Tt having come to the knowledge of the Committee, that many Members of this Society are in the habit of lending the books to the families of Non Subscribers, it is requested that such practice be discontinued, the fine for which is very heavy, and will in future be en^ forced; and the Committee earnestly request that Subscribers will take means to prevent the books while in their possession, from being torn, dirted, or the pages turned down. It is also necessary to state that the Sub-librarian is directed to enforce the fines for books which are kept beyond the time allowed. fyL ->' Vf\ narrative OF A RESIDENCE AT THE COURT OF LONDON. II •5». m LONDON : PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTXEY, Dorset-street, Fleet-street. TO THE READER. When I first took the pen to prepare the following sheets for the press, it was with the intention of going through the full term of my mission; but finding them run on to their present number in using the materials of little more than a year, I have, for the present, given over that intention. I am the more admonished to this course, as negotiations with which I was charged at later periods, were more elaborate and full than any recorded in this volume. Miss More, in noticing Pope's precept that the greatest art in writing is "to blot, says that there is still a greater—the art to stop. The contents of the chapters may startle at first; but I trust only at first. I am as deeply sensible of the impropriety of making an ill use of the incidents of private life, as it is possible any one can be, and flatter myself that what I have said in this connexion will be clear of all exception. I would otherwise burn the sheets. I would burn them, if I thought they contained a line or word to create A «B VI a moment's uneasiness in any one person whose name is mentioned. In giving an account of conversations other than official, I have drawn upon my notes sparingly; not that I heard things improper, had all been told; but that a thousand things pass in conversation, not adapted to print, any more than intended for it. Reports then or narratives, given under restraints from which I never could be free, may be found meagre ; and in such cases I am the one to blame, desiring always to err on the side of abstinence, where indulgence would be criminal. Doubtless also there has often been a falling-off in my limited reports of what was said by others, from the better manner in which it was said by the persons themselves. Here, too, I am the one responsible. Ijj many instances I have been happy to render acknowledgments for the kindest hospitalities received in England. Should the work be continued, this list would be much enlarged by names not hitherto reached. There are questions involved in the negotiations I have recorded, of the deepest prospective interest to both the United States and Great Britain. If I have explained these so that they may be rightly understood, and send them into the world under a companionship that may add to the chances of their being at all read in both countries, I believe that I shall not have written altogether in vain. When I say in both, I confess that I chiefly mean VI* Britain ; for with all the power of intelligence and information in that country upon public as all subjects, I am satisfied that the American questions are less generally inquired into than many others, and less generally understood than in this country. I have written in the spirit of good feeling towards Britain, which may be cherished by every American compatibly with his superior love for his own country, and which I believe few Americans fail to cherish who stay there as long as I did. A residence of nearly eight years corrected many erroneous impressions I had previously taken up; as a residence of like time in this country by Britons almost invariably imbues them with totally different feelings and opinions respecting the United States from those adopted by their hasty, and top often uninformed and uncandid travellers who come among us. Enough has been written- and said on both sides to irritate. My desire is, and such my effort, to soothe. President Jackson, in his last annual message to Congress, has spoken of the value of a good understanding between two countries jjj cemented by a community of language, manners, and social habits, and by the high obligations we owe to our JBritish ancestors Jbr many of our most valuable institutions, and for that system of representative government which has enabled us to preserve and improve them? In publishing negotiations which I conducted for A Q A 4* WjKp f? J Vlll my country, and other official communications, it is proper I should say, that I violate no duty. It is known to be as well the practice as the principle of the Government of the United States, to publish such documents for general information: and in fact I publish nothing that has not heretofore had publicity in this manner, though piece-meal and at detached intervals. I know of no exception, unless the cases of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. These constitute a transaction too marked to remain unknown in its diplomatic progress, the result having long been known. My more ample account of it all, at the time it arose, was transmitted to the Department of State, and rests in its archives. Even the European rule sanctions the publication of negotiations when no longer pending, and this is the case with all I present. I have only given them in connecting links, and under forms somewhat different. Often I have omitted particulars already published by the Government, whilst sometimes I have brought to light what may serve as new explanations. In this, as other parts of the work, I venture to claim for it, as the only title to an indulgent reception, essential fidelity in its contents ; repeating, that I am chargeable with all imperfections merely verbal. I might have thrown into separate works the parts official and parts personal. But I preferred IX their junction. No public man, whatever the extent or magnitude of his duties, leads a purely official life, detached from personal scenes and feelings interwoven with it. Some view of these may even serve on occasion to elucidate better the true movement of official acts, by exhibiting the latter in a broader connexion. I have also thought, that it might not be wholly unacceptable to the American community to know something of the personal reception of their Minister in England in virtue of the trust he bears; not simply that which awaits him in the common forms when he first arrives, but more generally afterwards. The same motive will open to his countrymen some views, imperfect indeed and few, but still some views of the social, tone prevailing in classes amongst which his public trust necessarily, and, if his residence be protracted, largely throws him. Brief reflections which I may now and then have hazarded on the institutions and character of England, are of little moment. They will pass only for what they are worth, with those who may be at the trouble of reading them. Far from my purpose has it been to scan all her institutions and character, (a mighty task!) but rather to speak cursorily of portions falling under my own immediate observation in some among the many spheres of her society and population. Other portions have been abun- i I LI' >i **■ sr <&i RESIDENCE AT THE performed was in his favour, and no one else could claim on that ground, the Commodore did not think that it rested with him to settle points of law. Our Palinurus certainly had the advantage in alertness over the sleepy set who would have robbed him of his reward. " Cassio, 1 forgive thee ; But never more be officer of mine." 1817* msii WPSBPWKSNB 1817. COURT OF LONDON. 11 CHAPTER II. LANDING AT PORTSMOUTH AND JOURNEY TO LONDON. I stayed on ship-board two days waiting the proper order from London, for which the Consul had written, to have my baggage passed. During this interval the surrounding scene lost none of its interest: it was further enlivened by visitors coming on board the ship. We got the London newspapers wet from the press. It is a remark of Humboldt, that no language can express the emotion that a European naturalist feels when he touches for the first time American land. May not the remark be reversed by saying, that no language can express the emotion which almost every American feels when he first touches the shores of Europe ? This feeling must have a special increase, if it be the case of a citizen of the United States going to England. Her fame is constantly before him. He hears of her statesmen, her orators, her scholars, her philosophers, her divines, her patriots. In the nursery he learns her ballads. Her poets train his ■ i ill < ,( , i il ' J ^^ W. M i 12 RESIDENCE AT THE 1817. imagination. Her language is his, with its whole intellectual riches, past, and for ever newly flowing; a tie, to use Burke's figure, light as air, and unseen; but stronger than links of iron. In spite of political differences, her glory allures him. In spite of hostile collision, he clings to her lineage. After Captain Decatur's capture of a British frigate, some one asked him if his forefathers were not French. "No, I beg pardon," he answered, I they were English" In that spirit would his countrymen generally answer. Walking the deck with two of our lieutenants, while sounding up the Channel, " Think," said one of them, " that we may be in the track of the Armada;" and they talked of the heroine queen at Tilbury. These are irrepressible feelings in an American. His native patriotism takes a higher tone from dwelling on the illustrious parent stock. Places and incidents that Englishmen pass by fill his imagination. He sees the past in conjunction with the present. Three thousand miles, said Franklin, are as three thousand years. Intervention of space seems to kindle enthusiasm, like intervention of time. Is it not fit that two such nations should be friends ? Let us hope so. It is the hope which every minister from the United States should carry with him to England. It 1817. COURT OF LONDON. 13 is the hope in which every British minister of State should meet him. If, nevertheless, rivalry is in the nature of things, at least let it be on fair principles. Let it be generous, never paltry, never malignant. The order for my baggage not arriving at the time expected, I landed without it. Preferring to land at Portsmouth, the boats were prepared, and on the 19th I left the ship. The Commodore and some of his officers accompanied me. A salute was fired, as on embarking ; the usual ceremony when our ministers are received on board, or landed from, the national ships. Approaching Portsmouth, we passed numerous vessels of war. Some were lying in ordinary, some ready for sea. There were docks, and arsenals, and store-houses, and batteries, and fortifications. The day was fair; the wind fresh. This gave animation to the harbour scene, swelling the sails of vessels in motion, and streaming out the colours of those at anchor. It was a fine naval panorama. Besides formidable rows of line of battle ships and frigates, we saw transports crowded with troops. I had before seen ports alive with the bustle of trade; but never one so frowning and glistening with features and objects of war. When we reached the shore, tide-waiters advanced to take possession of my baggage. They !l|l 11 IPJK %M\\ ■•'■■' -iag mm—mm RESIDENCE AT THE 1817. were informed of my public character. This did not turn them from their purpose. The national ship from which I had debarked was in view; her colours flying. Still they alleged, that having received no orders to the contrary, they must inspect my baggage. I said to Commodore Stewart that, strictly, they were right, and directed my servant to deliver it. There was but little, the principal part having been left on board to await the permit of exempt tion. It might have been supposed that these guardians of the revenue would have satisfied their sense of duty by a merely formal examination of what was delivered so readily. Not so; carpet-bags were ransacked; the folds of linen opened, as if Brussels lace had been hidden in them ; small portmanteaus peered into, as if contraband lurked in every corner. Nothing was overlooked. A few books brought for amusement on the voyage were taken possession of, and I had to go on without them. I should have been disposed to make complaint of this mock official fidelity and subaltern folly, but from an unwillingness to begin my public career with a complaint. And I remembered to have heard Mr. Adams say, that when the Allied Sovereigns visited England after the battle of Waterloo, their baggage was inspected at Dover, the order for exemption having, by an 1817. COURT OF LONDON. 15 inadvertence, not been sent. There is no privilege, by positive law, of a foreign minister's effects from Custom-house examination ; but by universal comity, it is forborne. The exercise of such a claim with the privity of a Government would become an affront. I must add, that the order for the full delivery of all mine, with every immunity, arrived at Cowes soon after I left the ship. In the sequel the unlucky books found their way back to me. I proceeded to the George Inn in PortSr mouth, where the Commodore and his officers were to give me the favour of their company to dinner. Arrived there, we had every attention from the master, and his servants. Comfortable apartments were promptly prepared, and the ready-laid fires lighted. We found that careful anticipation of our wants, and orderly arrangement of every thing, for which we had understood English inns were remarkable. Whilst seated round our parlour fire in the evening, fatigued by the excitements we had gone through, and waiting the summons to dinner, we heard the bells. It was a fine chime. to which we all listened. My wife was ©specially fond of their music. Sometimes the sound grew faint, and then from a turn in the wind, came back in peals. We knew not the RESIDENCE AT THE 1817. cause. It passed in our thoughts that the same bells might have rung their hurras for the victories of Hawke and Nelson ; " May be" said one of the party, "for Sir Ctyudesley Shovel's too." Thus musing, an unexpected piece of intelligence found its way into our circle. We were given to understand that they were ringing on the occasion of my arrival; a compliment to my station to which I had not looked. We went in to our first dinner in England under a continuation of their peals. The cloth removed, we had a glass or two to our country and friends, after which we returned to our sitting-room. When all were e-assembled there, I had an intimation that " The Royal Bell-ringers were In waiting in the hall desirous of seeing me." They did not ask admittance, I was told, but at my pleasure. I directed them to be shown in at once, beginning now to understand the spring to the compliment. Eight men with coats reaching down to their heels, hereupon slowly entered. They ranged themselves one after another, in a solemn line along the wall. Every thing being adjusted, the spokesman at their head broke silence with the following intelligible address. He said that they had come, " with their due and customary respects, to wish me joy on my safe arrival in Old England as Ambassador Ex- w£&t 1817. COURT OF LONDON. traordinary from the United States, hoping to receive from me the usual favour, such as they had received from other ambassadors, for which they had their book to show" Their book was a curiosity. It looked like a venerable heirloom of office. There were in it, the names of I know not how many ambassadors, ministers, and other functionaries, arriving from foreign parts, throughout the lapse of I know not how many ages, with the donations annexed to each. Magna Charta itself was not a more important document to the liberties of England, than this book to the Royal Bell-ringers of Portsmouth ! I cheerfully gave to the good- humoured fraternity the gratuity which their efforts in their vocation appeared to have drawn from so many others under like circumstances. So, and with other incidents, passed my first day in England. yjjjtf . On the following morning, Admiral Thorn- borough, the admiral in command at Portsmouth, Sir James Yeo, captain in the British navy, and Sir George Grey, chief commissioner of the dock-yard, called upon me. They offered their congratulations on my arrival. The Admiral said, that if Commodore Stewart required any supplies for his ship, every facility which the yard afforded would be at his command. He added, that he would be happy in c RESIDENCE AT THE 1817. the opportunity of showing him the hospitalities of the port. Sir George Grey expressed his regrets that he had not known of my intention to land at Portsmouth, saying that he would have sent the Admiralty Yacht to the Franklin to bring me, my family, and suite, on shore; the more so, as the day was blustering, and he feared we had suffered from exposure in the ship's boats, the distance being several miles from Cowes to Portsmouth. I made the acknowledgments which these courtesies demanded. If but the natural offspring of the occasion, they tended to show, that whatever had been the conduct of the subordinates of the Custom-house, those who stood higher were likely to be actuated by different feelings towards an official stranger. I estimated properly Sir George Grey's offer, but had a silent feeling that would have made me prefer under any circumstances the landing from the ship's boats, with my country's flag at the stern. At noon I set out for London. My family consisted of my wife, four small children, young Mr. Taylor, of Washington, attached to my legation, whose name I cannot mention without an allusion to his amiable and gentlemanly qualities, and three servants. As the post- chaises drew up, the master of the inn returned me his thanks for my custom. The servants 1817. COURT OF LONDON. 19 also foifrned a line on each side of the entry, thanking us as we passed along. I am aware that this had all been paid for ; still there is a charm in civility. Money owing, says the moralist pf Tuseulanunij is not paid, and when paid is not owing; but he who pays gratitude possesses it, and he who possesses, pays it. So, civility for the small things of life is a species of gratitude which we like. We were soon out of Portsmouth, and went as far as Godalming that day, a distance of thirty-eight miles, over roads like a floor. I was surprised at the few houses along or near the road side. I had been full of the idea of the populousness of England, and although I must needs have supposed that this could not be the case in every spot, it had not occurred to me that along such a high road I should find the first and so remarkable an exception. We rarely met waggons, carriages, or vehicles of any sort, except stage-coaches. We did not see a single person on horseback. The stage-coaches illustrated what is said of the excellence of that mode of travelling in England. These, as they came swiftly down the hills or were met in full trot upon the plains, the horses fine, the harness bright, and the inside and out filled with passengers, not only men but women, crowding the tops, had a r 9. 20 RESIDENCE AT THE 1817. !l In If!! bold and picturesque appearance. The few peasants whom we saw were fully and warmly clad. They wore breeches, a heavy shoe, which, lacing over the ankle, made the foot look clumsy ; a linen frock over the coat, and stout leather gloves, which they kept on while working. They were generally robust men, short, and of fair complexions. We passed a waggon of great size. " It had no pole, but double shafts, with a horse in each, and a line of four horses before each shaft horse, making ten in all; of enormous size. Their tails were uncut, and the long shaggy hair hung about their pasterns. The waggon was loaded with bales pile upon pile, higher than I had ever seen. Our postilions called it the Portsmouth heavy waggon. We afterwards saw others of like size and construction, drawn by like horses, loaded with the produce of agriculture. Whilst the draft- horses were thus enormous and rough, and the stage-coach horses sleek and beautiful, our post- horses were small, gaunt, and unsightly, but with great capacity to go fast. I was looking for a favourable change in their appearance at every relay, without finding it. In good time I discovered that the principle of subdivision applied to horses, with as much strictness as to every thing else in England, there being every variety for work and luxury. I 1817. COURT OF LONDON. 21 In regard to population, I had subsequent opportunities of perceiving that there were other parts of England, and of greater extent, where it was much more thin than was generally the case from Portsmouth to Godalming. London, and a circuit of twenty miles round, give more than two millions of inhabitants; Yorkshire gives one million, and Lancashire about one million. Hence these three portions of territory, so small when compared with all England, embrace nearly one third of her population. This concentration in particular districts seems to have left others relatively bare. It is difficult to believe under such facts, whatever theories we meet with, that England is at present overpeopled. Her soil, it would seem, must be open to further meliorations, which, with improved systems of polidy and agriculture, and further means of internal communication, great as are already the latter, will in time not distant carry her population as far above what it now is, as it now exceeds what it was at the period of her early kings. If we take Holland as an example of successful industry and art, where a nation has been compelled to struggle against the disadvantages of a stinted soil, there are great portions of territory in England still like a desert, which after- ages may behold productive. s^vv If 22 RESIDENCE AT THE 1817. % At Godalming we lost our mocking-bird. We had brought it as a mark of remembrance from Mr. Crawford, formerly Minister of the United States in France, to Lady Auckland, for some kindnesses received from her in England. We nursed it with all care during the voyage. It drooped, however, at sea, and the night being cold at Godalming, it died. This bird is small, and has no beauty of plumage. Its notes are as melodious as the nightingale's, and of more variety; but I doubt if they can ever be drawn out in their full extent, and richness, except in its native climates. Mr. Fox, as wre learn in the introduction to his James IL, thought the notes of the nightingale sprightly rather than plaintive, and refers to the " Floure and Leafe " of Chaucer as showing him to have been of that opinion, when he speaks of its merry song. Mr. Fox even calls Theocritus to his aid, who makes the yellow nightingale " trill her minstrelsy" in notes responsive to the cheerful blackbird's. Could this British statesman, who in the midst of his graver pursuits was so alive to the beauties of poetry and nature, have heard the American mocking-bird warbling its wood notes wild, he would at one moment have been cheered by their sprightliness; the next, soothed by their melancholy. k2t m^sa&timtr'- - A- - -*4^fe _ 1817. COURT OF LONDON. 23 On the morning of the 21st we proceeded on our journey. Every thing now began to wear a different aspect. The change was more decided after passing Guildford, the county town of Surrey. We saw the traces of a more abundant population, and advanced state of husbandry. The season did not show the country in its best dress; but we were enabled to see more of it by the very absence of the foliage. Farms, and common dwellings, with fields beautifully divided, and enclosed ; country seats with lodges and stately gates of iron marking the entrance to them; lawns, fresh and verdant, though it was the winter solstice; parks and pleasure-grounds munificently enclosed; ancient trees in avenues," standing in copses, or shooting up among the hedges, with shrubbery tastefully arranged in gardens, and vines and flowers clustering about the houses, were among the objects that rose in succession as we passed along. We put frequent questions to the postilions, but they could tell us little. The eye was constantly occupied. None of us had ever before been in Europe. As we got nearer to London, indications multiplied of what had been effected by time, to fill up its vast environs. Unlike the approaches to Rome, some of which are said to be at the present day through partial desolation, all within our view grew more and IHIM f ^5^ 24 RESIDENCE AT THE 1817. « more instinct with life : until, at length, evening coming on, at first villages, then rows of buildings, and people, and twinkling lights, and all kinds of sound, gave token that the metropolis was close by. We entered it by Hyde Park Corner, passing through Piccadilly and Bond Street, beholding the moving crowds which now the town lights revealed. Another turn brought us into Conduit Street, where rooms had been engaged for our accommodation. In a little while we proceeded to the house of Ross Cuthbert, Esq. in Gloucester Place, a Canadian gentleman, married to one of my sisters, at whose hospitable table we dined: wrhere also it was my fortune to meet another sister, wife of Major Manners of the British army. •-!- M; i ' 1817* COURT OF LONDON. 25 CHAPTER III. FIRST INTERVIEW WITH LORD CASTLEREAGH. APPEARANCES' OF LONDON. FIRST December 22, 1817. I addressed a note to Lord Castlereagh, the English Secretary-of- state for Foreign Affairs, informing him of my arrival. I asked when I might have the honour of waiting on him. He immediately replied that he would be happy to see me at the Foreign-office, in Downing Street, to-morrow at four o'clock. December 23. Went to the Foreign-office. A sentry was walking before the door. I was admitted by a porter, and shown by a messenger into an ante-room. Another messenger conducted me up-stairs to Lord Castlereagh's apartinent. First salutations being over, I said that* should be happy to learn at what time I might have the honour of delivering to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent my letter of credence from the President, constituting 1 lilt W S&W 26 RESIDENCE AT THE 1817. me Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, at his Royal Highness's court. I handed his Lordship a copy of the letter. He replied, that the Prince % was at Brighton; that he himself was going there on the day following, expecting to be absent a week; that he did not know precisely when the Prince would leave Brighton, but was sure he would appoint an early day for receiving me, after he came to town. I said that his Royal Highness's pleasure on the occasion would be mine. His Lordship begged I would consider myself free to call upon him, immediately after his own return to town ; remarking that he would consider my reception by the Prince as having taken place, if there were any subjects I desired to broach beforehand. He added, that his wish would invariably be to give every facility to the transaction of business between us, in the hope of results satisfactory to both countries; for all which I thanked him. He also said that perhaps he might wish to converse with me on matters of business, before my formal reception. He made enquiries for Mr. Adams, my predecessor in the mission, and President Monroe, whom he had also known in England. He spoke of the prosperity of the United States, which he said he heard of with pleasure : remarking that 1817. COURT OF LONDON. the prosperity of one commercial nation contributed to that of others. His whole reception of me was very conciliatory. There was a simplicity in his manner, the best, and most attractive characteristic of a first interview. It lasted about twenty minutes. December 24. — Go through several parts of the town : Bond Street, Albemarle Street Berkeley Square, Piccadilly, St. James's Street and Park, Pall Mall, St. James's Square, the Strand, and a few others. Well-dressed persons, men and women, throng them. In the dresses of both, black predominates. It is nearly universal. This proceeds from the general mourning for the Princess Charlotte, late heiress apparent to the throne, who died in November. The roll of chariots, and carriages of all kinds, from two until past four, was incessant. In all directions they were in motion. It was like a show —the horses, the coachmen with triangular hats and tassels, the footmen with cockades and canes—it seemed as if nothing could exceed it all. Yet I was told that the sight in Hyde Park, any day in May or June, was more striking; and that if it happened to be on the same day with the Epsom or Ascot races, which keep the roads alive for ten miles with London carriages, a stranger misses none from the Park, Some- r^y^ay^.^ RESIDENCE AT THE 1817. times with this glitter of private equipages, you saw a stationary line of hacks, the worn- down horses eating out of nose-bags; and sometimes, at a slow, tugging walk, immense waggons, filled with coals, in black sacks, drawn by black horses, large, and shaggy, and fat, as those in the Portsmouth waggon. I am disappointed in the general exterior of the dwelling-houses. I had anticipated something better at the west end of the town; more symmetry ; buildings more by themselves, denoting the residences of the richest people in the richest city in Europe. But I do not yet see these. I see haberdashers' shops, poulterers' shops, the leaden stalls of fishmongers, and the slaughtering blocks of butchers, in the near vicinity of a nobleman's mansion and a king's palace. This may be necessary, or convenient, for the supplies of a capital too large to admit of one or more concentrated markets ; but the imagination at a distance pictures something different. Perhaps it is to give a hint of English liberty: if so, I will be the last to find fault. Being the day before Christmas, there was more display in the shops than usual. I did not get back until candle-light. The whole scene began to be illuminated. Altogether, what a scene it was ! the shops in the Strand and elsewhere, where every conceivable i- • il 1817. COURT OF LONDON. 29 article lay before you; and all made in England, which struck me the more, coming from a country where few things are made, however foreign commerce may send them to us ; then, the open squares, and gardens ; the parks with spacious walks ; the palisades of iron, or enclosures of solid wall, wherever enclosures were requisite ; the people ; the countless number of equipages, and fine horses; the gigantic draft horses;—what an aspect the whole exhibited ! what industry, what luxury, what infinite particulars, what an aggregate! The men were taller and straighter than the peasantry I had seen. The lineaments of a race descend like their language. The people I met, constantly reminded me of those of my own country—I caught the same expression—often it glided by in complete identity—my ear took in accents to which it was native—but I knew no one. It was like coming to another planet, familiar with voices and faces, yet encircled by strangers. December 31. The fog was so thick that the shops in Bond Street had lights at noon. I could not see people in the street from my windows. I am tempted to ask, how the English became great with so little daylight ? It seems not to come fully out until nine in the morning, and immediately after four it is gone. II ELM I u 30 RESIDENCE AT THE 1817. King Charles's saying of the English climate is often brought up; that it interrupts outdoor labour fewer days in *the year than any other. Did he remember the fogs, and how very short the day is, for labour, during a portion of the year ? 1818. COURT OF LONDON. 31 CHAPTER IV. 4* INTERVIEW WITH LORD CASTLEREAGH. — SLAVES CAR- RIED AWAY FROM THE UNITED STATES CONTRARY TO THE TREATY OF GHENT. — EQUALIZATION OF TONNAGE DUTIES. WEST INDIA TRADE. MEMBERS OF THE BRITISH AND AMERICAN CABINETS. January 3, 1818. Waited on Lord Castlereagh at eleven in the morning, at his private residence, St. James's Square. It was by his request, in a note received yesterday. I was shown into a room near the hall. Family portraits were on one side, books on another, and two white bull-dogs lying before the fire. Contradicting their looks, they proved good- natured. In a few minutes, a servant conducted me into a room adjoining, where I found Lord Castlereagh. He received me with his former courtesy, renewing his obliging inquiries for the health of my family after our winter's voyage, with the expression of a hope that the fogs of London had not alarmed us. i Mb BBSS RESIDENCE AT THE 1818. He informed me that he had been to Brighton, and delivered to the Prince Regent the copy of my letter of credence, vand that the Prince would receive me as soon as he came to town. In the mean time he had. his Royal Highness's commands to say, that I must look upon myself as already, in effect, accredited. He proceeded to say, that if there were any subjects of business I desired to mention, he would hear me. He remarked, that it had been his habit to treat of business with the foreign ministers in frank conversations; a course that saved time, and was in other ways preferable, as a general one, to official notes. He intimated his wish to do the same with me. I replied, that nothing could be more agreeable to me than to be placed upon that footing with him. The way being opened for business, I entered upon it. I said there were two subjects that my Government had charged me to bring to the notice of his Majesty's, without delay. The first had reference to the slaves carried off by the English ships from the United States at the close of the late war, in contravention, as we alleged, of the treaty of Ghent. This subject, already discussed between the two Governments without prospect of an agreement, was exciting, I remarked, an interest in -— — 1818. COURT OF LONDON. the United States, to be expected where the property and rights of a large class of their citizens were at stake. It had therefore been made my earliest duty to renew the proposition submitted to my Government, and believed to point to the best if not only mode of satisfactory settlement. The proposition was, that the question be referred to a third power to be chosen as umpire between the parties. This course was recommended by the example of provisions in the treaty of Ghent as to other subjects on which differences of opinion had existed between the two nations ; my Government therefore had the hope, that Great Britain would accede to it in this instance also. His Lordship said, that he had been much on the Continent, whilst the discussions on this subject were going forward, and inquired if we had precise information as to the number of slaves carried away. I replied, not in hand, but that it would be afforded at the proper time. He next asked, if their dispersed situation would not be an impediment to restitution. This was met by saying, that the owners would look to a pecuniary equivalent. Conversation was continued on the general question. In conclusion, he promised to keep it in mind. The next subject grew out of the commer- D WgWWgi ::-"_-:-! m RESIDENCE AT THE L818. cial convention between the two countries, of the 3rd of July 1815. This convention had established a reciprocity of duties and charges of all kinds, upon the vessels of the two nations in each other's ports. Its operation was, by its terms, to begin from the day of its date. The rule of reciprocity ought therefore to have attached, practically, at that time; instead of which, each nation continued for a while to levy the duties existing before the convention, and Great Britain had not yet abolished them all. My Government desired, I said, to carry back the operation of the convention to the day of its date, and was ready to give this rule effect by retrospective measures, hoping to find a corresponding disposition in his Majesty's Government. This subject being new to his Lordship, he gave no opinion upon it, but promised, as in the other case, to seek the necessary lights for forming one. I may state that, in the end, it was adjusted to the satisfaction of both nations. The foregoing being the only topics which it fell within my purpose to bring to his Lordship's notice at this time, he, in turn, drew my attention to a subject on which he desired information. It related to the four articles submitted by ====? 1818. COURT OF LONDON. 35 the British Government to my predecessor for partially opening the West India trade to the vessels of the United States. His Lordship wished to know, what probability there was of my Government agreeing to them. As this trade enters much into future negotiations between the two countries, the first mention of the subject calls for a succinct explanation of the general question. It stands thus, according to the statement on the side of the United States. They contend for a free intercourse in their vessels, with the British West India Islands, and British colonies on the continent of North America, whenever the trade to either is opened at all by Great Britain to their flag ; else, they say, that, by navigation acts of their own, they will be obliged to prohibit the trade altogether. The steady policy of England has been, to secure as large an employment as possible of her own tonnage, in carrying on her commerce with the rest of the world. Her celebrated navigation acts, commenced in Cromwell's time, and adhered to in principle ever since, whatever occasional departures there may have been from them in practice, have all had this end in view. They provided that the whole trade between England and the continents of Asia, Africa, and America, should be d 2 • ■m1'" - ■ RESIDENCE AT THE 1818. carried on in English ships, manned by English sailors. They also embraced regulations that placed the trade between England and the European nations upon nearly the same footing. It was against the previous monopoly of Dutch tonnage that these navigation acts were levelled. What more natural, than that other nations should be unwilling to witness the same monopoly in the tonnage of England, that she objected to in that of the Dutch ; \ more especially since the foreign and colonial dominions of the former, have swelled to an extent that could scarcely have been conceived in the time of Cromwell. The West India Islands being part of the British Empire, her right to interdict all trade between them and any foreign country, could not be denied ; and was not. As a general rule, she did interdict it. I speak of time anterior to this interview. But there were junctures when, to advance objects of her own, she would throw7 the trade open to the United States. When she did this, she confined it to her own ships, manned, as by law they must be, by her own sailors. What the United States claimed was, that, whenever the trade existed at all, it should be carried on in their vessels, manned by their sailors, as well as with the vessels and sailors of England. The trade once opened, the United riifiiififiiinl!liUPTii11rrniftliMiTiiP^^^^-*1^^'--J-"^^j,a- 1818. COURT OF LONDON. 37 States were parties to it; and thence urged their right to a voice in its regulation. This was their doctrine. It had been maintained since the days of President Washington. It contemplated no interference with the colonial rights, or monopoly of Britain. It left her at full liberty to prohibit the importation into her colonies of whatever articles she thought fit from the United States ; and in like manner to prohibit exportations. It only asked, that the commercial intercourse, of whatever nature it might be, that was once opened for her benefit, or that of both countries, should be placed upon a footing of equality as to the vessels and sailors of, both. This had lately been done in the trade between the United States and the European dominions of Britain, by the convention of July 1815. That convention itself, unless the reciprocity were extended to the West Indies, would give undue advantages to British vessels. The latter could sail under its enactments, from Liverpool to New York, for example, paying, in New York, none other than American duties. Thence, under the English colonial system, they could sail to the English West Indies, .and back again to England; making profit from this threefold operation. American vessels, on the other hand, were confined to the ' RESIDENCE AT THE 1818. direct track between New York and Liverpool. The British ship, as wras well expressed by a distinguished American senator, could sail on three sides of the triangle ; the American, only on one. Britain on her part alleged, that she had the right to regulate her trade between her colonies and the rest of the world in all respects as she saw fit. This she declared it was proper she should do, not only as regarded the commodities entering into the trade, but the vessels carrying them. She said, that to assent to the basis of reciprocity in her trade between these Islands and the United States, would give to the latter inherent advantages, owing to their proximity to the Islands. That she maintained the Islands at great expense for their civil governments and military establishments, and that on these grounds, as well as that of her general sovereignty over them, not only had the right, but held it necessary to her just interests, to employ, chiefly, if not exclusively, her own vessels and seamen in the trade whenever opened, no matter to what extent, or on what inducements. Such, briefly, was the Brmfeh doc- trine. It will come into view again. I will subjoin a brief commentary upon the original Navigation Act of England, as passed by the Commonwealth Parliament in 1652. It is by Jenkinson, from his work on treaties. 1818. COURT OF LONDON. 39 | Critics in commerce reason variously," says he, " on the benefits or disadvantages of this act. Those who argue in its disfavour, reason on the general principle of its being an error in politics to interrupt the free course of commerce by any kind of prohibitions whatsoever; which is generally true, and would be always so, could one be assured of constant universal amity. But as that is very far from being the case, the exception to the general rule in this case holds good, since nothing is more clear than that those who employ most ships will have most seamen, and consequently be best enabled to command the sea. It was but too evident by this short war, [Cromwell's with Holland,] how near a match for us the Dutch were, and continued so for some years after; and had not this act been made, would very probably before this time have been too potent for us, as they would have had the gross of the European seamen in their service ; so that the act, notwithstanding some inconveniences it might produce in point of commere, was a very happy thought in the making, and shows our judgment in its being continued." This celebrated act may be said to have changed the maritime condition of the world. It continues to this day to affect the legislar- tion of the United States. The four articles of which Lord Castlereagh P»*"».L_.- RESIDENCE AT THE 1818. spoke, reduced to their essence, may be described thus. The first extended to the United States the provisions of certain Free Port acts, as they were called, authorizing a trade in the articles which they enumerated, between certain specified ports of the British West Indies, and the colonies of European nations, in vessels having only one deck. The second made a special provision for the trade between the United States and the Island of Bermuda, in a larger list of articles, and without limiting the size of the vessel. The third allowed cotton and tobacco to be imported from the United States in their own vessels to Turks Island, and salt to be taken away from that island, also in their vessels. The fourth aimed at regulating the intercourse, though under many restrictions, between the United States and the British continental colonies in America, adjoining the dominions of the former. To his Lordship's inquiry as to the probability of my Government agreeing to these articles, I replied, " that the President, when I left Washington, had them under consideration ; but I owed it to candour to say, that there was little likelihood of their being accepted, so far did they fall short of the reciprocity desired." He afterwards inquired of what nature would be our counter projet, in the event 1818. COURT OF LONDON. of their rejection. I said, one that would open this trade fully, and above all give to British vessels no privileges of any kind whatever, direct or incidental, over the vessels of the United States. The latter were ready to grant, in their ports, to British vessels coming from the islands, all the privileges which their own vessels enjoyed; and could not be content with less to their vessels, in the ports of the islands. His Lordship here spoke generally of the colonial system of Britain. He said it was interwoven with her whole commercial code, and code of navigation ; and that she owed it to interests which she believed to be important in both connexions, to adhere to the system in the main, however willing to submit to occasional or partial relaxations. I rejoined, that, with whatever reluctance the United States would adopt the policy of closing the trade altogether, in the continued absence of the reciprocity for which they contended, they would at last be compelled to adopt it, in necessary justice to their own commercial and navigating interests. I referred him to some acts of Congress already passed with that intent. He wound up by remarking, that Britain, considering the nature of her colonial system, had no right to complain of measures of that character on the part of the United States, how- "a: TttfPTZT 42 RESIDENCE AT THE 1818. a '! i kItHi ever she might regret them ; nor would she- complain. She had maintained it so long, that she would find it difficult on that as well as other accounts, to change it. Such was the general outline of what fell from hirn^ Before I came awTay, he said, that the Christmas holidays had scattered the members of the cabinet; they were chiefly in the country; on the return of some of them to town he would avail himself of an early opportunity of enabling me to make their acquaintance by meeting them at dinner at his house. I will here give the names of those wTho composed the Cabinet. They were as follow:— The Earl of Liverpool, First Lord of the Treasury, and Prime Minister; Lord Eldon, Lord Chancellor ; the Earl of Harrowby, Lord President of the Council; the Earl of Westmoreland, Lord Privy Seal; Lord Sidmouth, Secre- tary-of-state for the Home department; Lord Castlereagh, Secretary-of-state for Foreign Affairs ; Earl Bathurst, Secretary-of-state for the Colonial department; Mr. Vansittart, Chancellor of the Exchequer; Lord Melville, First Lord of the Admiralty ; the Earl of Mulgrave, Master-general of the Ordnance ; Mr. Canning President of the Board of Controul for the Affairs of India; Mr. Wellesley Pole, "Master of the Mint; and Mr. C. B. Bathurst, Chan- !•'[ [fti B It. "SSSS^SSSm I 1818. COURT OF LONDON. 43 cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. These comprehended the whole list on my arrival in England. No other officers of the Government, however high in station, were then of the cabinet. The Secretary-of-war was not, nor the Attorney-general. The absence of the former I could not wrell explain, although the Colonial Secretary acted in the concerns of war at cabinet councils, seeing that the navy had a stated representative in those councils. Was not the army entitled to equal consideration ? I could even less explain the exclusion of the Attorney- general. No acts of government, in a free country, are independent of law. Hence, I should have inferred, that this officer would have been one of the/primary advisers of the Crown. I was aware of the high legal functions of the Lord Chancellor ; but in the complicated and daily workings of the machine of free government throughout a vast empire, I could still see room for the Attorney-general in the cabinet. During my residence of more than seven years at the English court, this administration remained unchanged. There were resignations that led to new appointments, and some transpositions. The Duke of Wellington was made Master-general of the Ordnance, on the resignation of Lord Mulgrave. Lord Sidmouth \\ i f : '• 4 \1 t RESIDENCE AT THE 1818. retired from the Home department, and was succeeded by Mr. Peel. Mr. Wellesley Pole gave up the Mastership of the Mint for a situation nearer the person of the King, and was created Lord Maryborough. Mr. C. B. Bathurst went out of the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster, into which Mr. Vansittart passed; the latter being also called to the peerage, under the title of Lord Bexley. Mr. Robinson, afterwards Lord Goderich, was appointed to Mr. Vansittart's place. Mr. Canning became Secretary-of-state for Foreign Affairs, on the death of Lord Castlereagh, which occurred soon after the latter succeeded to the title of Marquis of Londonderry. Mr. C. W. W. Wynn was made President of the Board of Controul in place of Mr. Canning. Mr. Wallace, afterwards Lord Wallace, became Master of the Mint; and Mr. Huskisspn, appointed President of the Board of Trade, was called to a seat in the cabinet, his office not having before been of that rank. None of the new appointments were understood to have grown out of want of concord in the body. The policy, as the premiership of Lord Liverpool, was maintained. He was placed in that post by the Prince Regent, in 1812. The age and infirmities ofthe reigning monarch I had led Parliament two years before to establish 1818. COURT OF LONDON. 45 a regency in the person of the Prince of Wales. The Regent found, and kept, Mr. Perceval at the head of affairs, until he perished by assassination. It was then that Lord Liverpool was called to the helm. History will view his administration as one of renown to England. In the exertions of Europe against Napoleon from 1812 to 1815, the part which she acted by her arms and resources is before the world. Both were directed by this ministry, until the achievement at Waterloo closed the momentous strug- gle. It was there that the Duke of Wellington, after numerous victories in India, in Portugal, in Spain, that had earned for him the reiterated thanks of Parliament and applauses of the nation, ascended to the pinnacle of military glory. One of the English ministers, on entering tire House of Commons, bearing in his hand the Treaties of Peace which the triumphant battles of this great commander had done so much towards securing, was enthusiastically cheered by all the members. It was a spontaneous burst of public joy. Party differences were forgotten in deeds so overpowering. The same minister —it was Lord Castlereagh—afterwards declared in one of his speeches, that the " British empire had twice dictated the Peace of Europe in the