, and came to Oregon. Geiger taught in the Mission school,\nJanuary to May, 1840. Johnson sailed for the Hawaiian Islands. Bancroft, Oregon, v. 1, p. 238-9; Lee & Frost, 174. De Mofras Exploration of Oregon\nequally among its members, but the annual assessment\nmight not exceed three dollars.39 In 1839, Mr. Kelley40\nundertook a journey for the same purpose by order of the\nMethodist committee of Boston. Finally, January 5, 1839,\nMr. Poinsett, Secretary of War, made the following answer to Mr. Cushing, to the questions which had been put\nto him by the Committee of Foreign Affairs of Congress:\nWar Department, January 5, 1839.\nSir: In reply to the inquiries of the Committee on Foreign Relations contained in your letter of the 26th ultimo,\nI have the honor to state that, in my opinion, not less than\na battalion, consisting of four or five companies, ought\nto be sent on the service contemplated by the bill under\nyour consideration. The troops, on arriving at their destination, will be without cover or shelter of any description, and may be exposed to the attacks of the surrounding Indians before then can erect even field works\nto protect themselves. They ought, therefore, to be in\nsufficient numbers to furnish guards, and to take the necessary measures of defense while the work of erecting a\nfort and buildings for the troops is going on. The expense of an additional battalion, for raising and maintaining it for one year will amount to $98,952. I say additional, because to abstract so large a number of men from the\narmy in the present state of the country, when there are\nso many calls for regular troops, and the frontiers exposed to attack are so insufficiently guarded, would be\nimminently to increase the danger of a border war. Without more knowledge of the country than we possess, it is\ndifficult, if not impracticable, to form a just estimate of\nthe cost of erecting a fort sufficient for the protection of\nthe troops in time of peace, and to answer the purposes\nof defence at the breaking out of a war. An experienced\nofficer of engineers ought to be sent out with the expedition, and $50,000 appropriated to erect a fort. The\ntroops ought to be furnished with subsistence for one\nyear; and I would recommend that about thirty laborers,\nand an overseer, conversant with husbandry, be employed\nto accompany the detachment, who would be able, in that\n39 25th Congress, 3 Sess., H. R. 101, p. 25-28.\n40 Hall J. Kelley. His journey was undertaken in behalf of a colonizing scheme, and had no religious connection. 182\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nfertile region, to raise, with the aid of the soldiers themselves, an abundance of stock and grain for the future\nmaintenance of the troops. These men might probably\nbe hired for twenty dollars a month, and the overseer for\neighty-five dollars; which would be $8,220 a year for\nlabor. Add to this $1,800 for implements of agriculture,\nand $2,000 for stock, making altogether $12,020 for the\nfirst year, and thereafter $8,220, or allowing for contingencies $9,000 a year, to produce the necessary annual\nsubsistence of the men.\nWhether the forces to be sent out are to consist of\nadditional troops, or to be taken from the line of the\narmy, they ought to be recent recruits, raised for the purpose, both to prevent the renewing them oftener than\nonce in four years, to avoid the expense of transportation;\nand that care may be taken to enlist as many mechanics\nas practicable. It might be expedient to offer, both to the\nlaborers and recruits, a tract of land in Oregon, as a reward for four years' faithful services there.\nA moderate increase in our Pacific squadron, of two\nvessels of light draught of water, would, in my opinion,\nbe sufficient in aid of land forces; and both together would\nafford all the protection required by any settlement likely\nto be made for some time to come, on or near the Columbia river.\nI transmit, herewith, an estimate of the expenses of\nthe expedition, and of the annual cost of maintaining it.\nVery respectfully, your most obedient servant,\nPoinsett.\nEstimate of the expense of establishing a military\npost on the Columbia river, and the annual cost of maintaining it with a force consisting of five companies,\n375 strong.\nExpense of enlisting 355 men ....$ 3,905\nTheir pay for one year 32,760\nTheir subsistence for one year 25,915\nTheir clothing for one year 11,006\nPay and emoluments of 21 commissioned officers for one year 19,987\nOne overseer, at an anual salary of 1,020\n30 laborers at $240 per annum each 7,200\nFor implements of agriculture 1,800\nFor stock 2,000 De Mofras Exploration of Oregon\nExpense of erecting a fort 50,000\nArms, equipment and ammunition 17,690\nCamp equipage __ 1,184\nTransportation of troops to Chagres,\nthence by land to Panama, and again\nby sea to the Columbia river 25,000\nTransportation of supplies, l>y sea,\nround Cape Horn, to the Columbia\nriver 25,000\n$224,467\nIf the troops and supplies are carried in Government\nvessels from Panama to the Columbia river, the expenses\nof transportation would be about $20,000 less. And if\nthey are sent in transports from the United States, round\nCape Horn, to the Columbia river, the whole expense of\ntransportation would amount to about $43,000.\nAfter the first year, the annual cost of maintaining\nthe post would be as follows :\nPay of 355 men per annum $ 32,760\nClothing per annum 11,006\nPay and emoluments of 21 commissioned officers per annum 19,987\nAnnual supply of ammunition 1,607\nContingencies, including the pay of\noverseer and laborers, and living, in\nlieu of $25,915 for subsistence 9,000\n$74,360\nTo the Honorable Mr. Cushing, member of the Committee of Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives.41\nIndependently of the letter of the Secretary of War,\nMr. Cushing received another January 7th, from Mr.\nPaulding, Secretary of the Navy, to whom he had addressed the same questions. Mr. Paulding also expressed\nthe opinion that the best protection to give to the citizens\nof the United States in Oregon Territory would consist\n41 Documents of the 25th Congress, No. 101. Appendix K, p. 22, Feb\nruary 16, 1839.\u2014de Mofras. 184\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nin the permanent establishment of a military post, occupied by a force of five or six hundred men; he added that\nhe had given orders to Lieutenant Wilkes, commanding\nthe Exploring Expedition, to make a careful survey of\nthe Northwest coast, the Straits of Juan de Fuca, the\nColumbia river, the coast included between this river and\nCalifornia, and very especially the port of San Francisco,\nrepresented as one of the finest in the world. He says\nalso that he has ordered the commander of the Pacific\nsquadron to employ a sloop-of-war to make observations\nin the Strait of Juan de Fuca, which includes a port\n(Puget Sound), the occupation of which he thinks very\nimportant, in order to convert it into a station for ships\nof war, in view of the dangers which these shores present\nfor ships of all classes. Mr. Paulding thinks also that the\naddition of two sloops, having for their object the re-enforcement of the Pacific squadron, woud aid efficiently in\nthe defense of the Oregon Territory, and enable the Commander of the squadron fully to carry out the instructions\nalready given him relative to the Gulf of California and\nthe Northwest coast of America. The Secretary concludes by saying that the sum of $150,000 would seem\nto him sufficient for the purpose.\nIn 1840, an American lawyer, Mr. Farnham, went\noverland to the Columbia on a semi-official mission for\nhis Government. He induced the American and French\nCanadian settlers on the Willamette to ask of Congress\nthe protection of the United States, and he also gathered\nsome interesting information concerning the country.42'\nIn June, 1841, the American squadron43 visited almost all the territory and in September left at Fort Van\nCouver Mr. Hale, of whom we have spoken. Last year\n42 Farnham's Travels in the Great Western Prairies, the Rocky Mountains and in the Oregon Territory. 2 v. Lond. 1843.\u2014de Morfas.\nFor sketch of T. J. Farnham see Thwaites' \"Early Western Travels,\"\nv. 28, p. 10-14. He was one of the \"Peoria party\" of 1840 and had no\nofficial connection with the government.\n43 U. S. Exploring Expedition under command of Charles Wilkes. De Mofras Exploration of Oregon\n185\nLieutenant Fromont44, who by order of the Senate had\nalready completed an exploratory mission east of the\nRocky Mountains, set off again with a company of emigrants, who were traveling to the Columbia. Since the\n12th of May, 1792,45 the day that Captain Gray of Boston\nfirst entered the Columbia, very few American merchant\nships have visited this river. After the fruitless expeditions of Astor, there remains to be cited only that of\nCaptain Dominis, who, in 1829, in spite of the opposition\nof the Hudson's Bay Company, was able to take on board\nthe brigs Owyhee and Convoy, more than eighty thousand\ndollars worth of furs. Terrible fevers were decimating\nthe Indian population and the Americans claimed that the\nCompany caused the rumor to be spread among the natives that it was their ships that had brought the malady.\nIn 1834, the American brig May Dacre, Captain Lambert,\nbelonging to Mr. Wyeth, who had come overland, tried\nto procure a cargo of salmon, but he could assemble only\na few barrels on account of the opposition of the English\ncompany, even though he had promised its agents that he\nwould not buy furs of the Indians. The brig Loriot which,\nIn 1834, the American brig May Dacre, Captain Lambert,\nGovernment, did not carry on any trade. It only transported to California some Americans who were going\nthere to buy cattle, and among others, Messrs. Young and\nCarmichael46, who had set up a distillery in the Willamette Valley; but the Hudson's Bay Company and the principal French and American settlers having felt how injurious the manufacture of spirits would be, not only to\n44 J. C. Fremont.\nJournal of travels on the Platte and Yellow Stone Rivers by Lt. Fremont; published by order of the U. S. Senate, Document of the American\nCongress, 1843.\u2014de Mofras.\n45 Capt. Robert Gray entered the Columbia river May 11, 1792.\n46 Ewing Young and Lawrence Carmichael, members of the Willamette Cattle Company. They abandoned\" their distillery, but refused\nthe compensation offered. Slacum's Report. 25th Congress, 2 Sess., Sen.\nex. doc 24, p. 23-24.\n9*sll VErxmfii\n186\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nft\nthe Indians, but to the whites themselves, succeeded by\nmeans of an indemnity in persuading the two manf actur-\ners to abandon their baleful trade.\nIn 1840, the American ships Lausanne and Maryland\nentered the Columbia for a cargo of salmon and some\npeltries; but their operations were no more fortunate\nthan those of the brig Perkins which in the summer of the\nfollowing year came into the river with the intention\nof trading with the natives and was bought by Wilkes,\ncommander of the American expedition, armed as a warship and named the Oregon, and used for carrying the\nequipment of the sloop Peacock, lost on the bar. However, at the end of September, 1842, an American trading\nship was able to get a fairly large cargo of salted salmon;\nit sailed for the Sandwich Islands, carrying away seven\nMethodists and their families.47\nHere ends the series of land and sea expeditions sent\nto this Territory, whether by order of the Government\nof the United States, by companies, or by private individuals. The official documents cited by us are enough to\nshow the importance attached by the Cabinet at Washington to the possession of these vast regions.\nJason Lee, head of the Methodist Americans, and his\nbrother48, Daniel Lee, were the first to settle, during the\nautumn of 1834, on the plains of the Willamette, where\nbefore long they were joined by eight of their confreres\u2014\nAbernethy, Whitman, Leslie, Perkins, Frost, Khun, Gray\nand White49, who settled, some at Clatsop, near Point\n47 September 1, 1842, Rev. John P. Richmond, of the Nisqually Mission, J. L. Whitcomb, David Leslie and his two daughters, Dr. William J.\nBailey took passage on the Chenamus for the Sandwich Islands. (Lee &\nFrost, 323, 324).\n48 Daniel Lee was the nephew of Jason Lee.\n49 George Abernethy, Marcus Whitman, David Leslie, H. K. W.\nPerkins, Joseph H. Frost, William W. Kone, William H. Gray, Elijah\nWhite. Of these Whitman and Gray represented the A. B. C. F. M. and\ncame in 1836; the others were Methodists. White came in April, 1837;\nLeslie and Perkins in September, 1837; Abernethy and Kone on the\nLausanne, 1840. -\nDe Mofras Exploration of Oregon\n187\nAdams, at the mouth of the Columbia, and at Willamette\nFalls, others at Nesqually, at the fort of the Nez Perces,\nand at Fort Colville.\nThis last station is very important for the English\nCompany; it is situated on the left bank of the Columbia\nriver, three days' journey above the river of the Flat\nHeads. Fort Colville was erected in the midst of a plain\nof fifteen hundred hectares square, which constitutes the\nonly land fit for cultivation on the Columbia above Van\nCouver. The Company has there two farms, a blacksmith\nshop, a mill, one hundred beeves, and some horses; it harvests about twelve hundred hectoliters of wheat, barley,\npeas and oats, and a great many potatoes. It is this\nplace that furnishes the forts of the North and West the\ngreatest part of their provisions.\nMost of the Methodist and Baptist50 ministers are\nmarried; they live in little wooden houses; but they\ngather about them so small a number of Indians\nthat at the end of 184251 nearly all of them left for the\nSandwich Islands on board English and American ships,\nregarding their presence as useless in Oregon. Let us\nsay in passing that the Hudson's Bay Company and its\nagents at the Sandwich Islands always grant passage on\ntheir boats readily and gratuitously to the Methodists,\ntheir attendants, and generally to all Americans who go\neither from the Columbia to the Islands or from the\nIslands to the Northwest coast. English ships do not refuse even to transport without expense cases of merchandise belonging to the Methodists. It is plain that\nthis apparent generosity has no other object than to\n50 de Mofras seems confused about the Protestant denominations; he\ndesignates as Baptists all Protestants who are not Methodists. The first\nBaptist minister did not arrive in the territory until 1844.\n51 Of those who left in 1842, Leslie and Bailey returned (see note 47.)\nIn 1843 J. H. Frost, Dariiel Lee and Ira L. Babcock and their families\nleft on the bark Diamond; in February, 1844, Jason Lee and Gustavus\nHines on the Columbia. Babcock and Hines returned in April, 1844.\nBabcock left the territority permanently in November, 1844, Hines returned to the states in 1845, but came back across the plains in 1853.\n' R-hi' i 1\n(f\u00ab;> 21\nm\nlp,w 1\n188\nNellie Bowden Pipes\navoid at any price the presence of United States ships in\nthe Columbia, of which the Company claims to hold the\nmonopoly.\nThe principal establishment of the Americans is that\nof the Willamette, where Abernethy and Whitman52 reside with Lee. These gentlemen have founded a hospital\nand a school; they engage in agriculture, and have two\nflour mills and a saw mill, managed by Mr. Beers53, a carpenter. The unrestricted liberty that reigns in the United\nStates is too well known for any one to suppose that the\ncharacter of the Methodists is purely religious. Several of\nthem have been induced to come to Oregon only for commercial or agricultural business. Almost all of them collect an allowance made by the committee at Boston.\nMr. Lee has established a farm of considerable size,\nwhere he has about eighty hectares of enclosed land, and\nwhere he harvests two hundred hectoliters of wheat, and\nas much of leguminous grains and potatoes. We saw in\nhis school about twenty children of every kind, who are\ntaught English, and who are put to work in the fields and\nat the duties of the farm. Mr. Lee is the most important\npersonage of all the Americans in Oregon; it was he who\nin 1839 addressed to Congress the petition of which we\nhave spoken, asking for a civil magistrate or governor to\nprotect the citizens of the United States, who, he said,\nform the germ of a great State.54\nMr. Lee is in close touch with his compatriot, Mr.\nBingham, head of the Methodists of the Sandwich Islands,\nknown in France for the odious persecution which 'he\ncaused to be exercised against our missionaries, Abbes\nBachelot, Short and Maigret. He maintains some relations also with the American merchants of the Islands;\nbut all other American citizens have commercial relations\nonly with the Hudson's Bay Company. However, in\n52 Whitman's station was at Waiilatpu near Fort Walla Walla, about\n300 miles from Lee's mission.\n53 Alanson Beers.\n54 Documents of the 25th Congress, Apx. H, p. 3, No. 101.\u2014de Mofras. De Mofras Exploration of Oregon\n189\nJanuary, 1842, four American carpenters occupying a\nwooden hut left by the United States squadron near the\nmouth of the river, succeeded in constructing a little\nschooner of twenty tons, which they named the Young\nOregon55, and with which they hoped to do some trading\nwith California. It is doubtful if such a feeble ship can\nwithstand the sea, and as to isolated commercial expeditions of Americans, we hesitate to believe that with\ntheir limited means they can seriously compete with the\nEnglish company, whose power is strengthened by considerable capital and an excellent organization.\nThe American settlers are concentrated on the left\nbank of the Willamette near Lee's station. They constituted in the last months of 1842 a population of one\nhundred and fifty individuals, which, joined to those attached to the Methodists, makes a total of two hundred\nsouls for the entire American population in the territory\nin dispute, while the Franco-English population subject\npartly to the Hudson's Bay Company increased at the\nsame time to at least three thousand persons. Nearly\nall the Americans belong to the hardy class of backwoodsmen from the western United States. They arrived on\nthe Columbia overland, having for the most part for all\ntheir goods only their rifle, and have married Indian\nwives. These are men courageous and patient, more skilful at hunting, wood cutting and carpentering than at\nagriculture. Some famiMes, however, have come with\nwagons by the South Pass, and both in the territory and\nin the United States one may expect to see before many\nyears a wave of immigrant population carried beyond\nthe Rocky Mountains; but up to the present, as has been\n1\n1\nSK\ni si\nkft i\n55 This must have been the schooner Star of Oregon, begun on Swan\nIsland at the mouth of the Willamette, in 1840, finished in August, 1842;\nsailed for California, September 12, 1842, and there sold by the owners.\nThe company who built it consisted of Jospeh Gale, R. L. Kilborune,\nCharles Marts, Pleasant Armstrong, Jacob * Green, John Canan, Henry\nWoods, and Felix Hathaway. See Ore. Pion. Trans. 1891, p. 181; also\nWilkes' Narrative, v. 4, p. 342.\ni\n' *i\nHgjj**]\nj\n1\n%\nIII\n\\\nw w\n190\nNellie Bowden Pipes\nseen in the course of this work, it is rather towards the\nold Spanish provinces of Texas, New Mexico and Upper\nCalifornia that this movement has operated.\nThe Americans know that these southern provinces\nare much superior to the Northern regions of Oregon, and\nthat besides a milder climate and a more fertile soil they\npossess inexhaustible mineral treasures. Nevertheless,\nit is seen from the foregoing that in these disputed territories the Americans are still very far from possessing\nthe same elements of population, ships, commerce and\nagriculture which constitute the strength of the Hudson's\nBay Company, representing the English interests.\n*cMjt DAVID THOMPSON, PATHFINDER AND THE\nCOLUMBIA RIVER*\nBy T. C. Elliott\nThis anniversary year on the Columbia has special\nsignificance to those residing along its upper courses as\nwell as to those at its mouth, and it is well worth while\nfor the people of Kettle Falls and vicinity to rehearse the\ncareer and honor the name of the first man of the white\nraces who explored and made permanent record of the\nsources of this magnificent stream, and was the first to\ntraverse its entire length from source to mouth. Strangely enough the work of this really great and notable man\nis just coming to public prominence, particularly so an\naccount of his achievements in the basin of the Columbia;\neven the historians of our river have failed to award him\nmuch more than passing notice. Brief mention only is\npossible within the limits of this address; and let it first\nbe stated that one of the few geographical points to\nwhich the name of this man, David Thompson, was once\nattached (by himself or by some of his associates)\u2014the\nonly locality in fact ever so designated on the main\ncourse of the Columbia\u2014is a stretch of rapids a few\nmiles below these Falls and now locally known as Ricky\nRapids in recognition of your pioneer settler, Mr. John\nRicky. On the early maps used by the Hudson's Bay\nCompany these rapids were noted as the Thompson\nRapids, doubtless because of some incident as yet unknown to us.\nOur interest in anyone is always enlivened by his like-\n*This paper was published in Vol. XII of the Oregon Historical\nQuarterly. Since then the writer has had access to photostat copy of the\nnote books of David Thompson and has been able to correct some minor\nerrors in words and figures of the text as then printed; also to correct\na few of bis own statements of fact. The call for data concerning David\nThompson has become so frequent that it seems desirable to offer the\nentire paper, as corrected, for republication.\u2014T. C. Elliott.\nwm\n11\nIw'.'jl\n\u25a0?w*i 1\n|V't,|S^ i\n^\u25a0p^H\nIp\nWm&i\nWM ^KM**fci\n192\nT. C. Elliott\nness or some bit of writing from his hand. Something of\nwhat David Thompson wrote in his journal (now to be\nseen at Toronto, Canada) and thus actually recorded\nwhile here at Kettle Falls one hundred years ago this very\nweek will serve as an introduction to him personally. His\njournal reads:\n1811\u2014\nJune 29 Saturday A very fine day\u2014but cloudy\u2014finished the Canoe to 1 Board in each Side &c\u2014All the Timber of the other Canoe got burnt by neglect. Paquia &\n2 Indians come from Jaco. they bring the sad news of\nthe death of Dejarlaix. his Wife and 4 Children, also of\nthe same of Paquia's Wife and Child by Water in a Rapid\nof the Saleesh River with all their Property, only Paquia\nand themselves escaped\u2014the Indians speared 6 Salmon,\nthey gave us 2 do. they carry the aversion they know the\nSalmon to have to the taste of the Water in which Men, &\nAnimals, & especially the Salmon themselves have been\nwashed to Superstition, they did (not) begin spearing\n'till near Noon, as the Spearer had seen the Bones of a\nDog's Head long since dead, to have speared fish with\nsuch unclean Eyes would have driven all the Salmon\naway, & he purified himself with a decoction of the\nscraped Bark of the Red Thorn, thus cleansed he proceeded to work\u2014the Salmon are about 15 to 25 to 30 lbs.\nweight here, well tasted, but have lost all their fat, retaining still all their Meat, their flesh is red and extremely well made.\nJune 30th Sunday A fine cool, cloudy day, in the afternoon begins Rain\u2014they speared 11 Salmon, gave us\n3 do. one a very fine do. finished the Boards of the Canoe\nand rested the rest of the Day.\nJuly 1 Monday A very fine day\u2014Men went for Gum,\nwhich they gathered and made and gummed a very small\npart of the Canoe I Salmon, engaged Bellaire as Hunter &c\u2014Sent Vallade to Jaco\u2014Gave the Horses to the\ncare of the Chief here\u2014& killed one for Food. -\nDavid Thompson\nJuly 2 Tuesday A very fine day\u2014gummed the Canoe\narranged many little affairs &c.\nThe following day he started down the Columbia in\nthis one canoe with seven companions of French and Indian blood on that first journey of a white man from\nIlth-koy-ape, as the Indians called these Falls, to the\nOcean. The night of the 5th found them encamped some\ndistance below the mouth of the Okanogan River, and on\nthe 9th they were a little way above the mouth of the\nSnake or Lewis river, and on the 15th arrived at Fort\nAstoria, there to be greeted by Duncan McDougall and\nother former associates of Mr. Thompson in the North-\nWest Company, but then partners and managers in the\nPacific Fur Company of John Jacob Astor. These people\nhad arrived in the Columbia by sea during the month of\nApril, preceding.\nYou ask how did David Thompson arrive at Kettle\nFalls in June, 1811, and whether by chance or design.\nHe came on horseback from Spokane House, a trading\npost or fort then already established, erected the previous\nyear at the junction of the little Spokane with the main\nSpokane river by one of his men, Jaco Finlay or Finan\nMacDonald. This seems a little too early to find the name\nSpokane written in form, but so it appears; \"Skeetshoo\"\nwas the designation given by David Thompson to the\nSpokane river and to the lake later known as the Coeur\nd'Alene.\nHe had reached Spokane House by the \"Kullyspell\nroad\" or trail from the Kullyspell (Pend d' Oreille) river\nand tribe. The Kullyspell river and lake were already\nfamiliar to him through several months spent in exploring and trading there during 1809-10 and the establishment of two trading posts, one near to the Thompson\nFalls, Montana, of the present day. To the Clark Fork or\nSaleesh River he had come by the \"Kootenay Indian Road\"\nfrom the Kootenay River, where he left the canoes used\nin descending the Kootenay from a point in British Co- ^\u25a0\u25a0\u25a0\"\u25a0\u25a0UJ\n194\nT. C. Elliott\nlumbia opposite to the waters of the Upper Columbia Lake\nand distant from that lake not more than three miles\nacross the low divide since known as Canal Flat but to\nhim as McGillivray's Portage. This portage he had reached by canoes up the Columbia from Canoe river at the\nextreme bend of the river in British Columbia, so named\nby himself because of his enforced encampment there\nfrom January until April of this same year 1811 in preparation for his voyage to the mouth of the Columbia.\nThe occasion for this was the permission given him and\nthe instructions received from his partners of the North-\nWest Company at their annual meeting at Fort William\non Lake Superior in the summer of 1810, for the North-\nWesters had declined to join with Mr. Astor in the enterprise to occupy the mouth of the Columbia and expected\nto develop the Indian trade there on their own account,\nas they afterward did.\nBut let me revert to David Thompson's own records.\nHe was at Astoria on the 15th of July and from there\nvisited Chinook Point near the mouth of the river, but\nat once started up river again, for his journal reads:\n\"August 8th, 1811, Chapaton River, at noon, latitude 46\ndegrees 36 minutes 26 seconds north, longitude 118 degrees 53 minutes 47 seconds west. Laid up our canoe.\"\nThe Chapaton (Shahaptin) was the Snake river and this\nentry shows him to have been at the mouth of the Palouse\nRiver, a well-known camping place for the Nez Perces\nIndians; from whence the party took to the hurricane\ndecks of as many Nez Perces horses and followed the well\nestablished Indian trail to the Spokane (August 18th)\nand thence to Kettle Falls again (August 23rd). By the\nthird of September he was again prepared with canoe\nand provisions and proceeded up the Columbia, through\nthe Arrow Lakes and the Dalles des Mort to Boat Encampment on Canoe River, and from there crossed the\nRocky Mountains to the Athabasca and returned in October. mm\n11 David Thompson\n195\nI mention the details of the career of David Thompson in the year 1811 because these facts are not yet familiar to the residents of our Columbia river region, because\nthey are pertinent to our anniversary season, and because\ntheir narration serves to reveal to us the traits individual\nto the man. At the age of forty-one years David Thompson thus traversed every reach of this magnificent river\nfrom source to mouth, a physical achievement for a man\neven at the present day; but more than a mere physical\nachievement by him because his record gave first to the\nworld its knowledge of the long sought for source and\nwindings of this river, as a few years previous he had\nbeen the first to explore and mark one source of the\nmighty Mississippi River.\nDavid Thompson was a \"goer.\" If anything further\nis needed to indicate this let it be said that during the\nlast days of April, 1810, he was at Pend d'Oreille Lake\nof Northern Idaho, and in July of the same year was at\nthe Rainy Lakes near Lake Superior (and probably at\nFort William) and on the 6th of September of the same\nyear was again near the head waters of the Saskatchewan\npreparing to cross the divide onto the Columbia to complete his journey to its mouth and establish the rights\nof the \"Northwesters\" on the entire river. He journeyed\nto the Rainy Lakes because he had an appointment to\nkeep there with his partners, and he hurried back again\nbecause he had a duty to perform for his company and\nfor his country. Those were not yet the days of fees to\nporters in Pullman cars or even of the Rocky Mountain\nstage coach, but time and distance yielded to the energy\nand endurance of such men as the fur traders.\nDavid Thompson was possessed of great physical\ncourage and ability to lead men. You or I would hesitate\nto cross the Rocky Mountains on foot after the winter\nbegins, but let me quote from \"The Journals of Alex,\nm\\\ni\\Mb%M\n\u00a3 Sto\nWY\n$M VSUdfefejM\n196\nT. C. Elliott\nHenry and David Thompson\" (including Dr. Coues' admirable notes) a resume of the story of his terrible journey across the continental divide in mid-winter; prefacing with the explanation that provisions were very low\nthat fall of 1810 at the few fur trading establishments\non the Saskatchewan and that owing to sudden hostility\nof Piegan Indians the mountain pass used in 1807-8 and 9\nwas closed to Mr. Thompson then and he was compelled\nto seek an entirely new and unknown one. \"Nov. 7th,\n1810. At 11 A. M. Pichette and Pierre arrived . . .\nfrom Mr. Thompson's camp. They left him on Panbian\nRiver, with all his property, on his way to the Columbia,\ncutting his road through a wretched thick, woody country, over mountains and gloomy muskagues and nearly\nstarving, animals being very scarce in that quarter. His\nhunter . . . could only find a chance wood buffalo on\nwhich to subsist; when that failed they had to recourse\nto what flour and other douceurs Mr. Thompson had\u2014in\nfact the case is pitiful. ... On Dec. 5th, 1810, Thompson had reached a point on Athabasca River which he\ngives as Lat. . . . From this place he dispatched men\nto Mr. Henry at Rocky Mountain House asking for pem-\nmican and supplies. ... He was in dire extremities,\nand his men were disaffected to the verge of mutiny by\nthe sufferings they shared with him. On the 15th the\nthermometer was minus 30 degrees. ... On Saturday,\nthe 29th, thermometer 31 below he started . . . On\nNew Years Day, 1811, thermometer minus 24 degrees,\nthe dogs were unable to move their loads, a cache was\nmade, . . . Thompson struggled on, with ever-increasing difficulty and danger, but there was no alternative.\nJan. 4th, he came to a bold defile whence issued the main\nAthabasca River, 'the canoe road to pass to the west side\nof the mountains.' . . . Jan. 8th, the brook still seemingly the main stream dwindled away; Mountains, about\n1 mile apart, 2000 to 3000 feet high . . . Thursday,\nJan. 10th, crossed the Height of Land. Jan. 11th held w\nDavid Thompson\n B 197\nDOWN a brook. . . . Jan. 13th, sent back to Height\nof Land for some things left there, but wolverines had\ndestroyed everything except 5 lbs. of balls. Jan. 14th,\ndogs could no longer haul their loads owing to depth and\nsoftness of the snow; reduced all baggage to a weight\nof about three and one-half pieces, and abandoned everything not absolutely necessary, including his tent, courage\nof the men fast sinking. Jan. 15th sighted mountains on\nother side of the Columbia. . . . Jan. 21st, down to\nthe Columbia. Jan. 22nd, up the Columbia 1 m. to a bold\nbrook and 1 and % m. to a cedar point. F. d. P1. men\n1 Fort de Prairie.\ndispirited, 'useless as old women' . . . determined to\nreturn to Canoe River and wait for men, goods and provisions and build canoes.\" So we see that even in these\ndesperate circumstances he was ready to proceed, and\nhad he been able to cross the mountains by the Howse\nPass in September or October, 1810, in all probability\nwould have pushed on down the Columbia to its mouth\nduring the winter and anticipated the Astor party in\nactual occupancy. Failing in the effort he proceeded\nmore slowly.\nCourage and ability to endure hardships were but\ncommon attributes of the fur trader, but ability to observe\nintelligently and record with continual care the daily\nevents and experiences, and the habits and names of the\nIndian tribes and localities was not so common. David\nThompson kept his note book or journal under all conditions of weather or travel, and made record of the daily\ncamping places in scientific terms and with such exactness that these localities can be checked today with scarce\na variation. His instruments were small, only such as\nwere held in the hand, but his observations were accurate.\nA prominent engineer and scholar of, Canada has had\noccasion to follow many of the routes of travel and gives\ntestimony to this fact. And this ability and habit were\nnot based upon the diploma of any school or institute of\nwm 198\n~\nT. C. Elliott\nlearning, not at all. At the age of seven years a poor boy\nDavid Thompson had been placed in a charity school in\nLondon, and remained there seven years learning all\nthat was taught, which included a little of navigation,\nand reading all that came in his way, for he was an om-\nniverous reader. When he was about fourteen years old\n(about 1783) the Hudson's Bay Company applied for\na suitable boy to enter their service, and he was then\napprenticed to that company for a period of seven years,\nand began life in the fur trade along the bleak shores of\nHudson's Bay. His companionships were improved to\nthe utmost, and a spirit of ambition inspired him to outdo\nhis associates. His love for exploration was influenced\nperhaps by the travels of Samuel Hearne, who was one\nof the officers over him. Considering himself held back\nby the ultra commercialism of the Hudson's Bay Company after due time he turned to their more enterprising\ncompetitors, the NorthWest Company, fur traders of Canada, with headquarters at Montreal, and became a Northwester. As such he was chosen, after some years, to push\nthe trade across the continental divide further south than\nPeace River, where Simon Fraser crossed over, and thus\nit fell to him to find the sources of the long looked for\n\"river of the west\" which both Alex. MacKenzie and\nSimon Fraser had hoped to find before him.\nLet it not be supposed that the Northwest Company,\nof Canada, were at all ignorant of the goings and comings\nof Lewis and Clark in 1805-6. Those very same years\nSimon Fraser (and McLeod) penetrated to the waters of\nthe river afterward named in his honor, and in the month\nof June of 1807 David Thompson descended the western\nslope of the Rocky Mountains by way of the pass at the\nhead of the Saskatchewan River, which pass was afterward generously named in honor of a rival trader in the\nHudson's Bay Company. The winters of 1807-8 and\n1808-9 were both spent at the trading house built by him David Thompson\n199\nin July 1807, at the lower of the two lakes forming the\nsource of the main Columbia; but explorations down the\nKootenay River and a journey to Fort William to'meet\nhis partners engaged his time. In the summer of 1809\nhe pushed across the Indian road southward from the\nKootenay to the Kullyspell (Pend d'Oreille) Lake, explored both the lake and rivers below and above it, and\nspent that winter (1809-10) at a trading house (already\nmentioned) established near the Flat Head Indians of\nMontana; but all the time was gathering information\nfrom the Indians as to the courses of the stream flowing\nto the ocean, and his men were extending their trade and\nacquaintance with the country during his absence.\nBut the entries in David Thompson's journal tell of\nmore than courage, endurance, intelligence and care; they\nshow that he was a devout man. His common expressions \"thank God\" and \"thank Heaven\" were sincere\noutbursts of a spiritual nature and not mere habitual\nrepetitions. That season of 1811 at midsummer he had\nan important mission to perform and unknown miles to\ntravel, and yet on Sunday here at Kettle Falls he rested.\nFive years afterward he was engaged under appointment\nfrom the British government in the important work of\ndirecting the survey and establishment of the boundary\nline between the United States and Canada from Maine\nto the Lake of the Woods. While thus engaged an associate observed and afterward remarked the following:\n\"Mr. Thompson was a firm churchman, while most of our\nmen were Roman Catholics. Many a time have I seen\nthese uneducated Canadians most attentively and thankfully listen, as they sat upon some bank of shingle, to\nMr. Thompson, while he read to them in most extraordinarily pronounced French three chapters out of the Old\nTestament and as many out of the New, adding such\nexplanations as seemed to him suitable.\"\nThe same individual thus describes Mr. Thompson\nnm\n:4 sSwi\n%\nIm\nS**$ f 1\nHi\nI ; ;\\}-^^~a^^^ mnm\n200\nT. C. Elliott\nphysically: \"A singular looking person of about fifty.\nHe was plainly dressed, quiet and observant. His figure\nwas short and compact, and his black hair was worn\nlong all around, and cut square, as if by one stroke of the\nshears just above the eyebrows. His complexion was of\nthe gardiner's ruddy brown, while the expression of his\ndeeply furrowed features were friendly and intelligent,\nbut his cut short nose gave him an odd look. His speech\nbetrayed the Welchman. No living person possesses a\ntithe of his information respecting the Hudson's Bay\ncountries, which from 1783 to 1813 he was constantly\ntraversing. Never mind his Bunyon-like face and\ncropped hair; he has a powerful mind and a singular\nfaculty of picture-making. He can create a wilderness\nand people it with howling savages, or climb the Rocky\nMountains with you in a snowstorm, so clearly and palpably, that only shut your eyes and you hear the crack\nof the rifle, or feel the snowflakes on your cheek as he\ntalks.\" This quotation is from an address delivered\nrecently before the Royal Geographical Society of London\nby the eminent engineer already mentioned, Mr. J. B.\nTyrell, to whose personal research and interest the world\nis chiefly indebted for its growing knowledge of David\nThompson.\nPaddling down the Columbia in July, 1811, David\nThompson landed at a large Indian encampment near\nto where you are now accustomed to \"keep your eye on\nPasco\" and there erected a pole with this written notice\nupon it: \"Know hereby that this country is claimed by\nGreat Britain as part of its territories, and that the\nNorthWest Company of Merchants from Canada finding\nthe factory of this people inconvenient to them do hereby\nintend to erect a factory in this place for the Commerce\nof the Country around.\"\nIntelligent students of American history today candidly admit that American diplomats did exceedingly Davdd Thompson\n201\nwell in finally placing the line of the Canadian boundary\nat the 49th parallel of North Latitude, and agree that the\nwork of David Thompson gave a considerable degree of\nfairness to the British demand for that boundary to follow the line of the Columbia River south from the 49th\nparallel, which is the most Great Britain ever seriously\nclaimed. And we of the Republic may well be thankful\nthat those pesky Indians of the Saskatchewan in the early\nfall of 1810 hindered David Thompson from crossing the\n\"height of land\" and thus from coming down the Columbia that year and actually occupying the mouth of the\nColumbia in advance of the Astor party.\nDuring the final stages of the negotiation for the\nsettlement of the international boundary with Great\nBritain, between 1842 and 1846, David Thompson, then\nabout seventy-five years old, wrote several letters to the\nofficials of his government emphasizing the extent and\nvalue of this wonderful Columbia river country and\nrelating the services he had performed here. These letters are now on file in the Public Records Office at London\nand they are the plea of an old and forgotten man for\nrecognition; for in sorrow be it said the last years of his\nlife were spent in poverty and at times in distress. His\ndeath occurred at Longueil, near Montreal, in the year\n1857 during his eighty-seventh year. The families of\nthe Merchants of Canada who had grown wealthy through\nthe fur trade forgot him in his failing years, and the\ngovernment had no time to listen to his story.\nThat other grand man of the Columbia, Doctor John\nMcLoughlin, during that same year 1857, died at Oregon\nCity, Oregon, under similar circumstances of distress of\nmind. The people he had befriended became forgetful\nand even sought to despoil him. But during these anniversary years these men are coming to their own in the\nmemory of the generations of the present, and these two\nnames, David Thompson and John McLoughlin, will be\nl^CJWft 1\n\u2022K'pKrt.\u00bbI\niWlffc i 1\nKsffiM 1\nWW\n3\nfa\nMA\nm\n*i\nyn?c tj J\nw\nmi]\nn\n\u2022',\u25a0,.\u2022'\u00bb\u25a0*.\u00bb .* j j\nM\nj-yr ;1 1\n%\ni-i\"\nS:,;...\nmil\nM\ni '\u25a0:&\nm\nfar.\nWfri\nfill 202\nT. C. Elliott\nplaced high among others of the early history of the\nColumbia River.\nIlth-koy-ape is the more appropriate and musical\nname for this beautiful and romantic part of this magnificent river, but the French-Canadian voyageurs and\nservants came to terms there Falls LaChaudiere, in recollection of similar formations in the rocks of the falls on\nthe Ottawa River, and that name came in turn to be\ntranslated into its English meaning. The first line of\ndirect communication, trade and travel across the continent of North America (Mexico excepted) passed up\nand down the Columbia River and for a period of thirty\nyears and more was used as such, with the portage at\nKettle Falls affording one of the most important supply\nand resting stations. We do well to honor the career\nand name of the man who discovered, explored, made\nknown and opened this highway of communication, David\nThompson, who loved his work and did it well, and who\nis proclaimed by Mr. Tyrrell as the greatest land geographer the British race has ever produced. News and Comment\nNEWS AND COMMENT\n203\nThe Mississippi Valley Historical Association held\nits eighteenth annual meeting in Detroit, Michigan, April\n30th to May 2nd, 1925. Mr. T. C. Elliott of the Board\nof Directors of the Oregon Historical Society was able\nto attend the meetings. The Detroit Historical Society,\nthe Detroit Public Library, the University of Michigan\nand the College of the City of Detroit were hosts to the\nassociation. The program included a visit to the museum\nof Mr. Henry Ford at Dearborn.\nThe North Dakota State Historical Society has recently occupied its new fire-proof building on the State\nCapitol grounds at Bismark.\nThe Wisconsin Museums' Conference was recently\norganized at the Public Museum in Milwaukee by representatives of thirty state, county and municipal museums\nin Wisconsin, Minnesota, Illinois and Iowa. Laurence\nV. Coleman, secretary of the American Association of\nMuseums, New York and Professor Fay Cooper-Cole of\nthe department of anthropology of the University of\nChicago delivered the principal addresses.\nThe bequest of Delavan Smith, who died in 1922 has\nrecently been turned over to the State Historical Society\nof Indiana. This gift includes a collection of some 10,000\nvolumes of books and the sum of $150,000 for the erection of a library building for the society.\nMr. Charles F. Carr, of New London, Wisconsin, has\nbequeathed to the public museum of New London his\nfine natural history and historical library of 2000 volumes\nof books and a money bequest of probably $15,000 or\nmore.\n%\nAM\n$iM\n\u00a711!\nBwJ -\n204\nNews and Comment\nOn May 1, 1925, at Vancouver, Washington, a historical marker erected at Century Point was dedicated. Mr.\nA. Grant Hinkle of Seattle made the presentation to\nMayor N. E. Allen representing the city. This marker\nwas given by the Washington State Historical Society,\ncommemorating the foundation of the white civilization\nin the Pacific Northwest at Vancouver one hundred years\nago. Five of its six faces are devoted to inscriptions in\nmemory of important incidents in the conquest of the\nwest.\nResidents of Vancouver, pioneers of the Oregon Country and delegations of members of the Washington Historical Society from Seattle, Olympia, Tacoma and other\nplaces witnessed the dedication. The band of the seventh\ninfantry provided music for the occasion.\nAt Walla Walla, Washington, April 24, 1925, a stone\nmarker was placed upon a spot near where the great\nIndian council of 1855 was held. This marker was dedicated by Narcissa Prentiss Chapter of the Daughters\nof the American Revolution and stands upon a part of\nthe public library lot. It was near where Governor\nStevens met with chiefs of the Nex Perce, Yakima, Cay-\nuse and Walla Walla Indian tribes between May 29th\nand June 11th, 1855, and reservations were alloted to\nthe Indians.\nAt a meeting of Lane county pioneers, it was decided\nto build a permanent meeting place on the Lane County\nfair grounds. A structure thirty by sixty feet in size\nwill be erected which will include the fireplace now standing on the grounds. A bronze tablet containing the\nnames of all Lane County pioneers who crossed the plains\nby ox team and all native born pioneers will be installed. News and Comment\nPlans for the Vancouver Centennial, to have been held\nthis summer, have recently been abandoned.\nj A controversy is now in progress as to the date of\ndeath and burial place of Sacajawea, the lone woman who\naccompanied the Lewis and Clark Expedition to Oregon\nin 1805-6. Senator Warren, of Wyoming, introduced a\nbill in congress appropriating money for the erection of\na monument in honor of Sacajawea at Fort Washakie,\nWyoming, where an aged Indian woman of that name was\nburied about the year 1884, aged nearly one hundred\nyears. This led to question as to the event and the Indian\nDepartment of the government was asked to furnish a\nreport on the subject. Major Burke, in charge of the\ndepartment, assigned Dr. Charles A. Eastman, an educated Sioux, to an investigation and within two months'\ntime that gentleman filed a report confirming the above\nstatements or claim. Dr. Robinson, the secretary of the\nSouth Dakota Historical Society, filed a protest against\nthe acceptance of this report and has furnished evidence,\nwritten and contemporaneous, that Sacajawea died at\nFort Manuel on the Missouri River near the northern\nboundary of South Dakota in December, 1812, and was\nburied there. The record is contained in the journal of\nJohn Luttig, a fur trader, and in the journal of Brecken-\nridge, who traveled up the Missouri in 1811 with the\nLisa party. The Missouri Historical Society has published the Luttig journal, and the evidence presented\nin these two journals seems to be too strong to be overthrown by the recollections of men of much later date.\nIt is entirely probable that Charbonneau, the half-breed\ninterpreter and husband of Sacajawea, took unto himself\nother wives after the death of the Snake wife.\nT. C. E. mm^AAMM.\n206\nNews and Comment\nThe librarian of the Oregon Historical Society has\nrecently been asked to furnish data as to the chronology\nand location of the trading post known as Fort Henry\nand located at the headwaters of the Snake River in\nIdaho. Mr. William Taylor, an attorney at Idaho Falls,\nhas become interested in the subject and has picked up\na bronze medallion in the vicinity in which this trading\npost is said to have been, and is pursuing inquiry to\nascertain the accuracy of his information. Henry Lake,\nsouth of Yellowstone Park, is named in honor of Major\nAndrew Henry, who built and occupied this temporary\ntrading post during the winter of 1810-11, after being\ndriven by the Blackfeet away from an establishment at\nThree Forks, Montana. The deserted buildings of the\npost were occupied by free hunters, who remained in the\nmountains after the departure of Major Henry, and were\nused temporarily by the Wilson Price Hunt party of\nthe Astorians in the late summer of 1811. The location\nhas been established by previous inquiry as not on the\nHenry Fork of Snake River but on the branch running\nout of Jackson Hole and in the general vicinity of St.\nAnthony. This was the first trading post occupied by\nAmericans west of the Rocky Mountains and within the\nboundaries of Old Oregon. Prior to this the North West\nCompany of Canada had erected trading posts on Clark\nFork River in Montana and Idaho.\nT. C. E.\nThe library of the Oregon Historical Society has just\nreceived as an exchange forty-three bound volumes of\nArchives of the Maryland Historical Society. These volumes contain much documentary material of the colonial\nperiod in the form of letters of Washington and other\nprominent founders of the republic. News and Comment\n207\nAnother recent accession to the library is a photostat\ncopy of two original journals written by David Thompson. He was the first white man to traverse the Columbia\nRiver from source to mouth. These journals cover the\nperiod of 1807 to 1812 when David Thompson was exploring and surveying in present Montana, Idaho and British\nColumbia.\niW\nH\n'mm IKMWfag *tAUkfcfcti\nTHE OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY\nOrganized December 17, 1898\nFREDERICK V. HOLMAN - - -M- - - President\nCHARLES B. MOORES |S; - - -R - - Vice-President::\nF. G. YOUNG - 4j?^^S$a^ - -3* - Secretary\nLADD & TILTON BANK -^sjg? - SR\u00ab\" - Treasurer\"\nGEORGE H. HIMES, Curator\nDIRECTORS\nTHE GOVERNOR OF OREGON, ex-officio\nTHE SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, ex-officio\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1925\nCHARLES H. CAREY, B. B. BEEKMAN\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1926\nLESLIE M. SCOTT, JOHN GILL\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1927\nP. H. D'ARCY, T. C. ELLIOTT\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1928\nLEWIS A. McARTHUR, FRED W. WILSON\nThe Quarterly is sent free to all members of the Society. The annual dues are\ntwo dollars. The fee for life membership is twenty-five dollars.\nContributions to The Quarterly and correspondence relative to historical materials, or pertaining to the affairs of this Society, should be addressed to\nF. G. YOUNG, Secretary,\nEugene, Oregon\nSubscriptions for The Quarterly, or for other publications of the Society, should\nbe sent to\nBARBARA C. ELLIOTT, Ass't Secretary,\nPublic Auditorium, | 1\nThird St., between Clay and Market Sts.,\nPortland, Oregon\n.-^^^ THE QUARTERLY\nof the\nOregon Historical Society\nVolume XXVI SEPTEMBER, 1925 Number 3\nCopyright, 1928, by the Oregon Historical Society\nThe Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors\nto its pages.\nCONTENTS\n'i0fft Pages\nMary Barlow Wilkins\u2014Samuel Kimbrough Barlow - - - 209-224\nCharles B. Moores\u2014A Tribute to Reverend Andrew J. Hunsaker 225-228\nFlora Belle Ludington\u2014The Newspapers of Oregon, 1846-1870 229-262\nGeorge Thornton Emmons\u2014Extracts from the Emmons Journal 263-273\nMarion O'Neil\u2014An Error Concerning Finlay's Journal - '^m^ 274-275\nF. G. Young\u2014The Upper Missouri Historical Expedition - - 276-279\nErrata 1 - - \"'- -1gJ. J|j - - - 280\nPRICE: FIFTY CENTS PER NUMBER, TWO DOLLARS PER YEAR\nF-atered at the post office at Portland, Oregon, as second-class matter msBB^\nHiiSflli\nfm\n*z*^ THE QUARTERLY\nof the\nOregon Historical Society\nV6LUME XXVI\nSEPTEMBER, 1925\nNumber\nCopyright, 1923, by the Oregon Historical Society\nThe Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors\nto its pages.\nSAMUEL KIMBROUGH BARLOW\nA Pioneer Road Builder of Oregon\nBy Mary Barlow Wilkins\nA biographical sketch of Samuel Kimbrough Barlow\nseems timely, following the dedication of the memorial\ntablets erected by the Sons and Daughters of Oregon\nPioneers and the Susannah Lee Barlow and Multnomah\nChapters of the Daughters of the American Revolution\nat Government Camp, July 27, 1925.\nThe family history of Samuel Kimbrough Barlow is\nnot known further back than seven generations from the\npresent. Many of the family claim that the blood of\nBruce and Wallace is in their veins. By marriage, the\ndescendants became Scotch-Irish and Welsh.\nSamuel Barlow, the earliest known in America, came\nfrom Scotland long before the American Revolution and\nsettled in Virgina. It is related that he became a captain\nin the American Revolution and from the records in the\nWar Department, that contention can now be substantiated. The Barlows were known to be Quakers and that\nfact rather contradicts the claim but Samuel Barlow evidently was a heretic to his faith.\nThey certainly were loyal Americans and hated George\nthe Third and his royalists as the following incidents will\naffirm: \u2014 Samuel Barlow's eldest son, William Henry\nHarris, was one day accosted by an English red-coat for\n\u25a0fff\n*3\n:;yi\nvia\n\u00abfi\nIfe I\nJ>V.!V I\nWifci\n5 * o*' If M 't- \\ i\n9ml\\ me*' ^ ''\u2022\n||BJ\ni[i?:-t' \u25a0\nliill\n\u25a0 V i$-'\n\u25a0 !\"*!?\u00ab( |\nK If!?\n[Mill\nK'l :;\n, 'III'\n^.'.'\u2022\u2022, \u25a0''\nhiwJTf]\n:.K;\nIflM\nkm\n4j\\rWW$\nIHSS\n)$M$\n. rj*l]<\n- f $$u\nJftflafc*\n1 1 twjjt\n!;';\u25a0>;, 4|m '8\n\u2022 f fMti\ni.Hii'\u00bb; ';\u00bb>'\na||i|\n'' \\f' ?.\n\u2022*.J \u25a0\n[|^N\n\u2022 Kv\n|fcm;j\n\u00bb*\nii^iifl\nIv*'\n|i ff Jap]\n1 V\"\nfji plan]\n\u2022V '\nr !\u2022 .:'i :\u00bb\u25a0;\nr-v \u25a0\nil; .. ', ? I\nP.\"\nfti$|K\nte'i'3Bt!\nr p\n[IMS\n'\"V'fc\ni9M\nm\nfl^J!\nvO'.;SR\nv(\\!4$frt'\nhfy\n?!\"*\u25a0\u25a0\u25a0\n\u00ab.: *,^r\nI.'\/*'\n\" <\u00a3.*!$\nf\n210\nMary Barlow Wilkins\nnot giving up the entire road to his royal highness. The\ncommand was promptly disregarded and the result was\ndisastrous\u2014the red-coat, horse, cutter and all going over\ninto the snow. Courtesy prompted the American to set\nthe Englishman on his way, which he accepted without\nfurther parley or demands. Soon after, another son,\nfailing to salute an English officer, was summarily ordered\nto do so. The salute took the form of a blow which laid\nthe officer low in the dust of the road. He was assisted\nto arise and told to give orders in future to members of\nhis own command if he wished them to be obeyed. After\nthese affairs, it was thought the better part of valor for\nthat generation of Barlows to follow Daniel Boone into\nKentucky.\nWilliam Henry Harris Barlow married Elizabeth Kimbrough, of Welsh descent. Their children were: Samuel\nKimbrough, the subject of this sketch, William, James,\nThomas Harris, John, Harrison, Elizabeth and Sarah.\nMany in this generation of Barlows were inventors and\npioneers in many first efforts of frontier life and investigation. Thomas Harris Barlow was a noted gunsmith\nand manufactured not only many of the best Kentucky\nrifles and breech loading cannons, but was the inventor\nof a planitarium which was used in teaching astronomy\nin many of the universities and schools throughout the\nAtlantic coast. He also built the first locomotive west of\nthe Alleghany mountains, which was demonstrated on a\ncircular railroad with marked success. A replica of this\nsteam locomotive was one of the principal features of a\npageant held in Lexington, Kentucky, in June of this\nyear (1925). William Barlow, another son of the Barlow-\nKimbrough family, invented the \"Billy Barlow\" knife, the\nfirst that could be closed with a hinge. Two other sons\nwere with General Jackson at New Orleans as master\narmorers. (For further details of their part in the War\nof 1812, see \"Oregon Quarterly\" of September, 1912).\nMilton Kirtley Barlow, a nephew of S. K. Barlow, was an Samuel Kimbrough Barlow\n211\n!51\ninventor of many mechanical devices now in use in Kentucky.\nSamuel Kimbrough Barlow took no active part in the\nWar of 1812, but faithfully paid his war taxes and that\nof many other Quakers, who in some mysterious way,\nnever let Mr. Barlow lose a cent, but left money, corn or\ntobacco in Mr. Barlow's store and never referred to war\ntaxes or their payments of the same.\nSamuel Kimbrough Barlow was born January 24,\n1792, in Nicholas county, Kentucky. He made good use\nof his liberal education and supplemented it by constant\nreading in esoteric subjects as well as in travel and politics. He stumped the state for Henry Clay, and being\ndisgusted that his efforts did not elect Clay to the presidency, he moved to Indiana to try his fortune in a free\nstate, as he was bitterly opposed to slavery. His father\noffered him a stout, healthy slave boy as a parting gift,\nbut Samuel refused to own a slave or receive money made\nby their labor. His father's will provided for this son's\ninheritance in real estate instead of human property.\nIn Indiana, he married Susannah Lee, a daughter of\nCaptain William Lee of the True Blue Company of Revolutionary soldiers of South Carolina. A homemade battery exploded and Captain Lee lost a leg and was disabled for the rest of the war. The Oregon City Chapter\nof the Daughters of the American Revolution was named\nfor Susannah Lee Barlow, who was a \"Real Daughter\"\nof a Revolutionary War officer. She and her sister, Mrs.\nSarah Matlock Thompson, are buried in a dedicated\ncemetery at Barlow, Oregon.\nIn 1836, Samuel K. Barlow was proprietor of Bridgeport, a town ten miles west of Indianapolis, situated in a\ndense forest of white oak. Prospects for his three sons\nand two daughters were not pleasing under those circumstances, so the Barlows sold their 60 acres of land at\nten dollars an acre and moved.to Illinois, where they\nhoped to secure a farm naturally cleared. Before leaving\n#78\nfit\nw i'l'd\n^$P\nIfiUJ\n1 212\nMary Barlow Wilkins\n111 ^\nBarlow wrote the following unique notice and posted it\nin different parts of the country:\n\"Gentlemen, I will say to you\nThat I will sell at a vendue\nHorses, hogs, sheep and cattle,\nPlows, hoes and other things that rattle;\nAlso, some fine honey bees\nAnd other things as good as these.\"\nIt is needless to say that he sold everything very\nreadily, taking his pay in all kinds of legal tender\u2014\nwhich included state paper money, hides and Mexican\nsilver dollars, which were the best specie in those days.\nHe bought a box of friction matches to take the place of\nhis flint, steel and punk, and paid for them with a coon\nskin.\nIn Illinois, he reconnoitered for six weeks, looking for\na good location. He visited the present site of Chicago\nand soon discarded the idea of settling there, \"where a\nman could not keep his hat from blowing off his head.\"\nHe finally settled near Farmington, Illinois, on a 320\nacre farm. The family was quite prosperous there, raising diversified crops in abundance, but found there was\nlittle demand for grain as their market was mostly local\nand prices were poor for other farm products; oats and\ncorn brought only ten and twelve cents a bushel, pork\nwas worth from a dollar and a half to two and a half a\nhundred pounds. By working hard, the family came out\nabout even for nine years. By selling their acreage\/ a\ngood log house, including one of the first iron stoves in\nthat part of the state, they would have ample money to\ntake them to their final goal\u2014Oregon. Barlow determined\nto carry out his original intention made when Henry Clay\nwas defeated, and start for the Pacific Northwest. A\ngreat deal of Oregon literature had been distributed\nthroughout the East, and the Barlow library contained\nalmost every book and pamphlet published. One of the Samuel Kimbrough Barlow\n213\nfirst things prepared for the journey was a reading lamp,\nnow in the Oregon Historical Society Museum in Port-\nland. It is a neatly made iron receptacle about five inches\nlong and two high. It has a grooved tongue leading from\nlard fuel. Its handle has a hole in it so it could be hung\non a nail anywhere.\nOn March 30,1845, the start was made for the Oregon\ncountry. The family had seven wagons with thirteen\ncows and oxen, besides several draft and saddle horses.\nThey were well equipped with provisions, camp comforts\nand a liberal allowance of money. People came from far\nand near to bid them farewell. Independence, Missouri,\nwas the general rendezvous for all western immigrants.\nHere, Barlow bought more cows at five dollars a head and\nseveral horses at ten dollars each; one of them sold for\n$300.00 cash when they reached Oregon, and another was\nexchanged for a half section of land.\nThe entire company, recruited from all sections, which\nleft Independence, Missouri, in 1845, was 5,000 strong.\nA head captain, Presley Welch, and several assistant\ncaptains took command of different divisions. Samuel\nK. Barlow was entrusted with one division which he\nguided all the way to The Dalles. He was unusually\nsuccessful in dealing with Indians; his trust in them\nwas fully reciprocated, largely secured by conferences\nwith the head chiefs and by generous gifts of tobacco\nto each one of the tribe. Thus, his company was not\nmolested in the least.\nIncidents along the Great American Desert were of\nno unusual interest, as weather conditions, ample supplies, friendly Indians, good health of the party, and the\ngreat expectations that the Oregon country would bring\nto all, made the trip, according to William Barlow, S. K.\nBarlow's eldest son, \"one of the most pleasant, cheerful\nand happy summers in my whole life.\" Our captain remonstrated with the young men hunters against killing\nW v\n; la\nJ1H\n?:S 214\nMary Barlow Wilkins\nI\n1\nbuffaloes except for meat, as their wanton destruction\nwould arouse the wrath of the Indians, who claimed them\nas their natural food and clothing.\nThe journey as far as The Dalles was, therefore, uneventful as far as danger and exciting incidents were\nconcerned. The only excitement was a cattle stampede\ncaused by a stray dog frightening a yoke of oxen, making\nthem swerve and break the wagon tongue. Their fright\nsoon caused a riot among the loose cattle, which were a\nshort distance behind the wagons. They would soon overtake the wagons carrying the women and children and\nthere was great danger of the oxen and horses joining\nthe stampede; so the drivers hurriedly unhitched the\nhorses and oxen and let them go if they would, thus the\nwagons and occupants would be saved by being left behind. The results of the stampede were several disabled\noxen, a few broken wagon wheels and a two days' layover. This delay gave both cattle and our people a much\nneeded rest. They found, however, that the best plan was\nto move every day, if only for a few miles.\nThey forded every river from the Big Kaw, where\nKansas City now stands, to Oregon City. They had no\nsteep hills to climb till they reached the Blue Mountains\nand they were not to be compared with Laurel Hill in the\nCascades.\nWhen they reached Fort Hall, a decision had to be\nmade between California and Oregon. About half of the\ncompany decided to go to California. But, Barlow said he\nwas determined to drive his team into the Willamette\nvalley or \"leave his bones on the way.\" They crossed the\nSnake river at or near the Great American Falls and\nagain, again, and again at various points; thence, over\nthe Boise river to its mouth at Fort Boise. In some\ncrossings they had to raise the wagon beds a foot higher.\nThe next crossing was on the Malheur. It was here that\nSteve Meek proposed his famous (?) \"cut-off,\" to The Samuel Kimbrough Barlow\n215\nDalles. Barlow refused to follow and reached The Dalles\nsix weeks ahead of the Meek party without loss* of life or\ntime, both of which the Steve Meek party suffered.\nNothing of note happened till they reached the mouth\nof the Deschutes river, where they had to drive out into\nthe Columbia river and circle around on the sand bar\nto reach the bank of the Columbia on the opposite side\nof the Deschutes.\nWhen the Dalles was reached, preparations were made\nby many in the party to go down the Columbia in the\nusual way\u2014in French bateaux and on rafts. There were\nonly two boats at hand, so the delay would be long and\ntedious; the river trip was exceedingly dangerous; the\nmany rapids and cascades did not appeal to Captain Barlow, so he began to prepare his party for the long coveted\ndesire of making the entire trip by land. At Fort Hall,\nhe had been told of the impossibility of going over the so-\ncalled insurmountable Cascade mountains. His answer\nwas: \"God never made a mountain that had no place to\ngo over or around it and I'm going to hunt that place.\"\nNineteen volunteered to follow him, but their captain,\nby word of final warning added: \"I want no one to go\nwith me, who will be guided by the word 'can't'.\"\nBarlow, having heard of the Indian trail, thought\nhe could easily wicien it for wagons, but that was found\nto be impossible for wagon travel on account of the deep\nsnow, although it was possible for loose cattle as they\ncould walk over the frozen snow.\nFrom a point in the Blue mountains, Captain Barlow\nhad discovered a low sink in the Cascades, just south of\nMt. Hood. He made a preliminary survey of this low\nplace after he reached The Dalles, traveling sixty or\nseventy miles alone, and upon his return reported everything quite favorable for the advance. During his absence\nJoel Palmer and party arrived. .He had induced about\nmt'i\nMi\n\u00ab*&.'.,,\"\u2022 V <:\nmh\nlimn\nV&&S 216\nMary Barlow Wilkins\nm\nmmim\\\n1\n\u00ab\ntwenty-three wagons to join the Barlow party. He and\nBarlow prospected far into the mountains and concluded\nthat the season was too late and the risk too great to take\nthe wagons over that winter. The Barlow party had left\nThe Dalles, September 24, 1845, determined to conquer\nthe impassable mountains.\nIn the party that finally came through were S. K.\nBarlow and wife, Albert Gaines, wife and three children,\nJane Ellen Barlow, William Caplinger and wife, John M.\nBacon, Gesner, Reuben Gant, who drove the first wagon\nover the road in 1846, William Berry and William\nBarlow and possibly others. J. L. (Dock) and James\nBarlow, Joel Palmer, W. G. Buffum and wife, and one\nother traveled the Indian trail. William Rector and wife\nreturned to The Dalles after Rector returned from one of\nthe perilous reconnoitering trips with Barlow. They had\nbeen out two weeks, while the others waited with misgivings for the intrepid prospectors' return. At last, a\nrifle shot was heard, and caused great rejoicing in the\ncamps. The scouts reported hardships of big timber,\nswamps, canyons, steep hills, snow and wild animals.\nProvisions were getting low and the question now\nwas, \"shall we go forward or return to The Dalles ?\" The\nmajority voted to \"go forward!\" This confidence made the\nold captain's heart glad and happy. He repeated what he\nhad said before, \"We will succeed in this undertaking or\nleave our bones in the mountains. But, never fear, we will\nsucceed.\"\nAgain the little party started with all their household\ngoods, including wheat, corn and apple seeds. Mr. William Barlow had been persuaded to leave his yearling\nnursery apples at Fort Hall, as he was told that there\nwere plenty of growing orchards in Oregon. Experience\nafterwards made him regret leaving them there, as there\nwere only a very few nurseries in the Oregon country,\nowned principally by the Hudson's Bay Company.\nmm Samuel Kimbrough Barlow\n217\nThe little party pushed on for several days. The men\nfollowed and cut the $oad, following the trees that had\nbeen blazed by the prospectors. Finally, after due deliberation, it was decided to leave the wagons and heavy\nplunder in a mountain cache and leave three men to guard\nif through the winter. The women and children would be\ntaken out on horses and oxen back. As provisions were\nlow, it was decided that only one man would better stay.\nWilliam Berry volunteered to remain and keep the lonely\nvigil with the few books the party carried as his only\nsolace.\nAll went well till they reached the west side of the\nmountains. Then unexpected hardships began. The animals mired in the huckleberry swamps and the women\nand children had to be carried out and the horses and\noxen which carried them as well as the bedding, and\nnecessary provisions, had to be pried out of the mire.\nTheir progress averaged from three to six miles a day;\noften the advance was only a half mile in an hour. Provisions were fast diminishing and rather than eat their\nfaithful dog, the flesh of a horse that had died from eating\npoison laurel was tested, and as it did not kill, they ate\nand took courage. Indeed, the women were as brave as\nthe men and murmured not. Though all were passive,\nalarm was in the air and anguish was deep down in the\nhearts of Captain Barlow and his eldest son, William.\nThe captain was too ill and weak to go on for assistance\nbut looked with mute appeal into his son's anxious face.\nWith one glance at his mother, father, all, William, then\nnearly twenty-three (October 26th), determined to go\nforward, even alone. John M. Bacon volunteered to accompany him. With a little coffee and four biscuits,\nthey started out to follow the blazed path to the nearest\nsettlement and bring back food to the weary, half-starved\nparty. They soon began to have hardships of their own.\nWhen they came to the Big Sandy river, swollen with\n'\u2666**< *${!**; i\n\u00abiti-\n\u2022r'iSwf!\na \u00ab\n\u2022< \u00ab8h I-\n\u2022; mm 218\nMary Barlow Wilkins\nwinter freshets, despair nearly overtook them. But with\nthoughts of mother, father, sisters, friends, before them,\nthat river had to be crossed.\nYoung Barlow cut a long pole and finding a place in\nthe turbulent stream where a few boulders would aid him,\nhe placed the pole firmly in the river and vaulted from\nboulder to boulder and fortunately reached the opposite\nshore. The victory was won. He shouted a \"good-bye\"\nto his companion and was off like a deer to the nearest\nhabitation, which was but eight miles away.\nThere he met James and Dock, his brothers, who had\narrived a few days before with the cattle over the Indian\ntrail, and who were anxiously awaiting the arrival of\ntheir father's company. They were sent immediately to\nOregon City, the largest and most important town on\nthe coast at that time. Horses were loaded with bread,\nmeat and groceries. A better crossing was found for\nfording the Big Sandy, then, great haste was made to\nreach the well-nigh exhausted party in the wilds of the\nCascades.\nAfter resting a few days and eating very frugally\nto prevent foundering, all pushed on to Philip Foster's\nfarm, where they recruited in strength and cleanliness.\nThey then, cheerfully and thankfully started for the last\ngoal in their long journey\u2014Oregon City, the home of\nthe benevolent chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company\u2014Dr. John McLoughlin. They were greeted and\nwelcomed by the whole town on that momentous day,\nDecember 25,1845. The Barlow party had left The Dalles\nOctober 19, 1845, had travelled one hundred and ten\nmiles in exactly two months and six days. Mrs. Jacobs,\nstill living, one of the Osborn girls who was spared at the\nWhitman massacre, was one of the many who greeted\nthe Barlows that day.\nSoon after the completion of this remarkable journey,\nSamuel K. Barlow addressed the legislature of the pro-\n\"t*ll \u00bb\n^m^ma Samuel Kimbrough Barlow\n219\nvisional government and was granted a charter to build\nthe first wagon road over the Cascade mountains. A force\nof forty men was employed and a passable road was built\nto the cache in the mountains, near the present site of\nGovernment camp. Mr. Barlow superintended the road\nconstruction that summer and looked after improvements\non the road two months every year it was owned by him.\nA toll was established to defray expenses, but on account\nof many not being able to pay the two dollar and a half\ntoll, the road was operated at a financial loss. Albert\nGaines, Mr. Barlow's son-in-law, was the first toll-gate\nkeeper. However, its importance to emigrants made it\nnecessary to keep the road open. One hundred and forty-\nfive wagons, bringing approximately a thousand people\nand many droves of cattle and horses arrived by this\nroute in 1846, and the number increased year by year.\nIn 1846 Mr. Barlow donated his right, title and interest to the government, and it was then leased to various\ncompanies for several years. It was said that the principal business of many of the lessees was to collect toll and\ndo very little repairing. The road, being the nearest and\nshortest route to Eastern Oregon, which was fast coming\ninto importance, it was imperative to keep it open and\nimproved. Walter Bailey, in The Oregon Historical\nQuarterly, Volume XIII, September, 1912, said: \"The\ndiaries and letters written by travelers over this road\nexpress a mixture of happiness and sorrow, contentment\nand dejection, hope and* despair, ecstasy and misery.\"\nThe gradient and condition of Laurel Hill in those\ndays was something terrible; ropes and tree-drags supplemented wagon brakes; ruts were worn down by the\niron tire from one to three feet, and the slippery condition of the grade made the descent of Laurel Hill one\nlong to be remembered. The gradient of this hill is now\nsix per cent and can easily be negotiated by a good automobile.\nV$Ji\nm iiiira*\n220\nMary Barlow Wilkins\nB|]|fiH\nII .:\nFrom 1848 to 1862 the Barlow toll road was operated\nby various companies. In 1882 the Mount Hood and\nBarlow Company was organized by Richard Gerdes, S. D.\nColeman, Harvey E. Cross and J. T. Apperson, with a\ncapital stock of $24,000.00.\nOne of the first measures under the initiative law was\nto abolish tolls on the old Barlow road, but the measure\nwas lost by a small majority.\nUtility, however, was not the main incentive for this\nroad to come into its own; its grandeur and beauty became the motives for its final improvement. A true na-\nturelover of the picturesque and grand rescued it from indifferent toll managers by buying it outright from this\ncompany for $5,400.00 in 1912. To Mr. Henry E. Wemme\nthe state owes a debt of gratitude, appreciation and a\nbronze tablet. After spending a small fortune in improvements, building bridges, lessening gradients and improving its condition generally, very unfortunately Mr.\nWemme died. The road was bequeathed to his attorney,\nMr. George W. Joseph, who held it in trust till some commission with a vision for its beauty would take an interest\nin it and bring it to a nearer perfection.\nIn accordance with this trust, Mr. Joseph turned it\nover to the State Highway Commission and the federal\ngovernment, as a gift from its greatest champion, Mr.\nHenry E. Wemme. The language of the deed is as picturesque as the land it describes. To quote: \"To have\nand to hold unto the said State of Oregon, with all of jts\nmountains and hills, its forests and vines, its flowers and\nshrubs, its valleys and dells, its rivers and streams, its\nanimals and birds, its tempests and storms, its lights and\nshadows, its trails and paths, and the beauty and grandeur of Mount Hood, for the use, benefit and pleasure of\nall forever.\"\nThe road is now incorporated in the Mount Hood loop\nand it will be one of the most beautiful roads in the\n-^-\"\u25a0\u25a041 Samuel Kimbrough Barlow\n221\nUnited States if not in the world. The old Barlow road\nbegan near the present town of Wampanitia and ended\na few miles south of the town of Sandy, where it then\njoined the old Foster road. It was originally about ninety\nmiles long.\nMultnomah Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolution, placed a bronze marker at Rhododendron Inn on\nthis historic road in 1916.\nThe Sons and Daughters of Oregon Pioneers unveiled\na bronze tablet to the pioneer builder of this road on the\n14th of February, 1923, the sixty-fourth anniversary of\nthe admission of Oregon into the Union. The tablet was\nnot placed till 1924, on account of the difficulty of securing\na title to the small tract of land upon which it stands.\nBut on July 27, 1925, the Sons and Daughters of Oregon\nPioneers and two Chapters of the Daughters of the American Revolution united in a joint dedication. The inscriptions on the two tablets placed on the same large\nboulder at Government Camp are as follows:\nSamuel Kimbrough Barlow, Oregon Pioneer from\nKentucky, built the first wagon road over the Cascade\nMountains, passing this spot, 1845-1846.\nThe building of railroads since has been of less\nimportance to the community than the opening of this\nroad which enabled the settlers to bring their wagons\nand teams directly into the Willamette Valley.\nErected and dedicated by the Sons and Daughters\nof Oregon Pioneers, 1923. This estimate of the Barlow\nroad was spoken by Judge Matthew P. Deady of the\nFederal Bench in an address before the Oregon Pioneer\nAssociation.\nThe wording on the other tablet completes the epigrammatic story in bronze:\nSusannah Lee Barlow, wife of S. K. Barlow. A lUi\nTO\n222\nMary Barlow Wilkins\n\u00a7m:)\ntmm\nreal daughter of the American Revolution and the\nReal Madonna of the Barlow Trail. Arrived in Oregon City December 25, 1845. Placed by Susannah\nLee Barlow and Multnomah Chapters, D. A.R., 1923.\nFrom the files of the old Oregonian is taken the following : \"Quite a coincidence in name and purpose is evident from the fact that Dr. S. K. Barlow of Massachusetts\nwas the first to conceive the idea of a trans-continental\nrailroad across the rocky mountains and that S. K. Barlow, a generation later, proposed and executed the first\nwagon road over the Cascade mountains, thus completing\nthe circuit of one-half of the land of the globe.\" The life\naction of the one realized the thought of the other.\nA railroad over the Cascade mountains remains to be\naccomplished. To paraphrase the language of the pioneer\nroad-builder\u2014\"It will be done, for God never made a\nmountain that some man cannot master, mechanically,\nsome day.\"\nSamuel K. Barlow was an investigator in religion,\nethics and politics as well as in frontier movements. Up\nto within five years of his death, he made annual trips\ninto the forests of Oregon, bringing back accounts of\ntheir future advantages to the state.\nSeptember 17, 1850, he bought the donation land\nclaim of Thomas McKay, where now the small town of\nBarlow is located. Neither Mr. Barlow nor any of his\nsons ever took up any government land. Afterwards, .this\nplace was sold to his son, William Barlow, and the old\ngentleman moved to Canemah, which he and his oldest\nson had previously laid out as a town.\nThough he was not a wealthy man, he always had a\ncompetence for every necessity. He had no patience with\ndishonesty, especially with political dishonesty. He was\nan ardent advocate of prohibition and thought that if a\nman could not refrain from drinking, the best thing for Samuel Kimbrough Barlow\nhimself, the community and his country, was to let him\ndrink and die as soon as possible. He answered every call\nof conscience and country, enlisting in the Cayuse Indian\nwar, furnishing his own horse and entire equipment, and\nwith others, who called themselves \"Lord High Privates\"\nheld back the Indians until the arrival of the militia.\nHe died in Canemah, Oregon, July 14, 1867, and was\nburied by the side of his wife, Susannah Lee Barlow, in\nthe dedicated cemetery at Barlow, Oregon. On their tall,\nwhite marble shaft is inscribed the words of an epitaph\nhe composed a short time before his death :\nOh, do not disturb the repose of the dead ;\nBehold, the bright spirit has risen and fled!\nNor linger in sadness around the dark tomb,\nBut go where flowers forever doth bloom.\nHe died as he had lived, entering fearlessly upon his\nfinal journey into the Great Unknown.\nThe very last word in the history of S. K. Barlow and\nthe Old Barlow Trail was spoken in the dedication of the\nmonument to his memory at Government Camp on the\nMount Hood Loop on July 27, 1925. There were present\nmany old time pioneers who came in automobiles, who\npreviously had plodded over ruts, swamps and steep hills\nand who now, with many others, witnessed the ceremony\nthat closed the final chapter of the Barlow road.\nMr. George H. Himes, Secretary of the Oregon Pioneer\nAssociation, was chairman of the day. Incidentally, he\npresented Mrs. Daisy Stott Bullock, president of the\nSons and Daughters of Oregon Pioneers, with a historic\nmosaic gavel made of Oregon wood. Hon. Harvey G.\nStarkweather, chairman of the monument committee of\nthe Sons and Daughters of Oregon Pioneers, gave the address, entitled \"Samuel Kimbrough Barlow, Pioneer Road\nBuilder,\" and presented the deed of the small triangular 224\nMary Barlow Wilkins\npiece of land to Governor Walter M. Pierce, who accepted\nit graciously for the State of Oregon; the flags encircling\nthe two tablets were unveiled by Frank A. Gaines, of\nMississippi, a grandson, and by Vernice Barlow, a great\ngranddaughter, and Madelon Brodie, Virginia and Susannah Harding, great-great grandaughters of S. K. Barlow\nand wife; Mrs. Seymour Jones, state regent of the Oregon\nDaughters of the American Revolution, led in the salute\nto the flag which was unfurled to the breeze from the top\nof the monument; Mrs. Neita Barlow Lawrence, granddaughter, and Mrs. Imogen Harding Brodie, a great\ngranddaughter, led in singing \"America\" and \"The Star\nSpangled Banner;\" Mrs. Octave J. Goffin, regent of Multnomah Chapter, D. A. R., of Portland, spoke on \"A real\nDaughter of an American Soldier;\" Mr. William William^\nspn, of the Forest Bureau Service, spoke of the plan to\nperpetuate the Barlow road, by marking every place\nwhere the old road intersected the now famous Mt. Hood\nLoop Highway; and Mrs. Jennie Barlow Harding and\nMary Barlow Wilkins gave a sketch of Susannah Lee\nBarlow and expressed the appreciation of the eighty\nliving descendants of the original family, to the great\norganizations and to all present, whose interest had led\nto this testimonial to the name and service of Samuel\nKibrough Barlow and Susannah Lee Barlow.\n---\u2022tmumti A TRIBUTE TO\nREVEREND ANDREW J. HUNSAKER\nMemorial Address Delivered by Chas. B. Moores at\nChampoeg, May 2, 1925.\nThe mysteries of life and death are continuous and all\nabsorbing problems. The answer to the query of the\npsalmist, \"what is man that thou art mindful of him\"\ndepends upon whether you are considering him as an\nindividual or in a generic sense. In the latter sense there\nis apparently no limitation to be placed upon his genius\nand he trespasses almost upon the domain of the Almighty. Individually, when compared with the countless\nmultitudes of earth, he is but an insignificant atom. He\ncontinues to shrink in his influence and importance as we\nconsider the small part that he plays in the solution of\nall the complex problems of life. The average man is but\na minor figure in a narrow environment. His achievements make but a slight impress on the pages of history.\nHow little do the petty turmoils and ambitions and disappointments of this life bank up against the problems\nof eternity or the opportunities and potentialities of the\nuniverse. How purposeless and ineffective is the scramble\nand how pitiful are the rewards of wealth and fame and\nambition. Generation after generation spends its brief\nday and passes on. Yet we cherish this life, and while it\nlasts we are almost wholly absorbed in its pleasures and\nits problems. When death comes we call a brief halt.\nWe hold a ceremonial, ostensibly to perpetuate the memory of the dead. We utter a few brief words of eulogy.\nWe fill up the grave. We cover it with flowers, and then\nwe dsperse to plunge again into the vortex where only the\ntrivialities of this life are considered and soon leave the\nmemories of the dead to oblivion. So soon does the world\nforget. Today we are met\u2014a goodly company\u2014composed\nin large measure of the men and women of the pioneer\nelement\u2014to pay homage to the work of a generation that\nhas almost wholly disappeared, and incidentally to pay \u2022in\n226\nCharles B. Moores\nour respects to the memory of one of the pioneer Argonauts of Oregon, who left us but a few short months ago.\nRev. A. J. Hunsaker was one whose outlook upon life\nand its responsibilities was far broader than that of the\naverage man. He took life seriously. He cared little for\nthe pleasures and the rewards of this world. His motto\nwas service and he unselfishly dedicated all of his years\nto the good of his fellow men. In a life covering almost\nthree generations he was a leading force, and for many\nyears was an active, aggressive and effective minister of\nthe Baptist denomination. He was a descendant of Hart-\nman Hunsaker, a native of Switzerland, who came to\nAmerica in 1632 and settled, with his family, in the\nState of Pennsylvania. His immediate descendants were\nindustrious and reputable farmers. The later generations\nwere prominent as ministers of the Gospel and as members of the professions of law and medicine. The father\nof A. J. Hunsaker was Joseph Hunsaker, a native of Kentucky, born July 4,1799. His mother was Elizabeth King,\na native of North Carolina, and of English ancestry.\nThey came to Oregon with their son in 1847 and settled\nupon a donation land claim in Marion county, where\nthe mother died in 1864 and the father in 1869. Bqth are\nburied and lie, side by side, in the family burial plot on\nthat claim.\nA. J. Hunsaker was born June 10, 1834, in Adams\ncounty, Illinois, and died November 6, 1924. He was one\nof the youngest of twelve children. His life covered a\nperiod of 90 years, exceeding the scriptural limit of three\nscore years and ten by two decades. As a boy of thirteen\nyears, in 1847, he crossed the Great American Desert as\nthe shepherd and guardian of his father's flock of 120\nsheep, trudging on foot almost the entire distance. When\nhe reached the age of 21 he followed the example of his\nfather and located a donation land claim in Lane county,\nupon which he resided for three years. He was essentially\nself-educated, and from 1856 to 1861 he taught school\n\u25a0^ Reverend Andrew J. Hunsaker\nin winter and farmed in summer. On September 15, 1855,\nhe was married to Emma J. Hill, a daughter of Dr. R. C.\nHill. She died June 11, 1858. In 1860 he married Mary\nC. Adams. In 1870 he entered the ministry, though still\ncontinuing his farming operations until 1875. The re-\nremaining years of his life were devoted to the Church.\nHis field covered practically all of the Northwest, extending from California on the south and to the Rocky\nMountains on the east. His labors corresponded in kind\nto those of the time of the Circuit Riders. He traveled\non foot, by stage, on boats, cars, wagons and sleds. His\ncompensation was meager. His hours were long. His\ncompeers testify that for general work he was a great\nsuccess\u2014that he was a man of superior tact\u2014that he\nknew how to adapt himself to any surroundings\u2014that his\nsocial qualities were excellent\u2014that he preached the pure\ngospel, and that \"he was probably the best man the\nBaptists had in the state for general usefulness.\" He\nwas known as an Evangelist, and was for several years\nengaged in general work under the auspices of the American Baptist Home Missionary Society. His pastorates\nincluded Albany, Brownsville, Independence, Adams,\nWeston, Baker, Walla Walla and Spokane, and he was\nvery active in organizing churches at various points.\nHe was also specially active as a friend of McMinnville\nCollege, serving for about 40 years as a member of its\nBoard of Trustees, a large part of which time he was\nPresident of the Board. In 1919 he was President of\nthe Oregon State Pioneer Association, and was for many\nyears habitual in his attendance on its meetings. His\ndeath marked the culmination of a long and busy career.\nIn his 90 years of life he saw more of material and inventive achievement than marked the passage of any\npreceding 1,000 years. He saw Oregon develop from a\nwilderness into a greate state. When Father Matthieu\nand his associates met on these grounds on May 2, 1843,\n82 years ago, he was a barefooted boy of nine years in the nrrasraa\n228\nCharles B. Moores\nMiddle West. Four years later, as a boy of thirteen, he\nwas doing a man's part as he trudged halfway across the\nAmerican continent on his way to Oregon. He was the\nlast President of the Oregon State Pioneers Association\nwho was of responsible age when, on February 14, 1859,\nOregon was admitted into the Union as a state. Father\nMatthieu, the last survivor of the famous 52, left us eleven\nyears ago. William H. Packwood, the last survivor of\nthe Oregon Constitutional Convention of 1857, went to\nhis final reward years ago. Of the 40 Past Presidents of\nthe Oregon State Pioneer Association but 14 remain, and\nof these 14 are a bare half dozen came to Oregon under\nthe shelter of a covered wagon. The thoroughly seasoned\npioneers of the 40's and 50's who were old enough to\nproperly sense the trials and the perils of the overland\njourney to Oregon are practically extinct. The youngsters\nof the secondary or adolescent pioneer group are on deck.\nThey will get their best inspirations from men of the\ntype of Andrew J. Hunsaker and his compeers. These\nwere men of noble breed. They were home builders. And\nas such they were state builders of the best type. They\nwere makers of such history as to excite our pride and\ncommendation. Father Hunsaker was a fair, average\nrepresentative of the composite community of which he\nwas a part. He was a kindly, considerate, unassuming\nChristian gentleman. The memory of his social qualities\nand the unselfish service he rendered his fellow men will\nremain as a perpertual benediction, and there will be a\nnew classification, and a higher rating awaiting him than\nthe world might now possibly be willing to concede. May\nthe memory of his useful life and the influence of his\nexample constantly abide with us.\n ~\u00ab4(g| THE NEWSPAPERS OF OREGON 1846-1870*\nBy Flora Belle Ludington\nNewspapers play a two-fold role in the making and\nwriting of history. Their first part is that of influence;\ninfluence often of one man, the editor, unmeasurable in\nmany communities. A single strong, active and tireless\neditor may control the political life of numbers of citizens. Encouragement is given to new enterprises, suggestions are made for needed improvements and lines of\ninvestment or development. Such was the case in the\nearly years of American occupation in Oregon Territory.\nThe period between frontier and civilization is always\nan interesting one. The Oregon Sepectator, coming in\nFebruary, 1846, six months before the A Ita Californian,\nindicates to some slight degree the relative importance of\nthese two frontier regions. M. P. Deady accredits Oregon\nCity with being the first metropolis on the Pacific Coast1\nbut the spectacular growth of California during the gold\ndays detracts from the period when their achievements\nwere more nearly alike. After 1848, California drew not\nonly the eastern immigration but also the citizens\nof Oregon, promising them greater and more rapid economic returns than did the more stable northern community. Pioneer journals invariably denote a certain\ngroup feeling and desire for progress and expression.\nThe Oregon Printing Association was effected to promote\nthe interests of American settlers in Oregon. Newspaper editors had to be original and resourceful under\n* Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of\nArts at Mills College, 1925.\nThe subject of this bibliography was chosen at the suggestion of\nProfessor Edward Meany and Charles W. Smith, Associate Librarian,\nboth of the University of Washington. Miss Nellie Pipes and Mr.\nGeorge H. Himes, of the Oregon Historical Society, kindly allowed me to\nuse the files and manuscripts in the Oregon Historical Society Library.\nMiss Pipes was kind enough to examine the manuscript. The resources\nof the Portland Public Library and the Bancroft Historical Library were\nalso available.\n1 Deady, M. P. Oregon History and Progress, p. 13. ^H5\nmm\n' v *|\ntil\nIS'\n1\nmm\n\u25a0n\n*\nm\nS'\n-\n230\nFlora Belle Ludington\nearly conditions. Ships arrived from the Sandwich\nIslands and the States with mail and merchandise at six\nmonth intervals. Daily telegraphic communication established by the Oregonian in 1864 with San Francisco\nwas a great feat. Suppression of six papers, during the\nCivil War for disloyalty to the government, is in itself\nevidence of an interesting condition and of editors who\nwere fearless of consequences. The influence of Asahel\nBush of the Oregon Statesman can still be felt today.\nHe dominated the strong Democratic party for a decade,\nmaking and unmaking politicians at will. Later the\nOregonian and its editors held sway with possibly less\npolitical, but greater material results, by the sponsoring\nof new industries.\nThe other part of the dual role of newspapers concerns historians to an apparently increasing degree. The\nmethodology of historical research has not long countenanced the use of newspapers. Lucy Salmon, in the introduction to her valuable study of The Newspaper and the\nHistorian, traces the growth of the use of papers in this\nconnection. She says, \"During the forty years that have\nelapsed since the appearance of the first volume of Mc-\nMaster's History of the People of the United States from\nthe Revolution to the Civil War, the newspaper has become a familiar source, although its legitimacy as such\ndoes not even yet pass unquestioned. The historian has\nfound much to commend in the use of periodical and even\nephemeral literature in his study of the past, but during\nthis period he has attached an ever-increasing importance\nto the reliability of the material he uses He recognizes the manifest usefulness that the newspaper might\nhave, yet he hesitates to accept a form of material the\nauthoritativeness of which has not been thoroughly established.\"2\nThe need for weighing carefully newspaper evidence\n2 Salmon, Lucy. The Newspaper and the Historian, 1923, p. xxxviii.\n\u2014\u2014\u00ab*g Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n231\nis nowhere more aptly illustrated than in Bancroft's History of Oregon. Here the historian had at his disposal\na rich collection of newspaper material. That he appreciated its value is shown by the collection in his\nlibrary, now housed at the University of California.\nWalter C. Woodward made better use of newspapers in\nhis Political Parties in Oregon, however, he has narrowed\nhis field to such an extent that the corresponding economic\ndevelopment is scarcely noticed. The growth of the \"Oregon system\"\u2014the initiative, the referendum, the recall\nand the preferential primary\u2014doubtless had its ground\nwork laid during the period covered in this bibliography.\nTo justly reconstruct the life of any time, the historian must examine not only the official documents and\nthe autographic records of his period but also any\nother contemporary material. Newspapers are a mirror of the life of the times\u2014even the study of advertisements may be profitable. For instance, in Oregon, the\narrival of every boat bringing merchandise had its echo\nin the advertisements offering these wares to waiting\nhouseholds. Woodward says, \"It is only by a study of the\nnewspapers of the period (1852) that one can appreciate\nthe party rancor that by this time existed. Epithets unprintable, now, were hurled back and forth as freely as\nif they were the mere social amenities of the day.\"3 James\nFord Rhodes gives sound advice when he says, \"The duty\nof the historian is not to decide if the newspapers are as\ngood as they ought to be but to measure their influence\non the present and to recognize their importance as an\nample and contemporary record of the past.\"4\nAnother indication of the growing appreciation of\nnewspapers in this connection may be seen in the large\ncollections in the Widener Library at Harvard University,\nthe American Antiquarian Library at Worcester, the\n3 Woodward, W. C. Political Parties in Oregon, p. 51.\n4 Rhodes, J. F. Newspapers as Historical Sources. Atlantic Monthly,\n103, p. 657. May, 1909.\nk\n&m\nmm\nmm 232\nFlora Belle Ludington\nClement Historical Library at the University of Michigan\nand many others. It is a common practice of libraries to\nindex daily, the outstanding local papers for items of\nfuture community historical interest. Catalogs of such\ncollections as these are mentioned and bibliographies of\nnewspapers are another step on the way.\nThe two articles by Mr. George H. Himes are the\nonly important notices of Oregon newspapers.5 This compilation attempts to present a survey, of one type of material that exists for study of this period in Oregon history. A bibliography of some sort or other is the foundation of all historical writing. This work is more complete\nnow than would be possible in twenty or even ten years,\nfor each year marks the destruction of these valuable\nrecords, whether they are sold as waste paper or devastated by fire, such as the one in Astoria in December,\n1922. Inaccuracies are doubtless present, for files of\nnewspapers are everywhere scattered and incomplete.\nFurther research may disclose more information, especially is this true of papers of Eastern Oregon. However, the compiler hopes that she may to some small degree stimulate the collection and preservation of this\nvaluable source material. Newspapers reach their\nfirst importance under such conditions as those of Oregon,\nwhere it is necessary for the historian to rely upon the\nOregon Spectator for accounts of early territorial legislation.\nALBANY\niNQumER. This was the name used by the Oregon\nDemocrat after its purchase in Febraury, 1861, by W. G.\nHaley and A. L. Stinson. The Inquirer was the first of\nseveral papers suppressed for disloyalty to the government. Suppression took place in the spring of 1862 when\n5 Himes, G. H. History of the Press of Oregon, 1839-1850. Quarterly\nof the Oregon Historical Society, v. 3, p. 327-70. December, 1902.\nFirst newspapers of Southern Oregon and their Editors. Quarterly of\nthe Oregon Historical Society, v. 24, p. 56-67. March, 1923. Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n233\nP. J. Malone was editor.6 The paper was revived and the\nname, Oregon Democrat, resumed in February, 1863.\nJournal. Established March 12, 1863. A weekly Republican paper published by the Albany Publishing Company of which Messrs. T. Monteith, J. H. Foster, A. Hanson, H. M. Brown and H. N. George were directors. William McPherson seems to have been the editor in August,\n1866, when he moved to Salem. The States Rights Democrat of August 25, 1866, carries this notice, \"The last\nAlbany Journal contains the editor's valedictory. He is\ngoing to Salem and will there publish the American\nUnion. He says that the law requires the State Printer\nto reside in Salem, the capital. That is one reason that\nhe leaves Albany. But there are other reasons he says,\nand they are of a pecuniary character. 'The dictates of\nwhich are as premptory as the words of law\/ He says\nthat the Albany Journal business has been one yielding\nno remuneration. Personally we wish McPherson and\nMorgan success but politically disaster and defeat at all\ntime.\" The paper revived in April, 1867, when operations\nbegan under the management of William Pickett and\nCompany. In March, 1868, it was declared bankrupt and\non September 12, 1868, the Albany Register appeared.\nOregon Democrat. First published November 18,\n1859, by Delazon Smith and his brother-in-law, Jesse M.\nShepherd. Smith acted as editor until his death November 18, 1860. Shepherd * continued the paper until February, 1861, when it passed into the hands of W. G.\nHaley and A. L. Stinson. Smith, during his brief editorship, used the paper in making war upon the Salem Clique\nand Joseph Lane. The name was changed to the Inquirer\nby Haley and Stinson. P. J. Malone acted as editor until\nit was excluded from the mails by order of General\nWright, the reason given by the authorities was its op-\n6Mss. letter Oregon Historical Society Library M. P. Deady to Jesse\nApplegate. March 15, 1862, comments on suppression.\nv4\u00bb \\;i\nI\nPi\nm\nNBH\nWW\n'mm\nmm 234\nFlora Belle Ludington\nposition to the conduct of the war. Malone then went to\nCorvallis where he continued his fight against Bush and\nthe Statesman thru the agency of the Union.\nPublication was again allowed in February, 1863,\nunder the name of the Oregon State Democrat, with\nJames O'Meara as editor. This journal must have been\nsoon suppressed for O'Meara is found as reviving the\nEugene Register in May of the same year.\nThe paper was published again August 1, 1865, when\nO'Meara established the States Rights Democrat. In July,\n1866, the publication was taken over by H. M. Abbott,\nMart V. Brown and John Travers, with the latter retiring\nin December. During this winter, 1866-67, Spalding's\nrecollections of the Whitman Mission occupied a prominent place in the paper. In May, 1869, Abbott went to\nEastern Oregon to establish the Bedrock Democrat, selling his interest to C. B. Bellinger. Bellinger left the firm\nJuly 22, 1870, to go to Portland to practice law. Later\ngentlemen connected with the paper were C. H. Stewart,\nT. J. Stites and F. P. Nutting. This journal is still being\npublished.\nStates Rights Democrat see Oregon Democrat.\nRegister. Established by Collins Van Cleve, as editor\nand publisher, September 12, 1868, using the material of\nthe old Albany Journal. Republican in politics.\nASTORIA\nMarine Gazette. A weekly Republican paper started\nby H. R. Kincaid in August, 1864. W. W. Parker became\neditor in the next August. W. L. Adams, the vitriolic editor of the Argus, was associated with the Marine Gazette\nwhen he was living in Astoria, having been appointed as\ncollector of customs by the Lincoln administration. The\nGazette used the type first provided for the Spectator and\nprinted in its pages Gray's History of Oregon* -\nOregon Newspapers 1846-70\nBAKER\n235\nBedrock Democrat. Established by L. L. Baker and\nM. H. Abbott, of the Oregon Democrat, in 1869.\nCOOS BAY\nBumble Bee. Republican paper of short duration,\npublished in 1869.\nCORVALLIS\nCorvallis Gazette. First Benton County Republican\npaper started in 1862. The editor was T. B. Odeneal who\nhad been won to the party by Lincoln. W. D. Carter was\neditor in March, 1869.\nDemocratic Crisis. Formerly the Occidental Messenger but was first issued under this title February 2,\n1859. T. B. Odeneal, the editor, traded this paper for J. H.\nSlater's store resulting in the publication of the Oregon\nWeekly Union.\nFronthsr Sentinel. \"Published to give 'an ardent\nand unwavering support in favor of the introduction of\nslavery in Oregon,' publisher L. P. Hall, material from\nthe office of the Expositor, another journal whose usefulness had expired.\"7 Bancroft is doubtless right in asking\nif this and the Occidental Messenger are not one.\nOccidental Messenger. Financed in June, 1857, by\nJ. C. Avery, the founder of Corvallis, and known as\n\"Avery's Ox.\" For editor Avery imported L. P. Hall\nand chose as compositors Stephen Gillis and Fred Russ.\nHall resigned to be followed by T. B. Odeneal, who later\nissued the Democratic Crisis. The Messenger was the\nne plus ultra of slavery propaganda in Oregon. A more\nradical vehement and defiant advocate of slavery could\nnot be found in North Carolina.\ny%v*'\n\u00bb\u2022'*\nm&tfi\n7 Bancroft, H. H. History of Oregon, v. 2, p. 421.\n\u25a0;&**\ni.< 236\nFlora Belle Ludington\nm:.\nm \"\\\nm-i\nOregon Statesman. Located in Corvallis for a few\nmonths in 1855 when this city was the seat of the government. Soon returned to Salem.\nOregon Weekly Union. The successor of the Occidental Messenger and the Democratic Crisis. Changed\nto this name when James H. Slater became editor and\nowner. The Union was an Anti-Clique organ but also exposed the danger of Sewardism and the revolutionary\ntendencies of Republicanism. Its advocacy of Breckinridge and Lane was energetic and bold. After the Lincoln\nelection Slater advised that Oregon take a neutral ground\nand vowed, May 18, 1861, unalterable opposition to any\npolicy which looked toward waging war of subjugation\nin the South. After the firing of Fort Sumpter the Union\nhad a strong secession odor, being called the \"Onion\" by\nBush of the Statesman. Naturally it was one of the\njournals suppressed by the government in 1863.\nWillamette Valley Mercury. Started by J. H. Upton in August, 1868.\nDALLAS\nPolk County Itemizer. Weekly independent paper\nstarted in 1866.\nPolk County Signal. The States Rights Democrat\nof May 28,1868, under the heading of the Salem Chronicle\nnotes, \"In the last number of this paper the editor announces that he will take his leave of Salem Journalism.\nHe will go to Dallas where he will soon issue the Signal.\"\nThe paper expired in the spring of 1869.\nTimes. Published in 1869.\nEMPIRE CITY\nMonthly Guide. Established in October, 1870.\nChanged to the Coos Bay News March, 1873.\n|,f Oregon Newspapers \\L846-70\nEOLA\nReligious Expositor. A Baptist weekly, Democratic\nin politics that was published on May 6, 1856, by C. M.\nMattoon. The paper was moved to Corvallis July 19,1856,\nand was issued there until its decease on October 11th.\nEUGENE\nDemocratic Herald. Started in March, 1859, by Alexander Blakely, who continued it for only one year. The\npaper was resumed by Anthony Noltner but was soon\ndebarred from the mails by order of the government.\nPublication was continued and delivery made by private\nconveyance. From March, 1862, until its suppression in\nSeptember, 1862, it wore the title of the Democratic Register and in November became the Review.\nDemocratic Register. The name used by the Democratic Herald from March 15 to September 20, 1862.\nOwned by Noltner and edited by C. H. (Joaquin) Miller.\nThe last number carried this notice, \"Subscribers of the\nRegister will be furnished the Review in its place as the\nthe circulation of that paper is prohibited by order of\nGeneral Wright, military ruler of this coast.\"\nDemocratic Review. Continued the Democratic Register and hoisted a defiantly Democratic flag in January,\n1863, tho in November, when it started, it had promised\nto be neutral. Joaquin Miller, the editor, resigned February 14, 1863, so the paper was continued by Anthony\nNoltner, its owner, until James O'Meara was appointed\neditor in April. September 16, 1865, was its last issue\nwhen it was combined with the Washington Democrat\nand the Arena to be published in Salem under the title of\nDemocratic Review by Noltner, Hicks and Bellinger.\nGuard. Began publication in March, 1867, sponsored\nby J. B. Alexander who sold it after one year to George J.\nBuys and A. Fitzroy. Fitzroy withdrew in December,\n1869. Buys controlled the paper until November 2, 1877. \u25a0behMS\n111- II\n\u25a0'\u25a0*'', \/\u25a0. \" .\u00a3'\",\nKl\nM\nk\n238\nFlora Belle Ludington\nIn 1878 it was sold by Alexander Bros, to Ira and John\nR. Campbell.\nHerald op Reform. Universalist paper issued by Rev.\nA. C. Edmunds in January, 1863. He announced that the\npaper was \"devoted to the advance of Universalism\t\nI am set for the defense of the gospel and to reprove the\npious deceiver.\" Was first published with the title the\nUnion Crusader.\nNews. Democratic campaign paper started by J. B.\nAlexander in March and discontinued in November, 1856,\nafter the election.\nOregon State Journal. Established on March 12,\n1864, by H. R. Kincaid, Joel Ware and William Thompson, using the plant not needed after the consolidation\nof the Argus and the Statesman. Thompson sold out to\ntheother two and eventually (Feb. 14,1865) Kincaid came\ninto sole control. Impartial in spirit, open to fair discussion and general topics, in politics Republican, this journal ran for over forty-five years under Kincaid's management.\nPacific Journal. Noted in the Oregonian of July 17,\n1858. A neutral paper purchased by B. J. Pengra who\nused the plant for the People's Press.\nPeople's Press. Republican paper started in 1858\nby B. J. Pengra, formed out of the material of the\nPacific Journal.\nState Republican. Ran from January 1, 1862 until\nMarch 12, 1864. Issued by H. Shaw and Davis using the\nplant of the defunct People's Press. In September, H. R.\nKincaid announced that J. M. Gale would be the editor\nand the motto would be, \"The struggle of today is not\naltogether for today, it is for the vast future also.\" The\nArgus and the Republican passed into the hands of the\ncompany that bought the Statesman. The Republican Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n239\nceased in March, 1864, to be followed by the Oregon State\nJournal.\nUnion Crusader. Issued in October, 1862, by Rev.\nA. C. Edmunds, but soon to become the Herald of Reform.\nFOREST GROVE\nForest Grove Monthly. Independent paper first issued in June, 1864.\nJACKSONVILLE\nCivilian. Built on the ruins of the Gazette in March,\n1862, byvD. W. Douthitt. A Democratic campaign sheet\npublished in the interests of the National Democratic\nparty in opposition to the regular Democratic party.\nDemocratic News. Rose from the ruins of the Reveille May 1, 1869, published by P. D. Hull and Charles\nNickell. Destroyed by fire in 1872 and rebuilt as the\nDemocratic Times.\nHerald. Messrs. William J. Beggs and B. J. Burns\nstarted this \"neat and democratic journal\" August 1,\n1857. Burns retired in November. The Herald was a\nrabid slavery advocate. Its plant was used for the\nSouthern Oregon Gazette in 1861.\nOregon Intelligencer. W. G. T'Vault took over the\nCivilian office in November, 1862, and ushered the Intelligencer into the world saying, \"The Constitution of the\nUnited States shall be our political platform.\" The Intelligencer was frankly a secession paper. Publication\nceased late in 1864.\nOregon Reporter. Started with Patrick J. Malone as\neditor in January, 1865, from the remains of the Intelligencer. Malone retired at the end of volume one. Frank\nR. Stuart, his successor, remained until 1867 when W. W.\nFidler associated with him and changed the name to the\nSouthern Oregon Press.\n8&Ehff\n**&!\nmmii\n\u25a0\"% m \u2014\n240\nFlora Belle Ludington\nK\nH ffr\nOregon Sentinel, see Table Rock Sentinel.\nRevedlle. The Southern Oregon Press started publication under this name in September, 1867.\nSouthern Oregon Gazette. James O'Meara and\nPomeroy took the plant of the Herald on August 14, 1861,\nand began publishing this intensely Democratic sheet.\nIt was so bitter and disloyal to the government that in a\nfew months it was refused the privilege of the U. S.\nmail and died a violent death.\nSouthern Oregon Press. Formerly the Oregon Reporter, but published under this title from January 5th'\nuntil August 21, 1867. Continued by the Reveille.\nTable Rock Sentinel. Started publication on November 24, 1855, with W. G. T'Vault as editor and proprietor, asserting that this paper was \"Independent on\nall subjects and devoted to the best interests of Southern\nOregon.\" Actually it was bluntly and flatly committed\nto Oregon Democracy and the Southern cause. T'Vault\nwas sole owner until 1858 when he associated with W. G.\nRobinson and the name changed to the Oregon Sentinel.\nIn the fall of 1859 the paper came into the hands of\nJames O'Meara, editor, and W. B. Treanor, owner, the\nlatter retiring in less than a year, and O'Meara abandoning it in May, 1861. Under the O'Meara regime the\nsentiments of the paper were so radical at times that\nloyal citizens refused it patronage. Henry Denlinger\nand William H. Hand took over the paper from O'Meara,\nHand retiring January 25, 1862, leaving Denlinger as\nsole owner. The paper now became uncompromisingly\na Union paper with Orange Jacobs as editor. In July,\n1864, it passed over to S. F. McDowell who owned it for\nfourteen years, employing various Republican editors.\nKLAMATH\nRevedIiLE. Noted in the Daily Evening Bulletin of\nJuly 23, 1868. Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n241\nLAFAYETTE\nCourhsr. Started by Jasper W. Johnson in 1865. J. H.\nUpton was connected with this paper in 1869 when its\nplant was used to publish the Pacific Blade in McMinn-\nville.\nLA GRANDE\nBlue Mountain Times. The first paper in this region,\nstarted publication April 18, 1868, by Baker, Coggan and\nCompany. Republican in politics.\nGrande Ronde Sentinel. Due to delay in freight\nshipments the Democrats were unable to print the first\nnumber of this paper until their Republican rivals issued\nthe Times. Started in May, 1868, by Jeffrey and Mc-\nComas.8\nMcMINNVTLLE\nMcMinnvdlle Reporter. A weekly Republican paper\npublished in January, 1870.\nPacific Blade. The Salem Daily Statesman of October 14, 1860, noted the new publication as follows,\n\"Contains a fair amount of well assorted reading matter\nand many items of local interest. McPherson, being state\nprinter, claims that all estray notices should be by law\npublished in his paper.\" Thomas Handley was one time\neditor.\nMILWAUKIE\nWestern Star. First issued by Lot Whitcomb November 21, 1850, with John Orvis Waterman and William\nDavis Carter on the staff. The Star was more outspoken\nand more Democratic than the Statesman. The Spectator\ny- MZmXt\nIWijl\n\u25a0H^fr.JS:' t\n8 Bancroft\u2014History of Oregon, v. 2, p. 492, notes the Mountain\nSentinel as being established by E. S. McComas in October, 1864. The\ndate is surely wrong and probably Bancroft has connected the Blue\nMountain Times and the Grande Ronde Sentinel.\n%\nJWSta 242\nFlora Belle Ludington\nof December 11, 1850, says, \"The paper comes out flat\nfooted Democratic. It said 'in politics we are Democratic\nand shall be governed by the principles of Jeffersonian\nDemocracy, advocating measures not men'.\" In the campaign of 1851 it entered into the conflict while the Statesman held back. The correspondence of McLoughlin, Wyeth and Thurston, published in the spring of 1851, is of\nlasting historical interest. In June, 1851, the plant was\nmoved to Portland and on the 5th the paper came out\nunder the name of the Oregon Weekly Times.\nMONMOUTH\nChristian Messenger. First issued October, 1870,\nunder the auspices of the Christian Church. Ran until\nabout 1887.\nOREGON CITY\nArgus. Republican paper started April 21, 1855, by\nW. L. Adams, using the plant of the Spectator. This was\nthe first distinctly Republican paper issued in Oregon.\nAdams was a militant Campbellite preacher who mercilessly caricatured the leading Democrats of the day,\namong them, Asahel Bush of the Statesman, John Orvis\nWaterman of the Oregon Weekly Times, and General\nJoseph Lane. His ruthless sarcasm, his uncompromising\ndogmatism and his ability to coin cutting descriptive adjectives made him a power in Oregon politics. The Argus\ncame out especially strong in its advocacy of temperance.\nThis journal was referred to as the \"Air-Goose\" by\n\"Ass-of-Hell\" Bush of the Statesman. In 1859 David W.\nCraig became proprietor, though Adams was retained as\neditor until 1863 when he was appointed collector of customs as a reward for his diligent advocacy of Lincoln,\nwho had carried Oregon by a small majority. The Argus\nconsolidated with the Eugene State Republican in May,\n1863, and these two journals finally passed into the hands\nof the owners of the Statesman, A. Bush and J. W.\nNesmith. It was continued under the name of the States- Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n243\nman, the political status of that organ having changed.\nFree Press. The second paper published in Oregon.\nGeorge Law Curry resigned his editorial position on the\nSpectator early in 1848 due to the censorship that was\nbeing exercised over his editorials by the Printing Association. He bought type from the Catholic missionaries\nand had a rude press made. The first issue came out in\nMarch, 1848, with the motto\u2014\n\"Here shall the Press the people's rights maintain,\nUnawed by influence, unbribed by gain.\"\nThe paper stopped in October because of the rush of\nthe subscribers to the California mines.\nOregon City Enterprise. Started publication on\nOctober 27, 1866, with D. C. Ireland as editor and proprietor. Noltner and Slater purchased it in 1869 or '70\nand ran it until about 1875.\nSpectator. The first paper on the Pacific Coast as\nwell as in Oregon, outdating the first California paper,\nthe Alta Californian, by six months and ten days. It was\nfirst issued in Oregon City Thursday, February 5, 1846.\nThe Spectator was sponsored by the Oregon Printing\nAssociation organized with W. G. T'Vault as president,\nJ. W. Nesmith, vice-president, John P. Brooks, secretary,\nGeorge Abernethy, treasurer, Robert Newell, John E.\nLong, John H. Couch, directors. The plant was secured\nin New York thru the instrumentality of Governor\nGeorge Abernethy, the acting treasurer. The Constitution of the Association read in part:\n\"In order to promote science, temperance, morality,\nand general intelligence; to establish a printing press;\nto publish a monthly, semi-monthly or weekly paper in\nOregon\u2014the undersigned do hereby associate ourselves\ntogether in a body, to be governed by such rules and regulations as shall from time to time be adopted by a majority of the stockholders of this' compact in a regularly\ncalled and properly notified meeting.\"\nwmU.\nWS&\n3M\nfa.v\n;' m\u25a0\u25a0'\u25a0 SI\nI'.1 \u25a0i' * i,; \u2666 i\n%\n\u00ab**&v \u2014\n244\nFlora Belle Ludington\nThe Articles of the Compact dealt with the method\nof doing business but Article VIII related to the editorial\npolicy.\n\"The press owned by or in connection with association\nshall never be used by any party for the purpose of propagating sectarian principles or doctrine, nor for the discussion of exclusive party politics.\"\nProvision was made for altering any article of the\ncompact except this one. Shares of stock were $10 each.\nThe editor of the Spectator was Col. W. G. T'Vault,\nthen the postmaster general of the Provisional Government. The association had wanted H. A. G. Lee as editor\nbut he demanded a $600 salary, while T'Vault consented\nto serve for $300 a year. He set forth the attitude in a\nsignificant salutatory.\nTO THE PUBLIC\n\"The printing press, type and materials are owned\nby the Oregon Printing Association and that association\nhas adopted a Constitution to govern the concerns of the\nAssociation as well as the publishing of the newspaper;\nconsequently the Spectator will have to keep within the\npale of that Constitution, otherwise it violates the commands of its owners. A large majority of the citizens of\nOregon are emigrants from the United States and for\nthe last twenty years politics have there been the order of\nthe day Hence it is to be presumed that a portion of\nthe citizens of Oregon have brought with them their views\nof policy, entertained while residing in the United States.\nIt might also be expected that the Oregon Spectator would\nbe a political paper; but reason and good sense agree differently. Situated as we are\u2014remote from the civilized\nsettlements of the United States, and at this time having\na protection by the Provisional Government of Oregon\nand having but one interest, the welfare of Oregon and\nthe citizens unanimously .... it would be bad policy to\nbreak open old wounds in so doing to create new ones,\nto discuss politics in the columns of the Spectator\u2014not- Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n245\nwithstanding we are now, as we have always been, and\never shall be, a Democrat of the Jeffersonian School.\"9\nT'Vault's career as the Spectator's editor was a short\none\u2014his violent political antagonism could not be successfully curbed even by Article VIII of the Compact.\nIn his valedictory, April 2, 1846, he points out that there\nare two distinct parties in Oregon\u2014and the difficulty of\nediting, under these conditions, a non-partisan paper.\nThe real mission of the Spectator was probably to pursue\nthe Hudson's Bay Company and T'Vault's two parties\nwere probably the American merchants and the British\nmerchants.\nThe new editor, H. A. G. Lee, the first choice as\neditor, explained that he would discuss politics as a\nscience of government but not effervescent partyism.\n(April 16, 1846.) On this date there were a hundred and\nfifty-five subscribers but the new editor says there should\nbe five hundred with the existing population. On August\n6, 1846, \"The editor (H. A. G. Lee) respectfully tenders\nhis thanks to the Board of Directors for the privilege of\nterminating his services as editor with the present number of the Spectator. He gladly avails himself of the\nopportunity thus afforded him of returning to more\nhumble\u2014far more pleasant duties of a laboring mechanic,\nwith a happy consciousness of having done the best that\nthe circumstances allowed.\" Lee's difficulty with the\nPrinting Association came over some articles of his regarding the attitude of the American merchants toward\nthe colonists.\nThe next few numbers were issued without any apparent editor but were doubtless directed by the printer\nJohn Fleming. Then, George L. Curry, newly arrived\nfrom St. Louis, took over the paper and endeavored to\ngive it a \"firm and consistent American tone.\" Curry was\nable to retain his position longer than any of his pred-\niWfit'?' I!\nmy i\n9 Quoted by W. C Woodward. T\\he Rise and Early History of Political Parties in Oregon, 1843-1868, p. 31-2.\nmm 4 *\nlit fcl!\nf\u00abI\ntf\"\n-\n246\nFlora Belle Ludington\necessors but early in 1848 he resigned because of the censorship exercised over his editorials. In his final adieu\nhe says he refused to edit a one man paper (referring to\nGov. Abernethy) edited in that man's interest, as demanded; hence his dismissal. He strongly deprecates the\nestablishment of a censorship of the press in Oregon.10\nFor one year, February, 1848, to February, 1849,\nAaron E. Wait was editor of the Spectator. That paper\nwas issued on September 7, 1848, suspended, and then\nresumed October 12, 1848, explaining, \"That 'gold fever',\nwhich has swept about 3,000 of the officers, lawyers,\nphysicians, farmers and mechanics from the plains of\nOregon into the mines of California, took away our\nprinter also\u2014hence the temporary non-appearance of\nthe Spectator.\" Wait's connection with the Spectator\nceased February 22, 1849, and the paper was edited in a\ndesultory and irregular sort of fashion until October 4,\n1849, when it appeared with Rev. Wilson Blain as editor\nand George B. Goudy as printer. On April 18, 1850,\nRobert Moore appears as owner with Blain as editor, but\nin September D. J. Schnebly appears as editor and announces that hereafter the Spectator will be a weekly at\n$7 per annum.\nBeginning with volume six, number one, September 9,\n1851, Schnebly appears as owner, and C. P. Culver, associate editor after November. By February of 1852 the\nSpectator had become a distinctly political journal with\nWhig tendencies. In March, 1852, it suspended, not to appear again until August, 1853. It gradually grew weaker\nand was sold to C. L. Goodrich in March, 1854, and was\npermanently suspended by him in March, 1855.\nThis, the first newspaper on the Coast was not a\ngreat factor in shaping the political destiny of Oregon\nTerritory. The Spectator had been published under all\nthe difficulties of the frontier. Mail communication and\n10 Spectator, January 20, 1848. Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n247\nnewspaper exchange was seldom possible, papers from the\nStates arrived but once a year in 1846 and '47, the papers\nfinally issued in California were slow and late in coming,\nso the early editors of this pioneer paper had to be versatile and resourceful. The Spectator had started in the\ndays when Oregon City was the first town of the territory and lived to see it dwindle to relative unimportance.\nStatesman. Started in Oregon City but moved to the\ngrowing town of Salem. \"I get very little patronage in\nOregon City. I will give a premium on the best essay on\nprejudice. But Oregon City is not all of Oregon.\"11\nPORTLAND\nCampaign Herald, see Oregon Herald.\nCatholic Sentinel. Issued in 1869 or 1870 with the\nRev. J. F. Furens as editor, succeeded by James R. Wiley\nand following him M. G. Munly.\nDadly Advertiser. Alonzo Leland announced a daily\npaper \"got up as the Standard was, to crush out the\nSalem Clique.\" This pro-slavery anti-Bush organ first\nappeared May 31, 1859, and was the second daily of\nPortland. A daily edition of 3,000 copies was issued \"on\nthe arrival of each and every eastern mail or steamer\nwith files of California and Eastern news.\" Leland was\nthe editor for only a short time, to be followed by S. J.\nMcCormick. George L. Gurry became connected with the\npaper January 1, 1861, and a weekly as well as a daily\nissue was published. The Advertiser was among those\npapers suppressed by the government in 1862.\nDadly Evening Tribune. First issued by Collins Van\nCleve and Ward Latta in the old Times office, January 16,\n1865. After a short and vigorous existence of only a\nmonth it expired for want of financial support.\nXA. Bush to M. P. Deady, April 17, 1851.\n*#*** I\n*'*\nmm]\n1\nijgf&jlf \u2022\n.*'\"\u25a0' V* '.*T '\n|P J]\n;\u00ab,r ;> -,. 11\niVfe \".;\u2022'-\u2022 248\nFlora Belle Ludington\nmm\n;i ffiMm\nDadly News. The first daily in Oregon established\nApril 18, 1859, by Alonzo Leland in connection with the\nS. A. English and W. B. Taylor Company, publishers.\nIt very shortly passed into the editorial hands of E. D.\nShattuck and later into those of W. D. Carter. The News\nthen became an independent weekly which had a brief\nexistence. The plant was eventually moved to Salem.\n\/ Democratic Standard. First issued July 19, 1854,\nby Alonzo Leland. The paper was used to express Leland's\ndoubts as to the advisability of asking for statehood. His\nstand on this question was referred to by the Statesman\nas the \"Iscariotism of the Standard.\" Though Democratic,\nthe Standard did not favor slavery. In 1858 the Standard\nchanged hands and was edited by James O'Meara. It\nsuspended publication January 4, 1859, until February\nof the same year when it again appeared with O'Meara\nas editor. Not long after, the press was moved to Eugene.\nDeutsche Zeitung. The first German language paper\nin Portland, edited by A. A. Landenberger from its beginning in 1867 to its close in 1884.\nEvening Bulletin. An independent paper started\nby J. F. Atkinson January 6, 1868.\nEvening Call. Being published January, 1870.\nEvening Commercial. A daily independent journal\nfirstussued August 11, 1868, with M. P. Bull editor.\nFranklin Advertiser. A semi-weekly published for\na short time by S. J. McCormick.\nMetropolis Herald. A daily paper mentioned in the\nOregonion of August 11,1855.\nNorth Pacific Rural Sphiit. Establshed in 1869,\ndevoted to agriculture, household economy, dairy, poultry\nand the turf. W. W. Baker, the editor, was followed by\nM. D. Wisdom after the former's death. In 1878 it merged\nwith the Willamette Farmer.\nInfill\n^ Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\nNorthern Monthly. A magazine of literature, civil\nand military affairs. March to December, 1864.\nOregon Churchman. An Episcopal journal started\nin 1861.\nOregon Farmer. A semi-monthly journal for Oregon\nand Washington territory devoted to agriculture, horticulture, mechanics, literature and news. Published by\nW. B. Taylor Company, edited by Albert G. Walling. Ran\nfrom August, 1858, until February 1, 1863.\nOregon Herald. The first issue, dated March 17,\n1866, was sponsored by H. M. Abbott and N. L. Butler.\nButler went out in May, but Abbott continued until\nJune 9th. The paper was then issued by the Oregon\nHerald Company, a joint stock company of Democratic\npoliticians with A. E. Wait as president and T. Patterson,\nsecretary. Beriah Brown, formerly of the San Francisco\nDemocratic press, was chosen as editor. Brown edited the\nHerald in 1866, when it was the only advocate in Oregon\nof the Johnson administration.\nThe company dissolved November 26, 1868, W. Weath-\nerford became publisher and Brown retired as editor on\nDecember 1st. Sylvester Pennoyer succeeded Brown and\nlater bought the paper, selling it to Patterson and Company, July 1, 1869. It was continued by Eugene Semple\nas editor until 1871, when at its sale, Pittock, of the\nOregonian, bought it.\nOregon Monthly Magazine. The pioneer magazine\nof the Pacific issued January, 1852, by S. J. McCormick.\nIt was \"An entertaining miscellany devoted to useful\nknowledge and general information, 32 pages of well\nselected reading matter\u2014a large portion of which is\nwritten by the editor, S. J. McCormick, upon subjects of\ninterest and display both ability and research.\"12\n12 Spectator January 13, 1852. _\u25a0\u25a0-\u2022\nI KllW'-rtf\n(fell\nHI\n250\nFlora Belle Ludington\nOregon News Budget. Noted in the Salem Unionist\nSeptember 3, 1869. \"It is evidently intended as an advertising medium and made very interesting and acceptable.\"\nOregon Weekly Times. In May, 1851, John Orvis\nWaterman and William Davis Carter moved the plant of\nthe Western Star of Milwaukie to Portland and changed\nits name to the Times. By June, 1853, Carter had sold\nto Waterman, who continued the journal until May 29,\n1854. It was then sold to Carter and R. D. Austin, but\nWaterman was retained by them as editor until June 6,\n1857. Then came E. C. Hibben, whom Dryer, of the\nOregonian, said had been imported from the East to edit\nthe Times as a pro-slavery organ. The Times was pronounced Democratic in tone and was even recognized by\nthe Democratic convention of 1857\u2014\"that this convention\nrecognizes the Portland Times as Democratic and its\neditor as a worthy man.\" Hibben was editor only until\nDecember, 1858. The following May, Carter sold to\nAustin who continued the paper, starting a daily issue\nDecember 18, 1860. At this time its editor, Alonzo\nLeland, announced, \"We do not always expect to be brilliant and abounding in thought which will awaken the\nbest energy of our readers.\u2014But we promise to treat all\nquestions discussed with candor and fairness, and to\nstrive to be equal in interest to the temperature of the\npublic mind.\" Other editors before its suspension in 1864\nwere Henry Shipley, A. S. Gould, W. N. Walter and\nW. Lair Hill.\nOregonian. In June, 1850, W. W. Chapman and\nStephen Coffin secured in California Thomas J. Dryer,\nthen city editor of the California Courier, for the publication of a paper in the growing village of Portland. A\nsecond hand plant was secured from the Alta Californian\nand the first copy of the Oregonian was issued December\n4, 1850, announcing allegiance to the \"present adminis-\nfti ft *\u2022.\u00a3'\nI*#\nX'A'm\n-\u2014-\u00ab\u00abaa Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n251\ntration and all the principles of the great Whig party.\"\nDryer proved to be an excellent speaker, and an aggressive and fearless writer well suited for pioneer journalism.\nA new plant was secured by April, the old press being\nsent to the Puget Sound where it was used for the Columbian, the first paper north of the Columbia river.. With\nthe acquisition of the new plant the Oregonian was well\nunder way.\nThe Democratic party was fairly well organized by\n1853 through the tireless agency of Asahel Bush\u2014the\nOregonian, though nominally non-partisan in 1851 saw\nthat the Whigs must unite. This course was urged and\nbrought from Bush in the Statesman of July 4, 1853,\n\"The Sewer man, (Dryer), is in favor of organizing the\nWhig party. Greeley of the N. Y. Tribune says that the\nWhig party is dead in the states. But, like all animals\nof the reptile order it dies in the extremities last; and\nhim of the Sewer the Oregonian is the last agonizing\nknot of the tail.\" Dryer pushed the organization of the\nWhig party week after week until he effected unity. He\nhad one standard of measurement \u2014 political opinion.\nEverything savoring of Whiggery was good\u2014anything\ntainted with Democracy was vile. The papers were full\nof politics and personal abuse based on political conduct\u2014\nthe Oregonian and the Statesman representing the most\nmarked antagonism. The Oregonian did not openly ally\nitself with the Republican cause, but by 1856 it had taken\nup the issue against slavery. It had had as little sympathy\nwith Abolitionism as the Statesman, but became aroused\nby the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. In 1854, '55\nand '56 the Oregonian opposed statehood but late in 1856\nDryer turned squarely around and began advocating\nstate organization. In his own words, \"If we are to have\nthe institution of slavery fastened upon us here, we desire the people resident in Oregon do it and not the will\nand power of a few politicians in Washington City. If\nthe power of the regular Army is to be used to crush out\nfjffi\nm&\\\nmM} :\u00ab\u00bb\nm\nMM\nf \u00bbs\ni.'J-#} \u2022''!\". .'i;^-\nkJi\n'. *. \/'\u2022.jjjV\nr\ntr ib,\nBHIki 'i\"u. \u25a0\"\u25a0'\nI rl\n.*. ;-\n\u00ab.*.|\nIII\n* \"\u00abj|\n\u2122J!^ir'\n\u25a0mi\ni\n1\nJIhV'^**|''I\nL|,|\n252\nFlora Belle Ludington\nfreedom in the territories ... we had better throw off our\nvassalage and become a state at once.\"13 This change in\npolicy on the part of Dryer made it possible for the\nDaily Advertiser to say December 5, 1860, \"Verily consistency is a jewel that does not shine in the Oregonian's\nrecord. By all other considerations let the adopted German citizens of Multnomah remember the viturperative\nabuse the Oregonian has heaped on them heretofore, and\npay off the old score by voting against T. J. Dryer and\nW. T. Watkins, the Republican free-soil-nigger-loving-\nknow-nothing-German-hating candidates for Presidential\nelectors.\"\nIn a few weeks the same journal announced, December 26, 1860, \"The Oregonian has become the property of\nMr. Henry Pittock, who contemplates issuing a daily\npaper in connection with his weekly about the first of\nJanuary next. Mr. Dryer retains his position as editor.\"\nH. L. Pittock had worked on the Oregonian in a minor\ncapacity since November, 1853, he and Elisha Treat Gunn\nhad been admitted to partnership with Dryer in November, 1856. On November 20, 1858, they withdrew until\nNovember 24, 1860, when Mr. Dryer transferred his\ninterest to Mr. Pittock, retaining editorial control until\nJanuary 12, 1861. In recognition of his services Dryer\nwas appointed by Lincoln as commissioner to the Sandwich Islands. Pittock successfully managed the Oregon-\nian for a long span of years. After Dryer, editors were\nSimeon Francis, Henry Miller, Amory Hollbrook, John F.\nDamon, Samuel A. Clarke, H. W. Scott, W. Lair Hill, and\nagain H. W. Scott. Mr. Scott was first editor in May,\n1865, for a few years in the 70's he retired to become collector of customs, in 1877 he bought an interest in the\npaper and became editor-in-chief, a position he held virtually until his death in 1910.\n13 Oregonian November 1, 1856. Quoted by Woodward W C Political Parties in Oregon, 1843-1868, p. 98.\n\u2022\u25a0A\nmtt Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n253\nUnder Pittock and Scott the Oregonian attained a very\nsolid reputation as a journal of the first class. Advantage\nwas taken of the new improvements offered by science in\nnew presses and in establishing daily telegraphic service\nwith San Francisco as early as 1864. The Pittock-Scott\ncontrol won for the Oregonian the political prestige formerly held by Bush and the Statesman. These same policies carried out in more recent times have given the\nOregonian an international reputation.\nPacific Christian Advocate. In 1854 it was determined by the preachers and laymen of Oregon to issue\na weekly religious paper, to be controlled by a joint stock\ncompany. T. H. Pearne was elected the editor, and he\nwas directed to procure an office and a six months' supply\nof paper. The first number was issued in Salem, September 1, 1855. In an address on the 40th anniversary of the\nfounding of the paper, Pearne said:\n\"In 1854 ... it was determined to organize a joint\nstock company to establish and issue a religious weekly\nin Oregon. It was estimated to cost some three or four\nthousand dollars to purchase an office and a six months'\nsupply of paper. Articles of agreement were prepared.\nGeorge and Alexander Abernethy, James R. Robb, Beers,\nHolman, Kingsley, Waller, Wilbur, Parrish, Hines and\nperhaps one or two others subscribed Jthe necessary\namounts. . . .The necessary outfit was nearly six months\nin coming around Cape Horn.\nWe had considerable study and care in agreeing upon\na name for the new paper. . . . The Oregon Christian Advocate was suggested, but rejected as being too long and\nnarrow. The North Pacific Herald was proposed but\nrejected as being entirely too long. At last the Pacific\nChristian Advocate was suggested and adopted. (Suggested by A. F. Waller.) The paper was first published\nin Salem. After a few months the paper was removed to\nPortland. The circulation was at first rather small. It\nslowly increased until, in the first year, it had grown to\neighteen hundred or two thousand. The editor's salary for\nseveral years was seven hundred dollars a year. . . . The\njoint stock company fell through because of non-payment\nwtfiM\n'ij\n*\\<.V-,v-:\n%\nWiSffW\nh\nmt* \u25a0*\u25a0-, : f |\nK\n\u2022';\u2022\n2$W\nk'i\nIf\n\/i\n1\nSfijF^I]\n$\nv \\\\> :.. ,*.\nIk\nw|*#fi\nPliP\n(jt\niwmM\n*l\nhb-> '\u25a0'? r if'\n,1\nifeff\ni\nflSf\nft\n.1\n\u26661\nlllfii\nm\nllPl\n'\u20221;\np^r*fj\nli\nPHI\nV>'V \u25a0 is If\ni\nlltmfi\n'4\nWmU\nm\nim^ml\nm\nIpfcfjjji]\n\u2022'!%\nK\n|j \"{Vfc ill S J -\n254\nFlora Belle Ludington\nMft:J ii\nimiM\nyhm^-w\nof subscriptions. I was soon the sole proprietor of the\nplant, which had cost three thousand five hundred dollars.\nIn May, 1856, the General Conference bought the\nplant and instructed the New York book agents to continue publication. I was elected editor. In 1860 I was reelected. In 1864 I declined re-election.\nThe paper has filled a high and important mission.\nWhen the Constitution of the State was formed and\nadopted, the paper made itself felt in favor of Oregon as\na free state. . . . and it opposed other objectionable features during the formation of the Constitution, so that\nits mission in that direction was vitally important. Then,\nwhen secession was rife, and the Breckinridge and Lane\nfaction of the Democratic party tried to swing California\nand Oregon into the secession movement, the editor of\nthe Advocate rung out loudly for the Union cause, and\nagainst secession, adding to his editorials on this behalf\nhis personal influence in the pulpit and on the rostrum\nfor the Union.\"14\nLater editors of the Advocate have been Rev. H. C.\nBenson, Rev. Isaac Dillon, and J. H. Acton. It is still\nbeing published.\nPortland Commercial. A semi-weekly that began\npublication in the spring of 1853. S. J. McCormick sponsored the organ whose motto was \"Open to all, controlled\nby none.\"\nPortland Daily Bulletin. Establshed in 1870 by\nBen Holladay. He was succeeded by James O'Meara,\nH. W. Scott, and T. B. Odeneal. Under the management\nof Odeneal it suspended in October, 1875. The Bulletin\nproved to be one of Holladay's many and expensive ventures in Oregon.\nPortland Dadly Plaindealer. Started in May, 1863,\nby A. C. Edmunds acting as editor and proprietor.\nV\"?. \\r.':;^ '\n14 Letter of Nellie B. Pipes of the Oregon Historical Society to the\ncompiler, March 16, 1925, quotes this extract from Pearne's address.\nThe editor possibly overestimates his influence in the Union cause for\nother non-prejudiced commentators accuse him of closing his eyes to\nthe slavery issue until the question was unmistakably upon him.\nm& Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n255\nPortland Daily Union. Founded in January, 1864,\nby H. R. Kincaid with W. Lair Hill as editor. Publication\nwas suspended in May.\nPortland Letter Sheet. The first issue was announced for August, 1869.\nSunday Welcome. The oldest Sunday paper, started\nby John F. Atkinson in 1870.\nNews Revdjiw.\nROSEBURG\n1868.\nPlaindealer. A weekly Republican paper established\nby William Thompson in March, 1870.\nRoseburg Ensign. A Republican weekly established\nin May, 1867. \"A firm supporter 'of the Union cause'\nthat is it is radical,\" says the States Rights Democrat of\nMay 4, 1867. The plant was destroyed by fire in September, 1871, publication was resumed in January. The\nGale Bros, later sold the plant to R. Tyson of the Dalles\nRepublican.\nRoseburg Express. Published in 1859 on the press\nof the Chronicle of Yreka (California), L. E. V. Voon &\nCo., publishers. It ran for a year and then failed.\nSALEM\nCapital City Chronicle. Started August 21, 1867,\nby Anthony Noltner, as editor, and J. H. Upton. In October Upton became sole owner and editor. In November\na daily evening issue began.\nDadly Democratic Press. Issued by Beriah Brown\nin 1870.\nDadly Democratic Tocsin. First issued in January,\n1868, suspending the following February. Jernegan and\nCompany, publishers.15\n15 O'Meara, Jas. Mss. note in Oregon Historical Society Library.\n'J^l'.$*\n'Mm\nPmmr 1\n-\nI\n1 1 fn\nr V .A'1lH\"-7f\nM\n,|\u00ab|.,:', iff''\nr^v ^\n#3\nK\nIf;\nw\n256\nFlora Belle Ludington\nDemocratic Revhiw. Started September, 1865, by\nHicks, Bellinger and Anthony Noltner of the Eugene Review.\nOregon Agriculturist. Issued in 1865 by A. L.\nStinson, but was soon sold to E. M. Waite of the Plowman. The two papers being consolidated into the Agriculturist and Plowman.15\nOregon Arena. Published in 1862 by C. B. Bellinger,\nA. Noltner and Urban E. Hicks. Bellinger, the editor,\nretiring in 1865 when Hicks assumed control.16\nOregon Medical and Surgical Reporter. One of\nthe earliest medical journals on the Pacific Coast, first\nissued late in 1869 by E. R. Fiske, M. D., of Willamette\nUniversity. Frank Cook was in control a short time later.\nOregon Statesman. Founded by A. W. Stockwell\nand Henry Russell, of Massachusetts, who secured Asahel\nBush as editor. Publication was begun in Oregon City\nMarch 28, 1851. Bush was a cold, calculating, relentless\npolitician who for at least eight or ten years dominated\nthru this journal the whole tenor of Oregon politics.\nThe journal was the \"Bible of Oregon Democracy,\" the\npaper and the man were supplementary to each other\nand constituted a force well nigh irresistible. The Statesman was the official Democratic organ of the territory,\nwhich gave it a natural prestige. It went into most of the\nDemocratic homes of Oregon where seldom came an opposing paper to challenge its authority. The encouragement that Bush had received from Samuel B. Thurston,\nhis fellow Democrat, to found a paper was more than\njustified. For years the Statesman candidate was chosen\nas State Printer by the territorial legislature\u2014an influence that was not lost until the growing power of the\nOregonian and the Whig press in general, caused defeat\n16 O'Meara, Jas. Mss. note in Oregon Historical Society Library. Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n257\nof the Statesman candidate in the hands of pittock of\nthe Oregonian.\nThe paper had located in '51 at Oregon City, then the\nseat of the territorial legislature; however, when the\ncapital was moved to Salem, the Statesman moved too.\nIn June, 1853, the paper began publication in Salem.\nHowever, being the official paper of the territory, it followed the legislature to Corvallis in April, 1855. Fun was\nmade of the \"paper on wheels,\" but the publisher replied\nthat the Statesman was published at the seat of the government wherever that might be. The new location of\nthe capital was not authorized by Congress, but the legislature met in Corvallis in December and passed a bill\nto re-locate in Salem.\nLocated again in Salem Bush tightened his hold on the\nDemocratic party. Bush and his political associates, R. P.\nBoise, Lafayette Grover, James W. Nesmith and Benjamin F. Harding soon were wearing the designation of\nthe \"Salem Clique.\" \"A complete story of the capricious,\narrogant rule in Oregon under the regime of the Salem\nClique would form one of the most picturesque chapters\nin the political history of the West.\"17 Joseph Lane had\nthe early support of the Clique, but in 1859 they had\nsplit the party and had withdrawn their support from\nthis \"man of the people.\" After Lane's open advocacy of\nsecession, Bush repudiated all connection he had ever had\nwith him and came out strongly for the Union. On December 5, 1862, Bush declared that the radical's test of\nloyalty had become not \"Are you for the Union?\" but\n\"Are you for Emancipation?\" As for him, he was for\nthe Union first and the Union only.\nIn March, 1863, the Statesman passed from the hands\nof Bush and his partner, James W. Nesmith, to those of\nyil:\ni\u00a381\n17 Woodward, W. S. Political Parties in Oregon, 184-3-1\n* -v..T*'\u25a0\nm HM\n258\nFlora Belle Ludington\ni\nm\n9w w v*j\nC. P. Crandall and E. M. Waite. In November the paper\nwas turned over to the Oregon Printing and Publishing\nCompany that consolidated the Argus and the Statesman.\nThe directors of the new company comprised both radical\nRepublicans and Douglas Democrats. They were J. W. P.\nHuntington, Rufus Mallory, D. W. Craig, C. P. Crandall\nand C. W. Terry. Loyalty to the Union was reaffirmed.\nIn 1866 the paper was again sold, this time to Benjamin Simpson and his sons, Sylvester and Samuel. Later\nit went to William McPherson, who merged it with the\nUnionist and published it under that name. After the\ndeath of J. W. P. Huntington, its next owner, it came into\nthe hands of Sam A. Clarke and the name of the Statesman was again adopted.\nOregon Unionist. Established in 1866 by William\nMcPherson and William Morgan of the Albany Journal\nwhen McPherson became State Printer and moved to\nSalem. McPherson soon acquired the Statesman, but in\nAugust, 1867, he retired to private life, the paper being\ncontinued by Morgan until it came into the hands of\nSam A. Clarke who used the name of the Statesman.\nPacific Christian Advocate, see Portland\u2014Pacific\nChristian Advocate.\nSalem Dadly Record. Began publication in June,\n1867.\nSalem Daily Visitor. Started in September, 1870,\nby J. Henry Brown.\nSalem Mercury. Started late in 1869 and had a\nstruggling existence for a few years and then moved\nto Portland.\nSalem Press. Democratic journal of Beriah Brown's\nstarted February 9, 1869.\nSalem Recorder. The Western Star of March 19,\n1861, states that a paper is about to be started in Salem\n\u2014~*m Oregon Newspapers 1846-70\n259\nby Joseph S. Smith to be called the Salem Recorder.\nVox Populi. The first newspaper published in Salem.\nFour numbers were issued from December 16, 1851, to\nJanuary 16, 1852, during the legislative assembly \"by\nan association of gentlemen.\" A great deal was said\nabout the location of the capital, causing no little discomfort for the federal authorities.\nWdllamette Farmer. First issued March, 1869, with\nJohn Minto as editor and A. L. Stinson, publisher. A. J.\nDufur succeeded Minto in April, 1870.\nSCOTTSBURG\nUmpqua Gazette. The first paper of Southern Oregon, started April 28, 1854, by Daniel Jackson Lyons,\nas editor, and William J. Beggs, printer. Lyons left his\nposition with the close of volume one, the place being\nfilled by G. D. R. Boyd. The paper suspended September,\n1855, Messrs. Taylor, Blakeley and T'Vault buying the\nplant which they moved to Jacksonville to establish the\nTable Rock Sentinel.\nTHE DALLES\nDalles Journal. A prospectus was issued by A. J.\nPrice in November, 1858, for the Journal to come out in\nJanuary. Probably publication did not begin until March,\n1859. On April 1, 1860, it was purchased by W. H.\nNewell who changed the name to the Mountaineer.\nDemocratic State Journal. Sold in 1863 to W. W.\nBancroft who moved the plant to Idaho where he published a Union paper.\nMountaineer. Published at Fort Dalles by Captain\nThomas Jordan, February 6, 1860. This was shortly consolidated by W. H. Newell with the Dalles Journal.\nIn 1862 it became a daily. The daily issue was abandoned\nin 1866 when on June 3rd Cowne and Halloran bought\n\"\u25a0\u00bb'; *fj im&mm\n260\nFlora Belle Ludington\nmm*\nMraB\nm ;i\n*JS :' ST; .\nJ^CT*^\nthe paper. A year later it was published by W. M. Hand\nwho ran it until his death in 1881. In 1901 it merged\nwith the Times and became the Times Mountaineer.\nDalles Republican. First issued as a weekly about\n1870. Suspended in 1901.\nTUALATIN PLAINS\nOregon.American and Evangelican Unionist.\u2014\nEight numbers only were issued between June 7, 1848,\nand May 23, 1849. The famous Whitman mission press\nwas used for this sixteen page magazine. Its prospectus\ndefines its scope and interests:\n\"It is devoted to American principles and interests,\u2014\nTo evangelical religion and morals,\u2014To general intelligence, foreign and domestic,\u2014To temperance and moral\ninstrumentalities generally,\u2014To science, literature and\nthe arts,\u2014To commerce and internal improvements,\u2014\nTo agriculture and home manufactures,\u2014To the description and development of our natural resources,\u2014To the\nphysical, intellectual and moral education of rising generations,\u2014And such well defined discussions generally,\nas are calculated to elevate and dignify the character of\na free people. Edited by Rev. J. S. Griffin and printed\nby C. F. Putnam. Issued every two weeks.\"\nMuch space was given to the accounts of the Whitman\nmassacre that had occurred the preceding winter. These\naccounts caused much discussion pro and con of the causes\nleading up to it. After number seven the paper was suspended for some months, the editor stating that some one\nwho objected to the editorials on the Whitman massacre\nhad hired the printer to break his contract and go off\nto the mines. By May a new printer was secured and on\nMay 23rd the eighth and last number was issued.\nUMATILLA\nColumbia Press. Earlier name of the Umatilla Press.\nIndex. Later name of the Umatilla Press. Judge\nL. L. McArthur was the editor, but there was not suf-\n\u2014-m0& m\ni'Twai\nOregon Newspapers 1846-70\n261\nficient business so the paper merged with the Advertiser.\nUmatilla Advertiser. Nelson Whitney began the\npublication of this independent paper in the spring of\n1865. It soon became Republican in Politics which stirred\nup the Democrats so that the Press was started. Later the\ntwo papers merged, but when Pendleton became the\ncounty seat in 1869 the Advertiser suspended.\nUmatilla Press. Earlier the Columbia Press. T. W.\nAvery and A. C. Dow, stirred by the Republican Advertiser, financed this paper in 1866.\nUNION\nMountain Sentinel. Established in 1868. E. S. Mc-\nComas was the editor in 1876.\nbibliography\n?HZ i%\nHistory of Oregon. 2 v. San Francisco, History Co.,\nPortland, Pioneer Historical Pub-\n2 v.\nBancroft, H. H.\n1886-88.\nCarey, C. H. History of Oregon.\nlishing Co., 1922.\nClarke, S. A. Pioneer Days of Oregon History. 2 v. Portland, Gill,\n1905.\nCole, G. E. Early Oregon Jottings of Personal Recollections of a\nPioneer of 1850. Spokane, Shaw, 1905.\nDeady, M. P. Oregon History and Progress. (Mss. vol. Bancroft\nLibrary.)\nDodge, Orvil. Pioneer History of Coos and Curry Counties, Oregon.\nSalem, Capital Printing Co., 1898.\nDufur, A. J. Statistics of the State of Oregon. Salem, Willamette\nFarmer Office, 1869.\nGale, H. H. Resources of Coos County. Marshfield, Coos County\nRecord Co., 1875.\nGilbert, F. T. Historic Sketches of Walla Walla, Whitman, Columbia\nand Garfield Counties, Washington Territory and Umatilla County, Oregon. Portland, Walling, 1882.\nGeer, H. H. Fifty Years in Oregon. N. Y. Neale, 1912.\nHimes, G. H. History of the Press of Oregon, 1839-1850. Quarterly of\nthe Oregon Historical Society, 3:327-70. December, 1902\nHimes, G. H. First Newspapers of Southern Oregon and Their Editors. Quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society. 24:56-67'. March, 1923.\nHistory of Benton County, Oregon, published by David D. Fagan,\nRoland Walling, 1885-9.\nHistory of Southern Oregon. Portland, Oregon, 1884.\nHistory of the Origins of the Oregon Statesman. Ladd and Bush\nQuarterly, 3:311. April, 1915.\n'*\u00a3\u2022%! 11 262\nFlora Belle Ludington\nHorner, J. B. Oregon, Her History, Her Great Men, Her Literature.\nCorvallis, Oregon Gazette-Times, 1919.\nIllustrated History of Lane County, Oregon. Portland, Walling, 1884.\nLang, H. O. ed. History of the Willamette Valley. Portland, Himes,\n1885.\nLockley, Fred. {Notes on Oregon Newspapers), Portland Oregonian,\nJune 27, 1923; June 28, 1923; December 17, 1923.\nLord, Mrs. Elizabeth. Reminiscences of Eastern Oregon. Portland,\nIrwin-Hodson, 1903.\nLyman, H. S. History of Oregon, the Growth of an American State.\n4v. N. Y., North Pacific Publishing Society, 1903. \\\nNewspapers in Oregon. Portland Daily Advertiser, p. 3. January 1,\n1861.\nPortland Directory, v. 1-9, 1863-71. Portland, McCormick, 1863-71.\nRhodes, J. F. Newspapers as Historical Sources. Atlantic Monthly,\n103:650-57. May, 1909.\nSalmon, L. M. The Newspaper and the Historian. N. Y., Oxford University Press, 1923.\nScott, L. M. Oregon History Writers and Their Materials. Quarterly\nof the Oregon Historical Society, 25:284-93. September, 1924.\nWoodward, W. C. The Rise and Early History of Political Parties\nin Oregon, 1843-1868. Portland, Gill, 1913.\nN. B.\u2014The Oregon Newspapers, 1846-70, preserved in the Oregon\nHistorical Society Library and Portland Public Library were examined\nfor the preparation of this bibliography. The Sacramento Union and the\nSan Francisco Bulletin, in the Bancroft Historical Library at University of\nCalifornia, were also used.\n\u2014~**m 1\nEXTRACTS FROM THE EMMONS JOURNAL\nExtracts from the Journal of Lieut. George Foster\nEmmons, U. S. Navy, attached to the U. S. Exploring\nExpedition1, who after the wreck of the sloop-of-war\nPeacock at the mouth of the Columbia river2, took charge\nof a party of scientists of the expedition, and others, and\nmade his way overland through a comparatively unexplored country to San Francisco Bay, rejoining his squadron.\nThe following pages are descriptive of Fort Vancouver where the party outfitted and of the courtesy and\nkindly offices of Mr. Douglas (afterward Sir James Douglas) and Dr. John McLoughlin, Chief Factors of the\nHudson's Bay Company in charge of that Post.\nGeorge Thornton Emmons,\nFebruary, 1925. Lieut. U. S. Navy, Ret.\nJuly 25, 1841\u2014\nAbout 3 P. M. boarded the American Brig \"Thos.\nPerkins\",3 Capt. Varney, at anchor in the river abreast\nof Vancouver, for the purpose of ablution & changing our\nclothes prior to paying our respects to the H's. B. Co*\nOfficials at the Fort. At the same time made arrangements with Capt. V. to receive and mess my men on board\nof his brig. As soon as church service was concluded\nvisited the Fort where we were received by Dr. McLaughlin and Mr. Douglas (both Chief Factors of the Co.), and\ncomfortably quartered in a large wooden building within\nthe picketed enclosure. Upon making the object of my\nvisit known to Dr. McLaughlin, I received an assurance\nfrom him that he would afford me every facility within\nhis power to forward my plans. This being one of the\nmost important stations of the Co., I will now add a few\nfacts in connection with a Diagram4 which will convey\n1 Charles Wilkes, Commander, whose five volume published report of\nthe cruise is commonly known as Wilke's Narrative.\n2 A dangerous sand-bar off Cape Disappointment has ever since^ carried the name of Peacock Spit. For account of the wreck see Wilkes'\nNarrative, Vol. IV, pp. 485-496.\n3 Purchased by Commander Wilkes and renamed the Oregon. See\nWilkes1 Narrative, Vol. V, p. 115; also see Bancroft's Northwest Coast,\nVol. II, p. 639 and 686; also Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. I, p. 198.\n4 For similar diagram by Lieut. Vavasour see Oregon Historical\nQuarterly, Vol. X, No. 1. For description of the fort see Wilkes* Narrative, Vol. IV, pp. 328-36; also John Dunn's Oregon Territory, pp. 101-04.\n1\nI\n. i'\"\/.\u25a0\u00ab'\/\u2022* \u25a0\u2022 'i ;'*=\n1\nT^ifiB'V f *\nH\n\u00a3' '\u2022\u2022\u25a0\u2022-' ;\u2022',..'. **\"\n1\n%fe'i?\n*,;\n''\u2022 \u2022\u2022'*,;''\u2022 *.\"'-'\"'\n\u00ab\".\n^.;i-rij\u00bb ->-. i\niMlfcif\n\u25a0?\u25a0'.}\u2022\u25a0:\/\u25a0\nfW* t',,4 \/,'\ni- .\u00ab\u2022' \u2022\u25a0 'is!i! \u00abj\nV ?.*\u00ab,!\u25ba\nhmm\n.f.\nI\nmm\n1\nW\u00abm\n*i\nrmml\n1\n9\nyf Ji...\"-,. -1\n\u00ab 1\niiiaii W\n264\nGeorge Thornton Emmons\nsome idea of its plan & importance, although I do not\nvouch for its being correct in every particular.\nfl i\n8 2\/.\nHi\n\/*.\na\nH,\n\/*.\n\/v,\n11,\nSKETCH OF FORT VANCOUVER ON THE COLUMBIA RIVER, JULY, 1841, BY\nLIEUT. GEO. F. EMMONS, U. S. N., OF U. S. EXPLORING EXPEDITION.\nmm The Emmons Journal 265\nLEGEND\nCommander's residence\u2014Dr. McLaughlin and Mr. Douglas.\nCommander's kitchen and servants' quarters.\nChaplain or Governor's temporary residence.\nClerk's Office\u2014meteorological obj. made, etc.\nChapel for Catholic and Episcopal services.\nBakery\u2014where soft bread and tea biscuit are baked.\nWash room, etc\nQuarters for subordinate officers and their families.\n. Blacksmith shop\u2014four furnaces.\nStore house (Called Missionary Store, having been used by the American\nMissionaries to store their property.)\nCarpenter's shop.\nIndian trade store, hospital, dispensary, etc.\nBuilding for furs.\nMagazine\u2014the only brick building.\nGeneral store house, provisions, dry goods, hardware, etc\nGeneral store house, provisions, dry goods, hardware, etc.\nGeneral store house, provisions, dry goods, hardware, etc.\nGranary.\nTwo large field pieces mounted or.- carriages\u2014the latter defective.\nBell stand or belfry.\nA deep weU in which the water rises and falls with the tide.\n23, 23. Entrances through folding gates.\nThe whole enclosure about 700 feet by 400, the posts\nforming the stockade being of pine, from 8 to 10 inches in\ndiameter and about 20 ft long, 2 or 3 feet of which is\nburied in the earth to support the upright & as additional\nsupport pieces of scantlings are pinned together on either\nside near the top and bottom, running the whole length,\nand from the upper row of these an occasional brace led\nto the ground forming a lateral support like\nNearly all the posts are more or less decayed at the surface of the earth, and will soon require replacing by\nothers.\nIndependent of this there is a Hospital near the river\nbank, also stockaded, a Coopers shop, Boat House and\nseveral other out buiildings about the premises, besides a\nmm\nk;:r,;;y;\nmm\n\u2022' m\n**&SS 266\nGeorge Thornton Emmons\nsmall village of about 30 buildings occupied by the servants of the Co. and their families. All of these buildings\nare wood, generally hewn logs, like the universal log\nHouse of Canada. There is also a spacious garden just\nback of the stockade, which now produces a large variety\nof vegetables, Apples, Pears, Gooseberries, Strawberries,\ncurrents &c.\nJuly 26, 1841.\nWeather warm & sultry, during the day a light air\nfrom the Westd. Obtained equal altitude sights to regulate\na pocket chronometer that had been saved from the\nwreck and was furnished me without a rate. Mr. Douglas\nkindly took me about the Fort to show me the interior\nof the different buildings and residences of the Co. Found\nquite a large variety and quantity of stores and furs on\nhand, much order and system in the general arrangement,\nand the strictest attention and obedience observed by the\nsubordinents to the directions of their superior.\nClear at night got obts' of the N star for Lat. Mr.\nDrayton5 arrived from Walla Walla. A rumor reached the\nFort that a Party under Capt Walker6 (an old mountainer\nmentioned by Washington Irving in Capt Bonneville's\nwork) had been cut off by the Indians and all massacried\nsome where near Fort Hall.\nJuly 27, 1841.\nWeather much the same, generally cloudy in the mornings clearing up by meri and remaining clear during\nmost of the night. Very busy in collecting together the\nnecessary articles to equip the Party, the Co. being'unable to furnish enough pack saddles & Parfleshs. Dis-\n5 Mr. Joseph Drayton, artist and one of the draughtsmen of the expedition, who ascended the Columbia as far as the trading post known\nas Fort Nez Perce or Walla Walla in company with Peter Skene Ogden.\nSee Wilkes' Narrative, Vol. IV, Chapter II; also see Oregon Historical\nQuarterly, Vol. XI, p. 270.\n6 A false rumor. For Joseph R. Walker see Irving's Rocky Mountains,\n1837 edition, Vol. I, p. 30; also Palmer's Journal {Early Western Travels)\nVol. 30, p. 70. The Emmons Journal\n267\npatched Mr. Rodgers7 to the Qualatin settlement to endeavor to engage the necessary number & at the same\ntime to make definite arrangements with the residents\nthere, who had already volunteered to accompany our\nparty, to be ready at such a time to meet me at the disembarking place of the Walamat, bringing with them\ntheir animals. Mr. Drayton was to have accompanied\nMr. R., but found the canoe too small. Dispatched Mr.\nBurnie's8 canoe back to Fort Geo with a letter to Capt\nHudson9, and towards sunset Capt Wilkes' canoe left\nunder charge of his servant, accompanied by a batteau\nfurnished by Dr McLaughlin, to convey articles purchased\nfor the \"Peacock's\" officers and crew, to Astoria, owing\nto the recommendation of the Co* Officers. Purchassed\ndressed deer skins and had them smoked previous to\nbeing made into trousers and moccasins for each of the\nparty, these being considered quite necessary to resist\nthe scratches that one is subject to in travelling much in\nmountainous portions of this country. One of my men is\nsick, the remainder running balls, making provision bags\n&c. Scientific gentlemen variously occupied. Dr McL\u2014\nthinking to make me more comfortable insisted upon my\nvacating a small room in No. 9 & taking No. 3 where he\nfrequently called to see if his servants had attended to\nall my wants agreeable to his instructions\u2014this they were\nsure to do, for his power is despotic here, and all have\nlearned to obey, and possessing as I believe he has, a\ngood heart & general knowledge of the world & mankind,\nenables him to anticipate nearly all our wants, which are\nnone the less for having lately been shipwrecked. Obs\nequal alts of the sun & at night got an alt. of Polaris.\nJuly 28, 1841.\nWmli\n7 George Rodgers, listed as private or civilian of the Expedition.\n8 James Birnie, a prominent trader of the H. B. Co., then in charge of\nFort George (Astoria), who was presented with the silver service by the\nofficers of the Peacock in recognition of generous assistance rendered at\nthe time of the wreck. He came to the Oregon country in 1818, retired\nfrom the service in 1845 and died at Cathlamet, Wash., in 1864.\n9 William L. Hudson, Captain of the Peacock. -\n268\nGeorge Thornton Emmons\nI. '\u25a0 '\nHI \u25a0tiK\n%M ;\"i\n:\u00ab\u00bb\nk*\nfi >%i 'ifi SflPi\nK'-jmH\nNo material change in wind or weather, heat rather\noppressive during the day, the thermometer standing at\n86\u00b0 in the shade at sunset. Dr McL\u2014 furnished me an\napparatus for determining the heights of mountains by\nboiling water, such as has lately been used by the Co's\nofficers in crossing the Rocky Mountains, principally on\naccount of its portableness\u2014 by several experiments made\nthe boiling points at Vancouver 213 25\/100\u00b0, but not\nknowing its gage at the level of the sea am unable at\npresent to estimate the alt. of the Fort above the latter\nupon such data. Men employed working at suits,\nbags, tapolins and fitting axe helves. Capt Varney lost a\nman by desertion. The Co. do not countenance men who\nleave vessels under such circumstances and will lend their\naid in detecting them. Accompanied Dr McL\u2014 to their\nmills about six miles up the river on the N bank, both\nsituated directly on the bank on beautiful never failing\nstreams of water which spring from the earth near by,\nso near that soon after leaving the mills drank from the\nsource of one. Both the flour mill and the saw mill are\ncarried by overshot wheels, the former has one set of\nstone, which more than answers all the present demands\nof the Co. The latter runs 9 saws, & I think Dr McL told\nme, turned out 2500 feet of lumber daily, employing\nfrom 25 to 30 men, and about 12 yoke of oxen. Most all\nof these men I observed were Sandwich Islanders, their\nration consists principally of smoked salmon \u2014 sea bic-\ncuit, and the pay of each 17 pounds per an. Thus the Co.\nis selecting the choice timber from our forests and supplying the Sandwich Island & California market their\nvessels coming up the river and loading at the mill. About\n% mile back from this shore is an open high prairie\nwhere one of their shepherds resides and looks out for a\nlarge flock of sheep & a few cattle.\n29 & 30 July, 1841.\nWeather much the same. Ther' 88\u00b0 in the shade. Not\nwell. The H. B. Cos sloop Victoria arrived from Fort The Emmons Journal\n269\nGeo bringing an addition to our party of Corporal Hughes,\nprivate Marsh & Smith and 6 barrels of pork for the use\nof our party, only had occasion for 1% barrels, stored the\nremainder. Heard the Vincennes would be off the Bar\nby the 1st of Aug. Obtained a Bowditch from Capt Var-\nney. Mr. Smith10 & wife attached to the American B. C. F.\nmission, who for some time had been staying here, removed on board the Thos. Perkins to take passage in her\nto the Sandwich Islands. Afterwards learned that during the last 8 years, American missionaries had frequently stopped here for weeks & months with their wives\npartaking of the Company's hospitality and attended by\nthe Company's servants gratis. During the day measured\nthe alt. of the high prairie land back of the fort and about\n14 mile from the River upon which old Fort Vancouver11\nformerly stood originally selected on account of its commanding position, at a time when the surrounding Indians were hostile, but vacated when the latter became\nfriendly and no longer required watching for the present\nlocation which possesses superior advantages on account\nof its nearer approximation to the River which is the\ngreat thoroughfare of the country. Found it 61 feet above\nthe low bottom immediately skirting the River & the\nlatter about 15 feet above the river water when at a low\nstage. Upon this first bottom stands a small lake well\nstored with fish. Much of it however is subject to inundation, when the Cos. crops are liable to suffer, that\nportion of it laying in a line with Mt Hood from the\nFort being quite level. I measured a base nearly the\nwhole length of it, 9220 feet for the purpose of obtaining\nsome data for estimating the Alt. of the Peak, it being\n*m&\nlife!\n10 Rev. A. B. Smith, who had carried on missionary work among the\nNez Perce Indians for about three years, and was leaving the country\nbecause of ill-health and local jealousies.\n11 See Wilkes' Narrative, Vol. IV, p. 358, for mention of this site,\nwhich is now occupied in part by the Washington State School for the\nDeaf. The Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. IV. p. 397, has a fine mention of this location. Am\nijmi t\n>Vl\ntfliSr.\njPH\nIra w*#I$rC\n270\nGeorge Thornton Emmons\nthe most prominent one in this portion of the country.\nMy levels however from either end of this base only\ndiffered 10\" & being obliged to depend upon the correctness of my eye for a level, concluded that I might as well\ndepend upon the general estimated distance (until I had\nan opportunity of measuring a longer base) which being\n55 miles would make its altitude above Vancouver 13090\nfeet or if 60 miles as some suppose, it would be 14390\nfeet bearing pr. comp. N 88\u00b040' East.12\nJuly 31, 1841.\nCloudy until 10 A. M. then clear and warm the remainder of the day, with light variable winds. Capt\nVarney took his departure for Fort George in the Brig\nThos. Perkins, when Dr McL. furnished me a house on\nthe bank of the river for my men to mess in, had various\nduties that kept the latter continually employed. Mr.\nRodgers returned from the settlement having engaged\nthe services of several Americans & obtained the promise\nthat others would be ready, with the material required\nto complete our equipment as soon as we met at the\nappointed rendezvous in the Walhamet. Having this assurance, I was determined to leave here the earliest possible time, as the Indians were just commencing to burn\nthe country, thereby interposing an obstacle that increased with my delay.\nAugust 1, 1841.\nWind and weather the same. Being Sunday Episcopal\nand Catholic service was performed within the Fort,\nMr. Douglas officiating in the former at his residence &\nDr. McLaughlin in the latter at the Chapel. I was present\nat the former and witnessed a very respectable and general attendance, principally the Cos Officers and their families. The choir was led by a band of little boys & girls,\n12 The elevation of Mt. Hood is now charted as 11,225 feet, located\nbout 55 miles east and 15 miles south of Fort Vancouver.\nm& The Emmons Journal\n271\nW\n\u00abMJ\ngenerally half-breeds and mostly orphans who have come\nunder the patronage of the Co. in various ways and are\nbeing educated and instructed in a manner that doubtless\nconfer reciprocal benefits in time. Towards evening accompanied Dr McL. to his wheat fields and sheep farm\ndown the river. The former were quite ready for harvesting, yielding bountiful crops averaging probably 30\nbushels to the acre, low prairie ground. While upon this\nsubject I will mention a fact which may not be common\u2014\nadjoining the Fort there is a small bed of wheat that Dr\nMcL. sowed for a sample, among this I saw 88 distinct\nshoots or spears of wheat springing from one seed and\nupon counting the kernels in one head found that they\naveraged about 60 making a total increase of 5279\nkernels.13 The sheep were attended by a shepherd, all in\nexcellent order, of several different breeds but principally\nCalifornian. Many had been imported from England at\nconsiderable expense, and were among the largest that I\nhave ever seen. Upon the prairie farm there is a lake14 or\nnarrow sheet of still water that connects with the Columbia many miles below and during high water is generally\nascended by the Indians in their canoes to avoid the\nrapid current in the river, the portage at the head of this\nlake being narrow is easily overcome with light canoes.\nIt was here that I first learned that pig would voluntarily\ndive under water, Dr McL\u2014 assuring me that he had\nfrequently witnessed this curious anamoly and watched\nthem until they reached' the shore & dispatched their\nprize which was nothing more or less than a species of\nclam or oyster. Just above this lake and upon the lower\npart of the prairie cool & wholsome water bubbles from\nthe mellow earth at the rate of about 5 galls per minute.\nAt this place we were refreshed with some lemonade,\none of the Cos. servants having arrived with the neces-\n13 A not unusual occurrence in the wheat fields of Eastern Oregon\nand Washington with certain varieties of wheat.\n14 Vancouver Lake, west of present city of Vancouver, Wash.\nM%W 272\nGeorge Thornton Emmons\n! RHi\"'\n'\u25a0 l&i\nsary ingredients. Several large families of Indians encamped under the shade of large oaks on the prairie, the\nboughs of the latter being their only covering, miserably\nclad, ugly and dirty in the extreme, they had some wild\nducks, hazel nuts and several kinds of berries, some of\ntheir childrens heads were being attended to in the process of being flattened.15 Finished my obs upon the N\nstar, the means of placing this Fort in Lat 45\u00b0 36' 26 N.\nAugust 2nd, 1841.\nWind and weather continuing the same. During the\nday sent letters to Astoria, computed one outfit, taking\nsome additional articles through the recommendation of\nMr. Douglass. And about 3 30 pm, having returned many\nthanks to Dr McLaughlin & Mr Douglas for their marked\nattention & many kindnesses to myself & party, embarked upon the Columbia in a bateau furnished by the\nCo. which easily carried all my party now consisting of\nMessers Peal, Rich, Agate, Dr Whittle, Mr Rodgers,\nDoughty, Sutton, Merzer, Corpl. Hughes, Privates Smith\n& Marsh. Mr Steel the principal shepherd of the Co. who\ngoes as far as Multnomah to deliver over the Cos horses\nto us & 3 men to return with the boat; and all our arms,\nammunition, instruments & provisions amounting in all\nto about 50 packs, each averaging 90 lbs, consisting principally of peas, flour, pork, salt, tallow & hard biscuit.\nDescending the Columbia passed into the upper mouth of\nthe Walhamet, then down the southern side of the Island\nof Multnomah16, and finally landed on the Southern bank\nof the Walamat about sun-set, at the appointed rencfez-\nmm\n15 A custom common to the Chinookan family of Indians, which extended up the Columbia beyond the Cascades. The custom never prevailed\namong the Rocky Mountain Indians and may have been applied there\nbecause of the presence among those tribes of some slaves captured\nfrom the Chinooks.\n16 Wapato Island of Lewis and Clark; now Sauvies Island, so named\nafter a retired servant of the H. B. Co., who settled there. One channel\nof the Willamette River, which was formerly much used by light-draft\nriver steamers, separates this island from the main land of Oregon.\nmM The Emmons Journal\n273\nvous,17 and directly opposite Wyeth's old fort,18 the place\nbeing now converted into a Dairy by the H. B. Co. where\nthey have a large stock of cattle and horses and make\nbutter for a foreign market.\n17 For earlier mention of this* place see Journal of John Work in Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. 24, pp. 238-68. Here began the road used\nby traders and trappers and travelers from the Columbia river to California, overland.\n18 This assists in the identification of a very historic spot in Oregon\nwhere Nathaniel Wyeth, of Cambridge, Mass., established his Fort William in 1834 in opposition to the H. B. Company. He was afterward\ncompelled to dispose of both property and business to the larger company,\nbut at a very fair consideration.\nN. B.\u2014Lieut. Geo. Thornton Emmons, (now retired from active\nservice), has kindly furnished this copy from his father's journal at the\nrequest of Mr. T. C. Elliott, who has prepared the explanatory notes.\nIt is our hope and expectation to print in some later number of the\nQuarterly the remainder of the journal covering the overland journey of\nthe party across Oregon and California to 'San Francisco.\nThe Editor.\ny&iiieM\nwm. *.1\n,.*>-.\"-\n-'\u2022\"Hm J\nV'V'?*-'\n\u00bb** %\nw%\n;;;>:,,,\nw4\nm\nMIS\n*\\NVV\n*l 'iii\nHr\n\u25a0 ^Vni\nv'll;\n.:'<*>\u2022\n:<: T\\\n^th;\nf \u25a0 % *\nj* tf^ v|><( gig\nTtf\n*x \\ ml\nM i\nAN ERROR CONCERNING FINLAY'S JOURNAL\nBy Marion O'Neil\nBecause of certain references in Bancroft to a Journal\nby James Finlay many students have been led astray.\nDiligent search has failed to reveal the journal or even\nletters of James Finlay in the Bancroft Library, nor\nhave I learned of any being elsewhere. The trouble has\nbeen caused by an error in the title of the manuscript\nreferred to. In Bancroft's History of the Northwest Coast,\nII. there are three erroneous citations in the footnotes\nto Finlay's Journal. In each case the name Finlay's\nJournal has been substituted for Fraser's First Journal.\nThey are as follows:\nPage 87, note 2> \"Upon the bank of the stream, says\nMr. Fraser nine years after, 'we found the old Barbue\nin the very identical spot he was found by Mr. Finlay\nin the summer of 1797.' Finlay's Journal, MS., 108.\"\nPage 97, note 12, \"Parsnip River, or south Branch,\non some maps is called Peace River, while Finlay River\nis put down as a branch, whereas the fact is the reverse.\nRegarding these streams Fraser says: 'This river at its\nconfluence with the Peace River is large, and appears to\ncontain a large quantity of water, and the Indians say it\nis navigable a considerable way up, and that beaver, bear,\nand large animals of all kind are amazing numerous.'\nFinlay's Journal, MS., 28-30.\"\nPage 103- note 20, \"There was a portage of a mile\nand a half at most from one of the lakes beyond Trout\nLake into a fine navigable river, and no rapids, that\nflows into the Columbia.' Finlay's Journal, MS., 114.\"\nThe above passages are all exact quotations from\nFraser's First Journal. In each one the page reference is\ncorrect for that manuscript.\nThe Finlay referred to was James Finlay,1 son of the\nL Bancroft, Northwest Coast, II, 87. Finlay's Journal Error\n274\nJames Finlay who was one of the earliest British traders\non the Saskatchewan.2 James, the son, was an apprentice-clerk to Gregory, McLeod and Company of Montreal,\nmerchants in the Indian trade. In JJ875 James Junior and\nRoderick McKenzie, an apprentice-clerk in the same firm,\njourneyed westward to begin their adventures in the\nIndian country.3 In October, 1792, young Finlay was in\ncharge of the most westerly of the forts on Peace River.\nAlexander Mackenzie stopped at this fort three days4 on\nhis way to build his winter quarters farther up on the\nsame river about six miles above the mouth of Smoky\nRiver, from where he would set out in the early spring\non his expedition to the Pacific Ocean.5 In a letter dated\n\"Forks of Peace River 10 January 1793,\" Mackenzie\nwrites to his cousin Roderick who had been left in charge\nof Fort Chipewean, \"I would take Finlay. but he is of a\nweak constitution.\"6\nIt was in 1797 that James Finlay made an exploring\ntrip to the region west of the Rocky Mountains. Simon\nFraser and John Stuart in their journals from Rocky\nMountain Portage 1805-1806, frequently refer to Finlay's\nRiver, and Fraser tells us in his journal, and again in\nhis letter to James McDougall,7 that Finlay was on the\nParsnip River in 1797. The extent of Finlay's travels\ndoes not appear, but the incidents referred to occurred\nnear the source of the Parsnip River.\nThe Finlay River was explored to its source, Lake\nThutade, in 1824 by John Finlay.8 L. J. Burpee in The\n2 Cocking, Matthew, Journal, Royal Society of Canada, Transactions,\nSer. 3, II, Sec. 2, p. 101.\n3 Masson, Bourgeois, I 7 et seq.\n4 Mackenzie, Voyages, 125-127.\n5 Davidson, The North West Company, 63.\n3 Masson, Bourgeois, I, 7 et seq.\n7 Fraser, First Journal, MS., 108; Fraser to James McDougall, Letters,\nMS., 13.\n8 Finlay, John, A Voyage of Discovery from the Rocky Mountain\nPortage on the Peace River to the Sources of Finlay's Branch and Northwestward, Summer 1824. MS.\nmm\nmm\nmm\nB&mIII 275\nMarion O'Neil\nmt\nSearch for the Western Sea says that the Finlay mentioned by Mackenzie as being in charge of the fort on\nPeace River where he passed the three days, October\n20-23, 1792, was the \"John Finlay who explored the river\nwhich bears his name to its source in 1824,\"9 but does not\ncite an authority for his identification of the Mr. Finlay.\nAs the river had been called Finlay's River for about\ntwenty-seven years, ever since James Finlay had been\nthere in 1797, it would be interesting to know if James\nand John were the same Finlay, and if so\u00bb why the name\nwas changed.\n9 Burpee, The Search for the Western Sea, 445, note 1. THE UPPER MISSOURI HISTORICAL EXPEDITION\nJULY 16-21, 1925.\nWith its \"Upper Missouri Historical Expedition\" the\nGreat Northern Railway Company began a challenge to\nthe American public to make its travel more stimulative\nto higher interests and also with this enterprise this railway corporation makes a continuing appeal to the communities along its route to cooperate in exploring the\nwealth of cultural background of their home regions. To\nserve as an enduring means for kindling this new historical consciousness among the Great Northern patrons,\nmonuments were with fitting ceremonies dedicated on\nthe historic sites along its route in North Dakota and\nMontana during a July week.\nThe \"Upper Missouri Special,\" starting from St. Paul\non the evening of July 16, bore northwestward President\nBudd and his co-workers in this enterprise along with\nrepresentatives from the historical societies of the Missouri Valley states and historians who had made special\nstudies of the exploration and early trading activities in\nthis region. At Verendrye, a small town a little to the\nnorthwest of the center of North Dakota, the expedition\nwas joined by a small delegation that had come eastward\nfrom the Pacific coast. This town (formerly Falsen) on\nthe Mouse River, a tributary to the Assiniboine flowing\ninto Lake Winnipeg, had been renamed \"Verendrye\" to\ncommemorate the fact that up the water course on its\nborder Verendrye had proceeded in the interest of France\nin 1738, intent on visiting the Mandans from whom he\nwould get aid towards consummating his long cherished\nproject of crossing the continent to the Pacific. Fifty-\nnine years later, in 1797, up this same stream came David\nThompson as the geographer or exploring agent of the\nBritish Northwest Fur Company. To commemorate the\nachievements of Thompson, whose indefatigable explorations for the most accurate mapping of this belt of the\nIt*;! \\*\nZ&Vm mm\n277\nF. G. Young\nr<\nfl r\u00bb,S\"H8\ncontinent entitle him to a high rank among the geographers of all time, a monument in the form of a huge granite\nglobe grooved with parallel and meridian lines had been\nplaced on a commanding point on the bank of the Mouse,\nnear where the bridge of the Great Northern spans that\nstream.\nIt was a lovely Dakota day. The people from a wide\nrange of the surrounding country congregated. The Governor of North Dakota presided. A most impressive\nand fitting prayer was offered. The \"Great Northern\nSongsters\" sang appropriate songs and the story of the\nheroic purpose and strenuous undertaking of Verendrye\nand his sons and of the life and most effective services\nof David Thompson were forcefully told in papers by\nLawrence J. Burpee, of Ottawa, and T. C. Elliott, of\nWalla Walla. A community picnic in the grove down\nby the edge of the river and athletic games followed.\nThe historical expedition then proceeded by train\nand by autos on westward some thirty-seven miles to the\nenterprising city of Minot. Remarkably rich zoo collections, in its spacious park areas were viewed and in the\nevening the members of the expedition were feted with\na banquet at which addresses were given by a number\nof the distinguished people of the company including\nMajor General Hugh L. Scott. During the night the\n\"Upper Missouri Special\" took the expedition on to the\nsite of Fort Union on the north bank of the Missouri\nand at a point directly on the present boundary line between North Dakota and Montana. Fort Union for some\nforty years following 1829 was the chief trading post\nof the American Fur Company. To it the Indians of the\nten or more tribes frequenting this region were accustomed to take their collections of furs for trade. And\nthere on this morning of the 18th of July their leaders\nof the present generation were in full force, camped and\nready for a day of historical council and festivity. Tribal L\nUpper Missouri Historical Expedition\n278\ngroups bedecked in gayest and gaudiest trappings were\nsoon arranged in a semicircle in front of the speakers'\nstand. Major General Scott, who in his long army service\nhad maintained most fraternal relations with them, spoke,\nusing both oral and sign languages. The chiefs of the\nvarious tribes responded. The head of the Bureau of\nIndian Affairs and the Chairman of the House Committee on Indian Relations were also heard. A pageant of\nflag raising followed\u2014the French, the English and the\nAmerican in order. That of the United States remaining\nto wave from the top of the newly erected pole. In the\nafternoon and evening there were displays, dances and\ncontests and the initiation of some of the notables of\nthe expedition, including Associate Justice Pierce Butler\nof the United States Supreme Court, into the Blackfeet\ntribe.\nThe expedition then proceeded by train westward to\nthe Montana town of Havre, from which a side trip in\nautos was made to the scene of the last stand and capitulation of Chief Joseph and his band of Nez Perces in the\nautumn of 1877. Chief Joseph with his people, including\nwomen and children, but with not more than three hundred warriors, had retreated nearly two thousand miles\nthrough the enemy's country. He had met the United\nStates troops eleven times, and had fought five pitched\nbattles with them, of which he had won three, drew one\nand lost one. The total force opposing him was nearly\ntwo thousand men. General Miles coming from the east\nintercepted him at Bear Paw% Mountain, and as a fall of\nsnow deprived the Indians of fuel, brought about their\nsurrender. The salient features of this story and the\nprowess of General Miles as an Indian fighter were related on the spot by General Scott. A survivor who had\nparticipated in the affair also added graphic details.\nThe expedition the next morning, the 20th, arrived at\nGlacier Park. It retraced its course a few miles to the\nstation Meriwether. Here a granite shaft had been\nJfPtfH\nmm\n;y\/'\u2022\u25a0;-\u2022\u00bb,-;;> 279\nF. G. Young\nI.T \u00ab fH\n>>v\n.1 |&\na ,\u25a0 v, ^.\n01*5\nmw\nplaced to commemorate the terminus of the trip of Meriwether Lewis, of the Lewis and Clark Expedition in 1806,\nfor determining the northern limit of the Missouri river\nbasin. Governor J. E. Erickson presided here as he had\nat Fort Union. The dedicatory address was made by\nthe Hon. Sidney M. Logan.\nOn the 21st the expedition proceeded to the summit of\nthe Rocky Mountains in Marias Pass. Here on a ledge\noverlooking the Great Northern line of railway had been\nerected a statue in heroic bronze of John Frank Stevens\nas he appeared in 1889, when in his reconnaissance he\ndetermined the signal adaptability of this pass for the\nGreat Northern's route across the Rocky Mountains. Mr.\nStevens himself was there and graciously and gracefully\nresponded after John Frank Stevens III had unveiled\nthe statue. Judge Charles H. Carey presided. Robert\nRidgway, president of the American Society of Civil\nEngineers, and Associate Justice Pierce Butler presented\njust the sentiments the occasion in honor of this engineer\nof transcendent achievements called for. These exercises\nwere a beautiful climax to the series in the itinerary of\nthe expedition.\nSurely, such recountings of salient phases of the\ngreat historical drama enacted on the Plains and in the\nInter-mountain country during the romantic era of these\nregions and such monuments placed to symbolize leadership in these achievements should enliven interest, activity and life in that country and the railway that sponsors\nall this will evoke every scintilla of good will and cooperation its public is capable of. Furthermore, its plans\nfor the coming year naturally include the continuation\nof this historical illumination of the country served by\nthe Great Northern lines and subsidiaries, extending\nfrom the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific coast.\n\u2014-*\u00abfl| Wit*\nErrata\nThrough the courtesy of Superintendent Doane Robinson the following corrections of errors in the translation reprinted of the Verendrye Journal are possible:\nPage 102, \"December 14\" should be \"December 4.\"\nPage 104, \"At six in the morning\" should be \"the\nsixth, in the morning.\"\nPage 106, \"Six days after the Assiniboines left\"\nshould be \"the sixth, after the departure of the Assini-\nboin.\"\nPage 108\u00bb \"December 4\" should be \"December 7.\"\nK*>#\n'vStfflJ\nwp*;,\u00ab' \u00bbv\n14'\/ v\nJEWS!\n\u00a3v'-'-'v fj\n%:w*mm iilil\nwH>\n>^ \u25a0'\u2022!.\u00ab\u25a0\nmm\n- ' \u00abmm prai \u25a0 \u25a0\u25a0\u25a0II \u25a0 J f Jj\nmml\nTHE OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY\nOrganized December 17, 1898\nKSp\u00a9\nFREDERICK V. HOLMAN - - - - - - President\nCHARLES B. MOORES - - - - - - Vice-President\nF. G. YOUNG ------ \"flr\" I Secretary\nLADD & TILTON BANK ----- ||; Treasurer\nGEORGE H. HIMES, Curator\nKj|*->j{'!\nDIRECTORS\nTHE GOVERNOR OF OREGON, ex-officio\nTHE SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, ex-offia\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1926\nCHARLES H. CAREY, B. B. BEEKMAN\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1926\nLESLIE M. SCOTT, JOHN GILL\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1927\nP. H. D'ARCY, T. C. ELLIOTT\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1928\nLEWIS A. McARTHUR, FRED W. WILSON\nfflfi\nThe Quarterly is sent free to all members of the Society. The annual dues are\ntwo dollars. The fee for life membership is twenty-five dollars.\nContributions to The Quarterly and correspondence relative to historical materials, or pertaining to the affairs of this Society, should be addressed to\nF. G. YOUNG, Secretary, '\nEugene, Oregon\nSubscriptions for The Quarterly, or for other publications of the Society, should\nbt sent to\nBARBARA C. ELLIOTT, Ass't Secretary,\nPublic Auditorium,\nThird St., between Clay and Market Sts.,\nPortland, Oregon\n-^met L\nTHE QUARTERLY\nof die\nOregon Historical Society\nVolume XXVI\nDECEMBER, 1925\nNumber 4\nCopyright, 1923, by the Oregon Historical Society\nThe Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors\nto its pages.\nNrsil\nPwrfW.\nCONTENTS\nCharles H. Carey\u2014The Creation of Oregon as a State -\nLewis A. McArthur\u2014Oregon Geographic Names *jSgS\u00a7\nO. Larsell\u2014Joseph Henry Wythe, 1822-1901 -^g^^SM\nVirginia Nesbit\u2014Sarah Helmick and Helmick Park - - -\nPages\n- 281-308\n- 309-423\n- 424-443\n- 444-447\nPRICE: FIFTY CENTS PER NUMBER, TWO DOLLARS PER YEAR\nJHitered at the post office at Portland, Oregon, as second-class matter\nM$*&i\nt*M iilK\n\u25a0UHl\n[#*!\nM\nam\n\u2022rffi\nin THE QUARTERLY\nof the\nOregon Historical Society\nVolume XXVI\nDECEMBER, 1925\nCopyright, 1928, by the Oregon Historical Society\nThe Quarterly disavows responsibility for the positions taken by contributors\nto its pages.\nTHE CREATION OF OREGON AS A STATE*\nBy Charles H. Carey\nI.\nIntroductory\nImmediately after Oregon was organized as a Territory it began to aspire to statehood. In fact, at the very\nfirst session of the new territorial legislature the formation of a constitution for a state was proposed, and in\nthe following ten years, that covered the life of the\nTerritory, the question of statehood was voted upon by\nthe people several times.\nThe territorial government had begun to function\nimmediately upon the arrival at Oregon City of General\nJoseph Lane, of Indiana, who had been appointed by\nPresident Polk as governor, and who had traveled to\nOregon in company with Joseph Meek, the newly appointed United States marshal. Polk's administration,\nwhich was to end on the inauguration of his successor,\nMarch 4, 1849, was entitled to the credit of having\nsettled the long pending Oregon Question, and of having\nnegotiated with success the boundary treaty with Great\nBritain. It was during this administration that the bill\norganizing Oregon Territory had been passed, after bitter\nand protracted debates, and the new officers owed their\n\u2666The substance of this paper was given in an address by its author\nat the Annual Meeting of the Oregon Historical Society, October 24, 1925.\n.-IP-^'vi\n,!-.rV\"'>- -v.\" \u2022\n\u25a0*%$-\u25a0\u2022 )'\u25a0\u25a0\nimm\n.\u25a0#M-;f WtKi\n\u2022 i.-..' v .\u25a0 m9\n\u25a0f\u00bbiwii\nm^*M\n*. \\*\u00ab*^fjjii\nt^f^fJMsl\n\u25a0\u25a0\u25a0\u2022\"'>'::\u2022-: f' &%\n282\nCharles H. Carey\n;&*$\n111\nliplfl\n\u00ab3 \\\nmmm\n\u25a0m\nfM Eftj.\nappointments to President Polk. Lane very earnestly\ndesired to effect the change from the Provisional Government to the Territory while Polk was still president,\nand in spite of delays incident to the long journey by way\nof Leavenworth and the Santa Fe trail to California, and\nthence to the Columbia River by ship, he had the satisfaction of reaching Ms destination in time to issue his\nproclamation and to assume the duties of the new government on the last day of Polk's presidency, March 3,\n1849.\nThe first news of the action taken by congress creating\nthe Territory had reached Oregon early in February by\nway of the Sandwich Islands, and was announced by\nGovernor Abernethy to the legislative assembly of the\nProvisional Government in his message of February 5,\n1849. That body had met for an adjourned session, after\nfailure in the December preceding to secure a quorum for\nthe transaction of business, owing to a general exodus\nof the male population to the gold mines in California.\nMany of the members had resigned, and some had simply\ngone away without taking the trouble to resign. However, the Governor by proclamation had called a special\nelection to fill vacancies, and he had designated February\n5, as the date for a special session, in harmony with the\ndate fixed upon adjournment by the minority members\nof the legislative body. When the adjourned session\nconvened, the Governor delivered a message, in which\nhe said: \"We have received information that our Territory has been provided for; that the officers necessary to\ncarry on the government have been appointed and are\nnow on their way to this Territory, and will no doubt\nsoon be in our midst.\" He advised, since the legislature\nof the new organization would probably soon convene,\nthat an adjournment be taken as soon as indispensable\nbusiness of the session was attended to.\nThe new governor, bearing his commission from the\ngovernment at Washington, arrived and issued his proclamation, and then addressed a letter to Governor Aber- Creation of Oregon as State\n283\nnethy inviting him to call. But the latter, with a sense\nof the proprieties, indicated in a dignified answer that\nhe would be glad to receive Governor Lane should the\nlatter call to pay his respects. This fencing for points\nof official etiquette seems rather amusing in its setting\nin the little western village of Oregon City in 1849, but\nthe settlers' self-created government, while ready to give\nway to a more regular organization, nevertheless claimed\nthe authority of a de facto government until duly superseded.\nThe new government assumed its duties without\nespecial ceremonies. Governor Lane was sworn in by\nthe secretary of the Provisional Government, S. M.\nHolderness, but, to make assurance of legality, he afterwards took the oath again before Gabriel Walling, justice\nof the peace. Holderness continued to act as secretary\nuntil April 9, 1849, when he was succeeded by the President's appointee, Kintzing Prichette.\nOne of Governor Lane's first official acts was to issue\na proclamation for a general election to be held on the\nfirst Monday of June, 1849, for the election of members\nof the legislative assembly and for delegate to congress,\nand he designated Monday, July 16, as the time for the\nmeeting of the legislature, at Oregon City.\nIn his first message to the legislature Governor Lane\nalluded to the fact that many of the settlers who had gone\nto the mines were now returning, determined to remain\nand to cultivate again the abandoned farms, and he estimated that upwards of two million dollars in gold dust\nhad been brought to Oregon. The Oregon population,\nhe believed, was about nine thousand, but thought that\nit would be doubled within twelve months.1 Thus, without friction and without undue pomp and pretense, the\n^he census taken under Governor Lane's directions showed a population of 9083 consisting of 8785 American citizens and 298 foreigners.\nOf these, there were 5410 males and 3673 females. Another census,\ntaken in 1850, showed a total population of 13,294. m;\n284\nCharles H. Carey\n\u25a03SfHi\n11\u00bb $\u00ab$\naft'isa\nf !v\nTeritory of Oregon began its functions. But the little\ncolony was not altogether satisfied, and already began\nto look forward to statehood.\nIn the first territorial legislative assembly, August\n20, 1849, a bill was offered \"to take the expression of\nthe people for and against a convention to form a state\ngovernment,\" but it was later laid upon the table. That\nsession adjourned September 29, 1849, but in the proceedings in the next session held in May, 1850, a joint\nresolution was pending \"to enquire into the propriety\nof calling a convention for the purpose of framing a state\nconstitution, preparatory to admitting this Territory into\nthe Union.\" However, according to the report in the\nOregon Spectator, the proposal was \"shoved off the track\"\nby the adoption of a resolution requesting the delegate\nin congress to use his influence to have the Organic Law\nso amended that the governor and the secretary of the\nTerritory be elected by the people.2 The Spectator in a\nlater issue said that the question of state Constitution\nwas not referred to the people for the reason that the\ntime of the election was too near, but that the measure\nwas decidedly popular, and would undoubtedly be acted\nupon at the next legislative session.3\nUp to this time there had been no division of the\npeople of Oregon upon political party lines. The Spectator commenting on this condition said:\n\"It is usual on the assembling of legislative bodies\nto inquire into the political character of its members.\nBut happily political parties have no existence in Oregon,\nand hence the persons elected to this legislature were\nchosen for other than party considerations, and during\nthe whole of its session there was no question agitated\nm\\H ;j\u00a3l\nWmm\nm\n\"^Proceedings of May 13, 1850. Oregon Spectator, May 16, 1850.\nThis issue is the only source of information as to this session, which\nis not mentioned in the official lists of legislative sessions.\n3Oregon Spectator, May 30, 1850. In the issue of the Spectator of\nApril 18, 1850, there was a long editorial, which began by saying: \"We\nfind the opinion that Oregon should be immediately erected into a state,\nmuch more prevalent than we had anticipated.\" All of the arguments\nin favor of statehood were presented. Creation of Oregon as State\n285\non party grounds. One object brought it together, and\nthat one object engrossed the entire attention of the\nmembers. The Territory was without law and without\nofficers and all felt that the public wants were pressing\nand everyone was animated with the patriotic desire of\nproviding a good code of laws.\"\n\"The only ground of difference among members was\nfound in the fact that each was most partial to the laws\nof the state from which he had recently emigrated, and\nwith the operation of which, of course, he was most\nfamiliar. The difficulty growing out of this difference\nof partialities was seriously felt, and retarded to the\nvery last day of the session the progress of business.\"4\nBut this absence of party organization was not to continue. The democrats called a convention to meet at\nSalem, May 4, 1850, to nominate county officers for\nMarion County, including members of the territorial\nlegislature from that county, and then a mass meeting\nof democratic citizens was held at Oregon City on the\n14th day of the same month, where the legislature was\nin session. The mass meeting issued an address to the\nmembers of the party. This was denominated a \"circular\" and began with the following:\n\"Far removed as you now are from those fondly\nremembered homes where pure party spirit was wont\nto warm and animate your hearts, no doubt you have\nfrequently thought and felt that the day was not far\ndistant when it would become your privilege and duty\nto buckle on your political armor and again do battle\nin the time-honored service of democracy. In the opinion\nof this meeting the day for organization preparatory to\nsuch action is at hand.\"5\nThe mass meeting also passed resolutions commending the administration of Governor Lane who was about\nto leave for southern Oregon to negotiate with the Rogue\nRiver Indians for peace. The resolutions denounced the\naction of the whig president, Taylor, in removing Governor Lane and in appointing Governor Gaines in his\nK|l|\nWmm\n^Oregon Spectator, October 18, 1849.\n^Oregon Spectator, May 30, 1850. HRt\/1\nrnljM\nI S kv.**:;j|\nlw*m\nmm\nmtfw\n286\nCharles H. Carey\nstead. Thus, into Arcadian Oregon was first introduced\nparty politics, and as time went forward partizanship\nbecame intensely bitter, while the advocacy of statehood\nsoon resolved itself into a party question.\nGovernor Gaines reached Oregon City, August 18,\n1850, by the sloop, Falmouth, and with him came the new\nSecretary, Edward Hamilton. In the meantime Lane had\nbeen elected delegate in congress to succeed Thurston,\nthen recently deceased. Soon after, a heated controversy\narose over the question of the location of the state capital,\nin which Governor Gaines, Secretary Hamilton, and\nUnited States Attorney Amory Holbrook were supported\nby but few members of the legislature. Their claim that\nOregon City remained the capital notwithstanding a legislative enactment attempting to change it to Salem,\n(which had also the approval of two members of the\nsupreme court, Judges Nelson and Strong,) was denounced in scathing terms by the majority members of\nthe legislature, who insisted upon holding the session at\nSalem. The latter members, who were mostly democrats,\nwere encouraged by the opinion of Judge O. C. Pratt,\none of the Supreme Judges, who appeared before the\nlegislature and read a long and carefully prepared address, criticising his associates on the supreme bench,\nand arguing in favor of the legality of the enactment.\nThe question reached Washington for decision upon request of Governor Gaines, and the President and his\nAttorney General held that the Salem Act was invalid.\nIt took an act of congress under the guidance of Delegate\nLane to straighten out the tangle and to confirm the\nchange of location of the capital to Salem.\nThis controversy generated political heat beyond its\napparent importance and has its place here for that\nreason. Party spirit was intense, and the democrat majority at Salem showed a rancor that through the ten-\nyear period of the Territory and afterward in the early\nyears of statehood, was always characteristic of the Creation of Oregon as State\n287\npolitical relations of the times. The democrats objected\nto the whig president appointing executive and judicial\nofficers for the Territory and demanded the right of\nlocal self-government. They believed that if the state\ncould be organized under a constitution of its own, the\nunsatisfactory condition of dependence upon distant\nWashington would come to an end.\nThe agitation for statehood was renewed in the December, 1850, legislative session, where on the ninth\nof that month, a resolution was adopted providing for\nthe appointment of a committee of five to enquire into\nthe propriety of calling a convention for the purpose of\nforming a constitution.6 Another such committee was\nappointed at the December session of the following year7\nupon a new resolution of the same import, and a bill was\nreported that was adopted by both houses, reciting the\nfact that the legislative assembly had memorialized congress to permit the qualified voters of the Territory to\nelect the officers of the executive and judicial departments, but that if the then current session of congress\nshould adjourn without granting the prayer of the Memorial, a proclamation should be issued by the President\nof the Council and the Speaker of the House, within two\nmonths after adjournment, authorizing a poll on the\nquestion of calling a convention to frame a Constitution.8\nHowever, it seems that nothing was done to put the law\ninto effect and no such election was held.\nThe principal newspapers during the territorial\nperiod were the Weekly Oregonian, published at Portland\nas a whig advocate, and the Oregon Statesman which\nfirst made its appearance at Oregon City but later was\n\u25a0M:\n\\* m\nfill\nVcOhh\neHouse Jour., 1850-1, in Western Star, December 19, 1850. The following were appointed: Messrs. King, Matlock, St. Clair, Holmes and\nWalters. The committee seems to have taken no action. ^\nappointed at the December session in the following year,7\n7H. J., 1851-2, p. 16, 17, 19. Messrs. Wilcox, Anderson, Simpson,\nDrew and White were appointed on this committee.\n8Laws, 1851-2, p. 62; H. J. 1851-2, pp. 16, 17, 19, 59, 68, 75, 76, 85\n96, 97-102.\n\u2022'% I 288\nCharles H. Carey\nmoved to Salem. In 1855 while the capital was at Corvallis the Statesman was published there, but it returned\nthe same year to Salem. Its first issue was at Oregon\nCity, March 21, 1851. It was edited by Asahel Bush,\nan ardent democrat. The editor of the Oregonian was\nThomas J. Dryer, who reached Portland from California\nand issued the first number, \"December 4, 1850, having\nbeen engaged to come to the ambitious city by Col. W. W.\nChapman and Gen. Stephen Coffin of that place. The two\npapers were conducted with intense and unexampled\npartizanship and were widely read. Both indulged in\nunsparing personalities and each resorted to abuse of\nthe other as well as of various men in political and public\nlife. The out-pouring of the newspapers in this respect\nwas but a product of the times in which citizens espoused\nparty causes with enthusiasm and party lines were\nsharply drawn. Gradually, under the guidance of Mr.\nBush, a group of democrats gained great influence in\nthat party and came to be known as the Salem Clique,\nthe personnel of which undefined political force changed\nfrom time to time. It originated measures, ordained\nparty policy, decided upon candidates for office and\nawarded political honors.9\nBesides the Oregonian and Statesman, the principal\nOregon newspapers having a political bias published at\nsome time during the period between 1850 and 1860,\nincluded the following pro-slavery democrat papers: At\nAlbany, Oregon Democrat, (against the Salem Clique);\nat Corvallis, Occidental Messenger; at Eugene, Democratic Herald; at Jacksonville, Table Rock Sentinel, later\nOregon Sentinel; at Portland, Daily Advertiser, (against\n9John R. McBride included the following as supposed at times to\nbe within the magic circle: Asahel Bush, L. F. Grover, Ben. Harding,\nR. P. Boise, of Marion County; J. W. Nesmith and Fred Waymire, of\nPolk County; M. P. Deady, of Yamhill County; S. F. Chadwick, of\nDouglas County; J. W. Drew, of Umpqua County; George L. Curry,\nof Clackamas County; William Tichenor, of Coos County, and Delazon\nSmith, of Linn County. (See McBride's address on the Constitutional\nConvention, delivered before the Oregon Pioneers in 1897). Creation of Oregon as State\n289\nthe Salem clique), the Democratic Standard, (the latter,\nhowever, not for slavery or statehood) and Oregon\nWeekly Times, (previously Milwaukie Western Star).\nThe principal republican newspaper was the Oregon\nArgus, published at Oregon City.10\nVery early in the winter of 1853 the proposal for a\nstate Constitution was renewed. The Oregon Statesman\nin reporting the legislative proceedings of January 10,\nmentioned the fact that a bill offered by Representative\nCole to take the sense of the people on the formation\nof a state government provoked a discussion upon the\nmethod of voting, whether by viva voce vote or by ballot,\nand that objections as to expense were raised. When the\nmeasure came up for further debate, two days afterwards, amendments were adopted, and Mr. Simpson\nmoved to amend, so that the question would be submitted\nto popular vote in 1854, arguing that because of sparse\npopulation, and because of the burden of taxation for\na state government, the people would not sooner be ready\nto vote upon the question. The bill passed the house by\na good majority but was defeated in the Council.11\nRegarding this, there is an explanation to be found\nin an editorial of the Statesman March 20, 1855, which\nis interesting. Editor Bush said:\n\"At the session of 1851-2, a conditional bill for submitting the question was passed, but no action was had\nunder it. At the next session, by some strange metamorphosis, the whig members became special friends\nof a state government, and sought to take the initiative\ntowards the formation of one. A bill for that purpose\npassed the house that session by a vote of fourteen to\nnine, every whig but one voting aye. The bill went to\nthe council, and was there rather summarily rejected, in\nconsequence of which the whig members of the House,\n10See an article by Flora Belle Ludington in Vol XXVI, Or. Hist.\nQuar., p. 229, for a list of newspapers and magazines published in Oregon prior to 1870.\nxlOregon Statesman, Jan. 22 and 29, 1853. Proceedings of Jan. 10,\n12, 14 and 15, 1853.\nm ' \u2022 \u2022\n>3f>;\n\/**\u2022'\na >\n|i\n..* \u2022\u2022\nH'-'.\n(,\u00bb* ,f\u00bb\n^ a\n5v \u2022\n'1hi\nijbfe\nW4\nfe\n,' \u00bb\u2022\u25a0\nh;t\n,\"?%*'\u2022\nt'w\/\nin\n8$\n(fty'.'\nt'K\"\np$W\n*$;\u2022'\n\u2022'\u25a0 \u2022<\niw\u00a7R\nfife;.;\nit\n!*'.'^\n1 ^\n|;\nri\n\u25a0y\u00bb?^\n** *\nflfflMM\nJil^VJ\nflte\nai^i !\u00a3&\nIfej\n3 i&\u00a38\n290\nCharles H. Carey\nin a pet, all voted to adjourn and the adjournment was\ncarried at their instance, before any business had been\ntransacted, and as a punishment of the contumacious\ncouncil.\"\nThe next attempt, however, was more successful in\ngetting the measure before the people, but it was defeated by popular vote. The bill was introduced January 11, 1854, in the House, by Representative MofRtt.\nIt was referred to a select committee of five, and was\npassed and then sent to the Council, where after further\namendments it was adopted.12 In the campaign that\nfollowed, statehood was opposed by the whig Oregonian,\nprincipally on the ground of expense, and was ardently\nadvocated by the Statesman. The election was held June\n5, 1854. The vote was 3210 for the constitutional Convention, and 4079 against, a majority of 869 in the negative. At the same session of the legislature that passed\nthe statehood bill, a Memorial was adopted and was forwarded to congress as follows:\nMemorial\n\"H. M. 3. To the Honorable the Senate and House\nof Representatives of the United States of America, in\nCongress assembled.\n\"Your memoralists, the legislative assembly of the\nTerritory of Oregon, would respectfully represent that\nin view of the rapidly accumulating population of our\nTerritory, its numerous and increasing interests, and\nthe inefficiency and anti-republican character of a territorial form of government, we believe that the period\nis at hand when the people of Oregon will desire to terminate the existence of the territorial organization by\nwhich they are governed, and ask the admission of Oregon, as a state, into the Union on an equal footing with the\noriginal states. And, therefore, to this end, you are\nrespectfully and earnestly memoralized for the early\npassage of an act to enable the people of the Territory\n12The bill was House Bill No. 44, H. J. 1853-4, pp. 89, 94, 139, C. J.,\n1853-4, pp. 82, 94. Laws 1853-4, p. 504. The memorial was H. M. 3,\nand is in the appendix of the last mentioned volume, p. 40. See as to\nthe Memorial, C. J., 1853-4, pp. 94, 95, 98. SHfl\nCreation of Oregon as State\n291\nof Oregon to form a constitution and state government,\nand for the admission of such state into the Union.\"\nWhile the local measure for the formation of a state\nConstitution was under consideration, the Oregonian objected that the state, if formed, would be small and weak,\nwith insufficient population and property to support the\nnecessary expense. It said that those in favor of statehood assume that the population will be 65,000 and the\ntaxable property as much as fifty-three millions by the\ntime the state is established, and argue that the total\nexpense of state government will not exceed $50,000 per\nyear, which could be paid by a poll tax of one dollar for\neach inhabitant, whereas, the actual fact was that in\n1850 the total population was but 13,000, and the taxable\nproperty but $8,000,000. Not more than one in seven\nare taxpayers and personal property alone pays taxes.\nThe burden, therefore, would fall upon farmers, merchants and mechanics. We have as yet no public buildings at the seat of government, and there are few county\ncourt houses, jails or roads. Under state government all\nthese would have to be borne by local tax instead of being\nfurnished by federal appropriations, and besides this the\nstate government would cost the people not less than\n$150,000 per year. It was claimed that the proposal\nwas advocated by democrats for the advance of their\nparty leaders.13\nThe Statesman favored holding a convention to form\nthe state Constitution, saying that it would be at least\ntwo and a half years before Oregon could be admitted\nas a state, and in the meantime the population would\nhave reached 80,000. It urged that this was the way to\nget needed harbor improvements, lighthouses and railroads.14\nThe Statesman in announcing the unfavorable result\nof the election said: \"The vote in Jackson County was\n^Oregonian, Apr. 1, 15, May 6, 13,'1854.\n^Oregon Statesman, Feb. 21, Mar. 7, May 9, 16, 1854. ?.H\n:\u25a0'*'\u2022..\nSi\n*\/*'\u25a0\n4 W\nh^\njf!,\n$&\nw\u00a7\n$f<\n'\u2022ih'\nm\n$3\nWi\n. vp>.\nft'\n'\u25a0\u25a014\n7|{<\n*\u2022>:*\u2022,\n*\u00bb'. :&.'\u201e\n1T\u00bb.<\n4v-v\n4,V.\n1\n#>\n*.''''\n; .'\u2022 \u2022\u2022*.\u2022_.\n1\u00ab\ni i 'Vw\n\u2022,f\"V\nr$'\\\n5R>\n\u201e fV ti,'.;\n11\nc.3 \u25a0;\u25a0\u25a0\nfjip'\n*'\/\u25a0\nij; \u2022,,.;\u2022;.\u2022.\n\u2022\u25a0'1\nvr;*\n\u2022y;.\n%J\n'&M\n*4 T\n\u2022TM\ni'*m\n*\u25a0\u00bb'\n\u2022v HV\n\"j wf\u00abV.J\n;:.%\n?&k<\nHi'1 \u25a0\n[jS.-ifl?\n5li\nIf^f,\np\u00a3i '\n'ift\n!#*;\"\n\u00a3 TV\nt|#P\njrj\n'\u2022;;' ,\n, \u2022! \u25a0*,',,\n\u201e*i\nLiy- '\n.\"\u2022.'. v \u25a0\n- W-%\n1\nill*\nila1^\n\"$fei$]\nSi\n. fV-\n\u2022#p::\nlm -B** A\n%\ni* 4\"\n292\nCharles H. Carey\n760 against, which defeats the Constitution, the only\nreason of opposition being a desire for a division of the\nTerritory.\"15\nThe allusion of the Statesman was to a measure\nknown as H. J. R. 32, introduced in the territorial legislature of 1853, by Representative Martin of Douglas\nCounty, which was:\n\"Resolved by the House, the Council concurring, That\nour delegate in congress be and hereby is requested to\nuse his best endeavors, and to act in concert with the\nsenators of California, to procure the passage of a law\ncreating and organizing a new territory to be known by\nthe name of Jackson Territory, including all that part\nof Oregon Territory lying south of the latitude of 43\ndegrees and 45 minutes, and all that portion of California\nlying north of the Trinity Mountains.\"\nAt the expense of some digression from the main\ntopic, it may serve to recall an almost forgotten episode\nin local history to give some further details of the proposal to create Jackson Territory. The Territory of\nWashington, north of the Columbia River had been created by act of Congress March 3, 1853, with the consent\nof the legislature of the Territory of Oregon, and with\nthe active aid of General Lane in congress. In the Statesman of January 24, 1854, appeared the usual legislative\nsummary, in which there was a statement that a convention would be held at Jacksonville January 25, 1854, for\nthe furtherance of the object of creating another territory out of Oregon, and this seems to be the first public\nreference to the project to form a pro-slave state from\nthe southern counties.\nThe meeting was held at Jacksonville, January 26,\n1854, and was organized by electing H. G. Ferris, of\nSiskiyou, California, as president, and E. Steele, of Siski-\n15Oregon Statesman, June 27, 1854. A letter from A. L. Humphrey\nto General Joseph Lane dated July 17, 1854, reports to him that Jackson\nCounty's vote was against constitutional convention. A letter of April\n4, 1854, from Richard Irwin to Lane indicated that Benton County would\nbe favorable, Mss. Or. Hist. Soc. Creation of Oregon as State\n293\nyou, California, as vice-president; S. Culver, of Jacksonville, Oregon, vice-president, and Messrs. T. McF. Patton\nand C. S. Drew, of Jacksonville, Oregon, as secretaries.\nThe purpose of the meeting was stated to be to take\nmeasures to organize from parts of Oregon and California a new territory to include the district of California\nnorth of Trinity Mountains and in Oregon from the\nCalapooia Mountains, south, (Jackson, Douglas and\nUmpqua Counties). The following preamble and resolution was adopted:\n\"Whereas, the legislative assembly of the Territory\nof Oregon have introduced and passed an act providing\nfor the sense of the people to be taken in reference to\nthe formation of a state government. Therefore,\n\"Resolved, that we will use every exertion to prevent\nthe formation of a state government in Oregon with its\npresent boundaries.\"\nThis motion was offered by L. F. Mosher, a son-in-\nlaw of Joseph Lane, who was then in Washington as\ndelegate to congress. The meeting adjourned to meet\nat Jacksonville on Monday, April 17, 1854, after appointing three committees as follows: For drafting\nmemorial to congress, E. Steele, L. F. Mosher and E. J.\nCurtis. To memorialize Oregon legislature, George F.\nSnelling, T. McF. Patton and D. M. Kinney. To mem-\noralize California legislature, C. N. Thornbury, E. Moore\nand W. A. Robinson.\nAt the Oregon territorial legislative session of 1854,\nRepresentative Ladd introduced a Memorial instructing\ndelegates in congress to create a new Territory out of\nnorthern California and southern Oregon, but nothing\ncame of this, as consideration was indefinitely postponed.\nHowever, the following afterward appeared in the\nUmpqua Gazette, written by General Lane:\n\"Some time since I wrote a letter for publication in\nrelation to the division of Oregon Territory, as proposed\nby the people of Jacksonville and Yreka, in which I gave\nmy views in opposition to such a division and urged the\n*m\\ m-fflm\ni\nmm\nS*M\nIf\nPJ\n294\nCharles H. Carey\nestablishment of a state government for reasons I think\nwill be considered legitimate and proper. A new Territory cannot be made as proposed. The delegation from\nCalifornia does not think of entertaining the idea of\nclipping their state.\"\nIt seems that the promoters of this scheme ascertained\nthat the California delegation in congress did not favor\ncreation of such a new Territory and the plan was\ndropped. Nevertheless, the subject came up again at the\nOregon constitutional convention of 1857, when Marple,\na delegate from Coos County, offered a resolution providing that at such time as the electors of that portion\nof the state lying south of the Calapooia Mountains or\na part thereof shall desire to detach the same from this\nstate and unite with a portion of California in the formation of a new state they shall be permitted to do so.\nBut the provision was not adopted and nothing more\nwas heard of Jackson State or Territory.\nThose favoring the \"Democratic Dogma of Statehood,\"\nwere no sooner apprised of the adverse vote in the June\nelection of 1854 than they laid plans for another campaign. When the legislature met in December of that\nyear a bill was at once introduced. This was followed\nby the adoption of a joint resolution to provide for a\njoint committee of the two houses, whose duty it would\nbe to draft a Constitution and submit it to the people\nfor adoption, but after appointment of the committee\nanother resolution was adopted, discharging this committee ; still another house bill was offered for a 'state\nConvention, but was finally defeated, while a Council\nbill of similar tenor was adopted January 30, 1855.\nThis measure provided for an election to elect delegates,\non the first Monday of June, 1855, and required the delegates to meet on the first Monday of February, 1856.\nThe number of delegates was to be seventy, and the con- Creation op Oregon as State\n295\nstitution when prepared was to be submitted to the\npeople for adoption.16\nAt the democrat convention held at Salem, April 11,\n1855, a resolution was adopted as follows:\n\"Resolved, That in the opinion of this convention\nthe time has arrived when Oregon should assume the\nposition of a sovereign state; that the numbers, wealth\nand intelligence of the population entitle her to become\nthe latest and brightest star of the Union, bearing the\nfarthest westward the standard of the Pacific.\"\nThe election, June 4, 1855, resulted in a majority of\n415 against statehood and constitutional convention, a\nsmaller negative majority than in the 1854 election. The\nvote was 4420 in favor and 4835 against. The democrats, therefore, were not discouraged, and immediately\ntook steps to have the question again submitted to the\npeople in 1856.\nIn the meantime, in accordance with the Memorial\nof 1854, Lane had offered a bill in congress authorizing\nOregon to form a Constitution and to apply for admission\nas a state, and the bill passed the House, January 29,\n1855. It was reported to the Senate, February 28, 1855,\nby Stephen A. Douglas, chairman of the Senate committee on territories and came to a vote March 3, when\na motion to lay on the table was defeated by a close vote\nof 18 to 20, and then an amendment offered by the\ncommittee on territories to require a population of not\nless than 60,000 as a condition to statehood was adopted.\nThis being the last day of the session, however, it could\n16H. B. 14, was indefinitely postponed Jan. 10, 1855. H. J. 1854-5\npp. 32, 35, 37, 68.\nC. J. R. 7 was lost, but on reconsideration was passed and committee\nwas appointed. C. J. 1854-5 pp. 47, 49; H. J. 1854-5 81, 83 101-103,\n108, and Appendix p. 61. Oregon Statesman, Jan. 23, 1855.\nC. J. R. 11, was adopted discharging committee appointed under\nC. J. R. 7. H. J. 1854-5 p. 135, and Appendix p. 61.\nH. B. 84, was indefinitely postponed Jan. 26, 1855.\npp. 134, 137.\nC. B. 34 was adopted Jan. 30, 1855. C. J. 1854-5 pp\nH. J. 1854-5 163. Oregon Statesman, February 6, 1855\n13, 1855.\nH. J. 1854-5,\n92, 97, 106-7;\nid., February\nK&sa \u2022 Wt'\n296\nCharles H. Carey\nmm\nm\nM\\\\ Mm.\nnot be brought to a final vote on third reading, although\nthe chairman strongly urged it. It was, in consequence,\nlost. It may be added that the bill as reported to the\nSenate had fixed the eastern boundary of the proposed\nstate at the summit of the Cascade Mountains. This\nstirred up the Oregonian, which in an editorial, March\n24, 1855, called attention to this feature, denouncing as\ntreachery this curtailment of area, but in a later issue\nthe paper reported Lane's statement that Douglas had\nso changed the bill in committee of the Senate. On the\nother hand, the Statesman, reporting the bill as having\npassed the House of Representatives said that as passed\nit placed the eastern boundary at the Cascade Mountains,\nbut upon a later date it corrected the editorial statement\nto say that the boundaries under the pending bill were\nto be fixed by the convention in Oregon.17\nThe following editorial in the Oregonian of February\n13, 1871, was written by Mr. H. W. Scott, who, doubtless,\nhad authority for the facts stated therein:\n\"About the time that Oregon was admitted into the\nUnion, Joseph Lane, who was then a power in Oregon\npolitics, delivered a political speech at Lafayette, Oregon,\nin which he related that there was much opposition\nin Congress to the admission of Oregon with the boundaries proposed. Stephen A. Douglas, then chairman of\nthe Senate committee on territories, insisted that the\nCascade Mountains should be the eastern boundary of\nOregon. Lane related that he was in the committee\nroom when the matter was under consideration. Mr.\nDouglas walked up and down, discussing the question.\nStopping before a large map, he drew his cane across\nit on the shaded line indicated as the Cascade Mountains,\nand exclaimed, 'There is your natural boundary! This\nis the line marked by nature as the eastern boundary of\nyour state. Oregon should lie wholly west of the Cascade Mountains\/ And, as Lane related, Douglas went\non to show why it would not be desirable to include in\n17Oregonian, March 24, April 28 and May 26, 1855. Statesman,\nMarch 20, May 19, 1855. Cong. Globe, 1854-5, 33-2 pt. 1, p. 455, 494;\n33-2; pt. 2, p. 991, 1151. Creation of Oregon as State\n297\nthe new state any of the country lying east of that range,\nand pointed out the very inconveniences that have since\narisen. Lane related this to show what opposition he had\nto meet in securing the admission of the state in its\npresent shape.*\"\nIn the meantime, at a democratic caucus held January\n29, 1856, at Salem, by members of the legislature, Judge\nReuben P. Boise, chairman of a committee previously\nappointed, reported an address to the people as a preamble to a proposed bill re-submitting the question of\nstate government to the people, and the report was unanimously adopted. The bill had been offered by Representative Tichenor in the Legislative Assembly at Salem,\nfour days before, for the purpose of taking the sense of\nthe people of Oregon relative to the formation of a state\ngovernment and calling for an election on the first Monday of April, 1856. The bill was adopted, with the preamble, which laid especial emphasis upon the fact that\nthere were recent gold discoveries east of the Cascade\nMountains, both on the Pend d'Oreille and in Wasco\nCounty, and which referred to the resources for agriculture in that section that would induce settlement there.\nIt argued that failure to enter the Union at once as a\nstate would lose the 500,000 acres of eastern Oregon and\nwould result in a division of the Territory. Other familiar arguments in favor of early statehood were repeated and amplified.18\nThe Oregonian came out with a virulent attack\non this program. It was denounced as the most visionary and foolish policy that could be adopted, as\nstatehood would impoverish the people and bankrupt\n, the state in less than two years, and would result in driving capital from the country and retarding settlement.\nThe opposition was put quite frankly upon distrust of the\n\u2666Reprinted in Scotfs History of the Oregon Country, vol. V., p. 13.\n18H. J. 1855-6, pp. 159, 160, 195, 206. The preamble is set out in the\nAppendix, pp. 150-3. C. J. 1855-6, pp. 145, 146, 163. The result of\nthe election is given in Statesman, June-10, 1856. The Oregon Weekly\nTimes of March 1, 1856, published the preamble on the editorial page. 298\nCharles H. Carey\nsponsors, since no good thing could come from such a\nsource, referring specifically to Delazon Smith, Asahel\nBush \"and their infamous cohorts.\"19\nThis attack was but the preliminary for a series of\neditorials by Editor Dryer in his best style, which began\nwith a full statement of the points urged by proponents\nin favor of statehood, and then disposed of them in\nsuccession, answering one by one the arguments set\nout in the preamble to the bill as prepared by Judge\nBoise. It was urged that Oregon would command attention and respect in proportion to its agricultural,\nmanufacturing and commercial resources. Foreign\ncapital for the establishment of manufactories, and\nfor the building of works of internal improvement would\nnot be introduced until there was proper basis for investment and employment. There must be population and\nreproductive wealth, the only foundation of prosperity.\nImmigration had been and would be retarded by the\nIndian war. There was nothing in the claim that Oregon\nwould gain by increased representation in congress, since\nwith the one delegate representing the Territory there\nwas no divided counsel, and there was an advantage in\nunity in action. Acquisition of public lands by a state\nwould but beget fraud and would prove a temptation for\nfor public plunder. Until congress had provided public\nbuildings and other improvements usually made in territories, statehood would be a burden upon a people few\nin number and already in debt. There was no reason\nto suppose that congress would not pay Indian 'war\nclaims, as it had done in the case of other Indian wars.\nIt was preposterous to talk of voting for state government in the midst of the Indian wars. Appropriations\nwould be no more readily granted to a state than to a\nterritory, and to say that state government would not\nlargely increase taxation was futile and false. There\nx9Oregonian, January 26, 1856. Compare Statesman, February 5, 1856. Creation of Oregon as State\n299\nwere really no vacant lands in the Willamette, Umpqua\nor Rogue River valleys, and the only available lands were\neast of the Cascades, which could not be had until after\nthe Indian war was over and they were surveyed by the\ngovernment. A state government would cost at least\n$60,000 per year, and this and the amount necessary for\nstatehouse and penitentiary would require a nine-mill\ntax, since one mill at present raises but $13,000 revenue.\nThe expense of the territorial government was about\n$50,000 per year, all paid by the United States, and this\nwould be withdrawn. The inevitable increase of taxation would divert immigration from Oregon to California\nand stockraisers and farmers would remove. The state\nwould have to assume a large war debt.20\nThe Oregonian was the only paper opposing the adoption of a state constitution. The Pacific Christian Advocate, a religious paper, in answer to requests to publish\ncontributed articles on one side or the other, declined to\ndo so, excusing itself on the ground that although not\ndeemed to be a party question, a discussion of it would\nlead to the belief that the paper was taking part in politics.21 The Statesman, on the other hand, pointed out\nthat nine out of fifteen counties had voted favorably in\n1854, and eleven out of seventeen in 1855. It claimed\nthat the only real objection was expense of state government, but the population was already between 50,000\nand 60,000, and as Oregon had been longer settled and\nwas greater in number of population, and had more solid\nwealth than other territories that had become states, it\ncould undertake to maintain and support an economical\nstate government, and thus derive the obvious benefits,\nboth political and pecuniary, that statehood would bring.\nSuch benefits would greatly outweigh the disadvantages.22\nIn the same issue, a letter from Delazon Smith was published making a strong appeal for a convention for state\n^Oregonian, February 16, 23; March 1, 8, 15; 29; May 3, 1856.\n^Pacific Christian Advocate, March 29, 1856.\n^Statesman, March 4, 1856. Ill\n300\nCharles H. Carey\n\/;?. \u2022\nisfl\n8hI\n'j-'if\nI\nlllr\nJ* *j\ntill*\n\u2022af **\n\u25a0*^n..\n\u00ab\n> a \u25a0 V\nr*v' '\n. ,j; \u25a0\n\\ 4-y\n' \u00bbiV\nP\n1!\n\u25a0 'i.'-'l\nfour-.\n%.\n'.y\u00bb\n'life\nfX:v'jj\nA#\nT *\n;||\n'.-.<\nftyfr\n\u00bb vV'i'^\n,(. \u25a0*.\u25a0':\nlp\n** J*;!\nSft\n.. J :\u2022\"\n\" j\u00bb *\u2022*\nfj$\nlife\"\n*i .;!\ntaw'\nv.,.\n' '*\"\u25a0:-\nalii\n1\n'\"&&\n\u25a0 ' ';<\nSfi\n$ii\u00bb\n4 -\nbH|'\n; ;*; j\n\u00ab '*\ns\nm\npjifc\nU\"'T\n1$\n;1A|]\nmm\n\u2022''m\nm\nHnij\np\u00a3#\n\u25a0Ay\ni^Sl\nIJuH\n*#,4\n1 '*' \u25a0?,\n'\u2022 \u00bb\u2022' >\ni^\n''iilH^''\nM*i\nr *\n\u2022 >> \u25a0 j'\u2022'*''\u2022.\u25a0,-\n.* \u2022''\n. <;..'\u25a0 M .\u25a0 '-^\n:. > \u2666\"\nI I: v\n1^\n'-.*>\u2022\nSy\u25a0.'\n.-;\u2022\/\u25a0\u25a0;,\n''H\nu-i&h\nL \u2022 V\n'.'\u00bb\u00a3\u2022'.'\n\u2022 \";\n[V\nhi li\nr fe\n\u25a0M\nJT*1\ni \u25a0.ifjJtV'*';\n^\u2022'i.\n. iji [*!\u2022.. \u00ab'\u25a0\nc M\nh-\n';,\"\niV,,.'!\n\u25a0 *'i\n1\n-';\u2022\nW$-\n&\n\u2014\u2014\ngovernment, especially because the Memorials to Congress\nasking aid on account of the various needs of the people\nof the Territory were of little avail and there was need\nof a strong representation in congress.\nOne of the arguments advanced by the Statesman was\nbased upon a low estimate of salaries for state officers,\nand upon the proposal to have biennial sessions of the\nstate legislature instead of the annual sessions. The\nsuccessive issues of the paper vigorously upheld its side\nof the argument, and for the first time the negro question,\nalways in the background, appeared in answer to a suggestion of the Oregonian regarding the voting of free\nnegroes, who were admitted as voters in other states,\nand the proposal to extend the time of probation of foreigners wishing to be naturalized.23\nThe Oregon Argus left the discussion of state government to its correspondents, several of whom, including\nOrange Jacobs and A. G. Hovey, wrote long articles pro\nand con, that were published in its columns. But in the\nnumber of April 5, 1856, immediately before the election,\nthe editor confessed that the reason for his silence was\nthat he had not been able to make up his mind. The editorial was a model of the art of using words without\nsaying anything.\nThe vote taken at the special election in April, 1856,\nwas 4186 for, and 4435 against a constitutional convention, the measure being thus lost by 249 votes.24\nMeantime,. Lane introduced his bill again in the House\nof Representatives at Washington February 18, 1856. On\nJune 23, 1856, a debate arose and, after a slight amendment, a motion was made by Grow in committee of the\nwhole, that it be reported favorably for passage. This\nwas opposed by Jones, of Tennessee, who moved an\namendment to insert words making it conditional upon\nhaving a population equal to the ratio of one representa-\n2sStatesman, March 25, May 6, 1856.\n^Statesman, June 10, 1856. Creation of Oregon as State\n301\ntive under the census of 1850.25. Lane protested against\nthe amendment and urged that practically this same bill\nhad passed the House in the previous year, although it\nhad failed in the Senate on account of the late day in\nthe session when it passed the House. He promised that\nif the bill were adopted now the people of Oregon would\npresent their constitution at the next congress when they\nwould be certain to have a population sufficient, if (as\nhe did not admit) they did not already have a sufficient\nnumber. The spirited debate was participated in by\nmany members, the committee of the whole arrived at no\nconclusion, and the bill did not pass. During the debate\nCadwallader proposed an amendment fixing the eastern\nboundary at the summit of the Cascade Mountains, but\nthis was successfully opposed by Lane, who urged that\nthe people of Oregon should be allowed to fix their own\nboundaries.26 Amendments were also offered to require\nthe voters to be citizens of the United States. Lane\nfinally gave up his fight for the bill, doubtless foreseeing\ndefeat, and it did not come to formal vote. The failure\nof the bill was partly due to the feeling that the population was insufficient, but the members of the whig party\nfeared that if admitted the state would send a pro-slavery\ndelegation to congress.\nGovernor Curry, in a message which he read to the\nTerritorial legislature, December 10, 1856, included the\nfollowing:\n\"The organization of a State government for Oregon,\nwith the experience obtained at Washington in reference\nto the treatment of territorial interests there, I deem a\nsubject of first consequence. There are many disadvantages and positive grievances entailed by the territorial form of government, in that, in the acquisition of\n25The ratio of population to one representative in Congress had\nbeen 70,680 from 1843 to 1853, but was 93,500 from 1853 to 1863. The\nquestion was raised as to how many persons were in Oregon, and Lane\nwas pressed for a definite statement The Oregon census of 1850 showed\n13,294 persons.\n26Cong. Globe 34th Cong. 1 Sess. v, 39 pt. 2, pp. 1452-8. 302\nCharles H. Carey\nnew territory by the United States, the consideration\nof congress must inevitably be given to the remodeling\nand improvement of the whole system. The noble principle enunciated in the Kansas-Nebraska Act is a step\nin advance, and may be regarded as an evidence of the\nencouragement that is in the future in this respect. The\nIndian difficulties upon our frontiers have, and will for\na time, deter an increase of our population by the ordinary means of overland immigration, which has been the\nusual source of important yearly accessions, chiefly to\nthe agricultural class of our inhabitants. Hundreds of\nindustrious and enterprising people would have started\nfrom the states in the ensuing spring, by the overland\nroute, to make homes in Oregon, but for the unprotected\ncondition of the route. Military posts at Fort Boise\nand Fort Hall, are imperatively required to insure safe\nand unobstructed travel in the Indian country, and as\nlinks to connect the chain of the mountains. An independent sovereignty will be certain to induce, by the\nonly other means of access, a character of population,\ndiffering in interest, but quite as requisite to the permanent prosperity of the country.\"\nThis statement was intended to convey the idea that\nalthough Oregon had fewer people than might be deemed\nnecessary before she could be admitted as a state, this\nshortage was due to failure of the general government to\nprotect overland emigrants, and that if statehood could\nbe granted, the fact of \"independent sovereignty\" would\nbe sufficient to draw new inhabitants by way of the ocean\nroute and the deficiency would soon be made up.\nBut, even before the Governor's message was read,\na new bill for a Constitutional Convention had beeri introduced at Salem. It was offered December 4, 1856,\nand, strange as it may seem in view of the earlier efforts,\nthe bill by the eighteenth day of that month had passed\nboth houses and had been signed. It differed in no essential particular from its unsuccessful predecessors, but\nnow a different situation was presented and the former\nopposition had become reconciled to statehood, so that Creation of Oregon as State\n303\nthe prospect of adoption if submitted again to popular\nvote was excellent. The bill was hurried through both\nhouses, and was adopted without a dissenting vote.\nThe new election was held on the first Monday of June,\n1857, under favorable auspices, ancl at last the people\nvoted in favor of statehood and elected delegates to a\nConstitutional Convention. The vote for Convention was\n7617, and the negative mustered but 1679 votes, so that\nthe sweeping victory shown by the majority of 5938 was\nthe more remarkable in view of the previous repeated\nrejections.27 In the seven years of territorial existence\nthe question had been voted upon by the territorial legislature in one form or another nine times, and by popular\nvote four times, while congress had considered Oregon\nstatehood bills at two sessions.\nThe explanation is found in the fact that as early as\nNovember 1, 1856, the Oregonian had withdrawn all\nopposition and had announced its intention not to oppose\nstate government. It was agreed upon all sides that the\ndelegates to the Constitutional Convention would be\nelected at the same time the popular vote was taken on\nthe question of statehood, and the Act so provided. The\nchange of attitude upon the part of those opposed to\nslavery was because of a growing belief that President\nBuchanan's in-coming administration was planning to\nforce slavery upon free territories by federal action.\n\"The moment Kansas is admitted as a slave state,\" said\nthe Oregonian in an editorial upon the Buchanan administration, in which that intention as to Kansas was prophesied, \"the whole power and force of the slavery propagandists will be concentrated to make Oregon a slave\nstate also.\" \"If we are to have the institution of slavery\nforced upon us here, we desire the people resident in\nOregon to do it, and not the will and power of a few\n\"SSI**'\n1857.\n^Statesman, June 30, 1857. The vote is given by counties, July 7, Ma \u00bb*\n304\nCharles H. Carey\nm\nWW'\npoliticians in Washington City,\" was one of the Ore-\ngonianfs declarations.28\nHowever, in order fully to understand the sudden\nchange of sentiment by which those that had opposed\nstatehood now joined in support of the measure, a glance\nat the political situation will be necessary. As late as\n1854, Oregon was calmly confident that slavery could\nnot be introduced there. The Missouri Compromise had\nsettled that, for Oregon was north of the compromise line.\nMoreover by a decision of the Oregon Courts it had been\nheld that slavery could not exist in the Territory and that\nslaves brought there were free.29 But congress passed\nthe Kansas-Nebraska bill in 1854, providing for the organization of the territories of Kansas and Nebraska,\nand asserting the doctrine of \"squatter-sovereignty,\" or\nlocal option for territories on slavery and other questions, in effect repealing the Missouri Compromise. One\nindirect result of this enactment was to disrupt the\nnational whig party, and ultimately to create the republican party.\nOregon, therefore, after this bitterly fought legislation, became debatable ground, and instead of being free\nfrom active local interest, at once became the scene of\nagitation, and the slavery question was the basis of\npolitical discussion and conduct. The legislature of\n1854-5 had debated at great length the series of resolutions offered by Delazon Smith, endorsing the Kansas-\nNebraska Act, which he claimed had the effect to repeal\nany and all provisions of the fundamental laws that prohibited slavery in Oregon. In April, 1855, the Yamhill\nCounty Whig Convention denounced squatter-sovereignty,\nand on June 27, 1855, a general convention of those op-\n28Oregonian, November 1, 1856.\n29Judge George H. Williams allowed a writ of habeas corpus to\nfree slaves brought by Nathaniel Ford of Polk County. See his article\nin Or. Hist. Quarterly (1901) v. 2, p. 1. See also the articles by Fred\nLockley, \"The Case of Robin Holmes v. Nathaniel Ford,\" id., XXIII,\np. Ill; \"Some Documentary Records of Slavery in Oregon,\" id., XVIII,\n107. Creation of Oregon as State\n305\nposed to slavery was held at Albany.30 In May, 1856,\nthe first republican meeting was held by citizens of Jackson County to nominate county officers and it adopted a\nstrong platform declaring for freedom throughout the\nUnited States. This was followed August 20, 1856, by\na meeting of \"a number of friends of the republican\ncause,\" at Albany, to organize a republican party.31\nMany of the same men were present who had attended\nthe whig free-soil convention in Yamhill county the preceding year, and the principles laid down by the Philadelphia national convention of the republican party were\napproved and the national Fremont-Dayton ticket was\nendorsed. At the same time, steps were taken to organize\ncounty and precinct conventions, and to stimulate friends\nof the movement throughout the Territory to support\nmen for office who were in harmony with the party aims.\nThe Oregonian, while not at first cordial, stated as early\nas December 6, 1856, that almost every county had held\na republican convention and adopted a republican platform.\nThe \"free-state republican platform\" adopted at Albany February 11, 1857, declared unequivocally in favor\nof the admission of Oregon into the Union, but as a free\nstate.\nThen, the Argus, published at Oregon City, became\nthe organ of the new party, and strongly supported its\nprinciples. It was ably edited by W. L. Adams, who had\nearly declared his adhesion to the new organization.32\nIt was on May 22, 1856, that Sumner was assaulted\nby Brooks in the United States Senate at Washington,\nand when Brooks challenged Senator Wilson to a duel,\nLane acted as the second for the challenger. The feeling\nwas growing throughout the Territory that Lane and\nthe Buchanan administration would force slavery upon\n^Oregonian, July 7, 1855. And Delazon Smith's comments on this\nconvention in the Statesman, July 14, 1855.\n31Argus, June 7, 1856.\n32Argus, November 1, 1856.\n*' zV:. it! 306\nCharles H. Carey\n;f\/'\nOregon. While negroes, either slave or free, were not\nwanted by the majority of the people of the Territory,\nit was now generally agreed that statehood and slavery\nshould be again submitted to vote as soon as possible,\nand with those the question whether free negroes would\nbe allowed to settle in the new state.\nDryer was elected as a delegate to the Constitutional\nConvention as a representative of Multnomah and Washington Counties, by nomination of the Washington\nCounty convention of the American party, held April\n25, 1857, and that convention declared itself unconditionally opposed to the introduction of slavery into Oregon. John R. McBride, then a very young man, was\nelected from Yamhill County upon nomination of a republican convention opposed to slavery and favoring admission as a free state. Besides these, the free state delegates included E. D. Shattuck, John S. White and Levi\nAnderson of Washington County; Jesse Applegate and\nLevi Scott of Umpqua County; Martin Olds, R. V. Short,\nR. C. Kinney, of Yamhill County; David Logan, of Multnomah County; John W. Watts, of Columbia County;\nWilliam Matzger, Henry B. Nichols and Haman C. Lewis,\nof Benton County; and W. H. Watkins of Josephine\nCounty. These were of various political views, but were\nmostly old time whigs with pronounced bias in favor of\na free state. The remainder of the convention, about\nforty-two in number, were democrats of various shades.\nThe platform adopted at Salem, April 13, 1857, at\nthe democrat state convention, which Dryer called \"an\naugust body of office holders, office seekers, and Lane\nworshippers,\" provided by resolution that in the election\nof delegates to the Constitutional Convention no discrimination would be made between democrats favoring or\nopposing slavery in the future state of Oregon, and the\nquestion should be submitted in a separate clause to be\nvoted on by the people.33\n^Statesman, April 21, 1857.\nE'li!^' SiUJl\nCreation of Oregon as State\n307\nAlthough the democrats were in the majority in the\nstate, they were by this time becoming hopelessly divided.\nSome leading men of the party, while unwilling to have\nslavery introduced, thought that all negroes should be\nexcluded, and on this point alone the right and left wings\nof the party seemed to be in accord.\nIn the meantime in the House of Representatives at\nWashington there was another bill authorizing the people\nof Oregon to form a state Constitution and state government. This was House Bill 7, and came from the Committee on Territories as a substitute bill, January 31,\n1857, and as reported fixed the eastern boundary of the\nproposed state at 120\u00b0 of longitude, approximately the\neastern California line. The bill was amended after debate to restrict the voters for statehood to citizens of\nthe United States, and to require the constitution when\nframed to be submitted to the people for approval and\nratification. The debate, which raised several other suggestions for amendment, followed immediately after debate on the Minnesota bill ,which had been sent back to\nthe Committee on Territories. The Oregon bill, however, passed the House without a call for yeas and nays.\nBoth the Minnesota bill, which subsequently passed the\nHouse, and the Oregon bill were referred in the Senate\nto the Committee on Territories, February 2, 1857. The\nlatter measure was reported by Senator Douglas of the\nCommittee, with amendments, on February 18, 1857, and\ncame on for debate on the twenty-first day of that month.\nThe senate committee had changed the eastern boundary\nto the Shoshone or Snake River as far south as the mouth\nof the Owyhee River, and thence south to the Forty-second parallel of north latitude, and the remainder of Oregon Territory was to be put under the jurisdiction of\nWashington Territory. However, the Senate adjourned\nwithout taking a vote, and the session closed on March 308\nCharles H. Carey\n>A<\nthird without again reaching the bill.34 The last amendment offered was one by Senator Green, in the nature of\na rider to the bill to the effect that Kansas be put upon\nthe same basis to authorize her to form a constitution.\nWhether this affected the defeat or not, the Oregon bill\nwas at an end for this session. When the election in\nOregon of delegates to the Constitutional Convention\ncame on in June, 1857, it was definitely known in the\nTerritory that congress had again failed to act, and Bush\nof the Statesman began to suspect his political ally, Lane,\nof luke-warmness, if not of actual treachery.\n(To be continued)\n*4Cong. Globe, v. 42, 43, pts. 1 and 2, 3rd Sess. 34th Cong. (1856-7),\npp. 519, 520, 535; 542, 734, 821. OREGON GEOGRAPHIC NAMES\nBy Lewis A. McArthur\nintroductory note\nAn enterprise of the highest order of importance for kindling and\nsustaining interest in Oregon history is inaugurated by Lewis A. McArthur with his first installment in this number of the Quarterly on\n\"Oregon Geographic Names.\" Mr. McArthur indicates in his statement preliminary^ to the listing of names with their origins that he has\nhad this project in progress for years. In addition to this, however, it\nneeds to be said that he always works assidiously with most effective\nscientific methods and exercises keenest scrutiny for accuracy. Still,\nthe nature of his objective here, that of attaining an approximately\ncomplete record of the origin of Oregon geographic names, is such\nthat only as most generous and general co-operation in every community is elicited can this objective be realized.\nMr. McArthur's devotion to the cause of compacting the richest\nmeaning into the map of Oregon and his ability to achieve in this\nline are attested in his work on Oregon lakes (Ore. Hist. Soc. Quar. v.\nXXVI, p. 1) and also by the advanced stage to which he has progressed\ntoward the completion of an adequate relief map of the state. So\nfully has he demonstrated a masterly expertness in the map lore of\nOregon that his aid is sought whenever any project of more intensive\nmapping of any section of the state is undertaken by the federal agencies.\nIt is, therefore, exceedingly fortunate that he is here committed to the\ntask of searching out and compiling all available data on Oregon\ngeographic names. Every item of fully authenticated information bearing\non the origin of any name given to any feature of the Oregon landscape,\nhowever flatly it may contradict what he has tentatively offered here,\nwill by him receive most grateful acknowledgement.\u2014Editor Quarterly.\nPreface\nThe origin of geographic names in Oregon may be\ntraced roughly to five periods in the history of the state,\nand in most instances the names themselves indicate approximately during which epoch they were applied.\nThese five periods may be described as follows:\nFirst\u2014The period of the exploration by sea along the\nOregon coast line, with resulting names strongly Spanish\nin flavor, with an English admixture.\nSecond\u2014The period of overland exploration, developing into the fur trading period, with the application of\nFrench, Indian and additional names of English and\nAmerican origin.\nThird\u2014The pioneer period, resulting in the application of a large number of eastern place names to Oregon\ncommunities, generally for sentimental reasons, and also\n\u2022% :& \u2022.'; \u2022\n**3P\u00a7|\n\u25a0<&fv II\nimam 310\nLewis A. McArthur\n\u25a0m\nresulting in the use of many pioneer family names for\nOregon features, particularly for streams and mountains.\nFourth\u2014The Indian wars and the mining periods,\nresulting in the application of the names of soldiers, and\nalso of picturesque nomenclature that always follows the\nearly pursuit of gold.\nFifth\u2014The modern period of made up names, real\nestate phraseology, and occasionally a praiseworthy effort\nto apply a suitable historic or Indian name to something\nthat now bears a monstrosity.\nThe compiler has for many years gathered notes on\nthe origin of Oregon geographic names, and after the\npublication of this information in the Oregon Historical\nSociety Quarterly, it is hoped that the various chapters\nmay be consolidated and issued in book form. The writer\nis particularly anxious to have corrections and suggestions pertaining to the names discussed in this issue,\nand will welcome such if addressed to Lewis A. McArthur, Gasco Building, Portland, Oregon. He is very\ndesirous of getting additional items, as he realizes that\nmany names have been omitted.\nThe work of others has been freely drawn upon. When\nLeslie M. Scott collated the writings of his father and\npublished them under the title History of the Oregon\nCountry, he presented a storehouse of information about\nOregon geographic names. The writer has found this\ninformation of incalculable value. Material compiled by\nJudge Charles H. Carey, T. C. Elliott, Will G. Steel and\nH. H. Bancroft has been referred to constantly, and the\nverbal suggestions of Geo. H. Himes have been more\nthan welcome. Professor Edmond S. Meany's Origin\nof Washington Geographic Names has been used quite\nfreely, and should be in the library of everyone interested\nin the history of the Oregon country. Where elevations\nare given for communities, they indicate the elevations of\nimportant government bench marks, expressed to the\nnearest foot. ... *\u2666**;.*'\nOregon Geographic Names\n311\nAbernethy Creek, Clackamas County. This stream\nrises at an elevation of about 1100 feet ten miles southeast of Oregon City and flows into the Willamette River\nat Oregon City. It was named for George Abernethy,\nfirst governor of Oregon under the provisional government. He was elected to this position on June 3, 1845.\nBe died on May 2, 1877. He was long engaged in the\nmercantile business in Oregon City in partnership with\nHiram Clark, Thomas Pope and James R. Robb. His\nbiography appears in the Transactions of the Oregon\nPioneer Association for 1886. See also Scott's History\nof the Oregon Country. George Abernethy once owned\nthe island in the Willamette River at the edge of Willamette Falls at Oregon City. It was formerly known as\nGovernors Island but is now known as Abernethy Island.\nThe geography of Abernethy Creek is shown on the U.\nS. Geological Survey maps of the Boring and Oregon\nCity quadrangles.\nIn 1924 Professor Edwin T. Hodge of the University\nof Oregon applied the name Abernethy Island to a geographic feature in the lava fields near McKenzie Pass.\nThis was also in commemoration of Governor Abernethy.\nAbiqua Creek, Marion County. Abiqua Creek rises\nin the western slopes of the Cascade Range, and joins\nPudding River about three miles northwest of Silverton.\nIt was on the Abiqua that a skirmish of the Cayuse War\nwas alleged to have been *f ought in March, 1848, and some\nnon-combatant Indians killed. For a discussion of this\nbattle by John Minto, see The Oregonian, March 12, 1877,\nby James W. Nesmith, ibid. March 15, 1877; by John\nMinto March 20, 1877, page 1; by A. F. Johnson March\n22, 1877, page 1. It is apparent from reading the above\nnewspaper articles that the battle was neither bloody nor\nimportant, even if it was actually fought. Nothing is\nknown of the meaning of the Indian name Abiqua. It\nmay have referred to a small tribe or to a camping place\nmil\npEm vm*\n312\nLewis A. McArthur\nSft' rv-\n\u2022$j|;,. :kf [^\nf. hi\u00bb.'\nalong the stream. The U. S. Geographic Board has decided on the spelling of Abiqua.\nAda, Lane County. Postmaster E. Martin writes in\nOctober, 1925, that he has been unable to get any information concerning the origin of the name of this post\noffice and nothing is known about it locally.\nAdams, Umatilla County. This town is about 13 miles\nnortheast of Pendleton on Wildhorse Creek. It was\nnamed after John F. Adams, part of whose homestead\nis now included in the town. The post office was established on July 9, 1883, with Wm. H. McCoy first postmaster.\nAdel, Lake County. The compiler has been unable to\nsecure information concerning the origin of this name\nand would welcome such.\nAdrian, Malheur County. When the branch of the\nOregon Short Line Railroad was built into this part of\nthe county, there was a post office called Riverview on\nthe east side of Snake River, and the railroad authorities\ndid not desire to have a station of the same name on the\nwest side. Reuben McCreary, who platted the townsite\nof Riverview on the west side, suggested that if that\nname was unsatisfactory, that the name Adrian be used,\nwhich was adopted by the railroad on February 13, 1913.\nIt is not known why he suggested the name. Subsequently the name of the post office was made to agree\nwith the station name.\nAgate Beach, Lincoln County. This is- a descriptive\nname. The sea beach between Newport and Yaquina\nHead has long been noted for the very fine agates found\nthere. Dealers in Newport make a specialty of cutting\nand polishing these stones.\nAgency Creek, Polk and Yamhill Counties. Agency\nCreek rises on the eastern slopes of the Coast Range, and\nflows for the greater part of its length in Yamhill County,\njoining South Yamhill River near Grand Ronde. It was Oregon Geographic Names\n313\nnamed because of the United States Indian Agency at\nGrand Ronde, which was established in pioneer days.\nAgency Hill, Klamath County. This is a prominent\nlandmark just north of Klamath Indian Agency. The\nKlamath Indian name is Yanaldi, which indicates the\nridge extending from Klamath Agency to a point north\nof Fort Klamath.\nAgency Lake, Klamath County. This name is generally used in referring to the northern arm of Upper\nKlamath Lake, so called because of the Klamath Indian\nAgency nearby.\nAgency Plains, Jefferson County. These plains lie\nat an elevation of from 2300 to 2400 feet, and are bordered on the west by the Deschutes River and on the east\nby Mud Springs Creek. They were so named because\nthey were near the agency of the Warm Springs Indian\nReservation.\nAgness, Curry County. Agness post office was established October 16, 1897, and was named after the daughter of Amaziah Aubery, the first postmaster. Agness is\nsituated on Rogue River. Amaziah Aubery was born in\nnorthern California December 24, 1865, and came to\nCurry County in 1883. He married Rachel Fry on February 22, 1887. It has been alleged that the name was\nimproperly reported to the postal authorities, hence the\nunusual spelling, but the compiler has no accurate information on this point. \u00bb\nAhalapam Cinder Field, Deschutes and Lane Counties. This cinder field lies on the summit of the Cascade\nRange just north of the Three Sisters. It was named\nin 1924 by Professor Edwin T. Hodge of the University\nof Oregon. Ahalapam is one of the forms of the Indian\nname Santiam, and was used because the Santiam River\npossibly at one time headed in this region.\nAirlie, Polk County. This was the southern terminus\nof ^he narrow gauge line of the Oregonian Railway Company. The tracks were subsequently widened to standard 314\nLewis A. McArthur\ngauge, and the property is now controlled by the Southern Pacific Company. The station was named for the\nEarl of Airlie in Scotland, who was president of the Oregonian Railway Company and who visited Oregon during\nthe course of construction. Airlie has an elevation of\n247 feet.\nAlbany, Linn County. \"Albany was founded in 1848\nby Walter and Thomas Monteith, named after Albany,\nNew York, by request of James P. Millar, and incorporated in 1864\" (Bancroft's History of Oregon, volume\nII, page 716). The first house in Albany, then the finest\nresidence in Oregon, was built in 1849 by Monteith brothers, at Washington and Second streets. The first settler\narrived in 1845 (The Oregonian, November 18, 1888).\nThe first store was established in 1849. The town of\nTakena was started in 1849, just below Albany, and by\nact of January 12, 1854 (Oregon Session Laws, page 27),\nthe legislature gave the name to both towns, but in 1855,\nAlbany was restored by the legislature. The first school\nwas opened in 1851, the post office in 1852, the first flouring mill in 1852. The first steamboat arrived in 1852.\nThe Monteiths and Samuel Althouse bought the townsite\nin 1848 from Hiram Smead, for $400. The geography\nof the immediate vicinity of Albany is shown on the V.\nS. Geological Survey map of the Albany quadrangle. The\ngovernment bench mark in the Linn County courthouse\nin Albany has an elevation of 214 feet.\nFor additional information about the Monteiths and\nearly history of Albany, see Oregon Journal, December 5,\n1925, editorial page.\nAlbee, Umatilla County. The author has been unable\nto secure information concerning the origin of the name\nof this community and would appreciate such.\nAlbina, Multnomah County. Albina is now a part\nof Portland, but it was originally a separate municipality.\nIt was laid out in 1872 and incorporated in 1887. Port-\nland, East Portland and Albina were consolidated in p^l\nOregon Geographic Names\n315\n1891. It was named for Albina G. Page, daughter of\nWilliam W. Page. The wife of William W. Page was\nAlbina V. Amiraux. They were married June 20, 1861.\nW. W. Page was born December 4, 1838, in Westmoreland\nCounty, Virginia; came to Oregon, 1857; died at Portland April 12, 1897. Albina, the town, was named by\nEdwin Russell, one-time manager of the Bank of British\nColumbia at Portland, after Albina G. Page, daughter of\nW. W. Page and Albina V. Page. Mrs. Page was born\nin Canada; came to Oregon, 1859. Albina was settled\nupon (donation land claim) by James L. Loring and\nJoseph Delay. Litigation between them was won by\nDelay, who sold to W. W. Page, Edwin Russell and George\nH. Williams, who laid out the town. It was later purchased by William Reid and J. B. Montgomery, and settlement began in 1874. For the platting of the town, see\nThe Oregonian, April 29, 1873, page 3; early history of\nAlbina, ibid., April 7, 21, 1887; September 12, 1886,\npage 5; description, ibid., April 2, 1887; construction\nof railroad shops, ibid., March 21, 1887. The first city\nelection was held February 15, 1887; the first meeting\nof the city council took place February 21, 1887. For\nnotes on the growth of Albina, ibid., January 1, 1891.\nAlgoma, Klamath County. This town was named\nfor the Algoma Lumber Company. The name is said to\nbe an Indian word formed from Algonquin and goma,\nmeaning \"Algonquin waters.\" Various forms of the\nname have been used in several states. Algoma has an\nelevation of 4151 feet.\nAlicel, Union County. This is a station on the\nEnterprise branch of the Oregon-Washington Railroad\n& Navigation Co. It is reported that when this branch\nwas built about 1890 that Charles Ladd, a well-known\nlocal resident, had the station named for his wife, Alice\nLadd. After the death of Mr. Ladd his widow married\na Mr. Tucker and subsequently lived in Seattle. Alicel\n\\2Kzmm H, -Ms i&.\n316\nLewis A. McArthur\nriJ\nhas an elevation of 2755 feet, and is in the Grande Ronde\nvalley.\nAlkali Lake, Lake County. This playa occupies the\nsouthern portion of a broad shallow basin northeast of\nLake Abert. The water is highly concentrated, the dissolved salts averaging 10 per cent of the weight of the\ntotal brine. This lake, together with many other lakes,\nplayas and streams, received its name on account of the\nalkaline salts dissolved in the water.\nAllegany, Coos County. Allegheny is the modern\nspelling of a Delaware Indian word for the Allegheny and\nOhio Rivers. The word is used for many features in the\nUnited States, including the Allegheny Mountains in the\neastern United States, and for a county, city and river\nin Pennsylvania. There are several variations of the\nspelling. This post office was established March 25, 1893,\nwith Wm. Vincamp first postmaster.\nAlma, Lane County. Alma, is in the southwestern\npart of Lane County, on the Siuslaw River. Alma is a\nLatin word meaning \"bountiful.\"\nAloha, Washington County. Aloha is a station on\nthe Southern Pacific line just west of Beaverton and has\nan elevation of 213 feet. Its name was chosen in 1912\nby Robert Caples, and is an Hawaiian word. The meaning of the word Aloha is varied according to the relationship existing between the persons using the word and\nalso depending upon the time of day it is used and\nwhether it is at a meeting or a departure. It also depends\nto a certain extent upon what conversation took place\njust previous to its use and the gesture which ofttimes\naccompanies it. On meeting anyone in the morning the\nuse of the word indicates \"good morning\" and in the\nevening \"good evening,\" but on leaving at night it means\n\"good night.\" If it is used at the time of departure on\na journey it means \"farewell,\" and it is also very generally used as an affectionate greeting even when addressed to strangers. Oregon Geographic Names\n317\nAlpha, Lane County. The post office at Alpha was\nestablished July 23, 1890, and was named for Alpha Lun-\ndey, a young girl living in the community. Alpha is the\nfirst letter of the Greek alphabet.\nAlpine, Benton County. It is presumed that this\nlittle settlement was named because of its location in a\nmountainous district, although characteristics of the\nCoast Range in that neighborhood are not particularly\nsuggestive of the Alps.\nAlsea RrvER, Benton and Lincoln Counties. Alsea\nis a corruption of Alsi, the original name of a Yakonan\ntribe that lived at the mouth of Alsea River. Lewis and\nClark give Ulseah. Duflot de Mofras gives Alsiias in his\nExploration (1844), volume II, page 335. Lt. Wm. P.\nMcArthur gives Alseya on his chart accompanying the\nreport of the U. S. Coast Survey for 1851. The name\nhas numerous variations, but there is no doubt but that\nit was originally pronounced with three syllables, and\nnot with two as at present. Alsea River rises in the\nCoast Range and flows into Alsea Bay at Waldport. The\ntown of Alsea is in the southwest part of Benton County.\nThe U. S. Geographic Board has adopted the form Alsea.\nAltamont, Klamath County. This community is just\nsoutheast of Klamath Falls, and is said to have been\nnamed for Altamont, the famous racehorse. The word\nis derived from the Spanish, meaning \"high mountain.\"\nIt was applied to the community by Jay Beach, a prominent horseman.\nAlvadore, Lane County. Alvadore is a town about\n10 miles northwest of Eugene on a branch line of the\nSouthern Pacific. It was named for Alvadore Welch of\nPortland, a prominent public utility promotor and manager, who built the Portland, Eugene & Eastern Railway\nthrough the community. This railway was subsequently\nacquired by the Southern Pacific Company.\nAlvord Lake, Harney County. This is an alkali lake if\nPi'^i^t\n*w.&\n318\nLewis A. McArthur\nof varying size near the southern end of Steens Mountain, from which it receives its main water supply\nthrough Wildhorse Creek. In wet weather the lake overflows Alvord Desert, a playa to the north which occupies\na large part of Alvord Valley. These geographic features\nwere named by then Captain George B. Currey of the\nFirst Oregon Cavalry, during the Snake War of 1864\nfor Major Benjamin Alvord, who subsequently reached\nthe rank of brigadier-general in the U. S. army. He was\npaymaster of the department of Oregon, 1854-62. In\n1861-65 he was in command of the department of Oregon.\nHe was born at Rutland, Vermont, August 8, 1813; died\nOctober 17, 1884. He was held in high estimation in the\nPacific Northwest, and Indian depredations in eastern\nOregon, after his departure, made his absence all the\nmore regretted. For a biographical sketch, see The Oregonian, March 3, 1865..\nAmity, Yamhill County. This name was the result\nof an amicable settlement of a local school dispute.\nAmity was the name of a school, first applied in 1849\nby Ahio S. Watt, pioneer of 1848, who was the first\nteacher in a log building, that was constructed by two\nrival communities which were seeking school advantages.\nThe post office was established in 1852, Jerome B. Walling, postmaster (The Oregonian, April 20, 1852). Elevation 161 feet.\nAna River, Lake County. Ana River is a short,\nspring-fed stream that flows into the north end of Summer Lake. W. H. Byars, who surveyed the lands bordering on the lake named the river for his small daughter,\nlater Mrs. S. W. Thompson of Salem. Mr. Byars was a\nwell-known pioneer resident of Oregon, and was surveyor general from 1890 to 1894.\nAnchor, Douglas County. Despite repeated efforts\nthe author has been unable to secure information concerning the origin of this name.\n-Mg Oregon Geographic Names\n319\nAnderson Lake, Lake County. This lake is one of\nthe Warner Lakes. It is said to have been named for\nThomas A. Anderson, a nearby resident.\nAnderson Spring, Crater Lake National Park, Klamath County. This spring is about a mile east of Kerr\nNotch in the southeast rim of Crater Lake and is one of\nthe sources of Sand Creek and has an elevation of approximately 6800 feet. It was named for Frank M.\nAnderson by Captain O. C. Applegate in 1888.\nAndrews, Harney County. This post office is said\nto have been called after a man named Pete Andrews,\nwho settled in the Wildhorse Valley about 1890.\nAnkeny Bottom, Marion County. This bottom has\na general elevation of about 200 feet and is situated on\nthe east bank of the Willamette River just north of the\nmouth of the Santiam River. It was named for Henry\nE. Ankeny, son of Captain A. P. Ankeny, who developed\na farm there in the '70s. Henry E. Ankeny was born in\nWest Virginia in 1844, came to Oregon about 1852 with\nhis father, and died December 21, 1906. See Carey's\nHisiory of Oregon, volume II, page 538.\nAnlauf, Douglas County. This is a station on the\nmain line of the Southern Pacific Company. It was\nnamed for a pioneer family of the vicinity. The post\noffice was established May 1, 1901, with James A. Sterling first postmaster.\nAnna Creek, Crater Lake National Park, Klamath\nCounty. This stream, together with Anna Spring, which\nis its principal source, was named for Miss Annie Gaines\nin 1865. She with Mrs. O. T. Brown were the first white\nwomen to descend to the waters of Crater Lake. She\nalways spelled her name Annie, but the name of the\nspring and creek has been officially styled Anna by the\nUnited States Geographic Board.\nAntelope, Wasco County. The Antelope Valley was\nprobably named in 1862 by members of the party of III\n320\nLewis A. McArthur\nJoseph H. Sherar, while packing supplies into the John\nDay mines. See Bancroft's History of Oregon, volume I,\npage 787. There were many antelope in central Oregon\nin pioneer days, hence the name. Antelope post office\nwas established August 7, 1871, and Howard Maupin\nwas first postmaster, the office having taken its name\nfrom the valley. During 1862 the Sherar party also\nnamed Muddy Creek, Cherry Creek, Burnt Ranch and\nlaid the foundation for Bakeoven. Antelope has an elevation of 2631 feet.\nAnthony Lakes, Baker and Union Counties. These\nlakes form a source of Anthony Fork, a tributary of\nNorth Powder River. The lakes were at one time known\nas North Powder Lakes, but the United States Geographic Board has officially decided on Anthony Lakes.\nThe compiler has been unable to get the derivation of\nthe name Anthony.\nAntone, Wheeler County. Despite repeated efforts\nthe author has been unable to secure information concerning the origin of this name.\nApplegate Peak, Crater Lake National Park, Klamath County. This peak is on the south rim of Crater\nLake and is just above Vidae Cliff. It has an elevation\nof 8135 feet and was named for Captain Oliver C. Apple-\ngate of Klamath Falls.\nApplegate River, Jackson and Josephine Counties.\nApplegate River and its tributaries rise in the Siskiyou\nMountains. It flows into Rogue River west of Grants\nPass. The valley through which it flows is known as the\nApplegate district, and there is a post office called\nApplegate in Jackson County. Applegate is an honored\nname in Oregon history. Jesse, Lindsay and Charles\nApplegate came to Oregon from Missouri in 1843, and for\nmany years were prominent in pioneer affairs. Jesse\nand Lindsay Applegate went into Southern Oregon on\nan exploring expedition in 1846, particulars of which\nmay be found in Carey's History of Oregon, page 444, m**\nOregon Geographic Names\n321\nand it was from this and subsequent operations in that\npart of the state that led to the naming of the geographic\n! features in question.\nJesse Applegate died April 22, 1888. He is considered\none of the most typical of Oregon pioneers. His name\nis inscribed in the Vista House, near Portland. See\nEvans' History of Pacific Northwest, volume II, pages\n195-96; Washington Quarterly, volume I, pages 217-33;\nScott's History of the Oregon Country, volume II, page\n233.\nArant Point, Crater Lake National Park, Klamath\nCounty. This point with an elevation of 6815 feet is\nabout one mile south of Anna Spring. It was named for\nW. F. Arant of Klamath Falls, formerly superintendent\nof the park.\nArch Cape, Clatsop County. This cape is in the extreme southwest part of the county, and at the south\nend of Cannon Beach. It was named because of the\nnatural arch in the rocks. Arch Cape post office was\nestablished June 27, 1912, with William C. Adams first\npostmaster. It was discontinued August 31, 1913.\nArleta, Multnomah County. Arleta is now a part\nof Portland. It was named for Arleta Potter, a daughter\nof T. B. Potter of the Potter-Chapin Realty Company,\nwhich put the addition on the market.\nArlington, Gilliam County. This town is on the\nsouth bank of the Columbia River at the mouth of Alkali\nCanyon, and in pioneer days the place was known as\nAlkali. The post office at Alkali which was then in Wasco\nCounty was established on November 7, 1881. Local\nresidents did not consider the name Alkali as being suitable for a growing community, and at a town meeting\nMr. N. A. Cornish suggested that the community be\nnamed Arlington. The U. S. Post Office Department\nchanged the name to Arlington on December 31, 1885.\nThere were a number of southerners living in the com- fffff\n^5y\n;r>v\n-Ml\n\u00a3\u2022**'\nii\nHii\n4&\n\u25a0H !\nT*\ns4n\n*%\n!^1\nW\n3.\n,M\n'p\nSi\nSr|\nI'ffi\n\u25a0 'Vi\nIA';\n\u25a0 ill*\n\u25a0\u00ab,n!\nf\ns-V',..-'''-\n^*\n1 '\u2666.?\nm\n\u25a0#:;\n1;\n\u2022j\\ ';.\n'.....\u00ab,t\n!&\n* *'\nt \u00bb\u00bba\n;-S*V;\n..*\u25a0 }.\n,+.V .,,'\u25a0;\nft\n1\n\\'jr\n*-r*\n\"\u2022'\n'\u2022r^.\n322\nLewis A. McArthur\nmunity at the time and Mr. Cornish suggested the name\nof Arlington because it was the home of General Robert\nE. Lee.\nArmin, Wallowa County. Despite repeated efforts\nthe author has been unable to secure information concerning the origin of this name.\nAsh, Douglas County. This post office was established July 24, 1894, and the first postmaster was Charles\nL. Parker. The post office department asked for a short\nname and he suggested Ash as there were a quantity of\nthose trees in the vicinity.\nAshland, Jackson County. Ashland was named by\nAbel D. Hellman, whose birthplace was Ashland County,\nOhio. Matthew P. Deady is authority for the statement\nthat the town was named in honor of Henry Clay's birthplace, which was near Ashland, Virginia (Deady letter\nin The Oregonian, May 13, 1884). Both explanations are\nprobably correct. Hellman was born in 1824. The town\nin Oregon was named in 1852 (Walling's History of\nSouthern Oregon). The post office was first called Ashland Mills (letter of W. Beeson in The Oregonian, May\n22, 1884, page 3). The flouring mill was built by Abel\nD. Hellman, John Hellman, Eber Emery, Jacob Emery\nand James Cardwell. Ashland Mills in 1855 is described\nby Thomas J. Dryer, ibid., June 23, T855; see also April 4,\n1903. For notes on Ashland in 1855, ibid., February 2,\n1885. The government bench mark in Lithia Park in\nAshland has an elevation of 1950 feet.\nAshland Peak, Jackson County. This mountain lies\nabout eight miles due south of Ashland and was named\nfor that community. It was at one time known as\nSiskiyou Peak. It is frequently referred to in southern\nOregon as Mt. Ashland, but the government uses the form\nAshland Peak. The elevation of Ashland Peak is 7535\nfeet, according to the United States Coast and Geodetic\nSurvey.\nAspen Lake, Klamath County. Aspen Lake is west Oregon Geographic Names\n323\nffeiM**fc!!\nof Upper Klamath Lake, and is fed by streams from the\neast side of Aspen Butte. These features and others so\nnamed in the state are distinguished by the presence of\nthat beautiful tree, the quaking aspen, or populus trem-\ntdoides.\nIn his History of the American Fur Trade, General\nH. M. Chittenden says: \"Another species of the genus\npopulus was the populus tremuloides, the quaking asp,\nor the tremble of the French. The superstitious voyageurs thought this was the wood of which the Cross was\nmade and that ever since the crucifixion its leaves have\nexhibited that constant tremulous appearance which has\ngiven rise to the name. The wood of the quaking asp\nwas preferred by the trappers as a fuel for cooking, because it had little odor and did not taint the meat.\"\nAstoria, Clatsop County. The name Astoria is full\nof historic significance, for about it is woven the story\nof the discovery, exploration and development of the\ngreat Oregon country. It was here that Captain Robert\nGray discovered the mouth of the Columbia River and\ngave to the United States its claim to the title of the\nterritory. It was here that Lewis and Clark passed the\nwinter of 1805-6 and it was here that the first commercial settlement of Americans was made on the Pacific\nCoast in 1811. This settlement was the direct result\nof the organizing of the Pacific Fur Company in 1810\nby John Jacob Astor of New York, and it was fitting\nthat his name should be given to the company's initial\nenterprise.\nJohn Jacob Astor was born in Germany in 1763, and\nafter four years in London, came to New York when he\nwas 20. By his energy and industry he grew to be a\nleading figure in the commercial life of the city, where\nhe died on March 29, 1848, leaving a large fortune, part\nof which founded the Astor Library. The bibliography\nof John Jacob Astor's relations with Oregon is unusually\nlarge. Washington Irving's Astoria strays from the 324\nLewis A. McArthur\n. .\u00ab H i\nfields of historical accuracy, but gives a good general\naccount of Astor's enterprise. The first chapters of\nScott's History of the Oregon Country treat of the founding of Astoria quite fully, and include a large number\nof references invaluable to those interested in the matter.\nThe Astor party on the ship Tonquin arrived off the\nmouth of the Columbia River on March 22, 1811, and\nafter two disastrous days of fruitless effort, succeeded\nin landing in the estuary. Three weeks later the party\nbegan the erection of a fort and bestowed upon it the\nname of the originator and chief owner of the enterprise\n(April 12).\nLewis and Clark hibernated on what is now known\nas Lewis and Clark River, a few miles southwest of the\npresent city of Astoria. Their camp was called Fort\nClatsop. The city of Astoria is situated on a peninsula\nbetween the Columbia River on the north and Youngs\nBay on the south, and the high ridge in between is known\nas Coxcomb Hill. It has an extreme elevation of about\n647 feet.\nAthena, Umatilla County. This town is about half\nway between Walla Walla and Pendleton, and for many\nyears was known as Centerville. The name caused confusion with Centerville in Washington County, and also with\nCenterville in Klickitat County, Washington. In 1889\nthe town authorities decided on a change and asked D.\nW. Jarvis, local school principal, to suggest a new name.\nJarvis, being of a romantically classical turn of mind,\nsuggested Athena, which was adopted. Athena was one\nof the most important goddesses of Greek mythology,\nand with Zeus and Apollo represented the embodiment\nof all divine power. She was the goddess of counsel, war,\nfemale arts and industries. In Italy she was known as\nMinerva. No satisfactory explanation is given of the\norigin of the Greek name Athena. See Encyclopsedia\nBritannica. The post office of Centerville was established Oregon Geographic Names\n325\nOctober 11, 1878, with Wm. T. Cook as first postmaster.\nThe name was changed to Athena May 16, 1889.\nAthey Canyon, Polk County. This canyon is on the\nwest slope of Eola Hills about two miles northeast of\nMcCoy. It was named for a well-known pioneer family\nof the north Willamette Valley.\nAugur Creek, Lake County. This stream is northwest of Lakeview. The compiler has been unable to\nlocate information as to when it was named, but is certain that it was called after Captain C. C. Augur, U. S.\nArmy, who was a participant in early Indian wars in\nOregon. The name was doubtless applied during the\nSnake War in 1864. C. C. Augur was born in 1821, and\ngraduated from West Point. During the Civil War he\nbecame major-general of volunteers, and was a brigadier-\ngeneral in the regular establishment. He died in 1898.\nAumsville, Marion County. This community is on\nthe site of Henry L. Turner's pioneer farm, and Mr. Turner and his sons and son-in-law, Amos M. Davis, built a\nflour mill there, and for a time the place was called\nHoggum, because there were so many pigs about. Before\nthe mill was completed, Amos Davis died, on December\n26, 1863. Mr. Turner was very fond of his son-in-law,\nwho was generally called Aumus, and after Amos' death,\nhe named the place Aumsville. Post office authorities\nstate that the first post office was called Condit, and was\nestablished July 10, 1862, with Cyrinus Condit postmaster. The name of this office was changed to Aumsville March 11, 1868, with John W. Cusick postmaster.\nThe compiler has been unable to ascertain if Condit post\noffice was in the present location of Aumsville.\nAurora, Marion County. Aurora was the center of\na German colony, and is now on the main line of the\nSouthern Pacific Company and also on the Pacific Highway about 28 miles from Portland. The town was\nfounded by Dr. William Keil, March 20, 1857, and was\nnamed after his daughter. Keil was born in Prussia in 326\nLewis A. McArthur\nHi\nIlpI\n1811 and died in 1877. The colony was founded in 1855,\ncoming from Bethel, Missouri, where Dr. Keil founded\na colony in 1845. After his death, private property\nsucceeded his community system. See Scott's History\nof the Oregon Country, volume II, page 324, which refers\nto several articles on the subject.\nAustin, Grant County. This community was named\nfor Mr. and Mrs. Minot Austin, early settlers, who operated a small store and hotel not far from the present\nsite of the town. Austin has an elevation of 4082 feet.\nAvery, Benton County. This is a station on the\nSouthern Pacific Company line about two miles south\nof Corvallis. It was named for Joseph C. Avery, a\npioneer of 1845. He was the first owner of the site of\nCorvallis, which was then known as Marysville, and he\nsold the first town lots in 1849. Mr. Avery was a prominent and progressive citizen engaged in farming and\nmercantile business and was appointed postal agent for\nOregon and Washington in 1853. He was several times\na member of the Oregon legislature. He was born in\nPennsylvania in 1817 and died at Corvallis June 16, 1876.\nSee under Corvallis.\nAwbrey Heights, Deschutes County. Awbrey Heights\nare just west of Bend and form a butte with an elevation\nof 4234 feet, covered with scattered timber. These\nheights together with Awbrey Falls on the Deschutes\nRiver several miles north of Tumalo were named for\nMarshall Awbrey, an early settler in the Deschutes\nValley.\nAzalea, Douglas County. Douglas County is noted\nfor its azaleas and this post office was named on account\nof their abundance in that community. There are two\nwell-known members of the Ericaceae of this type in Oregon, the azalea occidentalis or western azalea, and aza-\nleastrum albiflorum, or small white.\nBachelor Butte, Deschutes County. Bachelor Butte\nhas an elevation of 9044 feet as determined by the U. S. Oregon Geographic Names\n327\nCoast and Geodetic Survey, and is one of the imposing\nisolated peaks of the middle Cascade Range of Oregon.\nIt is just southeast of the Three Sisters, and receives its\nname because it stands apart from them.\nBacona, Washington County. This community is in\nthe extreme north part of the county. When the post\noffice was established it was named for a family of early\nresidents by the name of Bacon.\nBade, Umatilla County. This is a station on the Oregon-Washington Railroad & Navigation Company line\nbetween Milton and Weston. It was named for William\nG. Bade, a nearby resident. For many years this station\nwas called Bates, and it is said this was because a German section foreman misinterpreted Bade's name in\ntransmitting it to the railroad company headquarters.\nBadger Creek, Hood River and Wasco Counties. The\nbadger, taxidea americana, is so plentiful throughout\nOregon, especially that part east of the Cascade Range\nthat it is not surprising that many geographic features\nwere named for it. Badger holes are in evidence almost\neverywhere, and Badger Creeks are particularly plentiful. The creek mentioned at the head of this paragraph\nhas its source in Badger Lake, in Hood River County,\nwith an elevation of 4435 feet. A mile southeast is\nBadger Butte, with an elevation of 5992 feet, a well-\nknown landmark.\nBakeoven, Wasco County. During pioneer gold excitement in Canyon City, an enterprising trader started\nfrom The Dalles with a pack train of flour. After crossing the Deschutes River Indians drove off his horses in\nthe night and left him with his supplies. He constructed\na rough clay and stone bakeoven and made bread which\nhe sold to miners and prospectors going to the mines.\nThe old oven was in existence for many years after the\nowner abandoned it. H. H. Bancroft, in his History of\nOregon, volume I, page 787, states that the baker was a\nGerman and that the event occurred when Joseph H.\na^ai RV\u00a3 f|^ \u00a7*:\n328\nLewis A. McArthur\nSherar took a party to the mines in 1862. The post office\nof Bakeoven was established December 1, 1875, with Mrs.\nEllen Burgess first postmaster. It was discontinued\nOctober 30, 1913.\nBaker, Baker County. Baker was originally known\nas Baker City and it was, of course, named for Baker\nCounty. The post office was first established on March\n27, 1866, with William F. McCrary as postmaster. In\n1911 the name of the post office was changed to Baker\nto conform to the new style adopted by the incorporated\ncommunity. For complete information about the origin\nof the name see the information under Baker County\nand also an editorial in The Oregonian, November 13,\n1925, page 14.\nAuburn was originally the principal metropolis in\nBaker County and was situated about 6 miles westerly\nfrom the present site Baker. There is nothing left on\nmodern maps to recall the location of the mining camp\nof Auburn, except the Auburn Ditch now used for irrigation purposes.\nBaker County. Baker County was created September 22, 1862, by the state legislature (General Laws of\n1862, page 112). It was made from the eastern part\nof Wasco County. It was named for Edward Dickinson\nBaker (1808-61) who was elected United States senator\nfrom Oregon in 1860. He was killed at Balls Bluff. His\nbiography appears in The Oregonian January 15, 1875,\nby Tom Merry; May 31, 1908, by Clark E. Carr; January\n19, 1896. He first came to Oregon in December, 1859,\nand, in the following February, moved his family to Oregon. For the narrative of his death, ibid., July 16, 1893,\npage 4; January 7, 1892; June 1, 1895, page 9; April 25,\n1878, page 4; October 21, 1906, page 49; tribute to his\nstrong oratorical power, ibid., April 5, 1899, page 3, by\nP. B. Johnson; reminiscences of Baker, by George H.\nWilliams, ibid., July 29, 1906, page 41; Baker's speech\nin Union Square, New York, in April, 1861, ibid., May Oregon Geographic Names\n329\n30, 1906, page 8; his oration over the body of Senator\nBroderick, ibid., October 14, 1883; his reply to Brecken-\nridge, ibid., July 30, 1905, page 43; description of the\ngrave of E. D. Baker at San Francisco, ibid., March 13,\n1892; June 4, 1872, page 3. For biographical narrative,\nby William D. Fenton, see Oregon Historical Society\nQuarterly, volume IX, pages 1-23.\nComplete details concerning the origin of Oregon\ncounties may be obtained from Oregon Historical Society\nQuarterly, volume XI, No. 1, for March, 1910, which\ncontains an address on the subject by Frederick V. Hoi-\nman.\nFor a description of Baker County in 1880 see The\nOregonian for December 28, 1880; in 1885, ibid., October\n19, 1885, by Alfred Holman; in 1881, ibid., December 6,\n1881, by George H. Atkinson.\nBalch Creek, Multnomah County. Danford Balch\nsettled near what is now Willamette Heights in Portland\nin 1850. Balch was hanged October 17, 1859, for killing\nhis son-in-law, Mortimer Stump, on the Stark Street\nferry. For history of the tragedy of the Balch family,\nsee Scott's History of the Oregon Country, volume III,\npage 352. Balch Creek was named for this family, and\nat one time the creek furnished the city water supply.\nBald Mountain, Polk County. This is one of the\nhigher peaks of the Coast Range, and is in the southern\npart of the county. It bears a descriptive name, and has\nan elevation of 3230 feet,, according to Special Publication 13 of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey where\nit is listed as Monmouth Peak. It is not now known by\nthat name. There is probably a Bald Mountain in every\ncounty in the state, and more than one in some. The\nease with which this descriptive name was applied does\nnot speak well for the geographic imagination or ingenuity of early settlers.\nWi, |H $*\n:\u00ab!if\nbt?\n\u25a0''.\u2022\u25a0 V'\n. (\nl&\n'\u00ab?\u00bb.\n+1\n\"\u2022ti'V\nk?-\nIv\n!j\u00bbi\n5*i\n'Ir\nII\n;;)..\n!n'\nrfc*\nTf)\n**&l\n\u25a0Si\n'\u25a0 ^f\n\u2022\u25a0' ill\n*.V;'-\ni *V\n,jjfc\nM\n,' \u25a0\u00bb\n'\u2022 \u00a7 $j\n330\nLewis A. McArthur\nBaldy Lake, Grant County. This is a small lake on\nthe north slope of Ireland Mountain, so named because\nat one time Ireland Mountain was known as Bald Mountain.\nBancroft, Coos County. It is reported that the Post\nOffice Department named this office, but the reason is not\nknown. The post office was established July 28, 1891,\nwith Burrel R. Banning first postmaster.\nBandon, Coos County. Bandon is a community on\nthe south side of the mouth of Coquille River. It was\nnamed by George Bennett who settled not far from the\npresent location of the community in 1873. Mr. Bennett\nwas a native of Ireland and named the new city for Bandon, on Bandon River, County Cork, Ireland. He married Katherine Ann Scott Harrison, and three children\nwere born to them, two of whom have been prominent\ncitizens of Coos County.\nBanks, Washington County. A. C. Wahl, postmaster\nat Banks, reported in September, 1925, that the name of\nBanks was submitted to the post office authorities about\n1890 by Joe Schulmerich and Joed Hartley, but it is not\nknown what suggested the name. At one time the offices\nof Bakersfield and Banks were consolidated with Greenville, with Greenville as the name, but in 1907 the office\nwas moved to the former site of Banks, and as a result\nof a petition to the authorities, the old name of Banks\nwas readopted.\nBare Island, Klamath County. This island is in\nupper Klamath Lake not far from Modoc Point. It was\nso named because it was bare of any considerable stand\nof timber. The Klamath Indian name of this island was\nAushme. Those Indians had a legend that it was created\nby one of their deities who threw a game-stick in the lake.\nBarklow Mountain, Coos and Curry Counties. This\nmountain with an elevation of 3559 feet was named for\na well-known pioneer family of Coos County.\nMM. Oregon Geographic Names\n331\nBarlow, Clackamas County. Barlow is on the main\nline of the Southern Pacific Company in Clackamas\nCounty, and also on the Pacific Highway. It was named\nfor William Barlow. He was a son of Samuel K. Barlow,\nwho opened the Barlow Road. William Barlow's reminiscences are printed in the Oregon Historical Society\nQuarterly, volume XIII, page 240, where it is stated that\nhe was born October 26, 1822, in Marion County, Indiana,\nand it was in that state that his father had married\nSusannah Lee. The Barlows came to Oregon in 1845,\ntraveling over the Cascade Range by what was later\nknown as the Barlow Road, and arrived in Oregon City\nChristmas night. He engaged in various enterprises,\nand among other things, started the first black walnut\ntrees grown in Oregon in 1859. Samuel K. Barlow\nbought the donation land claim of Thomas McKay on\nSeptember 17, 1850, and afterwards sold this place to\nhis son William. The railroad was built through the\nplace about 1870, and the station was named for William\nBarlow. Barlow has an elevation of 101 feet.\nBarlow Road, Clackamas and Wasco Counties. The\nBarlow Road was named for Samuel Kimbrough Barlow,\na pioneer of 1845, who developed the first made road in\nthe state of Oregon. For a description of the difficulties\nthe Barlows had getting over the Cascade Range on what\nwas later the Barlow Road, see Oregon Historical Society\nQvjarterly, volume XIII, page 240. For a history of the\nroad itself, see ibid., page 287. Barlow started the work\nwhen he came over with the emigration, and finished it\nthe following year. From the summit of the Cascade\nRange westward to Sandy the Mt. Hood Loop Highway\nis in substantially the same location as the Barlow Road,\nthough of course modern engineering has solved some of\nSamuel K. Barlow's greatest difficulties. East of the\nsummit the Barlow Road has been in disuse for many\nyears for a considerable distance down the eastern slope,\nespecially where it traversed the canyon of White River.\nmm\\ TO\n332\nLewis A. McArthur\n*P*\nm\nThe Oak Grove Road from Salmon River Meadows to\nWapinitia was not a part of the original Barlow Road,\nthough frequently spoken of as such. On July 27, 1925,\na memorial tablet was dedicated to Samuel Kimbrough\nBarlow at a point on the Mt. Hood Loop Highway just\neast of Government Camp. This tablet, which is on a\nlarge boulder bears the following inscription: \"Samuel\nKimbrough Barlow, Oregon Pioneer from Kentucky,\nBuilt the First Wagon Road over the Cascade Mountains,\nPassing this Spot, 1845-1846. The Building of Railroads\nSince has been of Less Importance to the Community\nthat the Opening of this Road which Enabled the Settlers\nto bring their Wagons and Teams Directly into the Willamette Valley. Erected by the Sons and Daughters of\nOregon Pioneers 1923.\" The tablet was unveiled in 1923\nbut could not be put in place then owing to difficulties\nover the title to the site. On the same boulder is another\ntablet with the following words: \"Susannah Lee Barlow,\nwife of S. K. Barlow. A real daughter of the American\nRevolution and the real Madonna of the Barlow Trail.\nArrived in Oregon City December 25, 1845. Placed by\nSusannah Lee Barlow and Multnomah Chapters, D. A. R.,\n1923.\"\nSamuel K. Barlow was born in Nicholas County, Kentucky, on January 24, 1792. He died at Canemah, Oregon, July 14, 1867, and is buried beside his wife at Barlow, Oregon.\nBarnes Butte, Crook County. Barnes Butte is a\nspur or ridge extending from the foot hills just northeast\nof Prineville. It was named for Elisha Barnes, a pioneer resident of Prineville.\nBarnes Road, Multnomah County. This road leads\nwesterly from the head of Washington Street, in Portland. It was named for William Barnes, who came to\nOregon in 1861, and took up land west of Portland in\nWashington County. He died April 4, 1909. An electric\nrailway was opened up Barnes Road in 1893, but service Oregon Geographic Names\n333\nwas abandoned in the fall of that year. Traces of the\nold line are still visible. Barnes Heights in Portland\ngets its name from the same source.\nBarrett, Hood River County. Dr. P. G. Barrett\nsettled in the Hood River Valley before 1875, and for\nmany years was the only physician in the valley, and\npopular throughout the entire territory. He lived about\nthree-quarters of a mile south of the site of Barrett\nSchool, and at one time all the west side of the Hood River\nValley was known as the Barrett District. He died about\n1889. Barrett Spur on the north side of Mt. Hood was\nalso named for Dr. Barrett.\nBarrett, Umatilla County. This is a station on the\nOregon-Washington Railroad & Navigation Company line\njust west of Milton. C. A. Barrett, a pioneer storck raiser\nof the county, owned land at this point and the station\nwas named for him. For Mr. Barrett's reminiscences\nof pioneer and farming conditions in that section of Oregon, see Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume\nXVI, page 343.\nBarstow, Multnomah County. This station on the\nOregon Electric Railway, just east of Garden Home, was\nnamed for W. S. Barstow, of New York City, a prominent engineer and public utility operator, who was interested in the construction of the railway.\nBartlett, Wallowa County. This place was named\nfor Theron A. Bartlett, who owned the land on which the\npost office was located. The office was established on\nMay 14, 1904, and Mr. Bartlett was the first postmaster.\nBarton, Clackamas County. This place was named\nfor Barton, Wisconsin, by an old resident, E. H. Burg-\nhardt, who had formerly lived there. He settled near\nthe mouth of Deep Creek and started a small flour mill\nand store, and later had the post office established with\nthe name of his old home in the east. His daughter, Mrs.\nAnna Burghardt Davis, was living at Tangent, Oregon,\nin 1925. Her father was born in 1851 and died in 1912. 334\nLewis A. McArthur\nHe came to Oregon about 1876. Barton post office was\nestablished May 16, 1896, with Mr. Burghardt first postmaster.\nBar View, Tillamook County. This community was\nnamed in 1884 by L. C. Smith. It is just north of the\nbar at the entrance to Tillamook Bay and affords a fine\nview of the bay, bar and ocean.\nBashaw Creek, Marion County. This stream drains\nAnkeny Bottom in the extreme southwest part of the\ncounty and flows into the Willamette River. It was\nnamed for Joseph Bashaw who was born in France in\n1820 and settled on the land October 1, 1851. The Land\nOffice plat of this township indicates the spelling Bashan,\nbut this is an error as the original application for the\ndonation land claim is made out Bashaw.\nBaskett Slough, Polk County. This slough originates in the intermittent Boyle Lakes about two miles\nnorthwest of Rickreall. It flows eastward several miles\nand joins Mud Slough. It was named for George J.\nBaskett who was born in Kentucky in 1817 and who\nsettled on a donation land claim near this slough in October, 1850. Baskett spelled his name with two \"t's\" as\nindicated, and this style of name for this geographic\nfeature has been officially adopted by the U. S. Geographic Board.\nBates, Grant County. This post office is in the eastern part of the county near Austin. It was named for\nPaul C. Bates, a well-known insurance man of Portland.\nMr. Bates was instrumental in negotiating the purchase\nof timber lands by the Oregon Lumber Company ,and\nwhen that company began operations, it suggested the\nname of Bates for the post office. For biography of P. C.\nBates, see Carey's History of Oregon, volume III, page 20.\nBattle Axe, Marion County. This mountain is in\nthe eastern end of the county on the western slopes of\nthe Cascade Range, and has an elevation of 5547 feet. Oregon Geographic Names\n335\nThere are two stories as to how it received its name.\nOne is to the effect that it is sharp and has the appearance\nof a battle axe, while the other is that it was named by\nan old woodsman of the North Santiam Valley for a\nbrand of chewing tobacco which was popular in the '90s,\nand which he used liberally while exploring in the neighborhood of the mountain.\nBattle Creek, Marion County. This stream heads\non the east slopes of Prospect Hill about eight miles south\nof Salem and flows easterly to Mill Creek near Turner.\nIts name commemorates one of the few conflicts between\nsettlers and Indians in the Willamette Valley. It was\nat a point near this stream that a party of Oregon Rangers engaged in a minor encounter with a band of eastern\nOregon Indians in June, 1846, as a result of cattle depredations. Only one Indian was killed in the excitement,\nand peace was finally restored by gifts.\nBattle Rock, Curry County. This historic landmark\nis at the shore line of Port Orf ord and is a long, massive\nblock of rock standing well above the water. In June,\n1851, Captain William Tichenor, who was at that time\nin command of the steamer Sea Gull operating between\nthe Columbia River and San Francisco, endeavored to\nestablish a commercial enterprise at Port Orford. He\nengaged J. M. Kirkpatrick and a number of others to go\nto Port Orford where the party was landed and provisioned on what is now kriown as Battle Rock. The party\nwas besieged by Indians and, according to statements\nmade by Kirkpatrick, an actual battle was fought with\nthem June 10, 1851, at which time seventeen Indians\nwere killed, mostly by fire from a small cannon. Kirkpatrick and his party finally succeeded in stealing away\nfrom the rock after several days' siege and made their\nway north along the coast until they reached settlements\nof the whites. When Captain Tichenor's representative\nreturned by sea he found the contingent gone and assumed it had been murdered by the Indians. For a full '4$l*\n336\nLewis A. McArthur\nMIT:\n^:^|-B\n*R.''\nmM\nmm\nsrltl\naccount of this battle see Pioneer History of Coos and\nCurry Counties, chapter III, which consists of a statement by Captain J. M. Kirkpatrick.\nBayocean, Tillamook County. This place is on the\nlong neck of land lying between Tillamook Bay and Pacific Ocean. It was named in 1907 by the Potter-Chapin\nRealty Company of Portland, which established it as a\nsummer resort, and named it because of its proximity\nto the two features mentioned.\nBays. The important bays and harbors of the Pacific Ocean in Oregon, from north to south, are:\nColumbia River Alsea Bay\nNehalem Bay Siuslaw Inlet\nTillamook Bay Umpqua River\nNetarts Bay Coos Bay\nNestucca Bay Port Orford\nSiletz Bay Chetco Cove\nYaquina Bay\nIt is an interesting fact that while most of the capes\nand headlands of Oregon were discovered and named\nbefore Lewis and Clark arrived, few of the harbors had\nbeen seen by white men up to that time.\nIt is possible that in 1603 Martin de Aguilar discovered the mouth of Coos Bay and mistook it for a river.\nThis matter is discussed under the name Cape Blanco\nin this series of notes. On August 17, 1775, Captain\nBruno Heceta anchored off the mouth of the Columbia\nRiver, the entrance to which he gave the name of Assumption Bay. Although the currents lead him to believe he was near a river, he did not make the entrance,\nand thus lost the honor of discovering the Columbia.\nHe named the north cape of the entrance Cape San Roque\nand the south Cape Frondoso, now Point Adams.\nJohn Meares was the next explorer to make any important mention of Oregon bays and harbors. For details of Meares' voyage off the Oregon coast see the in-\nI' wv Oregon Geographic Names\n337\nformation under Cape Meares. Meares passed the mouth\nof the Columbia on July 6, 1788, and while he recognized\nthe fact that he was off a bay, he failed to identify the\nplace as the mouth of a river. By nightfall of the same\nday he discovered and named Quicksand Bay, and while\nhe says that the bay had a sand bar closing its mouth,\nyet his other observations indicate without much doubt\nthat he had found Tillamook Bay.\nDuring the same year Captain John Kendrick and\nCaptain Robert Gray brought the first American fur trading enterprise to the north Pacific Coast on the Columbia\nRediviva and the Lady Washington. Robert Haswell,\nsecond mate of the Lady Washington, kept a diary, but\nnotwithstanding the latitudes and landmarks mentioned\nalong the Oregon coast, it is impossible to trace the course\nof the vessel with any degree of accuracy. Bancroft, in\nhis History of the Northwest Coast, volume I, page 188,\nindicates some of the difficulties in interpreting the writing. It is possible that Alsea Bay or Yaquina Bay was\nseen by the ship. On August 12, 1788, the Lady Washington anchored off Tillamook Bay. On August 14 the\nship crossed the bar, and at first the Americans had no\ntrouble with the natives but on August 16, the Indians\nmade a murderous assault and killed a member of the\ncrew. Two days later the ship got away, and in his\ndiary Haswell makes the following observation: \"Murderers Harbour, for so it was named, is I suppose the\nentrance of the river of the West it is by no meens a safe\nplace for aney but a very small vessell to enter the shoal\nat its entrance being so aucwardly situated the passage\nso narrow and the tide so strong it is scarce posable to\navoid the dangers.\" Data on other bays in Oregon will\nbe found under the respective items.\nBay View, Lincoln County. Bay View is on the\nnortheast part of Alsea Bay. The post office was established about 1901, and the name4 was chosen by Daniel\nM. Oakland, the first postmaster, because of the view 338\nLewis A. McArthur\nilli\nmm\nmm\nI\nis\n.ft\nI\nmi II\nof Alsea Bay that could be had from where the office then\nstood.\nBeatty, Klamath County. Annie E. Taylor, postmistress at Beatty, reports in 1925 that this community\nwas named for Rev. J. L. Beatty, a missionary who lived\nin that section of the Klamath Indian Reservation.\nBeatty is on Sprague River and has an elevation of 4345\nfeet. It is on the state highway between Klamath Falls\nand Lakeview.\nBeatys Butte, Harney County. This prominent\nbutte is in the southwest part of the county, and Beatys\nSprings are nearby. These features were named during\nColonel C. S. Drew's Owyhee Reconnoissance with the 1st\nOregon Cavalry in 1864, and serve to perpetuate the\nmemory of Sergeant A. M. Beaty, who is especially mentioned in Drew's report for the zealous performance of\nhis \"duties. The U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey gives\nthe elevation of this butte as 7916 feet.\nBeaver Creek, Clackamas County. The name of\nBeaver Creek community was first used for a school district in the early 50's, and came from the name of the\nstream that flows into the Willamette River near New\nEra. Beaver Creek community is south of Oregon City\nand has an elevation of 528 feet. The name of the post\noffice is Beavercreek.\nThere are streams called Beaver creek in almost every\ncounty in the state. The beaver were very numerous\nthrough early days in Oregon, a fact that is attested by\nan examination of the journals of the various fur hunters.\nFor instance, on Sunday, April 22, 1827, Peter Skene\nOgden mentioned in his diary that McKay had taken 735\nbeaver and otter skins on two small streams discharging\ninto Clammittee (Klamath) River in about three weeks.\nNo wonder we have so many Beaver creeks, and so few\nbeaver.\nBeaverton, Washington County. Beaverton received\nits name because of the existence nearby of a large body Oregon Geographic Names\n339\nof fine beaverdam land. Soil of this character was sought\nfor by pioneer settlers because of its productivity. G. W.\nTefft advises the writer in 1925 that the town was laid\nout in 1869 by George Betts, Joshua Welch, Charles\nAngel, W. P. Watson and others. Beaverton has an elevation of 188 feet.\nBeckley, Harney County. Beckley is in Catlow Valley, and in 1911 Charles Beckley started a general store\nwhere the post office is now located. The community was\nnamed for Mr. Beckley.\nBeetles Rest Spring, Klamath County. This is a\nwell-known spring at Klamath Agency. The stream\nformed by this spring is quite short. The Klamath Indian\nname for the stream was Tgulutcham Kshuteleh. The\nfirst part of the name is descriptive of a small beetle with\na green or purple shell. The second part of the name indicates to \"live underneath or live below,\" indicating\nthat the beetles lived in this particular locality. The\nstream flows into Crooked Creek.\nBend, Deschutes County. This city derived its name\nfrom Farewell Bend, a point on the Deschutes River,\nwhich received its descriptive name because it was at\nthis place travelers over the pioneer stage road had their\nlast view of the river. Elevation 3629 feet.\nBend Glacier, Deschutes County. This glacier lies\non the north slope of Broken Top. It was named in 1924\nby Professor Edwin T. Hodge of the University of Oregon in honor of the city of Bend.\nBendire Creek, Malheur County. Bendire Creek and\nBendire Mountain are in the northern end of the county\nand were named for Captain and Brevet Major Charles\nBendire, U. S. A. Major Bendire was a noted ornithologist and pursued the study of bird life in many parts of\nthe Pacific northwest. After retirement from the army\nhe was honorary curator of the department of Oology\nof the National Museum at Washington. He was the\nauthor of Life Histories of North American Birds, pub-\nvAa< :.r-';|^\nm\n340\nLewis A. McArthur\nmSr-\nl&\n\u00a711\nI'ii'\nIII\nIt As\nV'R-\" \u25a0\u2666\u00bb'\u25a0'-.'\nlished in special bulletins of the Smithsonian Institution\nin 1892 and 1895.\nBennett Creek, Lane County. This creek is a tributary from the west to Coast Fork Willamette River. It\noriginates in the hills north of Cottage Grove and flows\ninto the Coast Fork just north of McParland Butte. It\nis named for Scott Bennett, a land owner near its banks.\nBennett Pass, Hood River County. This pass is the\nhighest point on the Mount Hood Loop Highway, and\nhas an elevation of 4675 feet. It lies about six miles\nsoutheast of Mount Hood on the ridge dividing -the drainage of Hood River from White River. It is not on the\nmain summit of the Cascade Range. The pass was named\nfor Samuel Bennett, a Wasco County stockman.\nBenton County. Benton County, which is located\nin the westerly part of the Willamette Valley, was created December 23, 1847, by the provisional legislature\n(General and Special Laws of 18US-9, page 50). It was\nnamed in honor of Thomas Hart Benton, who was born\nin North Carolina on March 14, 1782, and died in Washington, D. C, April 10, 1858. For 30 years he was a\nmember of the United States senate from Missouri, and\none of the great events of his active life was his espousal,\nwith his colleague, Senator Lewis F. Linn, of the extension of the control of the United States into the Oregon\ncounty. For an excellent short biography of Senator\nBenton, see the Encyclopaedia Britannica. See also\nScott's History of the Oregon Country. Benton County\nhas an area according to the U. S. Bureau of the Census\nof 688 square miles, and an excellent map of the county\nis published in the Benton County Soil Survey by the\nU. S. Bureau of Soils of the Department of Agriculture.\nBerry Creek, Marion County. This stream was\nnamed for Press Berry, an early resident in the North\nSantiam Valley. Berry Creek flows into North Santiam\nRiver. Oregon Geographic Names\n341\nBertha, Multnomah County. This is a station on the\nSouthern Pacific just south of Portland where the railroad enters the Tualatin Valley. It was named for Mrs.\nBertha Koehler of Portland, wife of Richard Koehler,\nfor many years manager of the Southern Pacific Lines\nin Oregon and their predecessors. The post office name\nis Hillsdale, but the railroad company never adopted\nthat name for the station because of the possible confusion with Hillsboro, on the same line.\nBig Butte Creek, Jackson County. Mt. McLoughlin\nwas known by the early settlers in the Rogue River Valley as Snowy Butte. Big Butte Creek had its rise near\nSnowy Butte and was so named on that account. It flows\ninto Rogue River. A smaller stream rising in the same\nvicinity was christened Little Butte Creek.\nBig Canyon Creek, Wallowa County. This stream\nflows into Wallowa River just east of Minam. It has\nbeen shown under various names on older maps, including Bear Creek, Deep Canyon Creek, Little Minam Creek\nand Sheep Creek. The United States Geographic Board\nhas officially named it Big Canyon Creek.\nBig Eddy, Wasco County. Big Eddy is at the western\nend of the obstructions in the Columbia River at The\nDalles. It was at this point that travelers and freight\nbegan the portage around these obstructions. As far\nas the writer can determine the name was not used in\nthe days of exploration vbut probably came into use at\nthe time of gold discoveries in eastern Oregon just after\n1860.\nBiggs, Sherman County. This is the junction of the\nmain line of Oregon-Washington Railroad & Navigation\nCompany and the branches to Shaniko and Bend. It was\nnamed for W. H. Biggs, a nearby land owner. It is on\nthe south bank of the Columbia River and has an elevation of 172 feet.\nBissell, Clackamas County. It is reported by old\nresidents that this town was named for W. S. Bissell t\u00a5Hti\n342\nLewis A. McArthur\nwho was postmaster general of the United States from\n1893 to 1895. Wilson Shannon Bissell was born in New\nLondon, New York, in 1847, and was appointed to the\ncabinet was a practicing lawyer at Buffalo, where he was\na partner of Grover Cleveland. During his incumbency\nas postmaster general a number of improvements were\nmade in the postal service, including a cut in transcontinental mail time, and the turning over to the Bureau\nof Engraving and Printing the work of printing postage\nstamps, previously done by private agencies. In 1902\nhe was made chancellor of the University of Buffalo,\nand died in 1903.\nBlack Butte, Deschutes and Jefferson Counties. This\nimposing butte is one of the most important landmarks\nin the Deschutes Valley, not only on account of its characteristic dark color, but also on account of its symmetry.\nIt stands well apart from the peaks of the Cascade Range,\nand has an elevation of about 7000 feet, with a Forest\nService lookout at the summit, which is in Jefferson\nCounty. From its north base flows fhe Metolius River,\nfull bodied from giant springs. It is not known who\nnamed Black Butte, but the appelation is fitting. It had\nthis name as early as 1855, and an interesting picture of\nit shown in Pacific Railroad Reports, volume VI, page 90.\nBlack Hills, Klamath County. These hills occupy\na number of square miles in the southeastern part of the\nKlamath Indian Reservation and were named on account\nof their characteristic color. They have a maximum\nelevation of about 6300 feet.\nBlack Rock, Polk County. Black Rock is on the\nwestern end of a branch line of the Southern Pacific Company extending southwesterly from Dallas. It is on the\nLittle Luckiamute River. It is generally believed this\ntown was named because of a ledge of black shale rock\nwhich is exposed nearby. %&lfl\nOregon Geographic Names\n343\nBlaine, Tillamook County. Blaine is on the Nes-\ntucca River. It was named by the first postmaster, William Smith, for James G. Blaine (1830-1893), at one time\nrepublican candidate for the presidency of the United\nStates. Mr. Smith was appointed postmaster of Blaine\nin 1892 by John Wanamaker.\nBlalock, Gilliam County. Blalock was named for\nDr. Nelson G. Blalock, a pioneer citizen of Walla Walla\nand a veteran of the Civil War. He had ambitions of\ndeveloping an extensive horticultural establishment along\nthe Columbia River in the neighborhood of Blalock Island.\nHe died in Walla Walla March 14, 1913, aged 77 years.\nBlalock has an elevation of 216 feet.\nBlitzen, Harney County. This post office was named\nfor the Donner Und Blitzen River which flows nearby.\nThe river was named during the Snake War of 1864,\nwhen troops under the command of Colonel George B.\nCurrey crossed it during a thunder storm, and gave to\nit the German name for thunder and lightning.\nBlodgett, Benton County. Said to have been named\nfor a pioneer settler, William Blodgett. The post office\nwas established under the name of Emrick on April 3,\n1888, with James A. Wood first postmaster. The name\nwas changed to Blodgett on May 8 of the same year.\nBloucher, Hood River County. This is a station on\nthe Mt. Hood Railroad west of Odell. It was named for\nH. E. Bloucher, a local resident.\nBlow Lake, Wasco County. This small lake is near\nthe summit of the Cascade Range just northeast of Olallie\nButte. It was so named because it occupies a \"blow hole\"\nor small crater-like depression.\nBlowout Lakes, Linn County. These lakes are on\nBlowout Creek, south of Detroit. They were so named\nbecause of a great landslide nearby resembling a blowout\nof the mountain side.\nHpfe*K 1.U mt'1\n344\nLewis A. McArthur\nBluebucket Creek, Grant and Harney Counties.\nThis stream rises just west of Antelope Mountain in the\nsoutheastern part of Grant County, and after flowing\nthrough Antelope Swale in Harney County, joins a tributary of Malheur River. The name has been applied in\nrecent years to preserve an interesting Oregon romance.\nThe mystery of the location of the real Bluebucket\nCreek will probably never be solved. Members of the\nMeek party of 1845 picked up yellow pebbles and hung\nthem under a wagon by means of a blue bucket. The\nbucket was either lost or abandoned later, and it was not\nuntil several years Tiad elapsed that the emigrants realized that they had probably found gold. An interesting\ndiscussion of the episode and possible locations of Blue-\nbucket Creek may be found in Scott's History of the Oregon Country, volume III, page 336. It is generally\nthought that the discovery must have been on a tributary of either the John Day or of Malheur River, though\nsuggestions that the locality was near Steens Mountain\nand also Tygh Valley have also been advanced. Columns\nhave been written on the subject. As far as the writer\nknows there is little or nothing to connect the name of\nthe stream in Harney County with the gold discovery,\nbut it is used to preserve the tradition, and may not be\nfar from the true locality.\nBlue Mountain, Umatilla County. This is a station\non the line of the Oregon-Washington Railroad & Navigation Company southwest of Milton. It is located on\nDry Creek just north of the horseshoe curve made by the\nrailroad in getting from Weston down into the Walla\nWalla Valley. When the railroad was being extended\nsouth from Walla Walla it was for some time dead ended\nat Blue Mountain, and as the station was the last one\non the way into the Blue Mountains, it was named for\nthose features, although no one seems to know just why\nthe singular form was used.\n^*m Oregon Geographic Names\n345\nBlue Mountains. The Blue Mountains constitute\none of the largest uplifts in the state and the main range\ntogether with its spurs and offshoots, extends into several counties. The backbone of the Blue Mountains begins in Grant County and runs northerly through Baker,\nUnion, Umatilla and Wallowa Counties in Oregon and\ninto Walla Walla, Columbia, Garfield and Asotin Counties in Washington.\nThe Blue Mountains are separated from the Wallowa\nMountains in northeastern Oregon by Powder River and\nGrande Ronde River. The highest point in the Blue\nMountains is Rock Creek Butte, a peak on Elkhorn Ridge\na few miles west of Baker. Rock Creek Butte has an\nelevation of 9097 feet.\nOne of the first references to these mountains is by\nGabriel Franchere, one of the Astorians. On arriving\nat the Walla Walla River, he wrote: \"A range of mountains was visible to the S. E., about fifty or sixty miles\noff.\" He does not give the mountains a name. On July\n9, 1811, David Thompson of the North West Company\nof Montreal, refers to them as Shawpatin Mountains,\nbut in his entry for August 8, 1911, he says: \"Beginning\nof course to see the Blue Mountains, between the Shawpatin and the Snake Indians.\" In a footnote, T. C. Elliott,\neditor of the Thompson Journal, says: \"Apparently the\nfirst record of this name Blue as applied to these mountains.\" (Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume\nXV, pages 57 and 121). Alexander Ross, J. K. Town-\nsend, David Douglas, Peter Skene Ogden, John Work\nand other early travelers continued the use of the name,\nBlue Mountains. One of the first references is by Rev.\nGustavus Hines (Exploring Expedition to Oregon, published 1851, page 323): \"As you approach the Blue\nMountains on the south, particularly on the Umatilla and\nWall Walla Rivers, the hills disappear, and you find\nyourself passing over a beautifuland level country, about\ntwenty-five or thirty miles broad, on the farther borders\nMill 346\nLewis A. McArthur\nof which rise with indescribable beauty and grandeur,\nthat range which, from its azure-like appearance, has\nbeen called the 'Blue Mountains.' \"\nBly, Klamath County. Bly was a word of the Klamath Indians meaning \"up\" or \"high.\" According to Captain O. C. Applegate of Klamath Falls, it meant the old\nvillage Up Sprague River from Yainax. White people\nappropriated the name and applied it to a town east of\nthe Klamath Indian Reservation. A. S. Gatschet in his\nDictionary of the Klamath Language (U. S. Geological\nSurvey, Washington, D. C, 1890) gave the word as p'lai,\nand stated that it meant among other things the Sprague\nRiver Valley and sometimes simply the Sprague River\nas distinguished from the lower country along the Williamson River. P'laikni were people living high up, or\nalong the upper reaches of Sprague River. P'laikni was\nalso used to mean heavenly, or the Christian God. Bly\nhas an elevation of 4356 feet.\nBoardman, Morrow County. Boardman is a station\non the line of the Oregon-Washington Railroad & Navigation Company not far from the Columbia River. It was\nnamed for Sam Boardman, a well-known resident of that\npart of Oregon. Boardman has an elevation of 250 feet.\nBohemia Mountain, Lane County. This mountain\nis one of the summits of the Calapooya Mountains, a spur\nof the Cascade Range, and is in what is generally referred to as the Bohemia mining district. It was named\nfor a wandering mountaineer and prospector, \"Bohemia\"\nJohnson, who was supposed to have been born in Bohemia.\nBolt, Jackson County. Bolt is on the south side of\nRogue River about six miles east of the west boundary\nof Jackson County, at the point where the Pacific Highway crosses Foots Creek. This place together with Bolt\nMountain on the Applegate Riyer about seven miles\nsouthwest of Grants Pass was named for John Bolt, a\nmember of the firm of Kubli and Bolt, pioneer packers\nand merchants of southern Oregon. '\u25a0\u25a0ik if\nOregon Geographic Names\n347\nBonanza, Klamath County. Bonanza is a Spanish\nword meaning prosperity. This place is said to have\nbeen named because of the presence of a large number of\nfine springs in the vicinity. Good water is always a\nsource of prosperity in a country that requires irrigation.\nBonita, Washington County. This is a station on the\nOregon Electric Railway a short distance south of Tigard.\nIt was named by a local resident, Geo. W. Cassaday, who\nwas of a romantic turn of mind and selected the Spanish\nword for pretty or graceful.\nBonneville, Multnomah County. This is an historic\nspot in Oregon, and for many decades it has been a popular picnic grounds for people living along the Columbia\nRiver between Portland and The Dalles. The railroad\ncompany maintained an \"eating house\" at Bonneville,\nwhere tired travelers paid a modest sum for all they\ncould eat. The station was named for Captain (later\nbrigadier general) Benjamin Eulalie de Bonneville, the\nhero of Washington Irving's The Adventures of Captain\nBonneville. He was born in France in 1795, graduated\nfrom West Point and fought with gallantry through the\nMexican War. He explored the west from 1832-5, and\nvisited many parts of Oregon and seems to have been\nthe first white man to go into the Wallowa country. He\ndied in 1878. For details of his life and travels see Scott's\nHistory of the Oregon Country, volume I, pages 170 and\n297.\nIn 1925 the U. S. Geographic Board, at the suggestion\nof J. Neilson Barry of Portland, applied the name Mt.\nBonneville to a conspicuous peak about three miles south\nof Wallowa Lake, previously known as Middle Mountain.\nBonney Butte, Hood River County. This butte is\nin the extreme southwest part of the country, and has\nan elevation of 5593 feet. Just east of it is Bonney\nMeadow. These two features were named for a Wasco\nCounty stockman, Augustus A. Bonney.\n'\u25a0\"] 348\nLewis A. McArthur\nM\nPlfe\n1&\u00ab\nBoones Ferry, Clackamas County. Alphonso Boone\nwas a great-grandson of Daniel Boone, and came to Oregon in 1846. He operated a ferry across the WiDamette\nRiver just east of the present site of the Oregon Electric\nRailway bridge at Wilsonville, and the road leading south\nto this ferry from Portland was and still is, known as\nthe Boones Ferry Road. Chloe Donnelly Boone, daughter\nof Alphonso Boone, married George L. Curry, one time\ngovernor of Oregon, for whom Curry County was named.\nBoonesville Channel, Benton County. This is a\nbranch of the Willamette River flowing on the west side\nof John Smith Island and Kiger Island, a few miles south\nof CorvalKs. Early maps of the Willamette Valley show\nthe community of Booneville near this point and it is\npresumed that the channel was named for this community, but the writer has been unable to account for the\ndifference in spelling.\nBooth Hill, Hood River. Named for George Booth,\nan early settler in the Hood River Valley, who is said\nto have set out the first commercial orchard in the valley,\nand who sent 20 boxes of Newtons to the Buffalo fair\nin 1901 and he received a gold medal and sold the apples\nfor $7 a box. It is reported that Booth settled near the\nfoot of the hill in 1885. For many years travelers hesitated to attempt the muddy road up Booth Hill in the\nwinter, but the Mt. Hood Loop Highway has solved the\ndifficulty with some change in location from the old road.\nThe name Booth Hill is now applied to the butte or hill\nthat separates Hood River valley from the Parkdale district.\nBoring, Clackamas County. The town of Boring was\nnamed after W. H. Boring, an old resident of the neighborhood. The district was known to old settlers as the\nBoring neighborhood, and in 1903 a town site was platted\nand called Boring Junction. The Post Office Department\nand the predecessors of the Portland Electric Power\nCompany adopted Boring as the official name of the com-\nfcr Oregon Geographic Names\n349\nmunity. Boring is on the Estacada line of the Portland\nElectric Power Company and has an elevation of 502 feet.\nBoulder Creek, Marion County. Boulder Creek\nflows into the North Santiam River east of Detroit.\nBoulder Creek was named in 1874 by T. W. Davenport\nof the Marion County road surveying party. See Oregon\nHistorical Society Quarterly, volume IV, page 248.\nBourne, Baker County. Bourne was named for\nJonathan Bourne, Jr., of Portland, who was at one time\ninterested in eastern Oregon mines. He was United\nStates senator from Oregon from 1907 to 1913. He was\nborn in New Bedford, Mass., February 23, 1855, and\ngraduated from Harvard in 1877. He came to Portland\nin the following year and in 1880 was admitted to the\nOregon bar.\nBoyd, Wasco County. This name is reported as being\nderived from a man named Boyd who settled in the vicinity about 1883 and operated a small flour mill. When the\npost office was established March 6, 1884, G. H. Barnett,\na local merchant, suggested the name of Boyd as being\nboth short and appropriate. John E. Barnett was the\nfirst postmaster.\nBoyle Lakes, Polk County. These are intermittent\nponds about two miles northwest of Rickreall, and they\nare generally dry in summer. They were named for Dr.\nJames W. Boyle, a pioneer of Oregon, who was born in\nVirginia in 1815, and came to this state in 1845. Dr.\nBoyle settled on the land near these lakes in 1850. He\nmarried Josephine P. Ford.\nBradford Island, Multnomah County. This island\nin the Columbia River is easily seen from the railroad\nor highway just east of Bonneville. It was named for\nDaniel F. and Putnam Bradford, brothers, who were\npioneer steamboat operators on the Columbia River.\nAmong other things they rebuilt the portage road at the\nCascades in 1856. Later another portage road was built H \u00ab::\u00a3'. ',<*\u25a0 \u25a0\u2022I'\"'\nP8I\nO-qM\n350\nLewis A. McArthur\nfc 'KM\".\nEBw\non the south side of the river, and eventually both were\nabsorbed by the Oregon Steam Navigation Company.\nBreitenbush River, Marion County. Breitenbush\nRiver was named for John Breitenbush, a pioneer hunter\nof the North Santiam River region. The name was applied in the fall of 1873 by John Minto's official exploring\nparty. See Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume\nIV, page 248.\nBridge, Coos County. Bridge is a post office on\nMiddle Fork Coquille River. Many years ago there was\na post office in the vicinity by the name of Angora. The\nPost Office Department declined to reestablish the old\nname and as a result the post office was named because\nof a nearby bridge across the stream. The present office\nwas established July 6, 1894, and Thomas E. Manly was\nfirst postmaster.\nBridge Creek, Wheeler County. This stream heads\nin the mountains in the southern part of the county, and\nflows into John Day River. One branch flows through\nMitchell. H. H. Bancroft in his History of Oregon, volume 1, page 787, states that it was named because Shoe-\nman and Wadley, California prospectors, built a small\nbridge over it of juniper logs, while en route to the John\nDay mines. This was about 1862.\nBrighton, Tillamook County. This post office and\nrailroad station are adjacent to the entrance of Nehalem\nBay, in the northwest part of the county. The town was\nplatted about 1910 under the name of Brighton Beach\nalthough it is not directly on the ocean. This place, together with many others in the United States, was named\nfor Brighton, the fashionable seashore resort on the south\ncoast of England.\nBrogan, Malheur County. This town was started\nby D. M. Brogan and was given his name in 1910. It is\nin the northern part of the county at the north end of\nthe Oregon Short Line Railroad Company's branch from\nVale.\n^3 Oregon Geographic Names\n351\nBroken Top, Deschutes County. Although badly\nshattered this mountain is one of the important peaks\nin the Cascade Range. It is southeast of the South Sister\nand has an elevation of 9152 feet. From the aspect of\nits jagged summit it is not difficult to see why it was\nnamed. On its northern slope is Bend Glacier, on its\nsouth slope is Crook Glacier.\nBrookings, Curry County. This post office was\nnamed for Robert S. Brookings, of St. Louis, Missouri,\nin 1912. He was the largest stockholder in a lumbering\nenterprise that started the town.\nBrooks, Marion County. This is a station on the\nmain line of the Southern Pacific Company nine miles\nnorth of Salem, elevation 180 feet. It was named for\nLinus Brooks, who was born in Ohio in 1805, and came\nto Oregon from Illinois in 1850 and settled near the present site of the community.\nBrothers, Deschutes County. This is a post office on\nthe stage road between Bend and Burns, in the southeast part of the county. It is said to have been named\nBrothers in contradistinction to Sisters, a well-known\ncommunity northwest of Bend, which was named for the\nThree Sisters mountains.\nBrownsboro, Jackson County. This place was named\nin 1853 for Henry R. Brown, on whose land the site of\nthe community was located.\nBrownsmead, Clatsop County. This community has\ndeveloped on the bank of the Columbia River as the result\nof dyking and reclamation work, carried on by W. G.\nBrown, a well-known engineer of Portland. His name\ncoupled with the Anglo-Saxon word for meadow formed\nthe name of the community. It was formerly known as\nBrody.\nBrownsville, Linn County. Brownsville is on the\nCalapooya River near the foothills of the Cascade Range,\nand has an elevation of 338 feet. It was laid out in 1853,\ni w \u00ab*.\n> mini:\n*PiIf 352\nLewis A. McArthur\nr Hi\n\u25a0K mm\nand named by James Blakely in honor of Hugh L. Brown,\nwho started the first store there. Both these men were\npioneers of 1846. Blakely built the first house there in\nthe fall of 1846. For biography and portrait of Blakely,\nsee The Oregonian, April 17, 1901, page 10. For description of Brownsville in 1889, ibid., January 18, 1890. For\ndescription in 1894, ibid., January 1, 1895, page 11.\nBuell, Polk County. Buell is in the northern part\nof the county, and was named for Elias Buell, who started\na mill there and a small store in pioneer days.\nBuena Vista, Polk County. Spanish for \"beautiful\nview\" or \"good view.\" It was the name of a famous\nbattle of the Mexican War, and was doubtless applied\nto the Oregon community for patriotic reasons. Elevation 240 feet.\nBullards, Coos County. This town is near the mouth\nof Coquille River and was named for Robert W. Bullard,\nwho was born in Iowa November 26, 1857, and died July\n11, 1925. In 1882 he established a general merchandise\nstore at what is now Bullards, and also a ferry across the\nriver. The post office was named for him. He came to\nCoos County in 1877. He married Malinda A. Hamblock.\nBull Mountain, Washington County. This mountain is situated about three miles southwest of Tigard\nand has an elevation of 711 feet. G. W. Tefft of Beaverton advises the writer that it was named after a band\nof wild cattle that ranged on the hill in pioneer days.\nThese cattle were gradually killed off with the exception\nof one bull and thus the descriptive name was attached\nto the hill in question.\nBull Run River, Clackamas and Multnomah Counties. George H. Himes, curator of the Oregon Historical\nSociety, says that the name of Portland's water supply,\nBull Run, may have started from the presence of wild\ncattle on that river in the pioneer period (1849-55). According to Charles B. Talbot, who arrived in Oregon in\n1849, cattle escaped from the immigrants in that vicinity Oregon Geographic Names\n353\nand ran wild a number of years. The place was called\nby the settlers Bull Run. The Barlow Road across the\nmountains was opened in 1845-46. Talbot was a civil\nengineer. His father's (John B. Talbot) land claim included Council Crest of Portland. Many cattle escaped\nfrom the immigrants when driven across the Cascade\nRange on the Indian trail, north of Mount Hood, in\n1841-45, prior to the opening of the Barlow Road, and\nalso afterwards. In The Oregonian of December 6, 1851,\nRobert Alexander advertised having found a number of\nstray cattle near the summit of Cascade Range. Charles\nB. Talbot died at Portland April 5, 1874. He was born\nin Massachusetts in 1798. For further history of the\nname Bull Run, ibid., March 29, April 5, 1897, page 8;\nJuly 30, 1901, page 12. For description of the river in\n1885, ibid., October 25, 1885.\nBunchgrass Creek, Wasco County. This stream is\nin the extreme northwest part of the Warm Springs Indian Reservation, and flows into Warm Springs River.\nThere are a number of geographic features in Oregon\nnamed for the bunchgrass, a valuable natural forage of\nthe eastern part of Oregon. Charles V. Piper lists two\nvarieties; festuca ovina ingrata, the blue bunchgrass\nof the prairies, which is densly tufted and agropyron\nspicatum, the wheat bunchgrass which is taller and grows\ngenerally on dry hills.\nBurghardts Mill, Clackamas County. This little\nsettlement is about a mile west of Barton and is near\nClackamas River. It was named for Ernest H. Burghardt,\none of the early settlers in that community. It was he\nwho secured the establishment of the Barton post office.\nThe mill is occasionally referred to as Burkhards Mill\nbut that form is incorrect. For additional information\nsee under Barton.\nBurns, county seat of Harney County. This community was named for Robert Burns by George Mc-\n;,v:V:*.:. II\nfill\ni%wlK*\n'Mii 354\nLewis A. McArthur\nGowan, a pioneer resident who was a great admirer of\nthe Scottish poet. Elevation 4816 feet.\nBurnt Ranch, Wheeler County. Burnt Ranch is\na post office on the south bank of the John Day River\nat the extreme western edge of Wheeler County. The\nname was applied in 1862. The ranch was on the old\nmilitary road from The Dalles to Canyon City. The\nbuildings were burned during an Indian uprising and\nfrom that time on the place was known by its present\nname. The original Burnt Ranch was near the mouth\nof Muddy Creek, but the post office moves about, depending upon the home of the postmaster, and in October,\n1925, is several miles to the west near the mouth of\nCherry Creek.\nBurnt RrvER, Baker County. Burnt River is an important stream rising in the Blue Mountains and draining\nthe southern part of the county. It joins Snake River\neast of Huntington. Exact information about its name\nis not available, and there are two theories about the\nmatter, one being that Burnt River was so called because\nof the burned timber along its banks and the other because of the burned looking rocks, especially along the\nlower reaches. As far as the writer knows, the first mention of Burnt River is in the Peter Skene Ogden journals\nfor Saturday, February 4, 1826, on page 352 of the Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume X. T. C. Elliott, the authority on Ogden, is of the opinion that the\nname came from the burned woods, because the-fur-\ntraders reached the upper parts of the stream first where\nthe burned looking rocks are not so much in evidence.\nDuring the times in question the stream was frequently\nmentioned as the Rivier Brule, by the French Canadians.\nIt is of course evident that the traders named the stream,\nand that pioneers proceeding along the lower part of\nthe river 25 years later had nothing to do with it, though\nthey doubtless thought the name was appropriate because\nof the dry character of the country they traversed. Mr. Oregon Geographic Names\n355\nElliott thinks that the name was probably first applied\nto the river by Donald Mackenzie possibly as early as\n1818. See Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume\nXIII, page 71.\nBurnt Woods, Lincoln County. This post office is\nin the eastern part of Lincoln County, near Tumtum\nCreek, where the remains of forest fires are still much\nin evidence. The office was established in 1919, and a\nlist of suggested names was sent to the Post Office Department. On the list was Burnt Woods, proposed by H. G.\nDowning, and this was the name chosen by the authorities.\nButte Creek, Wheeler County. This stream rises\nnear Fossil and flows into John Day River. It was so\nnamed because of Black Butte, a prominent point near\nits source, which served as a landmark. Black Butte has\nan elevation of about 4000 feet and is about two miles\nnortheast of Fossil.\nButte Falls, Jackson County. Settlers in the Rogue\nRiver valley referred to Mt. McLoughlin as Snowy Butte,\nand the two main streams draining to the northwest\nfrom that mountain were known as Big and Little Butte\ncreeks. At the falls on Big Butte Creek a settlement\nsprang up that took its name from the natural feature.\nButter Creek, Umatilla County. This creek is said\nto have received its name from a party of immigrants\nwho found some butter On its banks, apparently left behind by an earlier contingent. Butter Creek is a tributary of the Umatilla River, and the old pioneer road\ncrossed it west of Echo. See Scott's History of the Oregon Country, volume III, page 316.\nButteville, Marion County. Butteville is on the\neast bank of the Willamette River in the extreme north\npart of the county and has an elevation of 102 feet. It\nwas named for a well-known hill about a mile to the\nsouthwest, called by the early settlers on French Prairie\nLa Butte, a form of name still used by the U. S. Geological\n\u2022!*;\u2022* Slffl\nfill\n> \"Ml\nwm\ntTSBft)\n'Ml\nA:$m m% 356\nLewis A. McArthur\nSurvey on its map of the Tualatin quadrangle, which\nshows the geography of this region. La Butte has an\nelevation of 427 feet. Butteville was laid out prior to\n1850 by Abernethy and Beers. The Oregon Electric Railway has a station called Butteville about two miles east\nof the town. This station was formerly called Chopun-\nnish, a northwest Indian tribal name, but was changed\nto Butteville to avoid confusion.\nBuxton, Washington County. Henry T. Buxton\nsettled in this place in 1884, and was appointed its first\npostmaster in 1887. He was a son of Henry Buxton,\na pioneer of 1841, and the town was named for his family.\nByars Creek, Marion County. This stream flows into\nBreitenbush River northeast of Detroit. Byars Creek\nand Byars Mountain nearby were named for W. H. Byars,\nsurveyor general for Oregon from 1890 to 1894.\nBybee Bridge, Jackson County. This bridge crossed\nRogue River not far from Upper Table Rock. It was\nnamed for William Bybee who operated a ferry at this\npoint for many years.\nBybee Lake, Multnomah County. This is a small\noverflow lake on the south bank of the Columbia River\nnorth of St. Johns. It was named for James F. Bybee,\na pioneer of 1845.\nCabin Creek, Douglas County. This stream flows\ninto Calapooya Creek near Oakland. Both the Southern\nPacific Company line and the Pacific Highway follow\nalong this stream between Oakland and Rice HilL It\nis said that the Rev. J. A. Cornwall built a cabin on this\nstream in the fall of 1846, in which he and his family\nspent the following winter. This is said to be the first\ncabin built in Douglas County by citizens of the United\nStates, and the stream was named for it.\nCalapooya Mountains, Douglas and Lane Counties.\nThese mountains are a westerly spur of the Cascade\nRange and constitute the dividing line between the water Mill\nOregon Geographic Names\n357\nsheds of the Willamette and Umpqua rivers. Calapooya\nMountains join the Cascade Range at Cowhorn Mountain with an elevation of 7666 feet in the northeast corner of Douglas County.\nThe Indians of the Willamette Valley were of the\nKalapooian family. Calapooya Mountains bear the name.\nSee Lewis' Tribes of the Columbia Valley, page 178. The\nCalapooya Indians were indolent and peaceful, and not\ndisposed to trade (ibid.). The name is given as Cala-\npoosie by David Douglas in his journals, Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume VI, page 85; CoUlap-poh-\nyea-ass, by Alexander Ross, in First Settlers on the Columbia River, pages 235, 236; CaH-law-poh^yecu-as, in his\nFur Hunters, volume I, page 108; Kala-pooyahs, in Town-\nsend's Narrative, page 175; Callapuya, by Wilkes. Lewis\nand Clark give the word as Collapoewah; Parker's journal gives Calapooa; Lee and Frost, Calapooyas. Calapooya is properly the name of a division of the Kalapooian family formerly living between the Willamette\nand Umpqua Rivers. The U. S. Geographic Board has\naccepted Calapooya as the standard spelling.\nCalapooya Rtver is a stream in Linn County, rising\nin the western slopes of the Cascade Range and joins\nthe Willamette River at Albany. Calapooya Creek rises\non the south slopes of Calapooya Mountains in Douglas\nCounty and flows through Oakland and joins the Umpqua\nRiver at Umpqua.\nCamas Valley, Douglas County. The word Camas\nis used to describe geographic features in many parts\nof the state of Oregon, including Camas Valley in Douglas\nCounty, Camas Swale in Lane County, Camas Swale in\nDouglas County, Camas Creek in Umatilla County, and\nothers. The name is taken from that of a favorite food\nof the western Indians, camassia esculenta, a plant related to the scilla. The word was derived from the\nNootka Indian word Chamass; meaning \"fruit\" or\n\"sweet.\" It was adopted into the Chinook jargon as\n*#M\nPi I 358\nLewis A. McArthur\nmm\n\u2022It.\ncamas, kamass, lacmass and lakamass. Evidently the\nlocality of Camas was a place where the Indians gathered\nsupplies of the sweetish bulbs of the blue-flowered \"Lack-\namass.\"\nCamp Creek, Clackamas County. This stream rises\nnear Government Camp, and flows westward into Zigzag\nRiver. Laurel Hill, the terror of the emigrant trains,\nlies between these two streams like a wedge, and over\nits brow the members of the Barlow party let their\nwagons down by ropes snubbed around the trees. It\nseems probable that this stream was named by Joel Palmer of the Barlow party on October 13, 1845. The day\nbefore Palmer made the first attempt by a white man,\nas far as known, to climb Mt. Hood. He did not reach\nthe top, but went far enough to satisfy himself that the\nmountain could be climbed. The details in his diary are\nnot entirely clear as to how he got down nor where he\ncamped, but the next morning he named a nearby stream\nCamp Creek, and it is the belief of the compiler that it\nis the Camp Creek of today that was so named. See the\nvolume containing Palmer's journal in thwaites' Early\nWestern Travels, page 137.\nCamp Sherman, Jefferson County. This post office\nis on the Metolius River about two miles north of its\nsource. It was named because of the fact that a number\nof families from Sherman County spent their summer\nvacations at this camp.\nCanby, Clackamas County. Canby was named for\nMajor-General Edward R. S. Canby, commander of the\ndepartment of the Columbia, who was killed by Modoc\nIndians on April 11, 1873, at a peace parley not far from\nthe California-Oregon line south of what is now Klamath\nFaffs. For a short account of the Modoc War, see Scott's\nHistory of the Oregon Country, volume II, page 334. See\nalso Jeff C. Riddle's Indian History of the Modoc War,\nwhich gives detailed accounts of the war and subsequent\nhappenings. Edward Richard Sprigg Canby was a vet-\n'\u25a0*\u2022 *VM Oregon Geographic Names\n359\neran of the Seminole, Mexican and Civil Wars. In 1874\nFort Canby, Washington, at the mouth of the Columbia\nRiver, was named for him. Canby has an elevation of\n152 feet.\nCanemah, Clackamas County. Canemah was founded\nin 1845 by A. F. Hedges. During many years it was the\nloading and unloading point for the portage around\nWillamette Falls. Leslie M. Scott states that the name\nis supposed to have been that of an Indian chief.\nCannon Beach, Clatsop County. Lieutenant Neil M.\nHowison, U. S. N., arrived in the Columbia River July 1,\n1846 on board the schooner Shark for the purpose of\nmaking an investigation of part of the Oregon country\nfor the government. For details of his visit see Carey's\nHistory of Oregon, page 451. For details of his report,\nsee Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume XIV,\npage 59. The Shark was wrecked on attempting to leave\nthe Columbia River on September 10, 1846, and part of\nher deck and a brass cannon drifted ashore south of\nTillamook Head, thus giving the name to Cannon Beach.\nThe cannon is still there, well up on the sand. For information about this disaster see Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume XIV, page 355.\nCannon Beach is a well-known summer resort, and\nis of historic interest. In January, 1806, William Clark\nclimbed over Tillamook Head and visited the Indian camp\nat the north end of the beach at a place he named Ecola,\nor the place of the whale. At the south end of Cannon\nBeach is Arch Cape, which blocks automobile travel on\nthe beach itself. Hug Point, about two miles north of\nArch Cape formerly blocked traffic, but a narrow road\nhas been cut around its face in the solid rock. Other\nimportant points are Humbug Point, Sylvan Point, and\nChapman Point, which is at the north end and is a southern spur of Tillamook Head. Haystack Rock, over 300\nfeet high, is one of the prominent sights on the beach\nitself. The creek called Ecola by Clark is now known\nMil if 360\nLewis A. McArthur\nas Elk Creek and flows into the ocean at the north end\nof Cannon Beach. The community has been known by\nvarious names including Elk Creek and Ecola, but the\nPost Office Department a few years ago changed the\noffice name to Cannon Beach to agree with the natural\nfeature. Cannon Beach is about eight miles long.\nCanoe Encampment Rapids, Morrow County. These\nrapids are in the Columbia River between Castle Rock\nand Blalock Island. T. C. Elliott, the authority on the\nColumbia River, states that the encampment at the foot\nof the rapids was a popular one with the fur traders and\ntrappers. The name appears in early journals, but when\nfirst so used cannot now be determined. It has been suggested that possibly the name was originally applied by\ntraders because of an encampment of Indians with canoes\nat that point, as it seems strange that the traders themselves would single out these rapids as being particularly\nassociated with their own canoes, which they had with\nthem at all the rapids.\nCanyon City, Grant County. This historic community is the county seat of Grant County, and derives its\nname because of the fact that it is situated in a canyon,\nabout two miles south of the John Day River. This part\nof the state was the scene of gold discoveries in the fall\nof 1861 and for some time there was a great influx of\nminers. Canyon City post office was established in what\nwas then Wasco County on April 23, 1864. Afterward\nGrant County was formed from part of Wasco County.\nCanyon Road, Multnomah and Washington Counties. The Canyon Road, at the head of Jefferson Street,\nPortland, was first opened in the fall of 1849 (letter of\nJoseph S. Smith in The Oregonion, July 13, 1884). Citizens of Portland formed, for improvement of the road,\nin 1850, the Portland and Valley Plank Road Company,\nwhich was chartered by the legislature and organized at\nLafayette July 30, 1851. Subscription for funds opened\nMarch 10, 1851, at Portland, Hillsboro, Lafayette, Nes-\n-^ ism\nOregon Geographic Names\n361\nmiths Mills, Marysville (Corvallis), Albany and Salem.\nGrading began in 1851. Stephen Coffin took the contract for laying the planks. The first plank was laid\nSeptember 27, 1851, amid ceremonies. In September,\n1851, Thomas Stephens became superintendent. For\nfurther work, see advertisements in The Oregonian in\n1851. The work soon lapsed for lack of funds (article by\nGeorge H. Himes, ibid., August 14, 1902). The first\nplank was laid near the present Ladd School. The route\nwas surveyed by Daniel H. Lownsdale. The road was\nbadly damaged by rains in the winter of 1851-52 (ibid.,\nJanuary 10, 1852). A statement of the work on the road\nappears, ibid., April 3, 1852. The sum of $14,593.83\nwas expended up to that time. On May 10, 1852, the\nthird and fourth installments to stock subscriptions were\ncalled for. In the summer of 1852 a scandal, or rupture,\noccurred in the company, and new directors were elected\n(ibid., August 7, 1852). An earlier road, built by F. W.\nPettygrove, passed through what is now Washington\nPark.\nCanyonville, Douglas County. Canyonville is an\nhistoric community of Oregon, and is situated at the\nnorth end of Canyon Creek Canyon, where this defile\nopens into the valley of the South Umpqua River. It was\nin this canyon that the immigrants of 1846 had such\ngreat hardships on their way into the Willamette Valley.\nThe canyon was known, in pioneer days as Umpqua Canyon. For a graphic description of the difficulties experienced here by the pioneers in 1846 see Bancroft's History\nof Oregon, volume I, page 563. For information concerning the proposed location of a railroad in the canyon\nsee Scott's History of the Oregon Country, volume IV,\npage 5. The railroad route finally selected ascended Cow\nCreek from Riddle and joined the old stage road not far\nfrom Glendale. The stage route for many years continued up Canyon Creek and today travelers over the\nPacific Highway may see where there have been earlier\nWSm\nWrm \\ - iilii\n362\nLewis A. McArthur\nroutes along the canyon. The total descent from the\npass at the head of Canyon Creek to Canyonville is nearly\n1300 feet, most of which occurs at the southern part of\nthe canyon.\nCanyonville was for many years known as North\nCanyonville, the post office having been established with\nthat name July 6, 1852, with John T. Boyl, postmaster.\nApparently there was a small settlement further south\nthat was known as South Canyonville, but this was not\na post office. The post office name was changed to Canyonville June 1, 1892. Canyon Creek is erroneously supposed by many to be Cow Creek. The Pacific Highway\ndoes not follow up the canyon of Cow Creek although\nit does traverse that stream through a wide valley east\nof Glendale. The pass at the head of Canyon Creek is\nabout 2025 feet in elevation. Canyonville has an elevation of 747 feet. Those who have visited this part of\nthe state will realize that Canyon Creek and Canyonville\nare appropriate names.\nCapes. The first exploration of the Oregon country\nby white people was by the sea, and on account of their\npresumed ease of identification, capes and promontories\nwere sought after and named by the early navigators.\nCape Blanco was the first geographic feature of the state\nto be named by a white man, although it is not now certain what feature was originally so identified, and for\na period of nearly 200 years explorers carried on the work\nof naming the headlands of Oregon before the interior\nwas touched upon.\nThe history of the naming of Oregon capes is therefore worthy of study, particularly in view of the fact\nthat uncertainty exists as to what some of the early navigators saw and named on their charts. In order that the\nmatter may be best understood, it is necessary to have a\ntable of latitudes, which is shown below. This table\ngives the positions north of the equator of the important \u00ab5m\nOregon Geographic Names\n363\ncapes of the state, such positions being taken from the\npublications of the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey,\nexcept for those marked (a) which are scaled from reliable maps, and are approximate. The positions marked\n(It) are for the light houses on the capes, and all others\nare for some important triangulation point on the cape,\nthough not necessarily in the exact center, or on its most\nwesterly point.\nCape North Latitude\nPoint Adams 46\u00b0 12' 33\"\nTillamook Head 45 57 55\nArch Cape (a) 45 47 54\nCape Falcon 45 45 46\nNeahkahnie Mountain 45 44 39\nCape Meares (It) 45 29 13\nCape Lookout (a) 45 20 30\nCape Kiwanda (a) 45 13 10\nCascade Head 45 03 42\nCape Foulweather 44 45 23\nYaquina Head (It) 44 40 38\nCape Perpetua ...;(USGS) 44 17 12\nHeceta Head (It) 44 08 16\nCoos Head (It) 43 20 30\nCape Arago (a) 43 18 15\nCoquille Point (a) 43 07\nCape Blanco (It) 42 50 15\nCape Sebastian % 42 19 41\nCrook Point 42 15 08\nCape Ferrelo (a) 42 06 08\nCape Blanco is the most westerly point in Oregon\nand its light house is in west longitude 124\u00b0 33' 46\".\nThe most westerly triangulation station on the cape is\nlongitude 124\u00b0 33' 51.928\" and is close to the edge of the\ncliff of the midde point. For detailed information on\nthe above points see U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey\nSpecial Publication 31.\nilPrSi 364\nLewis A. McArthur\nThe table of latitudes given above will be of use in\nconsidering the various discoveries on the Oregon coast,\nand it will also indicate why it is impossible now to determine exactly what features each early explorer recorded since in some instances the headlands are not\nunlike and are near together. The matter of fog and\nlow lying clouds must also be taken into account. For\ninstance it seems incredible that Heceta could so accurately describe the mouth of the Columbia River, then\nmiss Tillamook Head completely and hit upon Cape Falcon. Low lying clouds gathered over Tillamook Head\nmight well account for this.\nCape Arago, Coos County. Cape Arago is the western point of a large headland just south of the mouth of\nCoos Bay. The northern point of this headland is Coos\nHead. It may have been discovered by Martin de Aguilar\nin 1603 and named Cape Blanco. See under Cape Blanco\nfor a discussion of this matter. Captain James Cook\nsighted it on March 12, 1778, and named it Cape Gregory\nfor the saint of that day. Since about 1850 this cape has\nbeen known as Cape Arago, and is officially so known\nby the U. S. Geographic Board. The compiler has been\nunable to ascertain why the name was changed.\nCape Blanco, Curry County. Cape Blanco is in north\nlatitude 42\u00b0 50' 15\" and is the most westerly point in Oregon, but not as some suppose, of continental United\nStates. Blanco is a Spanish word meaning \"white.\"\nIn 1602 Sebastian Vizcaino sailed from Acapulco at\nthe head of an exploring expedition, and after one of his\nships turned back at Monterey, Vizcaino in his ship and\nMartin de Aguilar in a fragata, quitted Monterey on January 3, 1603, sailing northward, but during a storm the\ntwo ships separated, and Vizcaino entered San Francisco\nBay. After a few days he sailed up the coast alone,\nreaching a point that he named Cape San Sebastian on *fr El\nOregon Geographic Names\n365\nJanuary 20. He returned to Acapulco without meeting\nthe fragata.\nIn the meantime de Aguilar also sailed northward, and\nhe records that on January 19 he reached the 43rd parallel, and found a point that he named Cape Blanco. North\nof the cape he reported a large river. Here he turned\nback, and must have been very near his capitana the next\nday as Vizcaino was discovering Cape Sebastian. Most\nof the crew of the fragata, including de Aguilar, died on\nthe way back to Acapulco. Just what de Aguilar discovered on the Oregon coast no one knows. He was 10'\n\u2022 too far north of Cape Blanco, and there is no large river\nnorth of that cape. It has been suggested that what he\nreally found was what is now known as Cape Arago,\nand the river flowing into the sea was Coos Bay. Some\ncolor is lent to this theory by the fact that on March 12,\n1778, Captain James Cook writes of his discovery of\nCape Arago, which he called Cape Gregory, and stated\nthat he thought he observed the Cape Blanco of de Aguilar in proximity. He was too far away to see the mouth\nof Coos Bay.\nOn April 24, 1792, Captain George Vancouver sighted\nwhat we now know as Cape Blanco, and named it Cape\nOrford in honor of George, early of Orford, his \"much\nrespected friend.\" Vancouver determined its latitude as\n42\u00b0 52\", very nearly its, true position. There was some\nspeculation on Vancouver's ship as to whether or not\nit was the Cape Blanco of de Aguilar, but the position,\nbeing 10' too far south, and its dark color \"did not seem\nto intitle it to the appelation of cape Blanco.\"\nVancouver brings up the matter again in his Voyage\nof Discovery Around the World in the latter part of the\nentry for April 25. He passed and identified Cape Gregory (now Cape Arago) of Captain Cook, and made a\nreasonably accurate determination of its latitude, though\nhe noted the difference between his figures and Cook's.\nmm \u2022y?\u00bbj'\"ti\n366\nLewis A. McArthur\nhi *\nThere was no other important point and he said: \"This\ninduced me to consider the above point as the cape Gregory of Captain Cook, with a probability of its being also\nthe cape Blanco of D'Aguilar, if land hereabouts the latter\never saw.\" Vancouver finished his observations for the\nday by expressing a doubt that Cook saw Cape Blanco\nor any other cape south of Cape Gregory on March 12,\n1778, and stated that it was fair to presume that what\nCook saw was an inland mountain.\nNotwithstanding all these facts the name Cape Blanco\nhas persisted for the western cape of Oregon, even though\nit may not have originally been applied to it, and Vancouver's name, Cape Orford, has fallen into disuse and\nhas been decided against by the United States Geographic\nBoard. Part of the name is still in use in Port Orford,\nwhich is just south of the cape.\nCape Alva, Clallam County, Washington, is the most\nwesterly point in continental United States, with a longitude of 124\u00b0 44' 5\". It is in approximate latitude 48\u00b0 10'.\nIt is more than 10' of longitude further west than Cape\nBlanco.\nAuthorities are not unanimous as to the color of Cape\nBlanco, but George Davidson, whose opinion carries great\nweight, states in the Coast Pilot for 1869 that the rocks\nwere of a dull white appearance but bright when the sun\nshone on them. However, this characteristic is probably\nmore or less true of other capes in the neighborhood.\nCape Falcon, Tillamook County. Cape Falcon is the\nnext cape south of Arch Cape, and has been known in the\npast as False Tillamook Head, presumably because navigators from the south mistook it for the real Tillamook\nHead, which lies further north. On August 18, 1775,\nCaptain Bruno Heceta, while cruising along the north\nPacific Coast discovered a cape in latitude 45\u00b0 43' north\nand named it Cape Falcon. While this is not far from\nthe correct location of what we now know as Cape Falcon, Will\nOregon Geographic Names\n367\nit is also not far from Neahkahnie Mountain, and the\nrecords of Heceta are so meager as to make it impossible\nexactly to identify his discovery. Cape Falcon as we now\nknow it derived its name from Heceta, irrespective of\nwhat point he originally discovered. The present application of the name was made by George Davidson of the\nU. S. Coast Survey in 1853, as being preferable to a name\nwith the word \"false\" in it.\nCape Falcon has been the cause of considerable misunderstanding among students of Oregon history. Greenhow, in his History of Oregon and California appears\nto have started the trouble by confusing Cape Falcon,\nor as it was sometimes known, False Tillamook Head,\nwith Clarks Point of View. This he does in two places,\nonce in chapter IV and another time in appendix E. This\nerror has been perpetuated by both great authorities on\nthe Lewis and Clark Expedition, Coues and Thwaites.\nAs a result the latter has William Clark travel as far\nsouth as Nehalem Bay, when as a matter of fact Clarks\nPoint of View was on Tillamook Head, and Clark only\ngot as far as Elk Creek. See under Cannon Beach and\nTillamook Head. Davidson clearly preceived this error.\nSee Coast Pilot for 1869. However, Davidson was of the\nopinion that the Cape Grenville of Meares was the same\nas Cape Falcon, but this seems improbable to the compiler of these notes.\nAt the time of his discovery of Cape Falcon, Heceta\nalso named La Mesa or The Table, putting it some 15\nminutes of latitude further south than the cape, with no\nindication as to whether it was an inland mountain or\nnot. It seems to the compiler that Le Mesa must have\nbeen what is now known as Cape Meares, or some flat-\ntopped mountain inland.\nCape Ferrelo, Curry County. Bartolome Ferrelo\nwas a pilot in the expedition of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo,\na Portugese, who sailed from Mexico in June, 1542, for\nww r R:M|\n*!$\n368\nLewis A. McArthur\n4*\nwn\nIII\nthe purpose of exploring the coast of California. When\nnear the 34th parallel of north latitude Cabrillo sank\nunder the fatigue of the voyage and turned the command\nover to Ferrelo. The latter discovered a cape on the 41st\nparallel which he called Cabo de Fortunas, and on March\n1, 1543, found himself to be as far north as the 44th\nparallel, but on the following day bad weather drove him\nsouth. It is now not easy to determine how far north\nFerrelo came, nor what he actually discovered, although\nhis description and latitude of Cobo de Fortunas are\nstrongly suggestive of Cape Mendocino. Some authorities believe that his discovery was really as far north\nas the 43rd parallel. There is but little to connect Cape\nFerrelo with the pilot, though it was named in his honor.\nSee Greenhow's History of Oregon and California, chapter I.\nCape Ferrelo is but a short distance from the Oregon-\nCalifornia boundary line. It is the first prominent head\nland north of St. George Reef, and while not projecting\nseaward to any considerable extent, it is nevertheless\nnoticeable on account of its bold, rugged face.\nCape Foulweather, Lincoln County. Cape Foul-\nweather was discovered and named by Captain James\nCook, the English explorer, on March 7, 1778. This was\nthe first geographic feature that Captain Cook named in\nhis voyage to the north Pacific Ocean. On the day of\nhis discovery the weather was particularly inclement.\nThe Coast Pilot for 1869 gives a detailed account of this\ncape and incidents surrounding its discovery, compiled\nby George Davidson.\nCape Kiwanda, Tillamook County. This cape has\nbeen known at times as Sand Cape. The name Kiwanda\nis obviously Indian, but its correct meaning and by whom\nfirst applied to this cape is not known. Kiwanda is the\nname adopted by the United States Geographic Board,\nnot Sand. Cape Kiwanda is a low, yellow, rocky point, ;* m\nOregon Geographic Names\n369\nmuch broken and eroded, projecting about one-half mile\nfrom the general trend of the coast. Behind the cape are\nbright sand dunes, and it is probable that these rather\nthan the sand on the cape itself suggested the name Sand\nCape.\nCape Lookout, Tillamook County. Cape Lookout is\none of the most prominent head lands on the Oregon\nCoast. It projects into the ocean one and one-half miles\nand has a narrow rocky promontory over 400 feet high\non its seaward extremity. East of the cape the mountains rise to an elevation of over 2000 feet.\nCape Lookout bears its present name in error which\nwill doubtless never be corrected. The name was originally applied by John Meares to what is now known as\nCape Meares, which he described fully and accurately,\nand his description was subsequently corroborated by\nVancouver. The name was probably changed to the new\nposition on the Coast Survey charts of 1850 and 1853.\nCape Lookout is about 10 miles south of Cape Meares\nand is somewhat more prominent which is doubtless the\nreason for change. Having once become attached to the\nnew feature it was deemed inadvisable to attempt to\nrestore the name to the old location and as a result George\nDavidson applied it to the feature that Meares called\nCape Lookout. For further information on this point,\nsee the entry on Cape * Meares and also refer to the\nUnited States Coast Pilot for 1869.\nCape Meares, Tillamook County. Cape Meares is\njust south of Tillamook Bay, and bears the name of the\nmost interesting of all the early explorers of the north\nPacific Coast. Meares is well described in the following\nwords by Professor Edmond S. Meany in his History of\nWashington, page 25:\n\"John Meares, a retired lieutenant of the British\nNavy, was the most unconventional and interesting personality of all those figuring in these early marine annals.\n3i\u00a7\u00bb itm 370\nLewis A. McArthur\nHe sailed under double colors, he succeeded as fur hunter\nand geographer, he was the pioneer of two great industries, he sought to plant a colony of Chinese men with\nKanaka wives, he wrote a book, he precipitated a quarrel\nbetween England and Spain which came near embroiling\nalso the new republic of the United States in a serious\nwar. There was nothing dull about John Meares. In\n1786, he sailed from Bengal with two vessels, the Nootka\nand Sea-otter, names redolent of furs and adventure.\nLittle is known of this voyage except that it was confined to the shores of Alaska. 1787, English merchants\nin India fitted out two ships, the Felice Adventurer and\nthe Iphigenia Nubiana, and placed them in command of\nJohn Meares and William Douglas. To avoid excessive\nport charges in China and to evade licenses from the\nSouth Sea and East India monopolies, a Portuguese partner was taken in, who procured from the governor at\nMacao, Portuguese flags, papers and captains. In case\nof need the real masters would appear as clerks or supercargoes. While little use was made of this scheme, the\ntrick of double colors is condemned as a cheat, closely\nakin to piracy. In May, 1788, Meares in the Felice arrived at Nootka, and for two pistols he bought some land\nfrom Chief Maquinna. He at once erected a little fort,\nand began an important enterprise. He had brought the\nframework of a schooner. His ship's company included\nfifty men, crew and artisans, part of each group being\nChinamen. This little schooner, the North West America,\nwas the first vessel built in this part of the world and\nthis also was the first introduction of Chinese labor on\nthe Pacific Coast.\"\nWhile Meares' organization was engaged in these\nactivities, he himself set sail on an exploring expedition\nsouth along the coast. He passed the mouth of the Columbia River on July 6, 1788, but he failed to identify it\nas a river. By nightfall of that same day he had dis- m \u201e r?\niVMJ\nOregon Geographic Names\n371\ncovered and named three important features, the first\nof which he referred to as Cape Grenville, and the next\nQuicksand Bay, the third feature he christened Cape\nLookout, and the volume containing the story of his\ntravels has a very fine plate showing this cape together\nwith the remarkable rocks a little to the southwest. Having failed to discover the new river he was seeking, he\nreturned to Nootka. For further information about the\nhistory of Nootka and the controversy between England\nand Spain over Meares' enterprise, see Meany's History.\nIt is not easy at this time to identify Cape Grenville.\nGeorge Davidson supposes it to be Cape Falcon. Quicksand Bay seems to be what is now known as Tillamook\nBay. Meares' description and picture of Cape Lookout,\nbeyond all doubt, refer to what we now call Cape Meares,\nand the rocks that Meares christened Three Brothers\nare now known as Three Arch Rocks and form a bird\nreservation that is frequently written about.\nGeorge Davidson applied the name of Cape Meares\nto the feature herein described in 1857. Davidson was\nfor many years connected with the United States Coast\nSurvey and is considered the leading authority on the\nearly explorations of the Pacific Coast. It appears that\nthrough some misunderstanding the Coast Survey\nadopted the name Cape Lookout on its charts of 1850\nand 1853 for a point about 10 miles south of Meares'\noriginal location. The name of Cape Lookout having\nbecome so well established in its new position and attaching to a point quite striking in appearance, it was\napparently thought by Davidson, best to leave the name\nwhere it was and honor Meares by applying his own\nname to the feature that he discovered.\nProfessor Meany's remarks about Meares being the\npioneer of two great industries refer to shipbuilding\nand timber exporting. When the Felice started for\nChina she carried with her a deck load of spars, the first\n:M; rliip\n372 Lewis A. McArthur\nto be shipped from the Pacific Northwest. The spars\nwere lost in rough weather, but this does not rob Meares\nof the glory of starting our lumber industry.\nCape Perpetua, Lincoln County. Cape Perpetua,\nwhich is in the extreme southwest corner of the county,\nis one of the historic geographical features of Oregon.\nIt was discovered on March 7, 1778, by Captain James\nCook, the famous English explorer, and it has been fre-\n\\>Mjft% quently asserted that he named the cape because the bad\nweather seemed to hold him perpetually in sight of it. It\nis apparent from a careful reading of his journals that\nthis was not the case, but that he named the headland\n$$Rf$\" f\u00b0r St. Perpetua, who was murdered in Carthage on\n\"fty March 7, 203, for it was on St. Perpetua's Day that he\nmade his discovery. A pious gentleman advises the\nwriter that Perpetua the Martyr was a noble lady of\nCarthage, and in the face of her father's pleadings and\ntears, professed the faith and was thrown to the beasts\nand beheaded.\nCape Ridge, Lane and Lincoln Counties. The western\nextremity of Cape Ridge is Cape Perpetua, and it received its name on this account. It lies between Yachats\nRiver on the north and Cummins Creek on the south, and\nCape Creek, a short stream in between the two bisects\nit unequally, with the larger portion to the north, this\nterminating in the cape. Cape Ridge rises rapidly from\nthe cape, and about a mile and a half from the ocean, it\nhas an elevation of 1400 feet, and about three miles from\nthe ocean there is a well defined summit 1947 feet high.\nThis ridge together with others extending from the ocean\nfinally blends itself into the Coast Range at higher elevations. For the geography of this feature see the U. S.\nGeological Survey map of the Waldport quadrangle.\nCape Sebastian, Curry County. Cape Sebastian derives its name from the fact that on January 20, 1603,\nSebastian Vizcaino on an exploring expedition north from\nmm ifJIii\nm\nOregon Geographic Names\n373\nMexico sighted a high white bluff near what he determined to be the 42nd parallel. He named it in honor\nof the saint of that day, San Sebastian. This point marked\nthe northern limit of his voyage. What cape he saw and\nnamed it is not now possible to determine with accuracy,\nbut the name Sebastian is fixed on a cape in north latitude 42\u00b0 19' 41\". The name was first applied to this feature by George Davidson in the U. S. Coast Survey Coast\nPilot for 1869, page 112. For information about Vizcaino's voyage, see under Cape Blanco. Cape Sebastion\nis prominent from either northward or southward, and\nrises abruptly from the sea to a height of about 700 feet.\nCarlton, Yamhill County, Oregon. A. E. Bones, postmaster, states in October, 1925, that the place was named\nfor John Carl, Sr., and that it was done at the request of\nR. R. Thompson of Portland at the time the west side\nrailroad established a station there about 1875. Carl\nwas an early settler in the neighborhood and Thompson\nowned a farm there. It has been stated elsewhere that\nthe town was named for Wilson Carl, an ex-county commissioner. Doubtless the two were members of the same\nfamily.\nCarnahan, Clatsop County. This community is on\nClatsop Plains, and was named for Hiram Carnahan,\na pioneer of 1847 who settled there in that year.\nCarson, Baker County. The postmaster of Carson\nin 1925 states that this community was apparently named\nfor Tom Corson who settled about 1870 on a small stream\nflowing into Pine Creek. Neighbors pronounced his name\nCarson and applied it to the stream in question and subsequently to a small sawmill which was called the Carson\nMill because it was located on the creek. At a later date\nwhen the post office was established the name was applied\nto it as well.\nCarter Lake, Douglas County. This is a long, narrow lake in the extreme northwest corner of Douglas\niili\n;ii\u00a7P\n\u20ac11 ?\nIII I!\nWMm .11\nill II\nIII\n\u2022 4'\n'iilii 374\nLewis A. McArthur\nCounty about one-half mile from the Pacific Ocean. It\nwas named for an early settler who lived on its shore.\nCarver Glacier, Deschutes County. Johnathan Carver was the first person known to have used the name\nOregon, which he did in a book published 1778. The only\nplace in Oregon where his name has been perpetuated\nis in Carver Glacier, which is on the north slope of the\nSouth Sister and is one of the sources of Squaw Creek.\nIt was named by Professor Edwin T. Hodge of the University of Oregon in 1924.\nCarver was born at Weymouth, Massachusetts, April\n3, 1710. He served in the French and Indian Wars, and\nsubsequent thereto became an adventurous traveler. He\nhad difficulties in getting the story of his travels published, and soured and discontented, he went to England\nwhere he was in a measure successful. He died in want\nin London in 1780. For his travels Carver outfitted at\nMackinac and went to Green Bay, on Lake Michigan,\nand from there, by portage and river, to the Mississippi\nat Prairie du Chien, and then up the Mississippi to the\nSaint Peter, to spend the winter of 1766-67. He returned by way of Lake Superior, in 1767. Carver's\nTravels have been criticised as to their originality, and\nquestions of plagiarism have been discussed by historical\nand literary authorities for many years. He is alleged\nto have plagiarized freely the writings of Charlevoix,\nLahontan and James Adair, and the parallelisms have\nbeen freely quoted. For narrative of Carver's travels\nand discussion of this \"plagiarism,\" see The American\nHistorical Review, volume XI, pages 287-302, by Edward\nGaylord Bourne. See also Bibliography of Carver's Travels (1910) and Additional Data (1913), by John Thomas\nLee, published by the Wisconsin Historical Society. For\ndetails of Carver's family and of his birth, see The Wisconsin Magazine of History, volume III, No. 3, page 229,\nby William Browning. While Jonothan Carver originated Oregon Geographic Names\n375\nthe form of the name Oregon, it is now quite certain that\nhe did not originate the name itself. That was apparently done by Major Robert Rogers, an English army\nofficer who was commandant at the frontier military post\nat Mackinac, Michigan, during the time of Carver's journey into the upper valley of the Mississippi. For full\nparticulars of this matter see Oregon Historical Society\nQuarterly volume XXII, No. 2, for June, 1921, which\ncontains an authoritative article by T. C. Elliott. See\nalso under the name Oregon. Rogers used the form\nOurigan.\nCascade Head, Lincoln County. Cascade Head is a\njagged, heavily wooded cape with a cliff on the seaward\nside, about three miles long and in places is over 700 feet\nhigh. It was named because of the fact that its face is\ncut deep by gorges through which the waters of three\ncreeks are discharged from cascades 60 feet to 80 feet\nhigh. The name was applied to it by George Davidson\nof the U. S. Coast Survey in the Coast Pilot for 1869.\nCascade Locks, Hood River County. The federal\ngovernment adopted a plan for permanent improvements\nat the Cascades of the Columbia River in 1875, and began\nwork in 1878. For the history of the construction of the\nCascade locks see The Oregonian, January 1,1895, page 8.\nThe locks were completed November 5, 1896. The community was named for the locks. Scott's History of the\nOregon Country, volume III, page 190 gives a detailed\nhistory of the various aids to transportation developed\nat this point. Cascade Locks has an elevation of 99 feet.\nCascade Range. The Cascade Range is the great\nmountain backbone of Oregon and Washington, and divides both states into separate climatic and geographic\nprovinces. Probably the first attempt at a name for the\nrange was by the Spaniard, Manuel Quimper, 1790, who\nroughly mapped it as Sierra Madras de S. Antonio. In\n1792, George Vancouver, the English explorer, gave\nfill\n'mi\n1*81 i 376 Lewis A. McArthur\nnames to a number of the most prominent peaks, but\nreferred to the range as \"snowy range,\" \"ridge of snowy\nmountains,\" or \"range of rugged mountains.\" Lewis\nand Clark, 1805-1806, mention the named peaks and frequently refer in general terms to the range of mountains.\nLewis wrote: \"The range of western mountains are\ncovered with snow,\" and Clark wrote: \"Western moun-\ntians covered with snow.\" (Thwaites, Original Journals\nof Lewis and Clark, volume IV., pages 313 and 305-306).\n\"Western Mountains\" is the nearest to a name for the\nrange adopted by Lewis and Clark. John Work, of the\nHudson's Bay Company, wrote in December, 1824: \"A\nridge of high mountains covered with snow.\" (Washington Historical Quarterly, volume III., pages 213, 215.)\nDavid Douglas, the botanist, in writing his journal had\ngreat need of a name for these mountains and he seems\nto have been the first one to use the name \"Cascade.\" He\nrefers again and again to the \"Cascade Mountains\" or\n\"Cascade Range of Mountains.\" (Journal Kept by David\nDouglas, 1823-1827, pages 221-222, 252, 257, 342). Douglas does not claim to have originated the name for the\nrange, and earlier use of it may yet come to light. William A. Slacum's report, 1836-1837, says the mountains\nwere sometimes called \"Klannet range, from the Indians\nof that name.\" (Oregon Historical Society Quarterly,\nvolume XIII., page 200). Hall J. Kelley, an early enthusiast on the Oregon Question, sometimes referred to as\n\"The Boston Schoolmaster,\" sought, 1834-1839, to change\nthe names of the great peaks by calling them after former\npresidents of the United States and to christen the range\n\"Presidents Range.\" The Wilkes Expedition, 1841,\ncharted the mountains as Cascade Range.\nFarnham's Travels in the Great Western Prairies was\npublished in 1843. Page 96 describes the Presidents\nRange and its several peaks. He mentions ten peaks\nsouth of the forty-ninth degree (Canadian boundary). If in I\nOregon Geographic Names\n377\n\"Five of these latter,\" he says, \"have received names\nfrom British navigators and traders. The other five\nhave received from American travellers, Mr. Kelly\n(Hall J.) the names of deceased Presidents of the Republic.\" Farnham names them as follows: Mount Tyler\n[Baker], Mount Harrison [Rainier], Mount Van Buren\n[Olympus], Mount Adams, Mount Washington [Hood],\nMount Jefferson, Mount Madison, [Diamond Peak?]\nMount Monroe [Scott?], Mount John Quincy Adams\n[McLoughlin], Mount Jackson [Shasta]. It will be noticed that Mount Saint Helens is omitted, and that Mount\nAdams is designated either the present Mount Adams or\nMount Saint Helens. \"Mount Washington,\" says Farnham, \"lies a little north of the forty-fourth degree north\n[error], and about twenty miles south of the Cascades.\"\nFarnham gives widely erroneous latitudes of these mountains. Hall J. Kelley applied Presidents Range to the\nmountains now known as Cascade Range. His memoir,\ndated January 31, 1839, in the report of Caleb Cushing\nof Massachusetts, chairman of the House committee on\nforeign affairs, January 4, 1839, says, on pages 53-54:\n\"The eastern section of the distrct referred to is bordered\nby a mountainous range [Cascade] running nearly parallel to the spine of the Rocky Mountains and to the coast,\nand which, from the number of its elevated peaks, I am\ninclined to call Presidents Range.\" See Oregon Historical\nSociety Quarterly, volume XVIIL, page 282, et seq., by\nFred Wilbur Powell; also supplemental report, Territory\nof Oregon, Report No. 101, Twenty-fifth Congress, third\nsession, House of Representatives.\nIn a footnote Kelley adds: \"These isolated and remarkable cones, which are now called among the hunters\nof the Hudson's Bay Company by other names, I have\nchristened after our ex-Presidents, viz.:\n1. Washington, latitude 46 degrees, 15 minutes\n[Saint Helens] ; [&'*W-M$&\n378\nLewis A. McArthur\nfl^Mte\n2. Adams, latitude 45 degrees, 10 minutes [Hood] ;\n3. Jefferson, latitude 44 degrees, 10 minutes [same];\n4. Madison, 43 degrees, 50 minutes [Three Sisters] ;\n5. Monroe, 43 degrees, 20 minutes [Diamond or\nThielsen];\n6. John Quincy Adams, 42 degrees, 10 minutes [McLoughlin or Pit] ;\n7. Jackson, 41 degrees, 10 minutes [Shasta].\"\nThese positions are erroneous, like Farnham's. It will\nbe noted that Kelley omits Mount Hood, and names that\npeak Mount Adams. Farnham omits Saint Helens and\napplies Washington to the peak (Hood) about twenty\nmiles south of the Cascades (of Columbia River).\nThese presidential names were started by Hall J.\nKelley, and were confused by later writers, who adopted\nhis names but not his locations. In this way, difference\nof names appears as to Mount Adams, Mount Saint\nHelens, Mount Hood and other peaks. The original\nnames remain with Mounts Hood, Saint Helens, Rainier,\nBaker and Jefferson; otherwise with Adams, Three\nSisters, McLoughlin and Shasta.\nJohn Work, in his journal (Oregon Historical Society\nQuarterly, volume X, pages 308-09, by T. C. Elliott),\ncalls Mount Adams Mount Saint Helen, Mount Saint\nHelens Mount Rainier, and Mount Rainier Mount Baker.\nThe name Cascades was first that of the narrows of\nthe Columbia River, which yet bears the title. This name\nof the Columbia River narrows is used commonly by\nwriters as far back as the Astor expedition. In the report\nof the committee on foreign affairs of the national House\nof Representatives, Caleb Cushing, chairman, February\n16, 1839, is the memoir of Kelley, which names the\nmountains Presidents Range and also a memoir of Nathaniel J. Wyeth, dated February 4, 1839, which uses the\nname Cascade Mountains. In Greenhow's History of Oregon Geographic Names\n379\nOregon and California, a map, compiled in 1838, gives the\nname Far West Mountains. See Bancroft's History of\nOregon, volume I, page 164, note.\nAs far as the writer knows, but one tribe of Indians\nhad a name for the Cascade Range as such. The Klamath\nIndians called it Yamakiasham Yaina, literally \"mountains of the northern people.\"\nCascade Range is the official form of name adopted\nby the United States Geographic Board and the feature\nto which it applies extends from Canada to the gap south\nof Lassen Peak in California. The Cascade Range is\nessentially volcanic in character and particularly in Oregon and in northern California its crest is made up of the\nremnants of a series if giant volcanoes. The Cascade\nRange differs essentially in construction and in origin\nfrom the Sierra Nevada of California and there is no connection between the two structurally or otherwise. The\nhighest point in the Cascade Range in Oregon is Mt.\nHood, with an elevation of 11,225 feet and the lowest\npass is the gorge of the Columbia River. The important\nroutes of travel through the Cascade Range in Oregon\ninclude the Columbia River Highway at water level, the\nMt. Hood Loop Highway, which in certain sections follows closely the Barlow Road, and the Santiam Highway,\nwhich is the modern name for the Willamette Valley and\nCascade Mountain Military Road. This road crosses the\nCascade Range just north of Mt. Washington. Next\nto the south is the McKenzie Highway, which is improved\nover the Cascade Range throughout its entire length.\nThe Willamette Highway or the old Oregon Central Military Road crosses the Cascade Range at Summit Lake,\nat an elevation of 5600. It is possible to cross the Cascade Range just north of Crater Lake, and on an improved highway at Crater Lake. The Green Springs\nMountain Road from Ashland to Klamath Falls is now\ncompletely improved. The United States Forest Service\nilil\n\"Mmi\nII\nTratlr\nm m Mi\nMm m\n\"hmm:\n$lil! 380\nLewis A. McArthur\nis developing certain sections of a road extending north\nand south along the summit of the Cascade Range in\nOregon, but it will doubtless be many years before this\nproject is complete in its entirety.\nThe modern names for the important peaks at the\nsummit of the Cascade Range from north to south in\nOregon and their elevations are as follows:\n11,225 feet\n7,243 \"\n10,522 \"\n7,793 \"\n7,769 \"\nMt. Hood .\nOlallie Butte\nMt. Jefferson\nThree-Fingered Jack\nMt. Washington .\nBelknap Crater (about)\nBlack Crater\nNorth Sister\nMiddle Sister\nSouth Sister\nBroken Top\nBachelor Butte\nMaiden Peak (about)\nMt. Yoran .\nDiamond Peak\nCowhorn Mt.\nHowlock Mt.\nMt. Thielsen\nGlacier Peak\nMt. Scott\nUnion Peak\nMt. McLoughlin .\n7,000\n7,184\n10,067\n10,038\n10,352\n9,152\n9,044\n7,750\n7,132\n8,750\n7,666\n8,351\n9,178\n8,156\n8,938\n7,698\n9,493 \"\nCascades, Hood River County. The Cascades of the\nColumbia River are caused by natural obstructions.\nLewis and Clark, 1805-1806, the first white men to see\nthis geographical feature, used the word \"cascades,\" but\nnot as a name. The Upper Cascades they called \"Great\nShute.\" Alexander Ross, in his Oregon Settlers, writing\nas of 1810-1813, mentions the cascades a number of times,\nvm Sail\nOregon Geographic Names\n381\nindicating the obstruction in the river. David Thompson, of the North-West Company of Montreal, on July\n13, 1811, referred to \"Rapids and Falls\" and on July 27\nto \"Great Rapid.\" John Work, of the Hudson's Bay Company, on June 22, 1825, wrote: \"Embarked at 3 o'clock\nand reached the Cascades at 1.\" (Washington Historical\nQuarterly, volume V., page 85). David Douglas, the\nbotanist, in his journal for 1826 uses the word often,\nbut not always for the same locality. Rev. H. H. Spalding, writing from Fort Walla Walla on October 2, 1836,\nuses the words: \"The Cascades or Rapids.\"\nCastle Creek, Jackson and Klamath Counties. The\nvarious branches of Castle Creek rise on the west slopes\nof the rim of Crater Lake, and Castle Creek itself flows\ninto Rogue River. It was named Castle Creek because\nof the many spiresN and pinnacles in the canyon.\nCastle Rock, Gilliam County. It does not seem to\nhave taken much imagination on the part of early settlers\nto build rock castles in the air, for there are Castle Rocks\nin most of the counties of the state, the one about a mile\nwest of the station of that name in Gilliam County being\nprobably the best known. It is a low bluff, but is said\nactually to resemble a castle from the river. It is not\nknown when this rock was first named. The railroad\ncompany has dropped the second word of the name for\nthe station, as a matter of simplification.\nCathlamet Bay, Clatsop County. Cathlamet Bay is\non the south side of the Columbia River east of Tongue\nPoint. Like many other Indian names, its meaning is\nhard to trace. Myron Eells identified the word with the\nIndian name Kalama, which is a town in Washington.\nOn November 11, 1805, Lewis and Clark passed near the\nIndian village of Cathlamet, and referred to Calt-har-mar\nnation of Indians. Thwaites refers to this nation as an\nextinct Chinookan tribe. It was obviously a small unimportant group of natives, and there is a possibility that\nell ii\nfill]\nill*\nimml\nilii 382\nLewis A. McArthur\nthe tribe name was associated with the word calamet,\nmeaning stone, indicating that the Indians lived in a\nstony place. The Indian village of Caltharmar was on\nthe south bank of the Columbia River, possibly not far\nfrom the present site of Knappa. Thomas N. Strong of\nPortland is authority for the statement that after the\nvisit of Lewis and Clark, the Caltharmar nation, much\nreduced by disease, crossed the Columbia River and\nsettled near the present town of Cathlamet, Washington.\nCatlow, Harney County. Catlow is a post office in\nHarney County. There are a number of other geographic\nfeatures in the neighborhood with this name, including\nCatlow Valley. The U. S. Geographic Board has adopted\nthis form of spelling as being correct rather than Catlo\nor Catalow. These features were named for an early\nsettler.\nCayuse, Umatilla County. Cayuse is a railroad station and post office about 11 miles east of Pendleton and\nis one of the few geographic features in the state named\nfor the Cayuse Indians. In 1924 Professor Edwin T.\nHodge of the University of Oregon applied the name\nCayuse Crater to a vent on the south part of Broken Top\nMountain in Deschutes County.\nThe Cayuse Indians were a Waiilatpuan tribe, formerly living at the headwaters of Walla Walla, Umatilla\nand Grande Ronde rivers, and between the Blue Mountains and Deschutes River. The tribe was closely associated with the neighboring Walla Wallas and Nez Perces,\nbut were linguistically independent. After 1855 the tribe\nlived at the Umatilla reservation. Their language is\npractically extinct, and their members have been absorbed by the other tribes. The Cayuses committed the\nWhitman massacre in 1847. Alexander Ross gives the\nname Cayouse in First Settlers, page 127; Townsend's\nNarrative gives Kayouse; Palmer gives Caaguas and\nKioose in his Journal (1845), page 53; Hale gives CaiU Oregon Geographic Names\n383\ntill\niiiii\nloux in \"Ethnology and Philology,\" page 214; Scouler\ngives Cayoose; Wyeth, Cayouse and Skiuse; George\nWilkes, Kiuse; Farnham, Skyuse; John Work, Kyauses;\nWashington Irving gives Sciatogas. The Cayuses had\nlinguistic affinities with the Molallas of Western Oregon.\nScott's History of Oregon, volume I, page 282.\nIndian horses have come to be called \"cayuses\" because the Indians of that name were large breeders of\nthe animals. The name formerly had only local use, but\nlater spread over the Pacific Northwest.\nCayuse in Umatilla County was formerly a stage sta-\nton, and was located at the bottom of what was known\nas Meacham Hill.\nThere is a Cayuse Canyon opening onto Rock Creek\nnorth east of Condon in Gilliam County. It was doubtless so named because Cayuse ponies pastured there.\nCazadero, Clackamas County. This is a station on\nthe Estacada line of the Portland Electric Power Company, near which the Cazadero power plant of the company is located on the Clackamas River. For many years\nprevious to the time the company made its additional\ndevelopment further up the river, Cazadero was the end\nof the interurban line. It was named by the original\npromoters of the line, and the word is Spanish, meaning\n\"a place for the pursuit of game.\"\nCecil, Morrow County. This is a railroad station and\npost office in the western part of Morrow County, at an\nelevation of 619 feet. It derived its name from the Cecil\nfamily, large land owners in the neighborhood who donated land for the post office.\nCedar Mill, Washington County. This name was\ngiven by Elam Young to his sawmill in 1847, and has been\nretained ever since. There were fine woods of cedar\ntrees in the vicinity. The place may be reached by the\nBarnes and Cornell roads from Portland and has an elevation of 274 feet.\n'Ilili\n' \u25a0,.,\"''\u2022 M'.i\n-.\u00a5':-\u2022 1... J\nmm # *\nWMl\nMm\niisii 384\nLewis A. McArthur\nCelilo, Wasco County. This name is used for a railroad station, for the navigation canal along the south\nbank of the Columbia River, and for \"the rather low but\nromantic horseshoe shaped falls at the rock reef composing the upper end of this obstruction (Dalles) below\nwhich the Indian was accustomed to stand with his spear\nto pierce the jumping salmon. Like all other river falls\nthese were known to the fur traders as The Chutes, and\nwhere the name Celilo was first used or whence it came\nis not known. The name does not appear in print before\n1859, as far as yet discovered. The earlier journals and\nletters of fur traders and travelers do not mention it.\"\nT. C. Elliott, Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, June\n1915. Mr. Elliott states that there are several suggested\nmeanings, including \"tumbling waters, \"shifting sands,\"\nthe name of an Indian chief, etc., but there is little to\nsubstantiate these suggestions. The Quarterly mentioned\nabove gives additional theories about the name, and also\ncontains much information about the construction and\ndedication of the Celilo Canal. The first survey for the\ncanal was ordered by congress in 1879. The portage\nrailroad built by the state was finished and opened June\n3, 1905, and actual construction on the canal was begun\nby the government in October of that year. The completion and opening of the canal was celebrated by citizens of three states during the week of May 3-8, 1915.\nThe canal is nine miles long, and overcomes a fall of about\n80 feet. It cost, including nearby channel improvements,\n$4,800,000. The first steamer to make a continuous trip\nfrom Portland to Lewiston through the canal, was the\nUndine, which left Portland April 29, 1915, and arrived\nin Lewiston on May 3. The dedication of the canal occurred on May 5, 1915.\nCentral Point, Jackson County. This community\nreceived its name because of the fact that two important\npioneer wagon roads of the Rogue River Valley crossed If\n'\u2022\u25a0Html\nOregon Geographic Names\n385\n'Jwm\nat this point which was near the center of the valley.\nOne of these roads was the north and south road from\nthe Willamette Valley and the other was the road leading\nfrom Jacksonville, which was then the center of settlement, northeast of Table Rock, Sams Valley and other\ncommunities. The community was named by Isaac Constant who was a pioneer of 1852 and who lived near the\ncrossroads.\nMagruder Brothers established a store at this point\nabout 1870 and the post office was given the name of\nCentral Point. It is on the main line of the Southern\nPacific Company and on the Pacific Highway and has an\nelevation of 1272 feet.\nChampoeg, Marion County. The name Champoeg\n(Champooick, in early official records of the provisional\ngovernment) is variously explained. According to F. X.\nMatthieu, the name was derived from the French words,\nCampment du Sable, \"camp of sand\" (Oregon Historical\nSociety Quarterly, volume I, page 88). According to\nother tesimony, the origin is from French champ\n(\"field\"), and an Indian word, probably pooich (\"root\") ;\nor the word may be purely Indian, designating a root or\nweed. According to H. S. Lyman, the name is not of\nFrench, but of Indian origin; Cham (hard ch), as in Che-\nhalem, Chenamus, Chemeketa, Calapooya (Oregon Historical Society Quarterly; volume I, page 176). Frederick\nV. Holman says Champoeg is an Indian word, Champoo,\na weed (ibid., volume XI, pages 22-23). Wilkes' map\nof 1841 shows Champooing. Champoeg was the site of\nthe first warehouse of the Hudson's Bay Company on the\nWillamette River, south of Oregon City, and the shipping\nplace of wheat of Willamette Valley. The accessibility of\nChampoeg by land and water caused it to be chosen as the\nmeeting place for establishing the provisional government.\n-\u25a0mm\nmm\ntUfi\nIII\n\u2022 '>'\u25a0'' ;\"':% 386\nLewis A. McArthur\nmmi\nThe site of the Champoeg meeting place and monument is on the south bank of the Willamette River about\nmidway between Newberg and Butteville. The settlement of Champoeg is about a half mile to the south, on\nMission Creek.\nEvents leading up to the Champoeg meeting of May\n2, 1843, are clearly set forth in Scott's History of the\nOregon Country, volume II, page 3, where begins Harvey\nW. Scott's address on the occasion of the unveiling of\nthe Champoeg Monument on May 2, 1901. On February\n15, 1841, Ewing Young died at a point not far from the\npresent site of Newberg, and as he left considerable\nproperty and no heirs, the necessity of a civil government\nwas manifest. Some little headway toward securing a\ngovernment was made, but it was not until two years\nlater that the movement acquired enough momentum to\namount to anything. Two preliminary meetings were\nheld in the spring of 1843, at the second of which a committee was appointed, and this committee was to report\nat a meeting to be held at Champoeg May 2, 1843. At\nthe appointed time about an equal number of American\nand British citizens met, and by a narrow margin, the\nAmericans gained control of the situation and started\nthe organization that developed into the provisional government of Oregon, the first government by Americans\non the Pacific Coast.\nThe site of the Champoeg meeting is now owned by\nthe state of Oregon, and is a public park. The state\nerected a memorial building which was dedicated May 2,\n1918. For further details of Champoeg Memorial Building see Scott's History, volume II, page 221.\nChapman, Columbia County. Chapman took its\nname from a man who operated a logging enterprise in\nthe eastern part of Columbia County.\nChaski Bay, Crater Lake National Park, Klamath\nCounty. This bay is on the south side of Crater Lake, Oregon Geographic Names\n387\nOftifc\"\nand lies between Phantom Ship and Eagle Point. It was\nnamed by Will G. Steel for a minor deity of the Klamath\nIndians. A. S. Gatschet in his Dictionary of the Klamath\nLanguage gives the word as Tchashkai, meaning weasel.\nThe \"Weaslet\" was a mythical being often alluded to by\nwestern Indians, and conjurers frequenty mentioned\nweasels because of their curious freaks and jumps.\nChehalem Mountains, Washington and Yamhill\nCounties. These are the highest mountains in the Willamette Valley, and that section of the valley north of\nthem is generally known as the Tualatin Valley, being\ndrained by the Tualatin River. The Chehalem Mountains\nand some more or less independent spurs extend from the\nWillamette River east of Newberg northwest to the\nfoothills of the Coast Range south of Forest Grove. The\nhighest known point at the southern end is due north of\nNewberg, and has an elevation of 1447 feet. At a point\non the northern end east of Wapato is a summit about\n1675 feet in elevation, called Bald Peak. Chehalem is\ndoubtless an Indian word, and was probably applied to\na point near the mouth of what is now known as Chehalem Creek. Silas B. Smith of Clatsop County refers to\nsuch a point as Cham-ho-kuc, but gives no meaning or\nexplanation. Chehalem may be derived from it. See\nOregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume I, page 323.\nChemawa, Marion County. Chemawa is one of the\nIndian names in the state that has several fanciful meanings attributed to it, including \"our old home,\" \"true talk\"\nand \"gravelly soil.\" There is little on record to substantiate any of these meanings. Silas B. Smith, Clatsop\nCounty pioneer, is authority for the statement that Chem-\nayway was the Indian name for a point on the Willamette\nRiver about two and a half miles south of Fairfield where\nJoseph Gervais settled in 1827-28. The same name was\nalso applied to Wapato Lake. Indian names were bestowed generally on account of physical peculiarity, and\nill\nill 111\n\u2022Hi\nfill\nIf! IP\nV|ii\u00bb...\"v'\\\" 388\nLewis A. McArthur\nnot for sentimental reasons, and the name may mean\n\"gravelly soil,\" but gravel is neither peculiar nor\nabundant at either one of the places mentioned. Many\nIndian names began with Che and Cham, particularly\nthose applied to places in the Willamette Valley, such\nas Chemawa, Chehalem, Chemeketa and Champoeg. For\ninformation on this matter see article by H. S. Lyman,\nOregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume I, page 316.\nChemawa has an elevation of 165 feet.\nChenoweth Creek, Wasco County. Chenoweth\nCreek rises in the hills west of The Dalles, and after\nflowing across Chenoweth Flat reaches the Columbia\nRiver southeast of Crates Point. This stream was named\nfor Justin Chenoweth who crossed the plains in 1849\nas a member of the U. S. Mounted Rifles, which was the\nfirst military organization that came to Oregon overland\nafter the Lewis and Clark Expedition. Justin Chenoweth was accompanied by his brothers, Hardin and Francis A., who were civilians. Chenoweth served as the\nfirst government mail carrier between the Cascades and\nFt. Dalles, beginning his work July 1, 1851. He subsequently served as school superintendent for Wasco\nCounty and was a prominent member of the Methodist\nChurch. He was a land surveyor by profession and surveyed the Methodist Mission site in 1850, for which he\nreceived the sum of $10. He made settlement on his\ndonation land claim on Chenoweth Flat June 1, 1854, and\nleft The Dalles about 1866, according to Mrs. Lulu D.\nCrandall of The Dalles. Nathan Olney owned a store\nnear Crates Point before Chenoweth settled there, and\nChenoweth Creek was then known as Olney Creek, but\nthat name did not persist. The name of the geographic\nfeatures near The Dalles is frequently spelled Chenowith,\nbut the United States Geographic Board has officially\nadopted the form Chenoweth. \u2022Iff\nOregon Geographic Names\n389\n11\nCherry Creek, Jefferson and Wheeler Counties. This\ncreek was named on account of the wild cherries growing\nalong its banks. It flows into the John Day River near\nBurnt Ranch, and was one of several geographic features\nin central Oregon named by the pack train party of Joseph H. Sherar on the way to the John Day mines in\n1862. See also Antelope, Bakeoven and Muddy Creek.\nCherry Grove, Washington County. Inquiries as to\nhow this community received its name have produced no\nresults. There are very few cherries in the place and the\npostmaster advises that he was there at the time it was\nnamed and can give no reason for the name being selected.\nIt is supposed that its proximity to Forest Grove had\nsomething to do with the form of name selected.\nCherryville, Clackamas County. Cherryville is near\nthe Mt. Hood Loop Highway. It is said to have been\nnamed because of the wild cherries growing in the neighborhood.\nCheshire, Lane County. Cheshire is a station on\nthe line of the Southern Pacific Company between Corvallis and Eugene. It is near the Long Tom River. It\nwas platted in 1913 as Hulbert, but this caused confusion\nwith another station on the same line, Huber, so the railroad company changed the name to Cheshire in honor of\nan old settler, and the post office authorities followed suit.\nChesnimnus Creek\/Wallowa County. This stream\nflows into Joseph Creek, and for many years was shown\non maps as Chesninimus Creek. Investigations by the\nU. S. Forest Service indicated that this spelling was in\nerror, and the U. S. Geographic Board adopted the shorter\nform. The word is obviously Indian in its origin but the\nwriter has been unable to get information as to its\nmeaning.\nChetco River, Curry County. The name is applied\nto various features in southwestern Oregon, and is derived from the name of a small Indian tribe that lived\nit\n1*1!\nKtii I\nall wK&$\n390\nLewis A. McArthur\nSeSisp\nalong the lower reaches of the river. Early day spelling\nwas Chetko and Chitko. For information about the\nChetco Indians see Pioneer History of Coos and Curry\nCounties, edited by Orvil Dodge. Mt. Emily in the\nsouthwestern part of Curry County is sometimes known\nas Chetco Peak, but the real Chetco Peak is in the eastern\npart of the county and has an elevation of 4648 feet. See\nU. S. G. S. topographic map of the Kerby quadrangle.\nThe spelling Chetco has been adopted by the U. S. Geographic Board.\nChewaucan Marsh, Lake County. This is a large\nmarsh, fed principally by Chewaucan River and draining\ninto Lake Abert. The elevation of the upper end of the\nmarsh is 4311 feet and that of the lower end 4291, according to the Strahorn railroad survey. The name is derived\nfrom the Klamath Indian words \"tchua,\" meaning wild\npotato, and \"keni,\" a general suffix meaning locality or\nplace. The wild potato is generally known in Oregon and\nWashington as the wapato, arrowhead or sagittaria. It\nwas an article of food with many tribes. See U. S. Geological Survey Water Supply Papers 220 and 363 for\ninformation about the marsh. See also The Oregonian,\nSeptember 14, 1925, page 11, for information about the\nwapato.\nChico, Wallowa County. Chico is a Spanish word\nmeaning \"little.\" The postmaster advises in October,\n1925, that there is no local information available as to\nhow the name became attached to the Wallowa County\npost office.\nChief Joseph Mountain, Wallowa County. This\nmountain has been known at various times as Tunnel\nMountain and Point Joseph, but in 1925 the U. S. Geographic Board officially named it Chief Joseph Mountain\nin honor of the famous Nez Perce Indian chief. Joseph,\nor Young Joseph as he was sometimes known, was born\nnear the mouth of Imnaha River in June, 1837, and died 1\n1\nOregon Geographic Names\n391\nat Nespelem, Colville Indian Reservation, September 21,\n1904. He was the son of Old Joseph, who died about\n1871, and the grandson of Ollicut, a Cayuse chief. Old\nJoseph took his wife from a band living near the mouth\nof Asotin Creek. In May, 1877, Young Joseph and his\nband began to threaten the white settlers in the Wallowa\nValley, claiming the valley as his ancestral home. After\nsome skirmishing and encounters, the Indians finally\nbegan their famous journey to Montana, pursued by\ntroops. Chief Joseph made his last stand at the Battle\nof the Big Hole, August 9, 1877, and on October 4, 1877,\nhe surrendered to Colonel Nelson A. Miles at Bear Paw,\nMontana. For references to this matter see Scott's History of the Oregon Country, volume II, pages 104 and 332.\nChiloquin, Klamath County. Chiloquin is the white\nman's form of a Klamath Indian family name Chaloquin.\nChaloquin was the village chief of the old Indian town of\nBosuck Siwas, or Painted Rock, and his name was given\nas Chaloquenas in the treaty of 1864. Two sons, George\nand Mose Chaloquin, served with the state troops in the\nModoc war.\nChina Creek, Wallowa County. This is -a small\nstream flowing into Snake River from China Gulch. In\nthe days of placer mining all over the northwest and particularly near Lewiston there were a great many Chinamen panning for gold, and there are China Bars, China\nCreeks and China Flats in many parts of Oregon, Washington and Idaho. It was at these points that large\ncolonies of Chinese carried on their mining operations.\nChinquapin Mountain, Jackson County. There are\na number of geographic features in Oregon named for\nthe western chinquapin, castenea chrysophylla, of these\nChinquapin Mountain, in the southeast part of Jackson\nCounty, is probably the best known. The western chinquapin is sometimes called the golden leaved chestnut.\nIn the lower mountain altitudes it grows into a handsome\niwW,\n'Mmi\nmmwi\nSI pi u\n392 Lewis A. McArthur\ntree, 75 feet high in some places. On the high mountains it\nis generally a shrub. It is found generally on the slopes\nof the southern Cascade Range and the Sierra Nevada.\nChitwood, Lincoln County. This is a station on the\nline of the Southern Pacific Company between Corvallis\nand Yaquina. George T. Smith, postmaster at Chitwood,\nstates in 1925 that the station and post office were named\nfor Joshua Chitwood, who lived near the present site\nof the community when the railroad was built down the\nYaquina River. This railroad was built between 1881\nand 1885. For particulars of this construction see Scott's\nHistory of the Oregon Country, volume IV, page 334.\nChocktote Creek, Lake County. This creek flows\ninto Sycan Marsh from the east, and was named for a\nwell-known Indian chief of the Piute or Snake tribe.\nChristmas Lake, Lake County. Christmas Lake is\na small body of water in township 26 south, range 18\neast, about 25 miles east of Fort Rock. The name is one\nof the puzzles in Oregon nomenclature, and it is frequently asserted that John C. Fremont discovered and\nnamed the lake in question, which is not a fact.\nA map of the Oregon territory accompanying Senator\nLewis F. Linn's report, prepared under the direction of\nCol. J. J. Abert in 1838, shows a river flowing from a\nlake near what is now known as Warner Valley, the river\nbeing labeled \"Christmas River.\" It is not clear where\nthis name was obtained, but it is possible that such a\nstream may have been named by Hudson's Bay Company\nmen. Peter Skene Ogden visited central Oregon as early\nas 1825, and may have had something to do with the\nname of Christmas River.\nDuring the second exploring expedition of then Captain Fremont, which left Kansas in May, 1843, its leader\nconducted the party through the Deschutes Valley, and\nafter discovering and naming a number of geographic\nfeatures, he arrived in the Warner Valley and on Decern- Ill\nill\nOregon Geographic Names\n393\nber 24, 1843, he reached and named Christmas Lake.\nThis lake is much further southeast than the lake now\nknown by that name, and there is but little doubt that it\nwas what is now known as Hart Lake that Fremont\nchristened. It is an important member of the Warner\nLakes group, and near the central part of the valley.\nThere is at present no information as to how the other\nChristmas Lake got its name, but it is some distance\nfrom Fremont's route, and there is no evidence that he\never knew of its existence.\nThe surveyor general of Oregon issued a map of the\nstate in 1863 which shows Christmas Lake in the Warner\nValley in the place where Fremont discovered and named\nit. It has been called Hart Lake for many years.\nClackamas County. This county, together with\nClackamas River and other features in Oregon, received\nits name from the Clackamas Indians, a Chinookian tribe,\nliving along the river. The remnants of the tribe were\nmoved to the Grand Ronde reservation. They were formerly a large tribe. Besides the forms of the name given\non page 162 of volume II, there are KlackamMS, in George\nWilkes' History of Oregon and on Charles Wilkes' map\nof 1841; CJackamus; Nekamus, in Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume I, page 320; Klackamas, in Town-\nsend's Narrative; Akimmash, Clackamis, Clackamas,\nClackemus, Clackemurs, XJIackamers, KJackamat, Thlak-\neimas, Tlakimish, and many others.\nClackamas County was one of the original four districts of early Oregon, the other three being Twality,\nYamhill and Champooick. It was created July 5, 1843,\nand at the present time has a land area of 1868 square\nmiles. An excellent map of Clackamas County is published by the Bureau of Soils of the Department of Agriculture. For full information concerning the name and\nestablishment of this county see Oregon Historical So-\nf|lj\n\u2022mm\n#1\njtfBj\nill 394\nLewis A. McArthur\nciety Quarterly, volume XI, No. I, which contains an\narticle by Frederick V. Holmaa on the origin of Oregon\ncounties.\nClark Glacier, Lane County. This is the westerly\nof the two small glaciers on the south side of the South\nSister, and was named for William Clark in 1924 by\nProfessor Edwin T. Hodge of the University of Oregon.\nSo far as known it is the only geographic feature in the\nstate named for the great explorer except the Lewis and\nClark River in Clatsop County.\nThwaites' Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark\nExpedition gives a true account of the exploration, and\non page XXVII of the first volume is a short biography\nof William Clark. He was born in Viriginia on August\n1, 1770, and was the younger brother of George Rogers\nClark (1752-1818). At the age of 23 he was a first\nlieutenant in General Anthony Wayne's western army.\nHe retired from the army in 1796 with brevet rank of\ncaptain, and lived quietly with his family, occupied\nchiefly in adjusting the affairs of his older brother until\n1803 when he was invited by Meriwether Lewis to join\nJefferson's proposed exploring expedition to the Pacific\nOcean. After the expedition Jefferson appointed Clark\nbrigadier general of the militia of Louisiana, and also\nIndian agent for Louisiana. Subsequently Clark was surveyor general for Illinois, Missouri and Arkansas. He\ndied on September 1, 1838. For details of Clark's life\nsee Coues' History of the Lewis and Clark Expedition,\nvolume I.\nWilliam Clark spelled his name without a final \"e,\"\nthough that form has been used in many places, especially\nin Clarke County, Washington. For editorial comment\non this error see The Oregonian, December 3, 1925.\nClarnie, Multnomah County. The origin of Clarnie\nis obscure, but the following explanation is derived from\ntrustworthy sources: Two locators of the Oregon Rail-\n^*ai^ Oregon Geographic Names\n395\nway and Navigation Company decided to name the railroad station after their daughters, the name of the one\nbeing Clara, and that of the other being Jennie. They\ncombined syllables of the two names to make Clarnie.\nThis station is five miles west of Fairview.\nClarno, Wheeler County. This post office is on the\nJohn Day River near Clarno Bridge, and in October, 1925,\nhappens to be in Wheeler County. Clarno was named\nfor one of the earliest white settlers on the John Day\nRiver, Andrew Clarno. Just below the post office is the\nsite of the proposed Clarno Dam for impounding irrigation water. For information about this dam see the\nco-operative report on the John Day Project issued by\nthe state engineer and by the U. S. Reclamation Service\nin 1916. The Clarno post office is generally located not\nfar from the bridge, depending upon who can be prevailed\nupon to take the postmastership. Sometimes it is in\nWasco County, sometimes in Wheeler. Clarno has an\nelevation of 1304 feet. Clarno post office was established\nSeptember 15, 1894, with Nannie Chichester postmaster.\nIt was then in Gilliam County, as Wheeler County had\nnot yet been formed.\nWhen Andrew Clarno settled on John Day River, he\nhad no neighbors. Stockmen in those days did not feel\nthe need of any. When he heard that a friend had settled\non a homestead about 20'miles to the east, near the present site of Fossil, he rode over on horseback, and said:\n\"Bill, don't you think you're crowding me a little?\"\nClatskande, Columbia County. Silas B. Smith, Clatsop County pioneer, is quoted in the Oregon Historical\nSociety Quarterly, volume I, page 322, to the effect that\nTlats-kani was a point in the Nehalem Valley reached\nby the Indians from the Columbia River either by way\nof what we now know as Youngs River, or by way of\nClatskanie River. The Indians used the word Tlatskani\nby applying it to certain streams indicating the route they\niftjffll\nmi m i 396\nLewis A. McArthur\ntook to get to Tlatskani, and not as the name of the\nstreams for Indians were not in the habit of naming\nstreams. White men carelessly applied the name to the\nstreams. Clatskanie River in Columbia County, and\nKlaskanine River in Clatsop County were thus named,\nand Clatskanie, a town, developed near the point where\nthe former joined the Columbia River. Clatskanie is the\nspelling adopted by the U. S. Geographic Board for the\nfeatures in Columbia County.\nClatsop County. Clatsop District was created by\nthe Provisional Legislature by an act passed June 22,\n1844, and comprised parts of the northern and western\nportions of Twality District. F. V. Holman's article on\nthe history of Oregon Counties gives detailed information\nabout the formation and boundaries of the county in the\nOregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume XI, page 24.\nClatsop is the name of an Indian tribe; mentioned in\nLewis and Clark Journals and Gass' Journals. For description of Clatsop County in 1855, see The Oregonian,\nJune 16,1855. For history of Clatsop County, by Preston\nW. Gillette, ibid., November 20, December 12, 1895; January 18, 1896. For narrative of the Clatsop Indians, by\nPreston W. Gillette, ibid., October 23, 1899, page 6; his\nnarrative of Mrs. Michel, last of the Clatsops, ibid.,\nMarch 10, 1903, page 3; his narrative of pioneers of Clatsop County, ibid., November 20, 1895, page 6; January\n18,1896; description of Clatsop County in 1881, by Alfred\nHolman, ibid., September 9,1887; biography and portrait\nof Mrs. Michel February 26, 1905, page 22. Clatsop is\ngiven as Tlahsops by Silas B. Smith, in the Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume I, page 320. Town-\nsend's Narrative gives Klatsop. Hale, in U. S. Exploring\nExpedition (1841) volume VI, page 215, gives Tlatsap.\nIn Transactions of Oregon Pioneer Association (1887),\npage 85, the name is Tschlahtsoptchs. Hunter, \"Captivity\" (1823), gives Calt-sops. Dart, in Indian affairs Oregon Geographic Names\n397\nReport (1851), page 214, gives Chat-sops. Scouler, in\nJournal, Ethnological Association, London (1846), gives\nChadsops. Schoolcraft, in Indian Tribes, map (1853),\ngives Clasops. Lewis and Clark give Clat-sops. Farnham, in Travels, (1843), page 111, gives Clatsops. The\nClatsops were of the Chinookan family, formerly at the\nmouth of the Columbia River, on the south side, between\nTongue Point and the ocean, and south to Tillamook\nHead. Lewis and Clark spent the winter of 1805-06\namong them at Fort Clatsop.\nClatsop County has a land area of 821 square miles,\naccording to the U. S. Bureau of the Census. The name\nClatsop has been applied to a number of geographic features in Oregon, including Clatsop Plains and Clatsop\nSpit.\nCleawox Lake, Lane County. This lake is about one\nmile south of Siuslaw Inlet and a mile east of the Pacific\nOcean. It has an elevation of 82 feet. The name is obviously an Indian one but the writer has not been able to\nascertain its meaning. The United States Geographic\nBoard has officially adopted the name Cleawox Lake instead of Cleawok Lake or Buck Lake.\nCleetwood Cove, Crater Lake National Park, Klamath County. This cove was named for the boat with\nwhich Will G. Steel sounded Crater Lake for the government in 1886. In a dream Mr. Steel fancied he heard\nthe word applied to a golden arrow. The dream was so\nvivid that he christened his boat Cleetwood.\nClem, Gilliam County. Clem is said to have been\nnamed for a well-known Gilliam County character, Clem-\nmens Augustus Danneman, who owned a ranch where\ntravelers could get accommodations. He was a native\nof Germany and a veteran of the Civil War. Clem is a\nstation on the Condon branch of the Oregon-Washington\nRailroad & Navigation Company.\nIll 398\nLewis A. McArthur\nik mm.\nm\nCline Falls, Deschutes County. Cline Falls are on\nthe Deschutes River about four miles west of Redmond.\nThe McKenzie Highway crosses the river just south of\nthe falls. They were named for Dr. C. A. Cline, a well-\nknown dentist of Redmond, who owned the falls. Cline\nButtes just southwest of the falls received their name\nfrom the same source.\nCloud Cap, Crater Lake National Park, Klamath\nCounty. Cloud Cap is the highest point on the east rim\nof Crater Lake, and has an elevation of 8070 feet above\nsea level and 1893 feet above the water of the lake. It\nreceived this somewhat fanciful name from J. S. Diller\nof the United States Geological Survey because of its\nhigh dome.\nCoal Point, Curry County. This point is about three\nmiles south of Port Orford and just north of Humbug\nMountain. It is immediately north of Brush Creek. It\nis presumed that Coal Point is the one mentioned by\nGeorge Davidson in the United States Coast Survey Coast\nPilot for 1869, which he says was named because of the\nreported existence of coal in the vicinity, but he could\n-find none after careful examination.\nCoast Range. Mountains close to the sea are characteristic of almost the entire eastern shore of the Pacific Ocean. From Bering Sea to Cape Horn ranges of\nvarying heights are constantly visible from the ocean,\nand Oregon is no exception to the rule.\nThe term Coast Range does not seem to have been\nused by early explorers in the Oregon country, and the\nname was doubtless developed by the pioneer settlers.\nBetween the Columbia River and Siuslaw River the Coast\nRange is rather well defined, particularly west of the\nWillamette Valley, but from the Siuslaw south, the Coast\nRange gradually merges with spurs from the Cascade\nRange until fiinally both are consolidated with the Klamath Mountains, whose name is used by geologists in re- Oregon Geographic Names\n399\n|||S\nSi\nferring to the group near the Oregon-California line, part\nof which is popularly referred to as the Siskiyou Mountains. The Coast Range of Oregon, is however, geologically, quite independent both of the Cascade Range and\nof the Klamath Mountains, and its dividing line with the\nlatter is near the Rogue River. Some writers interpose\nthe Rogue River Mountains between the Coast Range and\nthe Klamath Mountains. Dr. J. S. Diller of the U. S.\nGeological Survey has been studying this part of the state\nfor many years, and his investigations are ably set forth\nin the U. S. G. S. Bulletins 196 and 546.\nThe Coast Range is an irregular group of maturely\ndissected hills and peaks, and while the main divide is\ngenerally parallel to and about 30 miles from the coast,\nthis divide is frequently not in line with the highest summits. From the Columbia River south to Rogue River\nthere are several important peaks. The U. S. Coast and\nGeodetic Survey has published the elevations given below,\nbut in a number of cases the determinations were made\nmany years ago, and are subject to correction.\npeak\nSaddle Mountain\nOnion Peak\nNeahkahnie Mountain 1710\nMt. Hebo\nEuchre Mountain\nBald Mountain\nMarys Peak .\nThe style Coast Range has been officialy adopted by\nthe U. S. Geographic Board.\nThe Columbia River cuts the Coast Range to water\nlevel. The next stream to find its way through the Coast\nRange is the Nehalem, which pursues a winding course,\nfirst east, then north, and finally west and southwest\nuntil it reaches the ocean. In the northern part of the\nAltitude\nAltitude\nin\nin\nFeet\npeak\nFeet\n3266\nTable Mountain\n2852\n2775\nGrass Mountain\n3612\nin 1710\nPrairie Peak .\n3437\n3153\nRoman Nose Mountain\n2580\n(By U. S. G. S.)\n2856\n3230\nKenyon Mountain .\n3266\n4097\nMt. Bolivar\n4297\n$11\nIf\nMm\nBan \u25a0\u25a0*.\n'%'\"' jjjijw 400\nLewis A. McArthur\nrange the highest summits lie in a well defined line beginning at Clatsop Crest on the Columbia River, passing\nthrough Saddle Mountain and Neahkahnie Mountain.\nSouth of the Nehalem and north of the Siuslaw there\nis a succession of peaks and mountains most of which\nare west of the drainage divide. The South Yamhill\nRiver cuts deeply into the Coast Range from the Willamette Valley with a resultant pass to the ocean of but\na little over 700 feet. Yaquina River does the same,\nexcept from the west. The Siuslaw River has also cut\na pass below 500 feet, and the Umpqua River does likewise.\nCoburg, Lane County. Coburg is said to bear the\nname of a well-known Lane County stallion. A blacksmith by the name of Thomas Kane operated a smithy\nwhere Coburg is now located and because the horse was\nbrought to his shop to be shod, Kane applied the name\nto the incipient community. This information has been\nfurnished to the writer by Lucien Ward a prominent resident of the neighborhood.\nCochran, Washington County. Cochran post office\nand railroad station were named after Judge Joseph W.\nCochran and J. Henry Cochran, brothers, of Ashland,\nWisconsin, who owned a large tract of timber in that\nlocality.\nCoe Glacier, Hood River County. This is one of the\nimportant glaciers on the north slopes of Mt. Hood and\nhas its source near the top of the mountain. It lies east\nof Pulpit Rock, and Coe Branch flows northeast from\nits base. It was named for Captain George Coe, a pioneer resident of the Hood River Valley, who with several\nothers, operated a stage line to the mountain.\nColebrook Butte, Curry County. This butte has an\nelevation of 2046 feet and is about ten miles south of\nPort Orford and two miles east of the Pacific Ocean.\nEuchre Creek flows around its eastern and southern\nV,m Oregon Geographic Names\n401\n11\nslopes. It was named for a pioneer settler, F. W. Cole-\nbrook, who located a homestead nearby about 1860. Mr.\nColebrook was born in Scotland October 13, 1816, and\ncame to Oregon about 1858. He died May 21, 1889.\nColes Valley, Douglas County. This valley was\nnamed for Dr. James Cole, the first settler therein. It\nis along the Umpqua River northwest of Roseburg.\nCollard Lake, Lane County. This lake is about three\nmiles north of Florence. It was named for Roy L. Collard, who took up a homestead near the lake.\nCollier Glacier, Lane County. Collier Glacier heads\non the west side of the North Sister and drains into\nWhite Branch. It is the largest glacier in the Three\nSisters region and was named for Professor Arthur\nJames Collier of the University of Oregon. Professor\nCollier was a student follower of Dr. Thomas Condon.\nIt is stated that Professor Collier discovered the glacier\nthat now bears his name while making investigations in\nco-operation with the United States Geological Survey\nin the early 90's.\nColton, Clackamas County. Colton is located on Milk\nCreek at an elevation of 706 feet. It was named a few\nyears prior to 1895. Two local residents, Joshua Gorbett\nand a man named Cole, each wished to name it for the\nother, but the Post Office Department objected to Gorbett\nbecause it was too much like Corbett, in Multnomah\nCounty. As a result, Colton was selected.\nColumbia City, Columbia County. This city, just\nnorth of St. Helens, was founded in 1867 by Jacob and\nJoseph Caples. Columbia City was ambitious to become\nthe terminus of Ben Holladay's Willamette Valley Railroad in 1870, at the time Portland became the terminus\nof the west side line with a bonus of $100,000. The prospective community was named for the Columbia River,\nbut the expected growth has not materialized.\nColumbia County. This county was created Janu-\nm 1|\nIff\n-.- J -\nif Jm\n111\nmm\niliSI\n\"1 :\u2022\u00ab\u00ab\u2022-\u2022' 402\nLewis A. McArthur\nary 16,1854, by the Territorial Legislature. It comprised\nthe northeastern part of Washington (Twality) County\nas it was after Clatsop County had been created. It was\nnamed for the Columbia River, its northern and eastern\nboundary, and St. Helens is its county seat. The land\narea of Columbia County is 662 square miles (Bureau\nof the Census). g\nColumbia RrvER, northern boundary of Oregon. This\nis one of the most abundantly used geographic names in\nAmerica. Aside from the beauty of the word, its history\nreflects efforts to honor the achievements of Christopher\nColumbus. Its greatest use in the Pacific Northwest is\nas the name of the great river. Captain Robert Gray, in\nthe American vessel Columbia, on May 11,1792, at 8 A. M.,\nsailed through the breakers and at 1 P. M. anchored in\nthe river ten miles from its mouth. On May 19, Captain\nGray gave his ship's name to the river. (United States\nPublic Documents, Serial Number 351, House of Representative Documents 101). This was the American discovery and naming of the river. Prior to this, the river's\nexistence had been suspected and other names had been\nsuggested. In 1766-1767, Jonathan Carver, while exploring among the Indians of Minnesota, wrote about a great\nriver of the west and called it ''Oregon,\" a word which\nhe may have stolen. On August 17, 1775, Bruno Heceta,\nSpanish explorer, noted the indications of a river there.\nHe called the entrance Bahia de la Asuncion, the northern cape San Roque and the southern point Caq>e Fvon-\ndoso. Later Spanish charts showed the entrance as En\nsenda de Heceta\" and the surmised river as San Roque.\nIn 1778, John Meares, English explorer and fur trader,\nsought for and denied the existence of the Spanish river\nSaint Roc. He called the Spaniard's San Roque Cape\nDisappointment and the entrance he changed from Bahia\nde la Asuncion or Ensenada de Heceta to Deception Bay.\nThat was the situation when Captain Gray made his dis- mm\nOregon Geographic Names\n403\ncovery. In 1793, Alexander Mackenzie, of the North-\nWest Company of Montreal, made his memorable journey\nto the western coast. He came upon a large river which\nhe said the Indians called Tacootche-Tesse. This afterwards turned out to be the Fraser River, but for a time\nit was confused with the Columbia. Captain Meriwether\nLewis mapped it as a northern branch of the Columbia,\nspelling it Tacoutche. William Cullen Bryant in his great\npoem Thanatopsis (1812) revived and gave wide circulation to Oregon as the name of the river. Another literary name was Great River of the West, which, of course,\ndid not disturb Columbia as a geographic term. The\nWashington Historical Quarterly, volume XII, No. 1,\nfor January, 1921, contains a New Log of the Columbia\nby John Boit. This furnishes many interesting details\nof the discovery of the mouth of the Columbia River by\none who was there at the time.\nThe first examination of the mouth of the Columbia\nRiver for the U. S. Coast Survey was made in 1850 by\nLieut. Commanding Wm. P. McArthur, U. S. N. For\naccount of this survey and McArthur's comments on the\nColumbia River see Oregon Historical Society Quarterly\nvolume XVI, No. 3, September, 1915, which contains an\narticle by Lewis A. McArthur. This article, among other\nthings, contains the first hydrographic notice ever published by the Coast Survey for the Pacific Coast. It is\nentitled No. 3 Columbia River, Oregon, and gives sailing\ndirections for entering the Columbia River as far as the\nharbor at Astoria by Lieut. Commanding Wm. P. McArthur, U. S. N., assistant in the Coast Survey.\nComstock, Douglas County. A station on the Southern Pacific Company main line in the northern part of\nthe county, named for James B. Comstock, an early day\nsawmill operator.\nCONCOMLY, Marion County. A station on the Oregon\nElectric Railway about three milts southwest of Gervais.\n\" Hi\nMWm\nmm\n1 *\u00a5*\u2022*\"&\n404\nLewis A. McArthur\nY<\nNamed for Chief Concomly, head of the Chinook tribe,\nwho is described in Irving's Astoria, and also in Alexander Henry's journal. He died in 1830, and his grave\nwas visited by Wilkes in 1841. For references to Chief\nConcomly see Scott's History of the Oregon Country,\nvolume II, page 139. The spelling used by the railway\ncompany is a variation of the original name.\nLewis and Clark met Comcomly on November 20,\n1805, and gave him medals and a flag. Irving's description of him is in a decidedly humorous vein. His daughter married Archibald McDonald of the Astor party, and\ntheir son Ranald MacDonald is an interesting figure in\nnorthwest history. Ranald MacDonald, 182U-189U, edited\nby Lewis and Murakami, and published in 1923 by the\nEastern Washington State Historical Society contains\nmuch interesting information about Comcomly and his\nfamily, and also about MacDonald's visit to Japan in\n1848-49, which is of great historic interest. An editorial\nin The Oregonian for November 29, 1893, treats of Mac-\nDonald's pretensions to the Chinook throne.\nCondon, Gilliam County. Condon is the county seat\nof Gilliam County, and has an elevation of 2858 feet.\nIt is an important trading center and is on the John Day\nHighway, and is also the southern terminus of the Condon branch of the Oregon-Washington Railroad & Navigation Company. About 1883 a man named Potter owned\na homestead just north of Thirtymile Creek, upon which\nthere was a fine spring. He platted the land around the\nspring, but became involved in financial difficulties, and\nthe land became the property of Condon and Cornish of\nArlington. Condon and Cornish sold lots in the town-\nsite, and in 1884 David B. Trimble took the necessary\nsteps to secure a post office, and was appointed the first\npostmaster. Trimble suggested the name Condon, which\nwas adopted by the department. The office was established July 10, 1884. Harvey C. Condon, for whom the Oregon Geographic Names\n405\nii\nplace was named, was a practicing lawyer and located\nin Arlington, or as it was then known, Alkali, about 1882,\nand was a member of the firm of Condon and Cornish.\nHe was the son of Judge J. B. Condon, a pioneer jurist\nof eastern Oregon, and the nephew of Dr. Thomas Condon, Oregon's great geologist.\nCondon Butte, Lane County. This butte is about\nfive miles northwest of North Sister and one mile east\nof the McKenzie Highway. It was named in 1924 by\nProfessor Edwin T. Hodge of the University of Oregon\nin honor of Dr. Thomas Condon (1822-1907), a distinguished geologist and scientist, and for many years a\nmember of the faculty of the University of Oregon. Dr.\nCondon's discoveries of the prehistoric horse had a large\ninfluence on the conclusions of scientists and went far to\nestablish evolutionary theories. The richest field of his\ndiscoveries was in the John Day Valley. For details concerning his life and work see Scott's History of the Oregon Country, volume III, page 169. Dr. John C. Mer-\nriam of the Carnegie Institution has chosen the John\nDay fossil bed as the scene of intensive investigations\nlooking toward the development of Dr. Condon's dis-\n111\n4tJRi\nConser, Linn County. Conser is a station on the Oregon Electric Railway about four miles north of Albany.\nThis station was named'for John A. Conser, who owned\nland nearby. He was the son of Jacob Conser, a pioneer\nof 1848.\nCook Slough, Clatsop County. This is a small tidal\nslough that joins Youngs Bay. It is situated a short distance east of Miles Crossing. Cook Slough takes its name\nfrom Geo. W. Cook, who was an early settler on land\nnearby. He was born in Vermont in 1818 and came to\nOregon in 1850.\nCooper Mountain, Washington County. This is a\nwell-known hill about four miles southwest of Beaverton\nlift* m\nill] 406\nLewis A. McArthur\nBI*SL?iP\n1V> at\/f \u25a0*>\u25a0\u2022\"\nand has an elevation of 794 feet. It was named for Perry\nCooper who was born in Ohio in 1825 and was a pioneer\nof Oregon. He settled on the slopes of this mountain in\nMarch, 1853.\nCooper Spur, Hood River County. David Cooper was\nan early settler in Hood River Valley, and lived not far\nfrom the present site of Mt. Hood post office. He had a\ncamping place on the east slopes of Mt. Hood and the\nspur was named for him. It separates Eliot Glacier from\nNewton Clark Glacier.\nCoos County. Coos County was created December\n22, 1853, by the Territorial Legislature. It originally\ncomprised parts of the western portions of Umpqua and\nJackson Counties. Coos is an Indian name of a native\ntribe whose habitat was the vicinity of Coos Bay. The\nname is first mentioned by Lewis and Clark, who spell it\nCook-koo-oose (Thwaites' Original Journals, volume VI,\npage 117). The explorers heard the name among the\nClatsop Indians, Slacum, in his report of 1837, gives the\nname of Coos River, Cowis; Wilkes, in Western America,\nspells it Cowes. The spelling has been variously Koo'as,\nKowes, Coose, and finally Coos. For description of Coos\nBay, see The Oregonian, June 11, 1873, article signed\n\"Northwest.\" For description of the Oregon coast south\nof Coos Bay, by the same writer, ibid., July 9, 1873.\nOne Indian meaning of Coos ascribed is \"lake,\" another,\n\"place of pines\" (ibid., August 26, 1902, page 12). Perry\nB. Marple, who began exploiting Coos Bay in 1853,\nspelled the word Coose, and said it was an Indian perversion of the English word coast, meaning a place where\nships can land. See his advertisement, ibid., January 7,\n1854. Another version is that the Indian word was made\nto resemble the name of a county in New Hampshire\n(ibid., December 9, 1890,-page 6). The Coos Indians\nwere of the Kusan family, formerly living at Coos Bay.\nLewis and Clark estimated their population at 1500 in Oregon Geographic Names\n407\n1805. The name is often used as synonymous with the\nfamily name. Hale, in Ethnology and Philology (1846),\npage 221, gives the name as Kwook-woos and Kaus. Par-\nrish, in Indian affairs Report (1855), page 495, gives\nCo-ose. In addition to Coos County, the name is also\nused for Coos Bay, Coos River and Coos Head. Interesting details of the early history of southwestern Oregon\nmay be had in Orvil Dodge's Pioneer History of Coos and\nCurry Counties, published in Salem in 1898.\nCooston, Coos County. Cooston is on the east shore\nof Coos Bay and the origin of the name is the same as\nthat of Coos Cunty. Cooston post office was established\nMay 13, 1908, and the first postmaster was William E.\nHomme.\nCopeland Creek, Jackson and Klamath Counties.\nCopeland Creek was named for Hiram Copeland of Fort\nKlamath. The stream rises west of Crater Lake and\nflows into Rogue River.\nCoquille, Coos County. This name is applied to a\ncity, a point and a river in Coos County, south of Coos\nBay. Coquille is a word of doubtful origin, probably an\nIndian variation of the French coquille (\"shell\"). Scoquel\nappears in The Oregonian, January 7, 1854, in an advertisement of the Coose Bay Company. The name is there\nsaid to be Indian for \"eel.\" Coquette appears in a map\nof John B. Preston, surveyor-general of Oregon (1851),\nprobably intended for Coquelle. It appears Coquille in\na map of J. W. Trutch (1856). Canadian-French fur\nhunters may have left the name among the Indians. See\nOregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume XIX, pages\n73-74, by Leslie M. Scott, and also The Oregonian for\nSeptember 3, 1907, where Harvey W. Scott makes some\ncomments on the pronunciation of the name.\nCorbett, Multnomah County. This post office and\nstation on the Oregon-Washington Railroad & Navigation\nCompany line, as well as Corbett Heights upon the Co-\n\u2022\u25a0ii\niff1\nm mm\n11\n*pi\nill!\nli -ll'l\n11 408\nLewis A. McArthur\nlumbia River Highway above were named for Senator\nHenry Winslow Corbett, one of Oregon's prominent\npioneer citizens, for many years a resident of Portland.\nMr. Corbett owned a farm near the post office. For a\nconcise biography of Mr. Corbett, see Carey's History of\nOregon, volume II, page 305. Scott's History of the Oregon Country has biographical information about Senator\nCorbett in volume I, pages 108 and 280, and Harvey W.\nScott's tribute to him, volume V, page 183.\nCornelius, Washington County. Cornelius was\nnamed for Colonel T. R. Cornelius, a pioneer of 1845.\nHe was the son of Benjamin Cornelius, who with his\nfamily emigrated to Oregon during that year as a member\nof the Meek party. The family settled on the Tualatin\nPlains. Colonel Cornelius served in the Cayuse War of\n1847-48, and the Yakima War of 1855-56. He served\ntwenty years in the Oregon legislature, and in 1861 raised\na regiment of volunteer cavalry. He was in the merchandising business and also for a time operated a sawmill.\nColonel Cornelius was born in November, 1827, and died\nJune 24, 1899. The town of Cornelius is between Hills-\nboro and Forest Grove and has an elevation of 175 feet\naccording to the Oregon State Highway Department.\nCornucopia, Baker County. This derived from Latin\nwords meaning \"horn of plenty\" and the name is frequently applied to mines and other enterprises where\nthere are large hopes of success. In 1885 mines were\ndiscovered on the southern slopes of the Wallowa Mountains in Baker County, and among the prospectors were\nseveral who came from Cornucopia, Nevada, who suggested that name for the new camp.\nCorral Creek, Clackamas County. Corral Creek\ndrains the east slopes of Parrott Mountain and flows into\nthe Willamette River one mile west of Wilsonville. There\nare many other Corral Creeks in Oregon, especially east\nof the Cascade Range. The word was originally Spanish\n\u25a0 xfl\nOregon Geographic Names\n409\nand meant an inclosure or pen for stock. It was possibly\nfrom the same source as the South African Dutch word\nkraal. There were two reasons for describing creeks\nwith this word. The first was that stockmen built their\ncorrals with streams running through them as a matter\nof convenience. In the second place there were many\nvalleys, especially in eastern Oregon where the rock formation produced natural corrals, with water running\nthrough them.\nCorvallis, Benton County. Corvallis was first called\nMarysville. The legislature changed the name to Corvallis in 1853. There is much dispute as to the origin\nof Marysville, It may# have been named by Wayman\nSaint Clair for Mary Lloyd. There is some little romance\nabout this, in that it is stated that she was the first white\ngirl to cross Marys River. On the other hand old residents of Benton County assert that Adam E. Wimple,\none of the earliest settlers named Marysville, Marys\nRiver and Marys Peak for his sister in New York. Then\nthere is the customary Indian legend, revived by the white\nman, than an Indian girl named Mary was the reason\nfor the name. For details of the first two versions see\nScott's History of the Oregon Country, volume II, pages\n168, 187, 188 and 313. See also under Marys River.\nJoseph C. Avery was the first owner of the site of\nCorvallis, and he was a pioneer of 1845. He died in 1876.\nAvery made up the name Corvallis by compounding Latin\nwords meaning \"heart of the valley.\" It is said that\nthe name was changed to prevent confusion with Marysville, California. Corvallis has an elevation of 231 feet\nand the geography of its immediate surroundings may\nbe seen on the U. S. Geological Survey map of the Corvallis quadrangle.\nCoryell Pass, Lane County. This pass in on the narrow shelf of ground between the Willamette River and\nthe hills about a mile south of Springfield Junction. It\nfill\n% Ifi I [\n'$m\nmm\nUrn-\nMi m'\nI ill 410\nLewis A. McArthur\nits\nis occupied by the tracks of the Southern Pacific Company, with the Pacific Highway just above. It was named\nfor Stephen Coryell, a pioneer of 1847, who resided\nnearby, and the pioneer routes of travel led through this\npoint. A memorial tablet stands just east of the highway at this point bearing the following inscription:\n\"Coryell Pass. Oregon Trail 1846. Erected by Oregon\nLewis and Clark Chapter, D. A. R. 1917.\"\nCottage Grove, Lane County. Cottage Grove is an\nimportant community in the southern part of Lane\nCounty, on the main line of the Southern Pacific Company\nand on the Pacific Highway. Its elevation is 640 feet\nand the Coast Fork Willamette River flows through it.\nThe post office was first established east of the present\nsite of Creswell, March 3, 1855, with G. C. Pearce as\npostmaster. Pearce had his home in an oak grove, and\nnamed the post office Cottage Grove. Later a man named\nHamilton was made postmaster, and he moved the office\nto the present site of Saginaw. Still later, a new postmaster named Martin moved the office to the present site\nof Cottage Grove, and in each case the name moved with\nthe office. See Scott's History of the Oregon Country,\nvolume II, page 207.\nCotton, Multnomah County. Cotton is a station on\nthe line of the Portland Electric Power Company about\na mile west of Gresham. It was named for William Wick\nCotton (1859-1918), a well-known attorney of Portland,\nwho owned a large farm near the station. Mr. Cotton\nwas a native of Iowa, and studied law at Columbia Uni^\nversity, New York City. He came to Portland in October,\n1889, and practiced law continuously until his death, at\nwhich time he was counsel of the Oregon-Washington\nRailroad & Navigation Company and other important\ncorporations.\nCounch, Crest, Multnomah County. This is the\nhighest point on a range of hills south of Portland. Its Oregon Geographic Names\n411\nelevation is 1073 feet. It was a part of the John B. Talbot donation land claim and was subsequently owned\nsuccessively by C. A. Beal, James Steel and Graham\nGlass, Sr. The hill was for a time known as Glass Hill\nand was later called Fairmount, which name is still retained by the boulevard which encircles it.\nOn July 11, 1898, delegates to the National Council\nof Congregational Churches met on top of this hill. Some\ndiscussion was had concerning a good name for it. A\ndelegate from Portland, Maine, suggested Council Crest.\nThis name was at once approved by Geo. H. Himes, who\nwas present, and a report of this meeting was sent to\nnewspapers.\nThe Indians at one time may have used the crest as\na meeting place and signal station because of its wide\noutlook, but there is no historic record of it.\nCouse Creek, Umatilla County. Couse is derived\nfrom the Nez Perce Indian word kowish, and is the name\nof an edible root used for making bread. Piper and\nBeattie in their Flora of Southeastern Washington give\nits botanical name as cogswellia cous. It is a member\nof the natural order Umbelliferae.\nThe stream in Umatilla County rises in the western\nslopes of the Blue Mountains and flows into Walla Walla\nRiver southeast of Milton. There are probably other\ngeographic features in the state with the same name, due\nto the fact that the Indians found the roots plentiful in\nsuch localities.\nCove, Union County. Cove lies in a natural pocket\nwhere Mill Creek flows from the Wallowa Mountains,\nand it has an elevation of 2893 feet. It is on the eastern\nedge of the Grande Ronde Valley and at the western foot\nof Mount Fanny. The first family settled there on October 9, 1862, and on May 4, 1863, a post office was established which was given the name of Forest Cove, for\ndescriptive reasons. Samuel G. French was the first\nIll\nm\n\u25a0ij As,\n111\nI\nH I 412\nLewis A. McArthur\npostmaster and he probably suggested the name. On\nJune 29, 1868, the post office authorities eliminated the\nfirst part of the name because of the confusion with\nForest Grove in Washington County. As a result of\nthis simple action there arose in Union County a feud\nthat lasted many years.\nIn 1864 Union County was created, and as was frequent in pioneer days, there was dissatisfaction over the\nmatter of the location of the county seat. In 1872 a bill\nwas passed putting the matter to a vote, and the two communities that received the highest vote in the preliminary\nballoting were to be eligible for the final election. Some\nvotes were cast for Forest Cove by old timers to whom\nthe new name did not mean much, and as a result an\nattempt was made to deprive Cove of its position in the\ncontest. T. T. Geer's Fifty Years in Oregon, chapter\nXXXVI gives an entertaining account of these and other\nmatters.\nCove Orchard, Yamhill County. This is a descriptive\nname applied to a community in the northern part of the\ncounty. It was platted under this name by F. C. Graham\nof Portland.\nCow Creek, Douglas County. This stream is one of\nthe historic land marks of southern Oregon. It is tributary to the South Umpqua River and for a large part of\nthe way from Glendale to Riddle it occupies a narrow\ndefile through rugged mountains. The main line of the\nSouthern Pacific Company shares Cow Creek Canyon\nwith the creek. For many years high water in the stream\nhas been a menace to traffic.\nIt is popularly supposed that the Pacific Highway\npasses through Cow Creek Canyon but this is not true.\nSouth of Canyonville the Pacific Highway follows Canyon\nCreek, which is also in a narrow defile. Some miles to\nthe south the Pacific Highway crosses Cow Creek, but\nat this point the creek occupies a wide valley. Walling's Oregon Geographic Names\n413\nHistory of Southern Oregon, page 424, says an immigrant\nrecovered his cattle from thievish Indians in this valley,\nfrom which fact the creek derived its name.\nCoxcomb Hill, Clatsop County. This is the summit\nof the ridge south of Astoria, between the Columbia\nRiver and Youngs Bay. The compiler has been unable\nto ascertain who first applied the name. The spelling\nused is the customary form applied to court fools and\njesters who wore an imitation coxcomb, and frequently\ncalled coxcombs. Elevation about 647 feet.\nCoyote Creek, Lane County. The word Coyote is\nused to describe a number of geographic features in Oregon, including a station in Morrow County, a butte in\nBaker County known as Coyote Point, and several\nstreams. Coyote is derived from the Mexican or Aztec\nname coyotl, the word for the prairie wolf, or barking\nwolf of western North America, canis latrans. Early\nsettlers looked upon the coyote as a nuisance because of\nhis noisy habits and his tendency to pay a midnight visit\nto the chicken roost, on which occasion he could be perfectly quiet. Creeks and points where coyotes were seen\nor heard had the name of the animal attached, and possibly some were named because of the fact that a coyote\nhad been killed nearby. The Chinook jargon word for\nthe coyote was talapus, with which was associated an\nidea of deity, or god of the plains.\nCoziNE Creek, Yamhill County. This stream rises\nin the eastern foothills of the Coast Range and flows\nthrough McMinnville where it joins South Yamhill River.\nIt was named for Samuel Cozine, who was born in Kentucky in 1821 and was a pioneer of Oregon. He settled\non land adjacent to the present site of McMinnville in\nAugust, 1849.\nCrabtree Creek, Linn County. Crabtree Creek rises\nin the west slopes of the Cascade Range and flows into\nthe South Santiam River just east of the forks of the\nHi\nin\nfiiP\nii\nSit 414\nLewis A. McArthur\nSantiam. The stream together with a station on a branch\nof the Southern Pacific north of Lebanon was named for\nJohn J. Crabtree, a native of Virginia, who crossed the\nplains in 1845. After wintering on the Tualatin Plains,\nMr. and Mrs. Crabtree took up a claim near the forks of\nthe Santiam in the spring of 1846. See editorial page\nOregon Journal, December 3 and 4, 1924, and Carey's\nHistory of Oregon, volume II, page 203.\nCraig Lake, Deschutes County. Craig Lake is near\nthe summit of McKenzie Pass. It is a pond about a mile\nfrom the McKenzie Highway. It was named for John\nT. Craig, one of the original founders of the McKenzie\ntoll road, who died of exposure in the winter of 1878,\nwhile in the pursuance of his duties as mail-carrier across\nthe pass. See article on editorial page of the Portland\nTelegram, September 17, 1925.\nCrater Lake, Crater Lake National Park, Klamath\nCounty. A lake between five and six miles in diameter,\nwith an area of about 21 square miles, situated in the\ncaldera of the extinct volcano, Mount Mazama, on the\nsummit of the Cascade Range. It is fed by small streams\nfrom melting snowbanks on the inner slopes of the rim,\nand has no visible outlet. Elevation 6177 feet.\nThis lake is one of the deepest in the world, and soundings have been made of 1996 feet. The highest point\non the rim is Glacier Peak, 8156 feet above the sea. The\nwater is of an intense blue. Crater Lake was discovered\non June 12, 1853, by John W. Hillman and a party of\nprospectors, and was christened Deep Blue Lake. It has\nbeen known at times as Mysterious Lake, Lake Majesty,\nLake Mystery, and other similar names, but on August 4,\n1869, it was named Crater Lake by a party of visitors\nfrom Jacksonville, Oregon.\nCrater Lake National Park was created by an act\nof congress May 22, 1902, and embraces about 250 square\nmiles of land in Douglas and Klamath counties. The lake Oregon Geographic Names\n415\nmay be reached by road from Medford, Fort Klamath\nor Bend. A full description of the lake and its geology\nwill be found in Professional Paper 3 of the U. S. Geological Survey. The Geological Survey also publishes an\nexcellent map showing the topography of Crater Lake\nNational Park. For particulars concerning the unveiling\nof the tablet in memory of J. W. Hillman see The Oregonian for September 21, 1925, page 1 and editorial.\nCrater Peak, Crater Lake National Park, Klamath\nCounty. This peak was named by engineers of the U. S.\nGeological Survey because of the extinct crater in its\nsummit. It has an elevation of 7265 feet.\nCrater Rock, Clackamas and Hood River Counties.\nCrater Rock is a well-known point on the south slope of\nMt. Hood. It was so named because of the smouldering\ncrater on its north side, between the rock and the slope\nof the mountain. Crater Rock was once near the central\naxis of the mountain, but the preponderance of precipitation on the southwest slope of Mt. Hood has resulted\nin the slope wearing away more rapidly than the other\nsides, which has caused the summit to be shifted gradually northeast.\nCrates Point, Wasco County. This is a well-known\npromontory west of The Dalles, around the toe of which\nflows the Columbia River changing its course from north\nto west. It is part of the east portal of the Columbia\nRiver Gorge. A nearby railroad station is known as\nCrates. These features were named for Edward Crate,\na French-Canadian who came to Oregon as an employee\nof the Hudson's Bay Company. Mrs. Lulu D. Crandall\nof The Dalles is authority for the statement that Crate\ncame to the Oregon country as early as 1832. (See The\nDalles Chronicle for September 14, 1924). Crate passed\nthrough The Dalles in 1837, and also just after the Whitman massacre in 1847 when he was one of those who\nmanned the boat that brought down the river the sur-\n1:lf\n\"Ml\nm\n1\nif\n111\nkm 416\nLewis A. McArthur\nvivors rescued from the Indians by Peter Skene Ogden.\nHe stayed in Oregon City until 1850 and in April of that\nyear went to The Dalles to settle. The records of the\nland office indicate that he made settlement on his claim\non April 1, 1851. Mrs. Crate was from the Red River\nof the North, and the couple had 14 children, the fourth\nbeing John Crate, who was an infant when his parents\nwent to The Dalles, and who lived in Wasco County for\nthree-quarters of a century. Mrs. Crate came to Oregon\nabout 1845, and her maiden name was Sophia Berchia\nor Berchier. The Crate claim was near the river under\nthe slope of the bluff. The name on the original application at the land office is spelled Crete, but the family\napparently abandoned this form of spelling long ago.\nCrawford, Yamhill County. This is a station between Lafayette and Newberg, and was named for Me-\ndorem Crawford, who was born in Orange County, New\nYork, June 24, 1819. He came to Oregon in 1842 with\nDr. Elijah White, and took a prominent part in the affairs\nof the state. He died December 27, 1891. For biographical information, see Scott's History of the Oregon Country. Medorem Crawford was esteemed by all who knew\nhim and his narrative of the emigration of 1842 appeared\nin the Transactions of the Oregon Pioneer Association\nfor 1881.\nCrawfordsville, Linn County. Crawfordsville is on\nthe Calapooya River in the southern part of the county,\nand was named for George F. Crawford, who was born\nin Virginia in 1818, came to Oregon in 1853 and died\nin Albany in 1899.\nCrescent, Klamath County. This town, with an elevation of 4453 feet, is an important trading point on\nThe Dalles-California Highway about 50 miles south of\nBend. It was at this place that the proposed junction\nof the Harriman north and south and east and west railroads was to have been located, under the name of Odell, Oregon Geographic Names\n417\nfor Odell Lake. There was another Odell in the state,\nin the Hood River Valley, so the promoters of the town-\nsite changed the name to Crescent for Crescent Lake,\none of the large lakes of the Cascade Range, ocated 15\nmiles to the west.\nCrescent Lake, Klamath County. One of the impressive mountain lakes of Oregon, on the east slope\nof the Cascade Range not far from Diamond Peak. It is\nfed by Summit Creek, which flows into East Fork\nDeschutes River. Its south shore is skirted by the Willamette Highway, formerly the Oregon Central Military\nRoad. Elevation 4837 feet. Named because of its shape.\nProfessional Paper 9 of the U. S. Geological Survey\ndescribes this lake in detail. The geography of the lake\nand its immediate surroundings is shown on the Geological Survey's map of the Diamond Lake quadrangle.\nCreswell, Lane County. Creswell post office was\nestablished March 4, 1876. The place was named by Ben\nHolladay for John A. J. Creswell, postmaster-general from\n1869-74. Creswell has an elevation of 543 feet and is\non the main line of the Southern Pacific Company and\nthe Pacific Highway. Creswell Butte, about a mile to\nthe south, has an elevation of 982 feet. John A. J. Creswell was born in Maryland in 1828, and served as U. S.\nrepresentative and as senator before joining the cabinet.\nIn 1874 he was appointed counsel of the United States\nin the Alabama Claims matter and served until 1876.\nHe died December 23, 1891. Creswell station was named\nby Holladay several years before the post office was\nestablished.\nCreswell Canyon, Marion County. This is a canyon\nin the hills north of Jefferson and its lower end is crossed\nby the Pacific Highway. It was named for Donald E.\nCreswell, who was born in Ilinois in 1830 and setted\nnear the canyon in October, 1853. He spelled his name\nwithout a \"t.\"\nIll\nm\nI 111\nill\n111\nfill\n mi\n111\n111\nii\nI IP\nI'll\nill\nI'M\nill 418\nLewis A. McArthur\nI\nCripple Creek, Clackamas County. This stream flows\ninto the Clackamas River from the east in township 5\nsouth, range 6 east. W. C. Elliott, civil engineer of Portland, is authority for the statement that a surveyor in\nhis employ cut his foot with an ax at this point in 1897.\nCriterion, Wasco County. It is understood that a\nnumber of homesteaders suggested several names to the\nPost Office Department when the application was made\nfor a post office at this point. The first preference was\nfor \"Three Notches\" and the second was for \"Criterion.\"\nThe Post Office Department objected to the first name\nbecause it was composed of two words and adopted the\nsecond name. The writer has been unable to ascertain\nwhy this name was suggested. The word means a standard by which to judge of the character or excellence of\nan object or thing.\nCroisan Ridge, Marion County. Croisan Ridge and\nCroisan Gulch lie not far from the east bank of the Willamette River just southwest of Salem. These features\nare named for a prominent Marion County pioneer family. The first member of this family to live in Oregon\nwas born in Bavaria in 1817 of Huguenot parents. He\nemigrated to the United States in 1839 and came to Oregon over the Applegate route in 1846. After various\npioneer experiences, including a trip to California, he\nsettled on a donation land claim southwest of Salem in\nMarch, 1850. See editorial page, Oregon Journal, December 18 and 19, 1925.\nThe original application for the land claim shows the\nname spelled in various ways, including Croisant, Croi-\nsint and Crossint. The given names of this pioneer settler\nwere John Henry. While the Land Office records seem to\nindicate that the spelling Croisint was the corerct one,\npresent members of the family state that the name was\nreally Croisant. The second generation in Oregon found\nthe name so frequently mispronounced that the final \"t\" Oregon Geographic Names\n419\nwas dropped and the name has become Croisan. The Croisan family tradition says the name originally meant\n\"growing,\" the French for which would be Croissant.\nCroissant is also the French for \"crescent.\"\nCrook County. Crook County was created October\n24, 1882, from a part of Wasco County after Lake County\nhad been taken off on the south. (Special Laws of 1882,\npage 178). For many years it was one of the large counties of central Oregon, but is now diminished in size as\nthe result of the creation of Deschutes and Jefferson\nCounties. It has an area of 2934 square miles, according\nto the U. S. Bureau of the Census. Prineville is its county\nseat.\nCrook County was named for George Crook, major-\ngeneral in the U. S. Army, who was born near Dayton,\nOhio, September 8, 1829; died at Chicago March 21, 1890.\nHe graduated from West Point in 1852. Prior to the\nCivil War he served in the west, and was wounded in\n1857 in the Pit River country. He made a brilliant record\nin the Civil War, and afterwards in Indian wars of the\nwest. See Scott's History of the Oregon Country, volume\nII, page 184 and volume V, pages 223-25.\nCrook Point, Curry County. This point is in approximate latitude 42\u00b0 15', and is within 20 miles of the\nOregon-California boundary line. Crook Point is moderately low, but terminates seaward in a rocky knoll 160\nfeet high, with lower ground immediately back of it.\nCrooked Creek, Klamath County. This is a stream\nnear Klamath Agency, tributary to Wood River. It bears\na descriptive name. The Klamath Indian name is Ya-\nnaldi Koke, literally, \"Stream bordered by the Yanaldi\nRidge.\" Koke is the Klamath word for stream. For\nadditional information see under Agency Hill.\nCrooks Creek, Linn County. This stream is in the\nextreme north part of the county and is intermittent in\ncharacter and the waters from it eventually find their\nUP\nI 111\n311!\nIf\nI 1:1 420\nLewis A. McArthur\nway into the Willamette River about eight miles north of\nAlbany. This stream w_as named for John T. Crooks,\nwho took up a donation land claim nearby.\nCrowley, Malheur County. This post office and creek\nnearby were named for James Crowley, who settled there\nand established a ranch about July, 1874.\nCrowley, Polk County. This station is on the Southern Pacific Company line between Holmes Gap and Rickreall, and was named for Solomon K. Crowley, an early\nresident of the neighborhood.\nCrystal, Klamath County. This name was originally\napplied to a fine clear stream flowing into Upper Klamath\nLake near Pelican Bay. In 1925, Postmaster S. A. Brown\nreports that he thinks the stream was named in 1891 by\nG. W. Maylone and John Young. Crystal, as the name of\nthe office was proposed by the first postmaster, D. G.\nBrown, in 1892, when it was established through his\nefforts.\nCucamonga Creek, Harney Creek. This stream rises\non the northwestern slopes of Steens Mountain, and enters Kiger Creek, a tributary of Donner und Blitzen\nRiver. The name is apparently derived from Cucamonga\nCreek, San Bernardino County, California, but how the\nOregon stream got the name the writer has been unable\nto ascertain. Cucamonga is an Indian name and according to Mrs. Nellie Van de Grift Sanchez, in her book\nSpanish and Indian Place Names of California, was originally applied to a native village about 42 miles east of\nLos Angeles, and later to a land grant.\nCullaby Lake, Clatsop County. A lake on Clatsop\nPlains, about two miles long, fed by small streams. The\npresent outlet is through a ditch into Skipanon River.\nMany years ago this lake drained through Necoxie Creek,\nwhich first flowed northward and then turned south and\nemptied into the estuary of Necanicum River. Shifting\nsands damned that part of Necoxie Creek nearest the Oregon Geographic Names\n421\nocean, where the stream flowed south, and formed a long\nnarrow body of water known as Necoxie Lake. From\nNecoxie Lake to Cullaby Lake, Necoxie Creek now flows\nin a direction opposite to its original flow, and drains into\nCullaby Lake. South of Necoxie Lake, the other portion\nof Necoxie Creek still flows into Necanicum River estuary.\nIn recent times extensive cranberry culture has been\ndeveloped around the shores of Cullaby Lake. Its elevation is near sea level.\nSilas B. Smith is authority for the statement that the\nIndian name for this lake was Ya-se-ya^mar-na-la-tslas-\ntie. See Oregon Historical Society Quarterly, volume I,\npage 322. It was later named for Cullaby, a well-known\nIndian character on Clatsop Plains. Cullaby had a peculiar light complexion, and was the son of the Indian\nwhom Lewis and Clark saw on the last day of the year\n1805, and whom they described as \"freckled with long\nduskey red hair, about 25 years of age, and must certainly be half white at least.\"\nCultus Lake, Deschutes County. Cultus is a Chinook\njargon word, quite expressive, meaning bad or wholly\nworthless. It is used in many places in the northwest,\ngenerally because of the lack of one or more of the pioneer\ntraveler's greatest needs, \"wood, water or grass.\" Cultus\nCreek generally meant that the water was unfit for use.\nCultus Prairie meant thaf> the horse feed was poor. The\nword found its way into the jargon from the Chinook\nIndian word kaltas.\nIn addition to Cultus Lake in Deschutes County, there\nis also a Little Cultus Lake and Cultus Mountain. The\nlatter was doubtless named for the lakes. Cultus has been\nspelled in many ways including Kultus, Cultas and Cultis,\nbut the U. S. Geographic Board has adopted the form\nCultus.\nCulver, Jefferson County. In the latter part of 1900\nat a dinner party of old settlers living in the Haystack\n*\u2022 mi\n1 si*! 422\nLewis A. McArthur\ncountry 0. G. Collver was requested to make an application for a post office and to act as postmaster. A number of names of old settlers were submitted to the department, and Culver was adopted, this being the ancestral name of Mr. Collver. O. G. Collver was born at\nRoseburg February 10, 1854, and went into central Oregon in June, 1877. He was appointed postmaster of\nCulver October 31, 1900.\nCurrinsville, Clackamas County. This is a station\non the line of the Portland Electric Power Company two\nmiles north of Estacada. It was named for George and\nHugh Currin, who were pioneer settlers in Clackamas\nCounty and took up donation land claims near this point.\nCurry County. Curry County was created December\n18, 1855, and comprised a part of the southern part of\nCoos County. It was named for George Law Curry, who\nwas born at Philadelphia July 2, 1820; died at Portland\nJuly 28, 1878. On arrival at Oregon City he acted as\neditor of the Oregon Spectator, from October 1, 1846,\nuntil the end of 1847, and in March, 1848, published the\nOregon Free Press. He represented Clackamas County\nin the provisional legislature of 1848-49, served as chief\nclerk of the territorial council of 1850-51, and represented\nClackamas in the house of the territorial legislature in\n1851. In 1853, President Pierce appointed Curry secretary of the territory of Oregon. A few days after taking\nthat office, he became acting governor through resignation\nof Governor Joseph Lane. In December, 1853, Governor\nJohn W. Davis arrived, but in August, 1854, Davis resigned, and Curry was acting governor until appointed\ngovernor, a few months later. He served as governor\nuntil the territory became a state, in 1859. \"He was of\nsingularly amiable disposition, honorable, and gifted with\na versatility of talents of such degree that whatever he\nundertook was well performed\" (Transactions of Oregon\nPioneer Association for 1878, page 80). He was editor Oregon Geographic Names\n423\nof the Portland Advertiser, the third daily newspaper at\nPortland, first published January 1, 1861, and the Evening Journal, January 25 to April 25,1876. For biography\nof himself and his wife, Chloe Boone Curry, see The\nOregonian, February 12,1899. For his narrative of early\nhistory of Oregon, ibid., March 15, 1872, page 3; February 28, 1872, page 3. Curry was territorial governor\nwhen Curry County was created. For early history of\nCurry County, see The Oregonian for February 14, 1886,\nby O. W. Olney. See also Scott's History of the Oregon\nCountry, volume V, page 222, for a tribute to Curry.\nThe Pioneer History of Coos and Curry Counties edited\nby Orvil Dodge contains much interesting material about\nearly days in Curry County.\nCurtin, Douglas County. This place was named for\nDaniel Curtin, who operated a sawmill there in the early\n'90s.\nCushman, Lane County. Cushman is a station and\npost office on the Coos Bay line of the Southern Pacific\nCompany, and is on the north bank of the Siuslaw River.\nIt is about a mile east of Cushman community, which\nwas formerly Acme. It was named by the railroad company for C. C. and I. B. Cushman, local residents. The\ncompany already had an Acme on its lines and did not\nwish to duplicate that name, and after the station name\nwas changed, the post office authorities followed suit.\nThe name Acme was originally applied by Mrs. W. A.\nCox, an early settler. It is said that Mrs. Cox dreamed\nshe was to live in a place called Acme, so when her husband platted a townsite in Lane County, the place was\ncalled Acme. JOSEPH HENRY WYTHE 1822-1901*\nBy O. Larsell, University of Oregon Medical School\nThis is the story of a pioneer in education in Oregon,\na man who was probably the first who had a considerable\nequipment of scientific and medical training to be placed\nin a position of educational responsibility in the state.\nIn the fields of Natural History, Medicine, Religious\nPhilosophy, as well as in building up institutions, he\npushed forward and gave of his energy unsparingly\ntoward adding to and organizing that which already\nexisted, thereby making it more available for the use\nof others. He was not primarily the working scientist,\nbut rather one who undertook to interpret science and\nto make it a part of the two fields in which his chief\ninterests were centered, namely, medicine and religion.\nHe belongs to the category of the sturdy group who felled\nforests, built roads and bridges, and attempted to bring\nlaw and order into the wilderness which others had discovered. In traversing the various parts of this wilderness, he himself found many things of interest which had\nbeen overlooked by those earlier in the field, but primarily he was the teacher and the organizer and builder\nof institutions and character.\nWe can best understand the work of Joseph Henry\nWythe by first passing in brief review his early life\nand the impulses which obtained direction in that period.\nHe was born March 19, 1822, in Manchester, England, of a sturdy Anglo-Saxon family which had left its\nimprint on the history of many parts of middle England.\nHis parents decided to try their fortunes in the New\nWorld, and emigrated to this country in 1832, in a sailing\nvessel, bringing the ten-year-old boy with them. The\nelder Wythe settled in Philadelphia where he established\n*Read before the University of Oregon Medical History Club, Portland, January 16, 1925. Ml\nli\nJoseph Henry Wythe Joseph Henry Wythe\n425\na shop, and insisted on the boy Joseph becoming a bookkeeper in this establishment. The boy's heart, however,\nwas not in this work, and he spent his spare time in reading and study, especially along scientific lines. His\ndaughter writes, \"He was early interested in Astronomy\nand the police thought the telescope he made and used\nwas a suspicious object. He discovered one day some\nlarge sun-spots and found them visible with only smoked\nglass, so he sent a note about it to the Philadelphia Public\nLedger and had the satisfaction of seeing people on the\nstreets looking through pieces of smoked glass at the\nsun.\"1\nHe also studied the ancient languages, including\nHebrew, with special tutors, and had his first introduction\nto chemistry from a Quaker druggist. With a number of\nfriends, also eager for knowledge, he formed a club for\nliterary and scientific study, each taking his turn as\nteacher. It would be interesting to know the names of\nothers in this group, and to learn if, perchance, the interest which young Wythe soon developed in microscopic\nstudies had its inception here.\nScience and languages did not absorb all of his attention, for it was shared to a very marked degree by a deep\ninterest in religious activities, and in 1842, at the age\nof nineteen, he was licensed to preach by the Philadelphia Methodist Episcopal Conference. On his appointment to a small pastorate in the suburbs of Philadelphia\nhe availed himself of the opportunity to study medicine,\nin the spare time not occupied by ministerial duties. He\ngraduated from the Philadelphia College of Medicine in\n1850, and according to a faculty list of this school from\nan advertisement in the Philadelphia Public Ledger, was\nlater professor of physiology and pathology.\nAs a student he appears to have received particularly\ngood training in anatomy from a prosector of the Royal\niPersonal communication from his daughter, Dr. Margaret Wythe. Bf\"-rt|7?-lii\n426\nO. Larsell\nCollege of Physicians and Surgeons of London, who\ntaught for a time in the Philadelphia school. Here he\nobtained the foundation for his later skill and success as\na surgeon.\nWythe continued his work as a clergyman for some\ntime, but was forced to give it up because of ill health,\nand become surgeon to several collieries at Port Carbon,\nPennsylvania. He practiced medicine here and in several other towns in the coal mining region until the outbreak of the War of the Rebellion.\nHis practice was extensive and he acquired much\nskill in surgery. He was apparently especially interested\nin and very successful with ovarian tumors, for he describes several operations of this sort as early as I860.2\nIn a paper on \"Cystic Ovarian Tumors,\" published in the\nPacific Medical Journal3 in 1870, he describes ovariotomy\nand refers to the use of disinfectants as follows: \"In\nthe last case (Case of Mrs. Swan, multilocular cyst, operated by Dr. Wythe at San Francisco, June, 1865) I\nfound it beneficial to inject through the opening into the\nperitoneal cavity a dilute quantity of Labarraque's Disinfecting Solution, and if another case should come into\nmy hands I should in all probability resort to carbolic\nacid, largely diluted. I am satisfied that the disinfectant\ncontributed largely to a successful issue.\" He describes\nanother case which he had in November, 1858, while\nhe was still in Pennsylvania, in which he performed\nparacentesis on a patient with enlarged abdomen, drawing off four gallons of fluid, and which he afterward\noperated. In discussing the diagnosis of this type of\ntumor, he states, \"As any case of abdominal enlargement may be mistaken for ovarian disease the utmost\ncare is necessary in diagnosis,\" and refers to \"one patient\nwho came a hundred miles to be operated on (for ovarian\n2North Amer. Med.-Ckir. Rev. volume IV, jage 478, 1860.\n*Pac. Med. Jour., 1870. Joseph Henry Wythe\n427\ncyst) and was quite disappointed to learn nothing ailed\nher but an excessive deposit of fat over the abdomen.\"\nIn this connection it is of interest to note that Dr.\nWythe seems to have performed the first operation for\novarian cyst to have been done in Portland, about 1870,\nand is also credited with having done the first operation\nof this type on the Pacific Coast, in San Francisco in\n1865.4\nIt is also of interest to note that at least two years\nbefore Lister's important paper on \"The Antiseptic Principle in the Practice of Surgery.\" Wythe employed an\nantiseptic fluid in washing wounds and in his surgical\nwork. It will be recalled that Labarraque's solution is\na compound of chlorinated soda, having some resemblance to the Dakin's fluid so much used in the military\nsurgery of the Great War. The reference to carbolic\nacid in the passage above quoted from his address of\n1870, was no doubt inspired by Lister's work. Whether\nor not the use of chlorinated soda in surgery was original with Dr. Wythe is problematical. As a standard\nsolution for washing ulcers and for disinfecting purposes,\nas well as for internal administration for various diseases, Labarraque's solution is described in the reference\nbooks on materia medica of the time, but no mention is\nmade of its use in surgery, if it was so employed.\nLeaving Wythe's religious and medical interests at one\nside for the time being\/let us consider another field of his\nactivities. His interest in the microscope and the new\nrealms which it revealed has already been mentioned.\nWhere he obtained his introduction to this instrument,\nwhether from Leidy, who one year younger, was his\ncontemporary in Philadelphia, or from his own native\ninterest, we can only conjecture. He must, at any rate,\nhave thrown himself with enthusiasm into this field, for\nin 1851 he published the first edition of his book, \"The\ni.\nHi\n*Cal. State Jour, of Med., volume I, 1903. 428\nO. Larsell\nMicroscopist: or a Complete Manual on the Use of the\nMicroscope.\" This was the first book of its kind to be\npublished in America, and one of the first to be published\nin English.\nIt antedates Carpenter's well-known work, which appeared in 1856 and also Beale's, which was published in\n1857. Wythe states in the preface: \"Since the employment of achromatic instruments, microscopic research\nhas ceased to be merely an amusement, but has been\nelevated to the dignity of a science; yet so far as the\nauthor knows, no book has been issued from the American press which would serve as a guide to those desirous\nof applying themselves to such studies. The present\nwork aims to supply this deficiency. In its preparation\nthe author has aimed less at style than at information.\"\nOf the latter it contains a large amount, whose collection must have involved much labor. That it supplied\na need at the time is indicated by the appearance of a\nsecond edition in 1853. Third and fourth editions appeared in 1877 and 1880, respectively. These were much\nenlarged and were intended as complete guides in microscopy, including histology, zoology, botany, mineralogy,\nand in the fourth edition a guide to clinical microscopy\nwas also included.\nThat this work received recognition both in this country and abroad is attested for by Wythe's election as a\nFellow of the Royal Microscopical Society of London and\nby other honors. Another sort of recognition is brought\nto light by a sarcastic review of an English work in the\nsame field, which appeared in the North American Med-\nico-Chirurgical Review about 1860. In this book, which\nwas written by an Englishman named Jabez Hogg, in\nthe words of the review, \"whole paragraphs and nearly\nan entire chapter, have been copied verbatim et literatim,\nwithout the slightest acknowledgement or reference\u2014a\nHoggish proceeding, certainly.\" This statement is born Joseph Henry Wythe\n429\nout by quotations from the two books in \"deadly parallel\"\ncolumns.\nOne of the more interesting of Wythe's original observations in the microscopic field was published in \"The\nMedical Examiner and Record of Medical Science,\" of\nPhiladelphia, in 1851. It has reference to the movement\nof the blood in the capillaries brought about by the constriction of the arterial walls, and can best be told in his\nown words: \"The microscopic observations to which\nwe are about to refer leads the writer of this article to\nentertain a different view (than Carpenter's idea of distention by the blood, etc.). It seems to be demonstrated\nby this that the pulsatory movement is a property residing in the arterial coats themselves, independent alike of\nthe heart's action and the stimulus of the blood.\nHaving caught a mouse in a trap, (it was quite cold\nand stiff when taken out) I was desirous of making some\npreparations of epithelium, etc. On taking out the kidneys it occurred to me to place a thin slice upon a slide\nfor microscopic examination. The slide was made quite\nthrough the middle of the kidney, and was about one-\nthirtieth of an inch in thickness, just thick enough to be\ntranslucent. On placing it under the microscope one of\nthe largest vessels was observed in active motion, alternately contracting and dilating, with evident vermicular\ncontractions, communicating motion to the blood corpuscles in the capillaries for a considerable distance. The\nmovement seemed limited to the artery and was not communicated to the coats of the capillaries, although their\ncontents had an oscillatory motion corresponding to the\ncontents of the artery. The phenomenon was seen for\nabout three hours, when the observation was suspended.\nThe motion had been considerably diminished, both in\nextent and energy.\nI was at first inclined to attribute this activity to\nevaporation of the watery particles from the slide, but 430\nO. Larsell\nthis is insufficient to account for the regular pulsatory\ncharacter of the movement. It is therefore due, in all\nprobability, to the vital pulsations of the coats of the\nartery. I have not had an opportunity since that time to\nrepeat the experiment.\nThe only parallel case with which I am acquainted, is\nrecorded in Hassal's Microscopic Anatomy, as follows:\n\"Wythe here quotes Hassal's description of an examination of the frog's tongue between slides in which preparation the circulation was maintained in the blood vessels of the tongue. Wythe concludes5:\n\"These observations show: I. That the pulsation of\nthe arteries is a property residing in the coats of those\nvessels, which is independent of the heart's action, though\nsupplementary to it; and also independent of the stimulus\narising from distention with blood.\n\"2. That a peculiar propulsive force, in all probability, resides in the capillary vessels, of whose nature\nwe are at present uninformed.\n\"3. That one of the chief causes of the capillary circulation, is probably the pulsation of the arterial branches\nfrom which they spring.\"\nThis observation preceded the similar one of Wharton\nJones6, in the veins of the bat's wing, which was published in 1852, and also the observations of M. Schiff7 in\n1854, on the blood vessels in the ear of the rabbit. Yet\nLuciani8 ascribes this observation originally to Schiff,\nalthough he refers also to Wharton Jones and Saviotti.\nWhen the Civil War broke out Wythe was located in\nmedical practice at Mauch Chunk, Pennsylvania. Here\nhe and a Mr. Albright, afterward a general in the Northern Army during the war, organized a company of volunteers which they placed at the service of Governor Curtin.\nzkAimh\nmm\n5Med. Exam, and Rec. of Med. Sci., volume VII N. S., page 767, 1851.\n6Wharton Jones, Phil. Trans., I page 131.\n7M. Schiff, Arch. d. ges. Physiol, Bd. 26, S. 456, 1854.\n8Luciani, Human Physiology, volume I, page 342, 1911. fcl\nJoseph Henry Wythe\n431\nThe governor gave Wythe a letter to the surgeon-general\nat Washington, which apparently prepared the way for\nhim to take the examination for eligibility to a special\ncorps of surgeons which was selected for special executive work in the medical service of the army. The scope\nof the examination, which was both written and clinical,\nmay be judged from the fact that out of thirty applicants,\nonly three passed, one of whom was Dr. Wythe.\nHis entrance into the medical service in the Civil War\nproved to be the preliminary step for our immediate interest in him. Upon passing the examination he was\nappointed assistant surgeon in the U. S. Volunteers, September 11, 1862. A short time later, on December 4,\n1862, he was advanced to surgeon, with rank of major.\nHis first assignment was to take entire charge of the\nU. S. Transport Hospital Ship Atlantic, carrying 870\nsick and wounded from Alexandria, Va., to New York\nCity. He was then sent to various hospitals in Washington, D. C, and was finally assigned to the duty of organizing Camp Banks, near Alexandria, Va. This was a\nhospital camp for paroled soldiers from prisons in the\nsouth, at one time containing three thousand men. The\ndeath rate when Wythe took charge was enormous, but\nin a short time under the new surgeon, it was so greatly\nreduced that Chief Justice Chase and his daughter presented the camp with a beautiful flag in token of this\nrecord and complimented the medical staff on the success\nof their efforts.\nThe following year Wythe was transferred to Sacramento, California, and stationed at Camp Union, Sacramento, where he was on duty9 until October 10, 1863.\nHe was then put in charge of Angel Island, in San Francisco Bay, but because of illness contracted after the\n9Personal communication from Bureau of Pensions. 432\n0. Larsell\nrr; ^l^fefe\nBattle of Bull Run in 1862, he resigned from the service,\nthe resignation being accepted October 26, 1863.10\nThe Pacific Coast apparently appealed to him as a\nplace for his permanent abode. On leaving the military\nservice he asked to be transferred from the Philadelphia\nConference of the Methodist Episcopal Church to the\nCalifornia Conference and he soon re-entered the ministry. He was appointed to the Powell Street (First)\nMethodist Church, of San Francisco, where he remained\nfor the greater part of two years. In the fragmentary\nmaterial which is available covering the period of this\npastorate there are hints of discord in the latter part\nof his connection with this church which may have led\nto his next move. At any rate he accepted appointment\nin 1865 as president of Willamette University and pastor\nof the Salem, Oregon, Methodist Episcopal Church.\nThe following letters11 pertaining to this appointment\nare illuminating and are quoted because of the light they\nshed on various aspects of Wythe's character, and because\nthey indicate some of the circumstances of his appointment to the Oregon post. The first is a letter from Bishop\nC. Kingsley to Alvan F. Waller, one of the trustees of\nWillamette University, and reads as follows:\nSan Francisco, Sept. 20, 1865.\nDear Br.\nYours of the 7 inst. came to hand last night, and I\ntelegraphed to you to elect Dr. Wythe President of the\nWillamette University. I sought an early opportunity of\nconversing with him, but not until I had made enquiries\nof those who know him well. Br. Thomas, and Dr. Peck\nspeak of him as well qualified for the Post, and the more\nI see and learn about him, the more I am persuaded he\nis the man for you. I think he will throw his whole\nsoul into the work.\nTo enable him to take the position and to save the\nUniversity as much expense as possible I propose to put\n\u2122Ibid.\nlxFrom original ms. in possession of Oregon Historical Society, copies\nkindly supplied by Miss Nellie B. Pipes. Joseph Henry Wythe\n433\nBr. Doane on the Dist. instead of Br. Roberts who will\ngo to Idaho and place Dr. Wythe in charge at Salem. He\nis a charming preacher, and by this arrangement for one\nyear will get a hold on the community at Salem, that he\ncould not otherwise get, and this will relieve you from\na heavy bill of moving expenses. I hope therefore he will\nreceive a full allowance as preacher in charge. It will\nbe no more than a courtesy due to the Dr. that a resolution be passed by the Board allowing him to educate his\nchildren free of expense for tuition.\nThe Doctor is an eminent surgeon and well known on\nboth hemispheres as a Medical and Scientific Author.\nHe is a fine lecturer on Scientific subjects.\nDr. Wythe looks upon this opening as Providential\nand all here with whom I have conversed view the matter\nin the same way. I trust and believe that under his management the University will prosper more and more.\njjt $ $ % $\nI suggest that the Trustees advance Dr. Wythe enough\non his salary, say $400, to enable him to meet his moving\nexpenses at least in part.\nTrusting the whole affair has been divinely ordered\nI am Yours Truly,\nC. KINGSLEY.\nAn extract from a letter to Mr. Waller from Mr. D.\nRutledge gives a different estimate of Dr. Wythe, and\napparently indicates the reactions of a man who was\nsomewhat shocked at the doctor's slight deviations from\nthe strict letter of orthodox practice. The portion that\nis of interest to us reads as follows:\nNashville April 15, 1867\nRev. A. F. Waller,\nDear Bro.\nI have been not a little puzzled to know how that\nEnglishman Wythe ever so completely pulled the wool\nover the eyes of such men as J. S. Smith, J. N. Moores,\nand yourself. That school can never have permanent\nsuccess while such a man is at its head. I was at San\nFrancisco when the battle was fpught about his staying\nat Powell Street Church. I heard the traits of his character from friends & enemies. And when I heard of his 434\nO. Larsell\nappointment to the Presidency of your University I cried\nout Shame! When I saw the man and had a short time\nto study him I found I had received a true portraiture of\nhis characteristics. To my mind he has not a single\nqualification for the position he occupies. It was said\nto me in Salem that he was an accomplished gentleman,\nrefined in all his manners. I ask how does it look to see\nan Educator of youth walking the streets of a city with\na cigar in his mouth and using tobacco until the clothes\nbetray it. Is it the mark of a scholarly gentleman to blat\nit abroad that he will resign his position unless some\nteachers are removed ? Never! That was something that\nbelonged to the Trustees alone. And when they are not\nremoved, who licks th dust and remains. In such a character there is a fatal weakness that unqualifies him to be\na teacher.\nNay more, the sermon that I heard him preach the\nlast time I was in Salem in connection with the reception\nof members into the Church indicated to me that he\nlacked that nice moral sense that is so necessary in an\ninstructor of youth. The substance of the sermon was\nthat students should learn the true & beautiful &c together with good manners, to be gained from their\nteachers (I suppose a hit at Prof. Powell). It was a\nstrange sermon indeed. You were present at the time.\nAnd then at its close, called up persons to be admitted\ninto full connection, & stated that some of them had not\nbeen baptised but would be at some future time, but that\nday he would assume that they were baptised. And then\nused the ritual of the Church which reads in the address\nto the Congregation \"The persons before you who have\nalready received the Sacrament of baptism\" &c. And\nthen asked the first question addressed to the Candidates\n\"Do you here in the presence of God & of this congregation renew the solemn promises contained in the Baptismal covenant ratifying and confirming the same, and\nacknowledge yourselves bound faithfully to observe and\nkeep that covenant.\"\nI could not help covering my face with my hands at\nthe time in dismay at the lack of that nice sense of the\ntrue and the pure that was so outraged at the time. Is\nthat the kind of training that students ought to secure\nand especially young men who may be studying for the\nministry. No Never! You were a witness to just what Joseph Henry Wythe\n435\nI have called your attention to. I have to say that I\nfeared for your success with that man at the head. Nay\nmore, I know you will not succeed!\nYou may think I have written very plainly about\nyour Pres. but it is to a Trustee, and my conviction. I\nwant you to have a man that will give you character.\nYou have not now and neither material out of which one\ncan grow.\nD. RUTLEDGE.\nIn addition to his duties as president of the university,\nDr. Wythe was also, as already stated, pastor of the local\nchurch at Salem. He appears to have been successful\nin this work, for his church enrolled a membership of\n200, with a Sunday School of 300 to 400 members. When\nwe recall that Salem at that time had only 1200 inhabitants, it is evident that Wythe must have had the larger\nproportion of Salem church-goers in his church.\nTwo personal glimpses of his work at Salem are given\nin the following quotations12 from students at the university during his term as president:\n\"Dr. Wythe was president and also pastor of the\nMethodist Church. How would that seem now? He\nwas a very fine scholar. He often made explanatory remarks in reading the Bible lesson, but we never could\ntell by his tone where the reading ended and the remarks\nbegan by which you may know that he was a very perfect\nand natural reader.\"\nAnother student of the time writes:\n\"The president of the faculty, Rev. J. H. Wyeth who\nin a short time resigned to take perchance other and more\nlucrative fields of work, was a man of small stature, but\nlarge of knowledge. He was kind and affable in disposition, he was a true friend to the students and by them\ngreatly beloved.\"\nIt was during Wythe's presidency of the university\nthat the medical department was finally organized. The\ninitial steps toward establishing a medical school in Oregon were taken by Governor A. C. Gibbs and others in\n12Notes kindly supplied by Mr. R. M. Gatke. 436\n0. Larsell\nk\n!>: mm\n1864. They sent a communication to the Board of Trustees of Willamette University asking that body to organize a medical department. This communication also\nasked that the department be located at Portland, and\nthat certain gentlemen be elected as officers and professors of the same. On February 15, 1865, the Board13\nvoted to establish such a department in Portland, to be\ncalled the Oregon Medical College, with certain provisions, including appointment of members of the faculty by the Board of Trustees. A faculty was appointed,\nbut difficulties arose which made it impracticable to\ncarry out the plan of locating the school in Portland. At\na meeting of the Board on November 14, 1866, it was\nvoted to establish the department in connection with the\nother divisions of the university at Salem. A new faculty was elected as follows: H. Carpenter, M. D., professor of civil and military surgery; E. R. Fiske, A. M.\nM. D., professor of pathology and practice of medicine;\nJohn Boswell, m. D., professor of obstetrics and diseases\nof women and children; J. H. Wythe, A. M., M. D., professor of physiology, hygiene and microscopy; D. Peyton,\nM. D., professor of materia medica and therapeutics;\nJ. W. McAfee, M. D., professor of chemistry and toxicology; A. Sharpies, m. d., professor of descriptive and\nsurgical anatomy; W. C. Worimer, M. D., demonstrator\nof anatomy; Hon. J. S. Smith, professor of medical jurisprudence. This was the first faculty to give medical\ninstruction in the Pacific Northwest.\nThe part which Dr. Wythe played in reviving the\nidea of a medical department and in establishing it at\nSalem, since it had not begun to function in Portland,\nis not altogether clear. It appears safe to state, however, that his previous connection on the faculty of the\nPhiladelphia Medical College, together with his reputation as a surgeon and his position at the head of the uni-\n13Minutes of Board of Trustees, W. U. Joseph Henry Wythe\n437\nversity, were probably the chief factors which led to a\nrenewal of the effort which had failed before he came to\nthe institution. There can be little question but that he\nfurnished the initiative, as president of the university,\nfor another and this time successful attempt to found a\nmedical school. It will be noted that as professor of\nphysiology, hygiene and microscopy, he was a member\nof the first faculty to actually give instruction to a medical class in Oregon. This first class was graduated in\nthe spring of 1867.\nThe facilities for medical instruction at Salem at that\ntime were of the most meager sort, and judged by present standards, did not exist. The entire equipment of\nthe university, so-called, consisted of one building, in\nwhich were housed the college, the academy and all other\ndepartments, and which must now also provide space\nfor the new Department of Medicine. As to clinical\nfacilities, they may be judged by the fact that Salem\nnumbered at the time about 1200 people, and all of Marion County about 7000. Portland itself, the metropolis,\nhad a population of about 15,000, which, however, was\nrapidly increasing. One must admire the courage, not\nto say audacity, of the men who undertook to train\nphysicians under such circumstances. Yet when one compares the standards, or rather lack of standards, which\nprevailed at the time in all but a very few schools in the\neast, the infant department at Salem would not suffer\ntoo much by comparison.\nOne cannot believe that the purpose of the founders\nwas selfish or commercial, as was the case with so many\nother medical schools during this period of American\nhistory. It appears rather to have been in keeping with\nthe missionary motive which inspired the founding of\nWillamette University as an institution of learning, and\nindicated a real desire to \"promote the interests of the 438\nO. Larsell\ncountry,\" to quote the language of the minutes of the\nBoard of Trustees.\nRivalries and jealousies developed, however, and we\nfind hints of a disagreement which arose during the first\nyear over the signatures which should appear on the\ndiplomas of the graduating class. Dr. Carpenter, who\nhad been elected dean of the department, appears to\nhave objected to Wythe's signature appearing on the\ndiplomas, but whether as a professor in the school or as\npresident of the University is not clear. Relations became quite strained, and Dr. Wythe submitted his resignation as president, but the matter was finally adjusted\nand he remained until the following year.\nThe medical department of Willamette University\nwas the second medical school to be established on the\nPacific Coast, and apparently, west of the Mississippi\nRiver. The Toland Medical College, now the Medical\nSchool of the University of California, had begun instruction in San Francisco in 1865, thus antedating the Willamette department in actual operation. The latter school,\nhowever, maintained a continuous existence from the time\nof its establishment until 1913, when it was merged with\nthe University of Oregon Medical School. Toland on\nthe other hand, suspended for a time and then reopened,\nso to Dr. Wythe and his colleagues should be accorded\nthe credit of having established the oldest continuous\nschool of medicine on the coast. A son of our subject,\nW. T. Wythe, was one of the early graduates of the Willamette Medical Department, completing his work in\n1868.\nWythe left the University and the Salem church in\n1868 to become pastor of the Taylor Street Methodist\nEpiscopal Church in Portland, which was located at\nThird and Taylor Streets. In Portland he also engaged\noccasionally in medical practice, and became somewhat\nout of favor with local ministers by so doing. It is Joseph Henry Wythe\n439\nrelated by one who knew him well that after his return\nto California, which was in 1869, he was once called\nback to Portland to perform an operation for ovarian\ncyst.14 Some of the Portland surgeons were not pleased\nwith this aspersion on their professional skill. This is\nbelieved to be the first operation of its kind to be performed in Portland, and took place about 1870.\nIn 1869, as indicated, he was transferred from the\nTaylor Street Church to California, where he preached\nin Sacramento, Santa Clara, and in his former pastorate\nin San Francisco. Sometime between 1872 and 1875\nhe was invited to join the faculty of the Medical Department of the University of the Pacific, which afterwards\nbecame the Cooper Medical College, and is now the Medical School of Stanford University. For a time he was\nalso lecturer in biology in the college of this university,\nlocated then at San Jose, now at Stockton. As a member\nof the medical faculty, he organized the department of\nmicroscopy and histology, of which subjects he was made\nprofessor. He continued this service for twenty-five\nyears, when he was made professor emeritus. For several semesters he also filled the chair of the practice of\nmedicine, in the absence of the regular incumbent of this\nposition.\nDuring the early part of this period in California\nWythe preached and taught, practicing medicine only\nmore or less incidentally, apparently, but in 1881, on the\ndeath of his oldest son, he withdrew from the Methodist\nConference to give his time entirely to medicine. It\nseems that he was led to do this through the necessity\nof providing for his grandchildren, the children of W. T.\nWythe. This son had been a surgeon in the navy, and\ndying suddenly, left a widow and five children practically penniless. These grandchildren of our subject came\nto occupy positions of trust and honor in their respective\n\"Personal communication from Mr. J. K. Gill 440\nO. Larsell\nprofessions, indicating that their grandfather gave them\ngood training.\nDuring the '80s Dr. Wythe was called in on legal\ncases a number of times as a handwriting expert.15 By\nthe use of the microscope he was able to detect a number\nof forgeries. One time, it is related, that when the judge\nasked him his profession Dr. Wythe replied, \"Physician\nand Surgeon.\" \"Ah,\" said the judge, \"I thought you\nwere a minister of the gospel.\" \"Judge, that is my vocation,\" was the reply.\nAfter his return to California Wythe also did much\nwriting. In addition to revising \"The Microscopist\" for\ntwo editions, as already indicated, he also prepared a\nsyllabus of his lectures at the Cooper Medical College,\nwhich was privately printed in 1892 under the title \"Outlines of Normal and Pathological Histology.\" Another\nbook, originally written in Pennsylvania, but revised and\nissued in new editions many times, and which appears\nto have been popular with the medical profession was\n\"The Physician's Dose and Symptom Book.\" This little\nvolume ran through fourteen editions and was translated into Japanese. As its name indicates, it was a much\nabbreviated guide to diagnosis and treatment, which the\nphysician could easily carry in his pocket. It contains\ntables of weights and measures, abbreviations, poisons\nand their antidotes, and an index of diseases and their\ntreatment. Also there is an alphabetical list of medicines and their doses, and a table of symptomatology,\nand other features, which no doubt made it a very handy\nquick reference guide for the medical practice of the\ntime. The second edition of this book was quite favorably\nnoticed in the North American Medico-Chirurgical Review for 1857, but the third edition excited some criticism\nbecause of errors which remained from earlier editions\nand which should have been corrected.\n5Personal communication from Dr. Margaret Wythe. Joseph Henry Wythe\n441\nSome of Wythe's other books were written for Chautauqua readers, and some were written in an effort to\nreconcile the views of church people with the facts of\nnatural science. \"The Agreement of Science and Religion,\" published in 1872 states that it is \"An attempt\nto exhibit in brief compass the true relations and harmony of nature and revelation It claims that\nscience and faith mutually support each other.\"\nIn these and other books which show a great deal of\nknowledge of natural sciences, and especially of zoology\nand botany. Wythe takes the anti-evolutionary point of\nview. He holds that the idea of developmental creation\nis inconsistent with the conception of a personal God who\nrules the universe and governs the inhabitants thereof.\nIn the \"Science of Life\" (1880) he concludes: \"This\nexamination of human endowments shows as great difference between men and brutes as exists between animals and vegetables, or between vegetabls and the mineral world.\"\nDr. Wythe died October 14, 1901, survived by three\nchildren and several grandchildren. His wife, whom he\nhad married in 1846, had died in 1898. He had lived a\nbusy life, his chief interest the welfare of his fellow-\nmen, and he gave of his time and energy freely to every\nmovement that had for its objective the improvement\nof the public welfare. It is related by one16 who was\nassociated with him in meetings of various uplift bodies\nin Oakland, where he spent the last twenty-five years\nof his life, that when the silence which characterizes\nsuch meetings while a quorum is gathering, would come,\nDr. Wythe would say, \"Pst! Pst! Don't wake the corpse,\"\nand would then lead out into conversations of the most\nelevating type, to the edification of all present.\nIn personal appearance Dr. Wythe was short, about\nfive feet, six inches in height, but robust and full chested.\n16Dr. L. D. Inskeep, Sr., of Berkeley, Calif. 442\nO. Larsell\nHe is said to have been a dynamo of energy. He was\na persistent smoker, and not always careful about his\npersonal appearance, for which he was sometimes criticised, as we have seen. With reference to his use of tobacco this anecdote17 is presented: In 1866, on the boat\nfrom Salem to Portland, the weather was so disagreeable\nthat all the male passengers crowded into the men's cabin,\nand all, including Wythe, who was a passenger, smoked\npersistently, to the discomfort of the narrator of this\nexperience, who was a non-smoker. It appeared to him\nthat they were all trying to drive him, the only non-\nsmoker, out of the cabin, and that Wythe was the most\npersistent in his efforts. No doubt this love of the weed\nhad something to do with the disagreements in which he\nwas involved in some of his church connections. Because\nof his short stature he is said to have frequently stood\non a stool to preach.\nWythe was a man of great energy, versatile in his\nactivities, and a prolific writer. His non-medical writings were strongly tinctured with the religious motive,\nfrom the viewpoint of the non-evolutionary biologist, as\nthe quotation above cited will show. He was an excellent\nsurgeon, teacher, and preacher, and while he missed the\noutstanding prominence as a scientific man which his\nyoung manhood seemed to promise, nevertheless his name\ndeserves, honorable mention among the pioneers of the\nPacific Coast in science, and especially medical science\nand medical education. There was greater demand for\nhis versatility under the pioneer conditions of sixty years\nago, in Oregon and California, than there was for his\npowers of scientific observation. When recognition of\nthis demand was coupled with the altruistic motive of a\nreligious nature, he could but choose to supply the immediate need. Like the farmer of pioneer days who must\nturn his hand to all forms of manual labor, perforce, to\n17By Mr. George H. Himes. SARAH HELMICK AND HELMICK PARK\nBy Virginia Nesbit\nUnique in the history of the United States is Helmick\nPark, Polk County, Oregon. Seventy-nine years ago\nSarah and Henry Helmick took up a claim of 640 acres\nof land on the Luckiamute River in Polk County, Oregon.\nOn September 12, 1924, when the West Side Highway,\na link of a paved stretch running through the Pacific\nNorthwest from the Canadian border to the Mexican\nborder, was dedicated, \"Grandma\" Helmick, 101 years\nold, gave back to the people of the United States a five-\nacre natural park of the land which they had given her\nand her husband in their youth. The fathers of the republic in their vision made laws granting lands on liberal\nterms which in 1850 took the form of homesteads to the\nOregon pioneers. \"Grandma\" Helmick, with a generosity\nunequalled by any receiver of a homestead grant in the\nUnited States, returned that land to the givers when\nher time to use it had ended. Her children, grandchildren, great grandchildren, and the generations to come\nwill rise up to call her \"blessed\" even as will the traveler who rests under the shade of the Oregon trees and\ndrinks of the cool, fresh water as it gushes out of mountain streams. For nowhere in the history of the republic\nhas a pioneer taken a grant of land from the federal government, lived on it, cultivated it and brought forth from\nit the products of civilization, and returned it to the\npeople who gave it to him.\nAs \"Grandma\" Helmick sits in her little house in\nAlbany, Oregon, she looks back on a life full of pioneer\nhardships, difficulties overcome, and now in her last days\nhas about her a loving and grateful family and the luxuries of modern civilization to give her the comforts that\nwere lacking in the early days.\n\"Grandma\" was born in Mouckport, Indiana, July 4,\n1823, the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Peter Steeprow. She Sarah Helmick Sarah Helmick and Park\n445\nhad twelve brothers and sisters. Henry Helmick was\nborn September 14, 1822, in Germany. Sarah and Henry\nwere married early in April, 1845, at Burlington, Iowa.\nThe next morning after their wedding, leaving behind\nlife-long associations and friends they started across the\nplains to Oregon. They traveled in a \"covered wagon\"\ndrawn by four yoke of oxen, in company with about\neighty other wagons. There were between 135 and 150\npeople in the train. Those in the train spoke very highly\nof Captain McDonald, who they said was a great leader,\nwith the rare faculty of inspiring those under him to\ngreater efforts under trying circumstances. Following\nthe \"Oregon Trail\" from Council Bluffs their way was\nbeset with trials and troubles common to those pioneer\ndays, and yet through it all they maintained a fortitude\nand courage which made possible the settlement of the\nwest.\nStephen Meek, a famous scout of that day was their\nguide part of the time. He tried unavailingly to persuade\nMcDonald to go to California.\nCrossing the Snake River was the most difficult point\nof the journey. The wheels of the wagons were taken off,\nand they were blocked in such a way as to keep them\nafloat. Ten yoke of oxen were attached to each wagon.\nIn this way some of the oxen were always on land, and\nable to keep the rest from being swept down stream.\nTheir train enjoyed the distinction of not losing a single\nwagon or piece of baggage during the crossing.\nA thrilling moment was experienced when an old time\nscout galloped into camp, so exhausted that he fell from\nhis horse, saying that thousands of Indians were surrounding them. The men in the wagon train wanted to\narm. The scout warned them that they could do nothing\nagainst so many thousands, in case they were hostile, and\nthat if they were friendly the sight of the guns would\nmake them hostile. When they put their ears to the 446\nVirginia Nesbit\nground it shook with the tramping of thousands of horses.\nBut for more than an hour no signs of the Indians appeared. Suddenly on the horizon appeared the feathered\nwarriors in countless numbers. Fortunately for the\nwagon train they were friendly and after visiting the\ntrain and curiously examining everything they departed.\nThey were friendly Snake Indians on their way to war\nwith an enemy tribe in the north.\nBirths, deaths and occasional merry-making occurred.\nOn the Fourth of July, 1845, the wagons stopped to celebrate Independence Day, and the birthdays of Sarah\nHelmick and three other pioneers. How little did those\nmen and women battling their way across the plains\nrealize that the generations to come would honor them,\nand would raise Sarah Helmick to be among the greatest\nof the pioneer women to cross the plains.\nThe only mishap of the trip occurred when they arrived at Cascade Rapids, Oregon, six months and three\ndays after leaving Burlington. The raft containing all\nthe earthly goods of Sarah and Henry, Helmick broke\nloose from its moorings and everything they possessed\nwas swept away. They were left stranded, alone without\nfood or shelter for many hours. Two friendly Indian\nsquaws found them, and carried word of their plight to\nthe nearest settlement. A Mr. Ebberts of Tualatin Plains\ncame to their rescue, and took them with him to his home.\nThey were given a part of his house with facilities for\nhousekeeping and Mr. Helmick was given work as a carpenter. Early the following year he built the first grist\nmill in Salem, Oregon.\nIn the fall of 1846 they took up their claim on the\nLuckiamute. The first year was the hardest. Their diet\nthat year consisted of boiled beans and wheat, with less\nthan three pounds of meat all winter. Henry Helmick\nwas stricken with gold fever in 1849 and went to California for a year. The gold venture was unsuccessful Sarah Helmick and Park\n447\nand he returned to Oregon, but as the years went by they\nprospered and when Mr. Helmick died in 1877 they had\nenough property to enable \"Grandma\" Helmick to build\nherself a home in Albany, Oregon, and live there the rest\nof her days without want.\nSeptember 12,1924, when the West Side Highway was\ndedicated Governor Walter Pierce and other officials of\nthe state, and 7000 people from the Willamette Valley,\nthrough which the highway runs, and in which Albany,\nOregon, the home of \"Grandma\" is located, came to honor\nher, and pay tribute to the spirit which prompted the\ngenerous gift. Living near her in Oregon \"Grandma\"\nhas two children, six grandchildren and eight great\ngrandchildren.\nI ERRATA\nIn line 30 \"October 19, 1845\" should be \"September\n24, 1845\" and in line 31, \"exactly two months and six\ndays\" should be \"exactly three months and one day.\" INDEX TO VOLUME XXVI\n(Oregon geographic names generally,\nfound listed alphabetically under\n\"Geographic Names of Oregon\").\nAbert Lake, Situation of, 8.\nB\nBarlow, Samuel Kimbrough, 209-24;\nfamily history of the Barlows, 209-\n11; life of Samuel Kimbrough Barlow in Kentucky, 211; disgusted that\nefforts do not elect Henry Clay and\nopposed to slavery, moves to Indiana,\n211; Marries Susannah Lee, 211;\nmoves to near Farmington, Illinois,\nbut poor markets cause decision to\ngo to Oregon, 212-3; equips at Independence and with large company\ncrosses plains in 1845, 213; journey\nas far as The Dalles uneventful except\nfor cattle stampedes, 214; diverted\nneither to California at Ft. Hall nor\nto Meeks cutoff in eastern Oregon,\n214-5; a river trip from The Dalles\nin bateaux or on rafts not appealing\nto him he surveys pass to the south\nof Mt. Hood, 215-6; the hardships\nexperienced by the party in making\nthe trip through the pass, 216-8; road\ncharter granted Barlow and road built\nin 1846, 219; history of the Barlow\nroad to 1912, 219-20; road bought\nby Henry E. Wemme, in 1912 and\nimproved and turned over by bis attorney, George W. Joseph, to State\nHighway Commission and Federal Government, 220; bronze tablets to builder and his wife placed as markers,\n221-2; Barlow makes home at Canemah, 222-3; monument to his memory dedicated at Government Camp,\nBoy Scouts of Ameriea, Council of the,\nof Portland, on their fifteenth anniversary unveiled a. marker for first\nhouse built in Portland, 60.\nBull Bun Lake, its civic and economic\nimportance, 3-4.\nChristmas Lake, confusion concerning, 9.\nColnett, Captain, and the \"Princess\nRoyal,\" Some Additional Notes upon,\n12-22. See also \"Princess Royal.\"\nMovements of the during year from\nJuly, 1790, to July, 1791, not cleared\nup, 12-3; records disclosing tragedy\nmet by part of bis crew while at Clay-\noquot Sound, 13-14; voyage to Macao\nvia Sandwich Islands traced, 14; tender of damaged Princess Royal to\nowners refused,, her sale and later\nsettlement of claims, 15-6; behavior\nat Hawaii, 16-7; correspondence relating to sum of indemnification in\nsettlement of British Claims, 18-22.\nColumbia River, the Discovery of the\nSource of the, 23-49; equitable adjustments in the settlement of the\nOregon boundary dispute by the treaty\nof 1846, 23; David Thompson's priority in crossing the Rocky Mountains\nof Canada to the sources of the Columbia, 24-5; the geography of the\nlake region where the Columbia rises,\n25-7; employees of David Thompson,\nFinnan McDonald and Jaco Finley, 27.\nCrater Lake, description of the, 5-6.\nCullaby Lake, 6.\nDavenport, Homer Calvin, monument\nerected to, 'in Silverton cemetery,\n59-60.\nDavis Lake described, 5.\nDeschutes Lakes, 5:\nDuflot, Eugene de Mofras, Extract from\nExploration of Oregon Territory, 151-\n90; his commission, 151-2; Fort Vancouver and surroundings in 1841,\n153-5; social life at the Fort, 155-6;\nDoctor John McLoughlin and Sir James\nDouglas, 156-7; Sir George Simpson\nis suspicious of de Mofras, 157-8; Fort\nNesqually and the Puget Sound coun-\nrry, 158-60; the Willamette river and\nits tributary timber and the settlers\nin the valley, 160-2; articles of ex-\n\u2022 port and import, 162-4; the Puget\nSound Agricultural Company and its\nsheep industry, 164-5; the French Canadian settlers at the different centers of settlement. 168-9; their way\nof living, 169-70; the Roman Catholic missions, 170-4; resume of the\nearly Oregon explorations and commercial expeditions, 174-8; missionary\nventures and movements for the beginnings of American settlement, 179\n90.\nEmmons, Extract from the Journal of\nLieut. George Foster, 263-73; in\ncharge of party of scientists of U. S.\nExploring Expedition that makes an\noverland trip from Oregon to California, 263; reception at Fort Vancouver, 263; diagram of the plan of\nFort Vancouver with description of\nfeatures and surrounding structures,\n[449] Index\n264-6; the fitting out of the party,\n266-8; description of the H. B. Company's saw mill, 268; the fort a hostelry for American missionaries, 269;\nthe fort removed from its original\nmore commanding position to a more\nconvenient location as the Indians become friendly, 269; attempted measurement of the altitude of Mt. Hood,\n269-70; the Sunday religious services\nat the fort, 270-1; inspects bountiful\ncrops on the Fort farm, 271; embarks on the Columbia for landing\nopposite to Wyeth's old Fort William\nfrom which to proceed overland, 270-3.\nFinlay's Journal, An Error Concerning,\n273-5 Bancroft's History of the Northwest Coast in three citations substitutes Finlay's Journal for Fraser's\nFirst Journal, 273; James Finlay\nidentified, 274-5.\nFinley, Jaco, an employe of David\nThompson, 273-4.\nGeographic Names, Oregon, 309-423; for\ncomplete record of origin of Oregon\ngeographic names general co-operation\nin every community is necessary, 309;\nnames were applied in five somewhat\ndistinct periods, 309-10; plan for\nmaking results of investigation available, 310; some compilations of information on name origins, 310.\nA\nAbernethy Creek, Abiqua Creek, 311;\nAda, Adams, Adel, Adrian, Agate\nBeach, Agency Creek, 312; Agency\nHill, Agency Lake, Agency Plains,\nAgness, Ahalapam Cinder Field, Airlie,\n313; Albany, Albee, Albina, 314; Algoma, Alicel, 315; Alkali Lake, Allegany, Alma, Aloha, 316; Alpha, Alpine, Alsea River, Altamount, Alvadore, Alvord Lake, 317; Amity, Ana\nRiver, Anchor, 318; Anderson Lake,\nAnderson Spring, Andrews, Ankeny\nBottom, Anlauf, Anna Creek, Antelope, 319; Anthony Lakes, Antone,\nApplegate Peak, Applegate River,\n320; Arant Point, Arch Cape, Arleta,\nArlington, 321; Armin, Ash, Ashland, Ashland Peak, Aspen, 322;\nAstoria, 323-4; Athena, 324; Athey\nCanon, August Creek, Aumsville, Aurora, 325; Austin, Avery, Awbrey\nHeights, Azalea, 326.\nB\nBachelor Butte, 326; Bacona, Bade,\nBadger Creek, Bakeoven, 327; Baker,\nBaker County, 328; Balch Creek, Bald\nMountain, 329; Baldy Lake, Bancroft,\nBandon, Banks, Bare Island, Barklow\nMountain, 330; Barlow, Barlow Road,\n331; Barnes Butte, Barnes Road, 332;\nBarrett (Hood River County and Umatilla County), Barstow, Bartlett, Barton, 333; Bar View, Bashaw Creek,\nBasket Slough, Bates, Battle Axe,\n334; Battle Creek, Battle Rock, 335;\nBay Ocean, Bays, 336-7; Bay View,\n337; Beatty, Beatys Butte, Beaver\nCreek, Beaverton, 338; Beckley,\nBeetles Rest Spring, Bend Glacier,\nBendire Creek, 339; Bennett Creek,\nBennett Pass, Benton County, Berry\nCreek, 340; Bertha, Big Butte Creek,\nBig Canon Creek, Big Eddy, Biggs,\nBissell, 341; Black Butte, Black Hills,\nBlack Rock, 342; Blaine, Blalock,\nBlitzen, Blodgett, Bloucher, Blow\nLake, Blowout Lakes, 343; Blue\nBucket Creek, Blue Mountain, 344;\nBlue Mountains, 345-6; Bly, Board-\nman, Bohemia Mountain, Bolt, 346;\nBonanza, Bonita, Bonneville, Bonney\nButte, 347; Boones Ferry, Boones-\nville Channel, Booth Hill, Boring,\n348; Boulder Creek, Bourne, Boyd,\nBoyle Lakes, Bradford Island, 349;\nBreitenbush River, Bridge, Bridge\nCreek, Brighton, Brogan, 350; Broken\nTop, Brookings, Brooks, Brothers,\nBrownsboro, Brownsmead, Brownsville, 351; Buell, Buena Vista,\nBullards, Bull Mountain, Bull Run\nRiver, 352; Bunchgrass Creek,\nBurghardts Mill, Burns, 353; Burnt\nRanch, Burnt River, 355; Burnt\nWoods, Butte Creek, Butte Falls, Butter Creek, Butteville, 355; Buxton,\nByars Creek, Bybee Bridge, Bybee\nLake,\nC\nCabin Creek, Calapooya Mountains,\n356; Calapooya River, Camas Valley, 357; Camp Creek, Camp Sherman, Canby, 358; Canemah, Cannon\nBeach, 359; Canoe Encampment\nRapids, Canyon City, 360; Canyonville, 361; Capes, 362-4; Cape Arago,\nCape Blanco, 864-6; Cape Falcon,\n36^-7; Cape Ferrelo, 367-8; Cape\nFoulweather, Cape Kiwanda, 368;\nCape Lookout, Cape Meares, 369-72;\nCape Perpetua, Cape Ridge, Cape Sebastian, 372; Carnahan, Crater Lake,\n373; Carver Glacier, 374-5; Cascade\nHead, Cascade Locks, Cascade Range,\n375-80; Cascades, 380; Castle Creek,\nCastle Rock, Cathlamet Bay, 381;\nCatlow, Cayuse, 882-3; Cazadero,\nCecil, Cedar Mill, 383; Celilo, Central\nPoint, 884; Champoeg, 385-6; Chapman, Chaski Bay, 386; Chehalem\nMountains, Chemawa, 387; Chenoweth Creek, 388; Cherry Creek,\nCherry Grove, Cherryville, Cheshire,\nChesnimnus Creek, Chetco River, 389;\nChewaucan Marsh, Chico, Chief Joseph\nMountain, 390; Chiloquin China Creek,\nChinquapin Mountain, 391; Chitwood,\nChocolate Creek, Christmas Lake, 892;\nClackamas County, 893; Clark Glacier, Clarnie, 394; Clarno, Clatskanie,\n395; Clatsop County, 396-7; Cleawox\nLake, Cleetwood Cove, Clem, 397;\nCline Falls, Cloud Cap, Coal Point,\nCoast Range, 398-400; Coburg, Cochran, Coe Glacier, Colebrook, 400;\nColes Valley, Collard Lake, Collier\n[450] Index\nGlacier, Cotton, Columbia City, Columbia County, 401; Columbia River,\n402-3; Comstock, Comcomly, 403;\nCondon, 404; Condon Butte, 405;\nConser, Cook Slough, Cooper Mountain, 405; Cooper Spur, Coos County,\n406; Cooston, Copeland Creek, Coquille, Corbett, 407; Cornelius, Cornucopia, Corral Creek, 408; Corvallis,\nCoryell Pass, 409; Cottage Grove,\nCotton, Council Crest, 410; Course\nCreek, Cove, 411; Cove Orchard, Cow\nCreek, 412; Coxcomb Hill, Coyote\nCreek^ Cozine Creek, Crabtree Creek,\n413; Craig Lake, Crater Lake, 414;\nCrater Peak, Crater Rock, Crates\nPoint, 415; Crawford, Crawfordsville,\nCrescent, 416; Crescent Lake, Creswell, Creswell Canyon, 417; Cripple\nCreek, Criterion, Croisan Ridge, 418;\nCrook County, Crook Point, Crooked\nCreek, Crooks Creek, 419; Crowley\n(Malheur and Polk County), Crystal,\nCucamonga Creek, Cullaby Lake, 420;\nCultus Lake, Culver, 421; Currins-\nville, Curry County, 422-3; Curtin,\nCushman, 423.\nH\nHarney Lake, 10.\nHelmick, Sarah, and Helmick Park, 444-\n7; her unique return of a portion of\nher donation claim to the public to\nbe used as a park, 444; the Steep-\nrow and Helmick families, 444-5; experience in crossing the plains, 445-6;\nthe mishap at the Cascades, 446;\ngetting settled in Oregon, 446-7.\nHenrv Fort, identification of the site of,\n206.\nHoskin, John, narrative of, reveals nature of tragedy suffered by some of\nCalnett's men near Clayoquot Sound,\n13-4.\nHunsaker Reverend Andrew J., a Tribute\nto, 225-8; the contrast in significance\nof the individual and the genus man,\n225; an estimate of Rev. A. J. Hunsaker as a leading force in three generations of Oregonians, 226; his trip\n* across the plains, his youth, as\nfarmer and teacher, 226-7; the varied\nlines of his usefulness, 227; the marvelous stride of material and inventive achievement witnessed by him,\n227-8; the thoroughly seasoned pioneers practically extinct, 228; Hun-\nsaker's social qualities and unselfish\nservice, 228.\nI-J\nJefferson Park, the lakes of, 5.\nK\nKlamath Lakes, Upper and Lower, 9.\nL\nLakes of Oregon, the, 1-11; number and\nvarieties of, in Oregon; Their utilities;\ndefinition of, 1-2; origins and conditions of existence, 2; the four lake\nregions of Oregon, 2-3; Bull Run Lake\nas one of Oregon's greatest assets,\n3-4; Crater Lake as a natural marvel,\n4; the lakes at the foot of Mount\nJefferson, 5; the Three Deschutes\nlakes, 5-6; the Olallie Lakes, 6; Wallowa Lake, 6-7; Paulina and East\nLakes of Paulina Mountains, 7-8;\nSummer Lake and history of discovery\nand naming, 8; Abert Lake, naming\nof and geology, 8; Warner Lakes,\nnaming, geology and history of, 9;\nChristmas Lake, confusion concerning,\n9; Klamath Lakes, 9; Tule Lake, 9;\nMalheur and Harney Lakes, 10; progress in lake discovery, 10; lakes of\ncoast region, 10; recreational re-\nsoures of Oregon lakes, 10-11; Oregon\nlakes as an attractive field of study,\n11.\nLang Syne Society, has its 12th annual\ndinner, 60-1.\nLewis and Clark Bridge on Seaside highway completed, 59.\nLyle, John, and Lyle Farm, 130-50; the\nLyle house, 130; the Lyles in Scotland, Ireland, Virginia and Tennessee,\n130; conditions in Illinois in 1844-5\nfrom which John Lyle caught the\n\"Oregon Fever,\" 131-2; his outfit for\nthe trip, 132; meets Ellen Scott with\nher folks on the Platte, 133; reaches\nOregon and teaches school, 134; finds\na home with CoL Nathaniel Ford,\n134-5; the neighborhood and its culture, 135-6; the Jefferson Institute,\n136-8; the Circuit Court records kept\nby Lyle as Clerk, 188-9; the Scotts\nreach Oregon after a winter in California, and Ellen Scott and John Lyle\nare married, 139; representative social\nand domestic economy of early Oregon, 140-3; a social colony is proposed, 143; a home is established on\nthe La Creole, 144; establishment of\nthe La Creole Academic Institute,\n145-7; the Lyle residence materializes,\n147-9; John Lyle's interpretation of\ndemocracy, 149-50.\nM\nMacDonald, Finnan, assistant to David\nThompson, '27, 33-41, 48-9.\nMackenzie, Dr. Kenneth A. J., unveiling\nof a bronze bas-relief of, 57.\nMalheur Lake, 10.\nMissouri Historical Expedition, the upper,\n276-9; the expedition signalized a\nchallenge to make American travel\nmore stimulative to higher interests,\n276; the dedication of the David\nThompson monument at Verendrye,\nNorth Dakota, 276-7;. pan-tribal and\nracial councils and festivities at Fort\nUnion, 277-8; the scene of the surrender of Chief Joseph with his Nez\nPerces people visited, 278; a monument at Meriwether commemorating\nthe northern limit of Meriwether\nLewis' side trip during the Lewis and\nClark Exploration, 278,9; the unveil-\n[4513 Index\ning of a statue of John Frank Stevens\nin Marias Park, 279.\nMuseum Association of Oregon formed\nand incorporated, 58.\nMuseum notes, 62-3.\nN\nNative Sons and Daughters of Oregon\norganized at Hillsboro, 57.\nNecoxie Lake, 6.\nNewspapers of Oregon, the, 1846-70,\n229-62; the press in the pioneer era of\nOregon, 229-30; the Oregon press situation during the Civil War, 230; the\ninfluence of Asahel Bush during this\nperiod, 230; newspapers as sources\nof history, 230-2; Oregon newspaper\nhistory, 232; Albany newspapers, 232-\n4; Astoria newspapers, 234; the\nBaker newspaper, 235; the Coos Bay\nnewspaper, 235; the Corvallis newspapers, 235-6; the Dallas newspapers,\n236; the Empire City newspaper,\n236; the Eola newspapers, 237; the\nEugene newspaper, 237-9; the Forest\nGrove newspaper, 239; the Jacksonville, newspapers, 239-40; the Klamath newspaper, 240; the Lafayette\nnewspaper, 241; the La Grande newspaper, 241; the McMinnville newspapers, 241; the Milwaukie newspaper,\n241-2; the Monmouth newspaper, 242;\nHhe Oregon City newspapers, 242-7;\nthe Portland newspapers, 247-55; the\nRoseburg newspapers, 255; the Salem\nnewspapers, 255-9; the Scottsburg\nnewspaper, 259; The Dalles newspaper, 259; the Tualatin Plains newspaper, 260; the Umatilla newspapers,\n260-1; the Union newspaper, 261;\nbibliographv of Oregon newspapers\nante-1870, 261-2.\nOdell Lake described, 5.\nOlallie Lakes described, 6.\nOregon Country, History of the, by Harvey W. Scott, reviewed by F. G. Young,\n53-5; the plan and constituting materials of this history, 53-4; how the\noriginal presentation of this material\nhad functioned in the Pacific Northwest, 54; the rise and scholarship of\nthe Editor, 54-5; the changes in which\nhe participated that appealed most to\nhim, 53-6.\nOregon, the Creation of, as a State,\n281-308; Oregon as a territory persistently aspires to statehood, 281;\ntransition from provisional government\nto territorial effected during the Polk\nadministration, 281-3; Gov. Lane calls\nfor a general election, 283; return of\nOregonians from California mines,\n283; the population of Oregon, 283;\neither statehood or the election of\ngovernor and secretary by the people,\n284; the absence of division on party\nlines brought to an end, 284-6; Governor Gaines and Secretary Hamilton,\nwhig appointees, arrive, 285-6; Lane\nbecomes territorial delegate, 286; controversy over the location of the capital, 286-7; the securing of statehood\nagain attempted, 287; the principal\nnewspapers during the territorial period, 287-9; movement for statehood\ngets as far as the people but defeated\nby popular vote, 289-90; Congress\nmemorialized for an enabling act,\n290-1; arguments urged for and\nagainst statehood, 291-2; movement\nfor the creation of Jackson territory\nout of southern Oregon and northern\nCalifornia, 291-4; the matter of statehood gets attention in party councils\nand in both the Legislature and Congress, 294-6; the difference of opinion\nas to desirable eastern boundary for\nthe state delays progress, 296-7;\ndemocratic support of the re-submission of question of statehood and the\nOregonian's opposition, 297-9; the\nStatesman's grounds for favoring, 299-\n300; Lane's bill for an enabling act\nmeets much opposition in Congress\n300-1; the governor and the legislature speed the holding of an election\nfor a constitutional convention which\ncarries, 301-3; the question of slavery\nand free negroes come to the front,\n303; discussion in Congress of an\nOregon bill, 307-8.\nOregon Geographic Names. See Geographic Names.\nOregon Provisional Emigration Society\nand statements of its objects, 180-1.\nPaulina Mountains and the lakes and\nscenery of, 7-8.\nPend d'Oreilles, ear pendant Indians, 27.\nPonsett, Secretary of War, reports estimates of costs of an Oregon expedition, 181-2.\n\"Princess Royal,\" Some Additional Notes\nupon Captain Colnett and the, 12-22;\nreference to paper by Ralph S. Kuykendall on James Colnett and the\n\"Princess Royal,\" 12; the hiatus of\na year in that account, 12; letter of\nJoseph d'Anduaga disclosing data of\nColnett's arrival at Nootka, 12; narrative of John Hoskins on the fate of\npart of Colnett's crew at Esquot between Clayoquot Sound and Nootka\nSound, 13-14; voyage to Macao Via\nSandwich Islands traced, 14; the damage suffered by the Princess Royal in\nher trips during 1790 and 1791 and\ntender in damaged condition refused\nand her sale, 14-15; subsequent settlement effected, 15-16; certificate of\ncost of Princess Royal, 17-18; correspondence relating to sum of indemnification in settlement of British\nclaims, 18-22.\nRussell Lake at the foot of Mount Jefferson, 5.,\n[452] Index\ns\nSacajawea, controversy over the date of\nthe death and burial place of, 215.\n\"Sons and Daughters of Oregon Pioneers\"\ncelebrate the 66th anniversary of the\nadmission of Oregon, 60.\nState press, survey of, 59.\nStratton, Judge J. A., Memorial Tribute\nto, 50-1.\nSummer Lake, description and history\nof, 8.\nThompson, David, Narrative of the Expedition to the Kootenae and Flat Bow\nIndian Countries, on the Sources of\nthe Columbia River, Pacific Ocean, by\nD. Thompson on behalf of the N. W.\nCompany, 1807, 28-49; journey in two\ndivisions from Fort des Prairies to\nKootanae Plain, 28-9; stay at Residence, 29; summit crossed, 30; tributary of the Kootanae (Columbia) descended, 30-3; on the banks of the\nColumbia building canoe, and waiting\nfor party to bring up supplies and for\nIndians with whom to trade, 33; proceeds to Lake, 34-5; affairs with Indians, 33-8; the country on the upper\nwaters of the Columbia, 38-9; warehouse located, 39-40; distress relieved by Kootenaes, 40; warehouse\nbuilt, 40-2; Indian hostilties, 43.\nThompson, David, Pathfinder and the Columbia River, 191-202; first to make\npermanent record of the sources of the\nColumbia, 191; locality near Kettle\nFalls given his name, 191; the entry\nin his journal while at kettle Falls,\n192-3; a bit of Indian anthropology,\n192; account of trip down the river\nto Astoria, 193; Thompson's advance\nto Kettle Falls traced down the Kootenay River from the upper Columbia\nlakes, to Clarks Fork, thence to Kullyspell River near Spokane River, and\nthe trading posts established as he\ncame on, 192-4; occasion for his voyage down the Columbia, 194; return up the Columbia traced, 194; his\npriority in traversing the river, 195;\nrecord of rapid traveling across the\nRocky Mountains and return, 195;\nfoiled by hostile Indians was compelled\nto open new route involving stupendous\ndifficulties in the winter of 1810-11,\n196-7; his observations and records of\nbest scientific accuracy, 197-8; his\nrise from humblest origin, apprenticed\nto Hudson's Bay Company, later joins\nmore enterprising Northwest Company\nand is assigned the region of the continental divide to explore, 198; reaches\nthe sources of the Columbia in 1807\nand thence penetrates to Pend d'Oreille\nLake, 198-9; a firm churchman, 199;\npersonal characteristics of, 199-200;\nin the region of present Pasco posts\nnotice claiming country for Great Britain, 200; last years of life spent in\npoverty and distress, 201; name linked\nwith that of Doctor John McLoughlin\nas having rendered a similar measure\nof service and having suffered like degrees of depreciation,, 201; the historic Kettle Falls, 202.\nThompson, David, the Explorer, reviewed\nby Judge F. W. Howay, 52-3.\nThree Sisters, topographic map of completed, 58-9.\nTrail Seekers or Junior Historical Society receives additions, 58.\nVancouver, dedication of historical marker at, 204.\nVerendrye Expeditions, The, in Quest of\nthe Pacific, 65-82; the motives impelling to these adventures, 65; sources of financial means, 65-6; the articles of trade, 66; Radisson and\nGroseillers investigate the northwest\nand an expedition is projected, 66-7;\nthe chartering of the Hudson's Bay\nCompany follows, 67; Nicollet, Du\nLuth, Joliet Le Seur also participate\nin these adventures, 67; Alloues, Hennepin and Marquette bring up the missionary effort, 67; mode of travel, 67;\nfortunes of French advance fluctuate\nwith changing circumstances in Europe, 68; with posts established on\nthe Lake of the Woods and Lake Winnipeg the project of an exploration\nto the Pacific begins to interest, 68-9;\ninformation sought by Charlevoix, 68-\n9; Sieur de la Verendrye takes up the\nquest, 69; early life of Verendrye, 69-\n70; plans exploration to the Pacific,\n70-1; establishes Fort St. Pierre and\nFort St. Charles as outposts, 71-2;\nbis support fails him and he is compelled to turn back, 71-3; his eldest\nson is murdered by the Indians, 74;\ndoes not jeopardize westward exploration through seeking retaliation, 74-5;\nresumes his advance in 1738 via Fort\nLa Reine and the Mouse River, and\npenetrates to Mandan villages to secure light on exploration to the Pacific, 76-7; envy and calumny hinder\nbut do not dissuade, 77; two Verendrye sons with a party set out early\nin the summer of 1742 via Mandan\nvillages, 78-9; they penetrate to some\neastern range of the Rocky Mountains,\n78-9; the panicky Indian escort compel return, 79; the finding of a leaden\nplate, the burying of which their record notes, identifies their return route,\n79-80; the extent of the discoveries\nof the Verendryes, 80; David Thompson retraces their route some fifty\nyears later, 80; the slight recompense\nreceived by the Verendryes, 80-1; the\nappreciation of the resources of the\nregion and the preparation of it for\nsettlement, the work of another pathfinder, James J. Hill, 81-2.\nVerendrye Journals of Trips to Mandan\nVillages on the Missouri, 1738-9, and\nto the foothills of the Rocky Moun-\n[453] Index\ntains in 1742-3, 83-128; resume of the\ndiscoveries achieved, 83-4; reports of\nVerendrye's councils with Indian tribes\nenroute from Fort William (Lake Superior) to Fort St. Charles (Lake of\nthe Woods), 85-9; council with the\nCrees at Fort Maurepas concerning\ntheir trade with the English at Hudson Bay, 89-90; on the way to the\nMandans, 98; reception among the\nMandans and his disillusionment, 98-\n9; ruse of the Mandans to secure the\nearly departure of the Assiniboine retinue with Verendrye and account of the\nfirst lap of the return trip, 99-114;\nan incident of theft of bag of goods\nfor presents that embarrasses, 102-5;\nreceives an account of the tribes to\nthe south, 105-6; his son, the Chevalier, visits a tribe on the Missouri\nRiver, 106-9; having left two Frenchmen among the Mandans to learn\nlanguage, prepares to set out for\nhome, 109-10; is taken ill, 110-12;\nthe Assiniboines reproached for misleading representations concerning\nMandans, explain it as a misapplication of what applied to people further\nto the south, 112-3; in returning via\nLake Winnipeg country has occasion\nto dissuade large band of Assiniboines\nfrom repairing to the English for\ntrade, 114-5; out of patience with delayed arrival of the Assiniboines, departs for the East, 115; Chevalier de\nla Verendrye on search made by him,\nhis brother, and attendants to discover western sea, 116-29; departure\nfor the coast delayed by fruitless waiting for some Indian escort, 117; penetrate to the southwest, passing villages of several different Indian tribes,\n117-9; hear reports of hostile Snake\nIndian tribes to the west, 118-9; having a kind reception from a tribe, an\nenemy of the Snakes and who report\non the people living at the coast. They\njoin a war party proceeding westward,\n120-2; panic seizes their Indian escort\nwho beat a retreat, 122-3; the return\nto the Missouri and the placing of a\nleaden plate and its recent discovery\nserves as an identification of their\nroute, 125-9. I '.\nw\nWalla Walla, stone marker of spot in,\nwhere Indian Council of 1855 was\nheld, 204.\nWarner Lakes, naming, geology and history of, 9.\nWythe, Joseph Henry, 1822-1901, 424-3;\na pioneer in education in Oregon, with\nconsiderable equipment of scientific\nand medical training, 424; bis early\nlife, 424-5; clergyman in eastern Pa.,\n425-6; as physician exhibits much\nskill in surgery, 426-7; is enthusiastic\nand successful in advancing use of .\nmicroscope, 427-9; demonstrates discovery concerning pulsatory movement,\n429-30; surgeon with rank of major\nin the Civil War and exhibits great\nefficiency as administrator, 431; is\ntransferred to the Pacific Coast and\nillness compels resignation from service, 431-2; re-enters the ministry,\npreaches in San Francisco, 432; takes\npresidency of Willamette University\nwith pastorate at Salem, conflicting\ntestimonials as to fitness, 432-5; under\nhis presidency the medical department\nof Willamette University fully organized, 435-8; becomes pastor of Taylor\nStreet Methodist Church, Portland,\nand also engages occasionally in medical practice, 438; transferred to California, services in later years were\nmainly as member of faculty of\nCooper Medical College, 439-40; revises his \"The Microscopist,\" writes\nseveral books, 440-1; takes anti-evolutionary point of view, 441; personal\ncharacteristics and versatility applied\nto highest ends, 442.\n[454] ': ii; THE OREGON HISTORICAL SOCIETY\nOrganized December 17, 1898\nFREDERICK V. HOLMAN - '^SSSm^ \" \" Pr'*id'nt\nCHARLES B. MOORES f|- - '^BpSfBti^ ' Vice-President\n.F. G. YOUNG m^4tj^i^S^^ ' :\u00bbV 1 Secretary\nLADD & TILTON BANK -|#\\- ^ft^^- \" Treasurer\nGEORGE H. HIMES, Curator\nTH$ GOVERNOR OF OREGON, ex-officio\nTHE SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, ex-officio\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1928\nLESLIE M. SCOTT, JOHN GILL\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1927\nP. H. D'ARCYr T. C. ELLIOTT\nTerm Expires at Annual Meeting in October, 1928\nLEWIS A. McARTHUR, FRED W. WILSON\nTerm Expires' at Annual Meeting in October, 1929\nCHARLES H. CAREY, B. B. BEEKMAN\nThe Quarterly is sent free to-all members of the Society. The annual dues are\ntwo dollars. The fee for life membership is twenty-five dollars.. -^1111\nContributions to The Quarterly and correspondence relative to historical ma-\nterials, or pertaining to the affairs of this Society^ should be addressed to\nWKtf. F. G. YOUNG, Secretary,\nLt^&Jj Eugene, Oregon\nSubscriptions for The Quarterly, or for other publications of the Society, should\nbe sent to ^^^K^^^C^^s\nBARBARA C. ELLIOTT, Ass't Secretary,\nPublic Auditorium,\nThird St., between Clay and Market Sts.,\niS|^fe Portland, Oregon ","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2009\/08\/skos-reference\/skos.html#note","classmap":"oc:AnnotationContainer"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2009\/08\/skos-reference\/skos.html#note","explain":"Simple Knowledge Organisation System; Notes are used to provide information relating to SKOS concepts. 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Includes index.
Includes errata.
Other copies: http:\/\/www.worldcat.org\/oclc\/2996300","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2009\/08\/skos-reference\/skos.html#note","classmap":"skos:Concept","property":"skos:note"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.w3.org\/2009\/08\/skos-reference\/skos.html#note","explain":"Simple Knowledge Organisation System; Notes are used to provide information relating to SKOS concepts. There is no restriction on the nature of this information, e.g., it could be plain text, hypertext, or an image; it could be a definition, information about the scope of a concept, editorial information, or any other type of information."}],"Provider":[{"label":"Provider","value":"Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/provider","classmap":"ore:Aggregation","property":"edm:provider"},"iri":"http:\/\/www.europeana.eu\/schemas\/edm\/provider","explain":"A Europeana Data Model Property; The name or identifier of the organization who delivers data directly to an aggregation service (e.g. Europeana)"}],"Publisher":[{"label":"Publisher","value":"Eugene : Koke-Chapman Co.","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/publisher","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:publisher"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/publisher","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; An entity responsible for making the resource available.; Examples of a Publisher include a person, an organization, or a service."}],"Rights":[{"label":"Rights","value":"Images provided for research and reference use only. For permission to publish, copy, or otherwise distribute these images please contact\u00a0digital.initiatives@ubc.ca.","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/rights","classmap":"edm:WebResource","property":"dcterms:rights"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/rights","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; Information about rights held in and over the resource.; Typically, rights information includes a statement about various property rights associated with the resource, including intellectual property rights."}],"Series":[{"label":"Series","value":"The quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isPartOf","classmap":"oc:PublicationDescription","property":"dcterms:isPartOf"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/isPartOf","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; A related resource in which the described resource is physically or logically included."}],"SortDate":[{"label":"SortDate","value":"1925-12-31 AD","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/elements\/1.1\/date","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/elements\/1.1\/date","explain":"A Dublin Core Elements Property; A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource.; Date may be used to express temporal information at any level of granularity. Recommended best practice is to use an encoding scheme, such as the W3CDTF profile of ISO 8601 [W3CDTF]."},{"label":"Sort Date","value":"1925-12-31 AD","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/date","classmap":"oc:InternalResource","property":"dcterms:date"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/date","explain":"A Dublin Core Elements Property; A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource.; Date may be used to express temporal information at any level of granularity. Recommended best practice is to use an encoding scheme, such as the W3CDTF profile of ISO 8601 [W3CDTF].; A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource.; Date may be used to express temporal information at any level of granularity. Recommended best practice is to use an encoding scheme, such as the W3CDTF profile of ISO 8601 [W3CDTF]."}],"Source":[{"label":"Source","value":"Original Format: University of British Columbia. Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. F871 .O7","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/source","classmap":"oc:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:source"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/source","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; A related resource from which the described resource is derived.; The described resource may be derived from the related resource in whole or in part. Recommended best practice is to identify the related resource by means of a string conforming to a formal identification system."}],"Subject":[{"label":"Subject","value":"Oregon--History, Local--Periodicals","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:subject"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The topic of the resource.; Typically, the subject will be represented using keywords, key phrases, or classification codes. Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary."},{"label":"Subject","value":"Oregon--History--Periodicals","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:subject"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/subject","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The topic of the resource.; Typically, the subject will be represented using keywords, key phrases, or classification codes. Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary."}],"Title":[{"label":"Title","value":"The quarterly of the Oregon Historical Society. Volume XXVI. March, 1925 - December, 1925","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/title","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:title"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/title","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The name given to the resource."}],"Type":[{"label":"Type","value":"Text","attrs":{"lang":"en","ns":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/type","classmap":"dpla:SourceResource","property":"dcterms:type"},"iri":"http:\/\/purl.org\/dc\/terms\/type","explain":"A Dublin Core Terms Property; The nature or genre of the resource.; Recommended best practice is to use a controlled vocabulary such as the DCMI Type Vocabulary [DCMITYPE]. To describe the file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource, use the Format element."}],"Translation":[{"property":"Translation","language":"en","label":"Translation","value":""}]}