i The Fur Hunters of the Far West J CE^e JUkfg i *%■% I he rur t rs of -i H - Ui ^0 s ' QTtl reI n »PTECE c a 01 3R F*.1-« W$t ilatogft? Classics; The Fur Hunters of the Far West EDITED WITH HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY MILO MILTON QUAIFE WITH FRONTISPIECE |The Lakeside Chicago IRRDONNELLEY &SONSCO-A + <&])Z %ahz$ibz $tt$$, Chicago R. R. DONNELLEY & SONS COMPANY CHRISTMAS, MCMXXIV publigtytttf preface IN continuing the narratives of Alexander Ross's Adventures, the publishers of the Lakeside Classics have no fear that the readers will lose interest. Other explorers and Indian traders in this region may have had more noteworthy or epoch-making experiences, but none could tell their story better than Ross. Last year's volume ended with the abandonment of the territory by the Pacific Fur Company and their selling out to the North West Company. Ross accepted employment with the new company and was given greater authority and this volume will tell how well he measured up to his increased responsibilities. The publishers are, perhaps, breaking the canons of the reprinting of historical books, in that they are not printing this volume complete. They realize that to the collectors of works on early American history, this will make the reprint of much less value, but the latter part of the narrative dealing with Ross's return to Winnipeg and his settlement there lacks general interest. The defense for leaving it out is that these volumes aim to publish matter not only of historical nature but of interest in itself to the general reader. $ufcli£f)erg> preface With the hopes that they have found subject matter that accomplishes this purpose, this volume goes forth with another season's good wishes of I THE PUBLISHERS. Christmas, 1924. vi Contents CHAPTER Historical Introduction Preface to the Original Edition . Introduction to the Original Edition i. Activities of the Year 1814 . . . ■ . 2. The End of the Old Order 3. McKenzie Returns to the Columbia . 4. The New System of Trade Inaugurated . 5. Affairs at She Whaps and among the Snakes 6. The Founding of Fort Nez Perces . 7. Occurrences among the Snakes and at Fort Nez Perc6s 8. The Great Snake Nation 9. Manners and Customs of the Far Northwest PAGE xi xix xxiii * 3 4i 62 104 130 161 204 238 275 vu J ^igtwf cal 9Introtiuct(on A YEAR ago in the Lakeside Classics was reprinted Alexander Ross's narrative of trade and adventure a century ago, entitled Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or Columbia River. That narrative dealt with the history of the famed Astorian enterprise, which laid the foundations of civilization on the banks of the great river of the American Northwest in the years from 1810 to 1813. In the present volume we reprint for the first time the same author's further narrative of the activities and adventures of the successors of the Astorians in the same region, the men of the famous North West Company, in the years from 1813 to 1822. To those who have read the Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon, the present volume calls for but little introduction. With the circumstances which led Ross to the Columbia, the schemes and misfortunes of the ill-fated Pacific Fur Company, and the quality and interest of Ross's narration of the events in which he bore an active part, they are already familiar; and few there are, we are persuaded, who have thus read the earlier volume, but will greet the present offering with pleasurable anticipation. XI i^ijGftorical ^ntztfiiuttim In one respect, however, The Fur Hunters of the Far West differs markedly from the Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon. The story of the Astorians has been frequently told, and Ross's account of it is but one of three original narratives by members of the expedition. For the'succeeding regime of the Northwesters on the Columbia, The Fur Hunters of the Far West supplies our only firsthand journal. This fact combines with the character of the author's writing to give the book a position of assured and permanent value in the early literature of the Far Northwest. As long as civilization shall endure in the valley of the Columbia, men of intelligence will continue to recur to this work for the information it presents concerning the activities of those faraway years in the history of the great commonwealths which have since developed in the Pacific Northwest. The Fur Hunters of the Far West was first published at London in two volumes in 1855. The first volume, which alone we here reprint, deals with the activities of the Northwesters from their advent in 1813 until their absorption by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1822. The second volume describes Ross's activities as an employee of the Hudson's Bay Company from the latter date until his withdrawal from the fur trade and the Northwest in 1825. The break between the two volumes is not less great than the break between the subject Xll I^igtorical ^ntrotmttxon matter of the First Settlers on the Oregon and that of the present volume, thus rendering the separate reprinting of the latter an entirely logical procedure. The reader who shall wish to follow farther the adventures of our author, therefore, must either procure a copy of the original edition or await the labors of some future historical editor. It is proper to observe, in conclusion, that in the present reprint, as in earlier volumes of the Lakeside Classics series, no effort has been made to reproduce the precise form of the original edition. I believe it presents, more closely than the original, the ideas and thought of the author; but punctuation, typography, chapter heads, and index, are to be ascribed to me. In some instances I have made slight textual Emendations which seemed obviously called for, and in many instances have shifted the incidence of sentence construction with the view of reproducing more clearly the evident thought of the author. IIB MlL0 M' QUAIFE. Detroit Public Library. xm -—— J THE FUR HUNTE OF THE TAR WEST; A narrative of ADVENTUEES IN THE OBEaON AND BOCKY MOUNTAINS. 1 BY ALEXANDER ROSS, AUTHOR OF " ADVENTURES OF THE FIRST SETTLERS ON THE OREGON OR COLUMBIA RIVER. >» IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON: SMITH, ELDER AND CO., 65, CORNHILL. 55. —— ^etifcattoti To Sir George Simpson Governor-in-Chief of Prince Rupert's Land XVU IN completing the narrative of my adventures, to whom can I so appropriately inscribe this portion of my work as to yourself, under whose auspices I acted during the last four years of my career, under whose command my closing journey was performed, whose kindness and courtesy I have experienced for many years, and to whose liberality I am indebted for a resting place in this the land of my adoption. When, upwards of thirty years ago, the imperial Parliament sanctioned a coalition of the rival companies of the North West and Hudson's Bay, requiring at the same time that the natives should be evangelized and civilized, it was under your auspices that the former arduous undertaking was accomplished, and the latter praiseworthy good work commenced. And now the Red River Academy, sending its light into the wilderness, and already furnishing students to the universities of England, Scotland, and Canada, is the monument of your zeal for the education of our youth. 2De&katton The churches of every denomination of Christians throughout the continent bear witness to your desire for the promotion of religious instruction, as well as the civilization of the native Indians. And lastly—not to omit material interests— 200 importers from England, with capital almost exclusively of colonial creation, evidence the rewards of agriculture, industry, and commercial enterprise under your fostering care. May it please you to accept the dedication of my work, And believe me to be, Sir, With sincere respect, Your most obliged and faithful servant, Alexander Ross. xvm ptttact to t^e (Original t flEDttion THE author of the following sheets has spent the last forty-four years of his life, without a single day's intermission, in the Indian territories of North America; the first fifteen years in the regions of Columbia, that farthest of the Far West; the remaining years in the Red River settlement, a spot more effectually cut off from the rest of the world than any other colony of the empire. Under these circumstances, if he has earned the doubtful advantage of enacting a tale of his own, he has enjoyed but scanty opportunities of adorning it. In 1849 the author published a narrative of his adventures, ending with the overthrow of the Pacific Fur Company,1 and the favorable reception of his labors induces him again to appear before the public with an account of his services in the great companies of his own country. His aim has been to exhibit realities: to relate facts as they have occurred; to 1 Alexander Ross, Adventures of the First Settlers on the Oregon or Columbia River. References to this work, throughout the present volume, are to the Lakeside Classics (Chicago, 1923) edition. xix Original preface impart to others at their quiet firesides the interest of a wild and adventurous life, without its toils, privations, and dangers; and to adhere always to the simple truth. As, then, these volumes range over a wider expanse of Indian territory than the former, so do they introduce new features of Indian life and manners. Regions unvisited, and now only partially explored, are portrayed as they appeared to the first civilized intruder in the wilderness, and the author has endeavored to give a description of the trapper's as well as the trader's life among the Indians, both being replete with adventures: for while the trader has an advantage in that he has something to give or to exchange, the very tools of the trapper's craft produce his trouble; the steel of his traps is precious metal to the Indian savage, with whom to plunder a white man is a virtue. Neither in this nor in the preceding volume has the author been content with a bare narration of his own personal adventures. He has not omitted to record any facts that came to his knowledge respecting the geography of the countries and the history of the settlements; and from the rapidity with which events follow each other in new countries, these memorials will soon become materials for a history of the Oregon. The Pacific Fur Company, the earliest pioneer of civilization on the Columbia, sur- XX Original $refa« XXI rendered to a British rival the fruits of three years' vigorous labor. The North West Company, its rival, whose commercial greatness was only equaled by its political importance, has passed away, after wielding for eight years a sovereignty from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. The Hudson's Bay Company, after ruling under higher authority, and for many more years than its rivals and predecessors, is now the taxed subject of a republic, which has arisen, as it were, from the ashes of the first of the three invaders of primeval barbarism. Under so many successive changes the aboriginal tribes, once so formidable, are fast melting away; the fur trade, the incentive to such great enterprises and brave deeds, has almost perished, and the plough is fast following the axe. Churches are already rising among villages, schools are multiplying, the hymn of peace has taken the place of the wild song of the savage, and soon all traces of the past will be in the memorials which the pen has preserved. In committing his work to the press, the author would say in conclusion, what he has .written is fact and not fiction: real wild life, not romance. Red River Settlement, Rupert's Land, June i, 1854. J —— 9IntroD«ction to t^e 0vicinal J Coition xxiu IN a work published by the writer a few years ago,2 he traced the history of the Pacific Fur Company, the first commercial association established on the waters of the Oregon or Columbia River, through all the windings of its short-lived existence: an association which promised so much, and accomplished so little; the boldness of the undertaking, and the unyielding energy displayed in the execution, rendered it deserving % |||l a better fate. But the vicissitudes of fortune, and an unbroken chain of adverse circumstances, from its commencement in 1810, continued till its premature downfall paved the way for a more successful rival in 1813, when the great Astor project, which had for its object the |j monopolization of all the fur trade on the con- If tinent, yielded to the North West Company. In the present work, we propose taking up the subject of Oregon and the Rocky Mountains, beginning with Astor's rival, the North West Company, from the time that it occupied the entire trade of the Oregon till its final overthrow by another rival, the Hudson's Bay Company, in 1821. 2 Ross, First Settlers on the Oregon. #riginal Stotrotmction This wide field of commercial enterprise fell into the lap of the North West Company almost without an effort; for misfortunes alone, over which man had no control, sealed the doom of unfortunate Astoria. The first ship, called the Tonquin, employed by the Astor Company, was cut off by the Indians on the Northwest Coast, and every soul on board massacred. The second, named the Beaver, was lost in unknown seas; and the third, called the Lark, was upset in a gale 250 miles from the Sandwich Islands, and became a total wreck; and to complete the catalogue of disasters, in 1812 war broke out between England and the United States.3 Let us take a passing glance at the negotiations between the late Pacific Fur Company and the North West Company, which were as follows. The whole of the goods belonging to the former were delivered over to the latter at ten per cent on cost and charges. The furs on hand were valued at so much per skin. Thus, the whole sales amounted to $80,500, and bills of exchange, negotiable in Canada, were accepted in payment thereof. At the same time, the name of Astoria, the great depot of the Astor Company, situated at the mouth of the Columbia, was changed to Fort George. 3 The opening pages of the present narrative constitute a resume of matters which are described in the author's First Settlers on the Oregon. xxiv Original ^ntrotiuction The above transactions, which changed the aspect of affairs on the Oregon, took place on the sixteenth of October, 1813. The earliest notice of any adventurer traversing these regions is that of Mr. Samuel Hearne, an officer in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company, during the years 1769 and 1772. In his third and last expedition he started from Fort Prince of Wales in 1770 and reached the mouth of the Copper Mine River on the seventeenth of July in the following year.4 The ice was then just beginning to break up round the shores of the Frozen Ocean. We need scarcely mention that Mr. Hearne was here far within the Arctic Circle, where the sun never sets at that season of the year. The next instance we have on record is that of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, a partner of the North West Company, who, in the year 1789, performed his first expedition of discovery across the continent, from Montreal to the Hyperborean Sea, and again in 1793 t° the Pacific Ocean.5 This enterprising adventurer did much to develop the inland resources of the country, and was personally known to the writer. 4 Hearne's journals of his Arctic explorations, edited by J. B. Tyrrell, were published by the Champlain Society at Toronto in 1911. For a good secondary account of Hearne's expedition see Stephen Leacock, Adventurers of the Far North (Toronto, 1914), Chap. II. 5 The expeditions of Mackenzie here alluded to were described by the explorer in a narrative published in 1801. .1 xxy (Original Storofcuttion In the early part of the present century Fraser and Stuart, also two partners of the North West Company, crossed the continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific, still farther south than their predecessors.6 One of the great streams of the Far West still bears the name of Fraser's River, as a tribute to the memory of the first discoverer. A somewhat curious anecdote is told of this expedition. On reaching the Pacific, the Indians put on a bold and threatening aspect. The party had a small field-piece with them, and to relieve the anxiety of the moment, by frightening the savages, the piece was loaded and fired off into the middle of the crowd; but it is hard to say which party were most frightened by the discharge, for the gun burst and was blown to atoms. Yet, strange as it may appear, no person was either killed or wounded by the accident. The momentary surprise, however, gave time to the party to shift their quarters, and make good their retreat. Indeed, to the spirit of enterprise diffused among the fur traders, from the earliest days of the French down to the present time, we owe almost all that we know of these savage 6 Simon Fraser and John Stuart of the North West Fur Company, supposing the Fraser River to be the Columbia, descended the former stream to the seacoast in the spring of 1808. For an account of this and other early explorations of the Canadian Northwest see Agnes C. Laut, Pioneers of the Pacific Coast (Toronto, 1915). XXVI Original introduction wilds, yet with all their zeal and enterprise in the pursuit of game they were always tardy in giving what they did know to the world; not so much from selfish motives to conceal the truth, as from the difficulty, in many instances, of getting that truth made public. So far, then, the North has been more favored than the Far West, for no white man had as yet visited the Columbia to any extent; if we except Vancouver's survey of its entrance, in 1792, and the transitory visit of Lewis and Clark in 1805, the writer himself and his associates were the first explorers of that distant quarter. The North West Company, originally incorporated in the year 1787, had by their accession of territory an unlimited range from the Atlantic to the Pacific. They ruled from sea to sea, and as it became necessary to occupy the stations received from the Astor Company, they offered engagements to some of the partners, but not upon the same advantageous terms as they granted to their own people on the east side of the mountains; nor did they hold out the same prospects of promotion to those who joined them on the west, and especially to those branded with the epithet " Yankee." Being, however, disappointed by the failure of the Astor concern, I refused to enter the service of the North West Company on any other condition than that which included promotion, and as I was xxvii J Original introduction the only one that acted on this principle, they met my views and we came to terms; so I became a Northwester. My promotion was guaranteed to take place in 1822, by a written document signed at headquarters; while, in the meantime, I was appointed to the northern district, which, being a titled charge* was, of itself, a step towards preferment. But here we must explain what is meant by a " titled charge"; according to North West nomenclature, clerks have charge of posts, bourgeois of districts, and the ambition of the clerk is, naturally, to become a bourgeois. The first step the Northwesters took, after inheriting their new acquisition, was to dispatch two of their partners and twenty of their men in two boats to convey the gratifying news to Fort William, the chief depot of their inland trade on Lake Superior. Everything was done to dissuade Messrs. Keith and Alexander Stuart from undertaking so perilous an adventure with so few men, but to no purpose. They made light of the matter, giving us to understand that they were Northwesters! "We are strong enough," said they, " to go through any part of the country." Full of confidence in themselves, they derided the danger, as they did our counsel. The journey began, and all went on well enough till they arrived at the portage of the Cascades, the first impediment in ascending the river, distant 180 miles from Fort George. XXVHl Original ^Pntrotmction XXIX If Here the Indians collected in great numbers, as usual, but did not attempt anything until the people had got involved and dispersed in the portage; they then seized the opportunity, drew their bows, brandished their lances, and pounced upon the gun-cases, powder-kegs, and bales of goods, at the place where Mr. Stuart was stationed. He tried to defend his post, but owing to the wet weather his gun missed fire several times, and before any assistance could reach him, he had received three arrows. His gun had just fallen from his hand as a half-breed, named Finlay, came up and shot his assailant dead. By this time the people concentrated, and the Indians fled to their strongholds behind the rocks and trees. To save the property in this moment of alarm and confusion was impossible; to save themselves, and carry off Mr. Stuart, was the first consideration. They therefore made for their canoes with all haste, and embarked. Here it was found that one man was missing, and Mr. Keith, who was still on shore, urged the party strongly to wait a little; but the people in the canoes called on Mr. Keith, in a tone of despair, to jump into the canoe, or else they would push off and leave him also. Being a resolute man, and not easily intimidated, he immediately cocked his gun and threatened to shoot the first man that moved. Mr. Stuart, who was faint from loss of blood, seeing Mr. Keith determined and the men alarmed, Original Storoimction beckoned to Mr. Keith to embark. The moment he jumped into the canoe they pushed off and shot down the current. During this time Mr. Stuart suffered severely and was very low, as his wounds could not then be examined; when this was done, they discovered that the barbs of the arrows were of iron, and one of them had struck on a stone pipe which he carried in his waistcoat pocket, to which fortunate circumstance he, perhaps, owed his life. The chief object of this expedition has been noticed, but there was another which we shall just mention. A party of six men, under a Mr. Reed, had been fitted out by the Astor Company for the Snake country the year before, of which hitherto there had been no tidings. A part of the present expedition was to have gone in search of them. The unfortunate affair at the Cascades, however, put an end to the matter, and taught the Northwesters that the lads of the Cascades did not respect their feathers. Thus terminated the first adventure of the North West Company on the Columbia. It was afterwards discovered that Mr. Reed and his party were all murdered by the Indians. This disaster set the whole North West machinery at Fort George in motion. Revenge for the insult and a heavy retribution on the heads of the whole Cathleyacheyach nation was decreed in a full council, and for a whole XXX Original introduction week nothing was to be heard about the place but the clang of arms and the din of war. Every man worth naming was armed, and besides the ordinary arms and accouterments, two great guns, six swivels, cutlasses, hand- grenades, and handcuffs, with ten days' provisions, were embarked; in short, all the weapons and missiles that could be brought into action were collected and put in train for destroying the Indians of the Cascades, root and branch. Eighty-five picked men and two Chinook interpreters, under six chosen leaders, were enrolled in the expedition. The command of it was tendered to Mr. McKenzie, who, however, very prudently declined, merely observing that, as he was on the eve of leaving the country, he did not wish to mix himself up with North West affairs, but that he would cheerfully go as a volunteer. The command then devolved on Mr. McTavish, and on the twentieth of January, with buoyant hearts and flags flying, a fleet of ten sail conveyed the men to the field of action. On the third day they arrived safely and cast anchor at Strawberry Island, near the foot of the rapids. On their way up, the name of this formidable armament struck such terror into the marauders along the river that they fled to the fastnesses and hiding-places of the wilderness; even the two Chinook interpreters could neither sleep nor eat, so grieved were they at the xxxi j Original S^ntroUuction thoughts of the bloody scenes that were soon to be enacted. On the next morning after the expedition came to anchor, the Indians were summoned to appear and give an account of their late conduct, and were required, if they wished for mercy, to deliver up at once all the property plundered from the expedition of Messrs. Keith and Stuart. The Cathleyacheyach chiefs, not the least intimidated by the hostile array before them, sent back an answer, "The whites have killed two of our people; let them deliver up the murderers to us, and we will deliver to them all the property in our possession." After returning this answer, the Indians sent off all their wives and children into the thick woods; then, arming themselves, they took their stand behind the trees and rocks. McTavish then sent the interpreters to invite them to a parley, and to smoke the pipe of peace. The Indians returned for answer, that when the whites had paid according to Indian law for the two men they had killed, they would smoke the pipe of peace, but not till then. Their wives and children were safe, and as for themselves they were prepared for the worst. Thus little progress was made during the first day. The next day the interpreters were sent to sound them again. Towards noon a few stragglers and slaves approached the.camp and delivered up a small parcel of cloth and xxxii XXX111 Original ^trotiuction cotton, torn into pieces and scarcely worth picking up, with a message from the chiefs: I We have sent you some of the property; deliver us up the murderers, and we will send the rest." Some were for hanging up the Indians at once, others for detaining them. At length it was resolved to let them go. In the evening two of the principal chiefs surrendered themselves to McTavish, bringing also a small parcel of odds and ends, little better than the last. Being interrogated as to the stolen property, they denied being present at the time, and had cunning enough to make their innocence appear, and also to convince McTavish that they were using their utmost influence to bring the Indians to terms and deliver up the property. A council was then held to decide on the fate of the prisoners. Some were, as in the former case, for hanging them up; others jil for taking them down to Fort George in irons. The council was divided, and at last it was resolved to treat the prisoners liberally and let them go. They never returned again, and thus ended the negotiations of the second day. The third day the interpreters were at work again, but instead of making any favorable impression on the Indians, they were told that if they returned again without delivering up the murderers they would be fired upon. During this day the Indians came once or twice out to the edge of the woods. Some were for firing the great guns where they were seen ——=———■■■-■■— J Original ^trotiuction in the largest numbers; others, more ardent, but less calculating, were for storming their haunts, and bringing the matter to a speedy issue. Every movement of the whites was seen by the Indians, but not a movement of the Indians could be discerned by the whites, and the day passed away without any result. Next morning it was discovered that some of the Indians, lurking about, had entered the camp and carried off two guns, a kettle, and one of the men's bonnets. The Indians were seen occasionally flying from place to place, now and then whooping and yelling, as if some plan of attack were in contemplation. This was a new symptom, and convinced the whites that they were getting more bold and daring in proportion as their opponents were passive and undecided. These circumstances made the whites reflect on their own position. The savages, sheltered behind the trees and rocks, might cut them all off without being seen, and it was intimated by the interpreters that the Indians might all this time be increasing their numbers by foreign auxiliaries. Whether true or false, the suggestion had its effect in determining the whites that they stood upon dangerous ground, and that the sooner they left it the better. They, therefore, without recovering the property, firing a gun, or securing a single prisoner, sounded a retreat and returned home on the ninth day, having made matters ten times worse than they were before. XXXIV Original Stottofcuction xxxv This warlike expedition was turned into ridicule by the Cathleyacheyachs, and had a very bad effect on the Indians generally. On their way back, some were so ashamed that they turned off towards the Wallamitte to hide their disgrace, others remained for some days at the Cowlitz, and McTavish himself reached Fort George in the night; and thus ended this inglorious expedition. It ought to be observed that the nature of the ground along the Cascades on both sides of the river is such as to afford no position secure from attack or surprise, and it showed a manifest want of judgment in an Indian trader to expose his people ill such a dangerous situation, where the Indians might have waylaid and cut them off to a man, and that without quitting their fastnesses; whereas the whole difficulty might have been easily obviated by a very simple stratagem on the part of the whites, who might have quietly secured three or four of the principal men as hostages, which would have soon settled the whole affair, without noise or any warlike demonstration. The Northwesters were prone to find fault with the acts of their predecessors; yet, with all this fault-finding, they had not laid down any system or plan to guide their future operations, either with respect to the coast or inland trade. This appeared inexplicable to us, and we waited in anxious expectation to see what time would bring forth. m (Original introduction One day, as I was musing over affairs, Mr. McDonald,7 called the "Bras-croche," the gentleman in charge of the Columbia, called me into his room, and after some trivial observations, said, "Well, I suppose you have heard that I intend to leave the country this spring?" "No," replied I, "I have heard nothing of it." "But," resumed he, "you will have heard that the spring brigade is to leave in a few days for the interior." "Oh, yes," said I, "I have heard of that." "Yes," continued he, "we intend to start .in a few days, and I shall leave the country. I could have wished to have some settled plan for carrying on the Columbia fcrade, but there are so many conflicting opinions on that subject, that we have not been able to come to any decision, so that I fear the trade must go on the best way that it can, for this year yet." "Then," said I, "you do not approve of the system we have been following (meaning the Americans); it appeared to me to work very well." He shook his head and smiled, but said nothing. Then suddenly turning to the subject of the voyage, he said, "Will there be any danger in getting along? Our party will be strong." Mr. McDonald, having come out by sea, had never ascended or descended the waters of the Columbia. "A strong party, with the 7 John McDonald, the " Crooked-arm," a partner of the North West Company, for sketch of whom see First Settlers on the Oregon, 2 78. xxxvi I Original ^ntrotmction usual precautions," said I, "will carry you through with safety; compared with former years the voyage is mere holiday work." At the words "usual precautions," he smiled. "Do you think," he asked, "that Northwesters do not know, as well as the Americans, how to travel among Indians?" "The Northwesters," observed I, "know how to travel among the Indians of Athabasca and the North, but the Americans know better than Northwesters how to travel among the Indians of Columbia." Continuing the subject, he remarked, "The Indians along the communication must be taught to respect the whites; the rascals have not been well broken in. You will soon see a specimen of our mode of traveling among Indians, and what effect it will produce." "Well, I shall be glad to see it," said I; "but I hope it will not be such a specimen as was exhibited at the Cascades, nor produce the same results." On my mentioning the word " Cascades," his cheeks reddened, and he appeared somewhat nettled, but recollecting himself, he changed the subject, and put the question, "Where are the worst Indians along the route?" To this I replied that the worst Indians were those at the Dalles, called Wyampams or gamblers, some sixty miles beyond the Cascades; but with a strong party and good night-watch there would be nothing to fear. He next inquired, how far the Americans had penetrated to the north. xxxvn (Original StotroUuction "To the island of Sitka," was my reply. "And how far to the south?" inquired he again. "To the frontiers of California," I answered. He then asked if we had been as far east as the Rocky Mountains. To which I answered that we had, and crossed them too. "The Americans," he remarked, "have been very enterprising." "We are called Americans," said I, "but there were very few Americans among us—we were all Scotchmen like yourselves. I do not mean that we were the more enterprising for that." On the subject of traveling, he next inquired if we invariably used horses. I told him that no horses were used along the coast, that the natives kept none, nor would the thick forests admit of their being used, but that throughout the interior all journeys were performed on horseback. "You must," continued he, "have traveled over a great part of the country." "Yes, we did," I replied; "it has often been remarked that before we were a year on the Columbia we had traveled, in various directions, more than ten thousand miles." "That is a reproach to us," said he, "for we have been here upwards of six months and, with but one exception, have scarcely been six miles from our fort gates." He then asked me what I thought of the manner in which the Americans carried on the trade with the Indians. "I always admired it," answered I; "they treated them kindly, traded honestly, xxxviii Original ^ntrotmctton XXXIX and never introduced spirituous liquors among them." "Ha!" he exclaimed; but was it not a losing business?" I admitted that it was, and added, Astor's underhand policy, and the war breaking out at the time it did, ruined all. "But," I remarked, "the country is rich in valuable furs, and the North West will now inherit those riches." "Time will tell," was his only answer. After alluding briefly to our trials, hardships, and experience on the Columbia, "Well," said he, "I suppose we shall have to do the best we can, as you did, for this year at least, and follow the system pursued by the Americans." He then requested me to make out an estimate of men and goods for the different posts of the interior. The Fur Hunters of the Far West £ Chapter i ACTIVITIES OF THE YEAR 1814 ON the sixth day after my conversation with Mr. McDonald the brigade took its departure for the interior. It was the first grand movement of the North West Company on the Columbia. On this occasion 124 men started, exclusive of the people of the late Astor Company who were on their way to Canada by land. The whole embarked in a squadron of fourteen boats. The papers, bills, and other documents belonging to the American adventurers were put in the possession of our respected friend, Donald McKenzie Esq., in order to be delivered to Mr. Astor at New York, and along with the party was the Company's express for headquarters. The whole left Fort George under a salute, with flags flying. On passing the friendly Cathleyacheyachs they did not so much as come and shake hands with us, nor welcome our arrival, but kept at a distance; so we passed without the least interruption, and all went on smoothly till we reached the Dalles, that noted haunt of Indian pillagers. There we had to put up and encamp for the night, but the usual camp regulations were neglected. No importance aiejeaufccr Jf5o$ef whatever was attached to the two little words, "usual precautions," which I had so emphatically mentioned to Mr. McDonald. Such things were now looked upon as a useless relic of " Yankeeism," therefore no night-watch was set, and all hands went to sleep. It was not long before a voice called out, "To arms, to arms! the camp is surrounded!" In the turmoil and confusion that ensued, everyone firing off his gun at random as he got up. One of our own men, a Creole of the South, was shot dead, and his life purchased us a lesson against another time. If any Indians were actually about our camp, they must have scampered off instantly and unperceived, which they could easily have done, for none were to be seen when the confusion was over, nor was it ever known who gave the fatal alarm. From Creole encampment we reached the Forks, 160 miles beyond the Dalles. This is another great rendezvous for Indians, but we passed it quietly without interruption. Thence we proceeded on to Fort Okanogan, 200 miles above the Forks, without accident or hindrance; always careful, however, to remember the "usual precautions," by setting a night watch. On arriving at this place the different parties separated for their respective wintering grounds, and here the Fort William express and our friends for Canada bade us adieu and continued their journey. We shall fur i^unterg of t&e far Wt$t now leave the affairs of the voyage and take up the subject of horses and inland transportation. On reaching Okanogan everything was at a dead stand for w$nt of pack horses to transport the goods inland, and as no horses were to be got nearer than the Eyakema Valley, some 200 miles southwest, it was resolved to proceed thither in quest of a supply. At that place all the Indians were rich in horses. The Cayouses, the Nez Perces, and other warlike tribes, assemble every spring in the Eyakemas to lay in a stock of the favorite Kamass and Pelua, or sweet potatoes, held in high estimation as articles of food among the natives. There, also, the Indians hold their councils, and settle the affairs of peace or war for the year. It is, therefore, the great national rendezvous, where thousands meet, and on such occasions horses can be got in almost any number, but owing to the vast concourse of mixed tribes there is always more or less risk attending the undertaking. To this place I had been once before during the days of the Pacific Fur Company, so it fell to my lot again, although it was well known that the fatal disasters which more than once took place between those tribes and the whites would not have diminished, but rather increased, the danger. Yet there was no alternative, I must go. So I set off with a small bundle of trading articles and l\ &lejcan&er *Io$gs only three men, Mr. Thomas McKay, a young clerk, and two French Canadians, and as no more men could be spared the two latter took their wives along with them to aid in driving the horses, for women in these parts are as expert as men on horseback. On the fourth night after leaving Okanogan, Sopa, a friendly neighboring chief of the Pisscows tribe, on learning that we were on our way to the Eyakemas, dispatched two of his men to warn us of our danger and bring us back. The zealous couriers reached our camp late in the night. My men were fast asleep, but there was no sleep for me. I was too anxious, and heard their approach. I watched their motions for some time with my gun in my hand, till they called out in their own language, "Samah! Samah! Pedcousm, ped- cousm—White men, white men, turn back, turn back, you are all dead men!" It was, however, of no use, for we must go at all hazard. I had risked my life there for the Americans, I could not now do less for the North West Company. So with deep regret the friendly couriers left us and returned, and with no less reluctance we proceeded. The second day after our friends left us we entered the Eyakema Valley—"the beautiful Eyake- ma Valley"—so called by the whites. But on the present occasion there was nothing either beautiful or interesting to us, for we had scarcely advanced three miles when a camp of fur ^unter£ of tl>e far We$t the true Mameluke style presented itself; a camp of which we could see the beginning but not the end! It could not have contained less than 3,000 men, exclusive of women and children, and treble that number of horses. It was a grand and imposing sight in the wilderness, covering more than six miles in every direction. Councils, root-gathering, hunting, horse-racing, foot-racing, gambling, singing, dancing, drumming, yelling, and a thousand other things which I cannot mention, were going on around us. The din of men, the noise of women, the screaming of children, the tramping of horses, and howling of dogs, was more than can well be described. Let the reader picture to himself a great city in an uproar—it will afford some idea of our position. In an Indian camp you see life without disguise—the feelings, the passions, the propensities, as they ebb and flow in the savage breast. In this field of savage glory all was motion and commotion. We advanced through groups of men and bands of horses till we reached the very center of the camp, and there the sight of the chiefs' tents admonished us to dismount and pay them our respects, as we depended on them for our protection. Our reception was cool. The chiefs were hostile and sullen. They saluted us in no very flattering accents. "These are the men," said they, "who kill our relations, the people I! Sltonber $0*$$ who have caused us to mourn." And here, for the first time, I regretted we had not taken advice in time and returned with the couriers, for the general aspect of things was against us. It was evident we stood on slippery ground: we felt our weakness. In all sudden and unexpected rencounter with hostile Indians the first impulse is generally a tremor or sensation of fear, but that soon wears off. It was so with myself at this moment, for after a short interval I nerved myself to encounter the worst. The moment we dismounted we were surrounded, and the savages, giving two or three war whoops and yells, drove the animals we had ridden out of our sight. This of itself was a hostile movement. We had to judge from appearances, and be guided by circumstances. My first care was to try and direct their attention to something new, and to get rid of the temptation there was to dispose of my goods; so without a moment's delay I commenced a trade in horses, but every horse I bought during that and the following day, as well as those we had brought with us, were instantly driven out of sight, in the midst of yelling and jeering. Nevertheless, I continued to trade while an article remained, putting the best face on things I could and taking no notice of their conduct, as no insult or violence had as yet been offered to ourselves personally. Two days and nights had now elapsed since our 8 L fur i^unterg of tlje far Wt$t arrival, without food or sleep; the Indians refused us the former, our own anxiety deprived us of the latter. During the third day I discovered that the two women were to have been either killed or taken from us and made slaves. So surrounded were we for miles on every side, that we could not stir unobserved; yet we had to devise some means for their escape, and to get them clear of the camp was a task of no ordinary difficulty and danger. In this critical conjuncture, however, something had to be done, and that without delay. One of them had a child at the breast, which increased the difficulty. To attempt sending them back by the road they came would have been sacrificing them. To attempt an unknown path through the rugged mountains, however doubtful the issue, appeared the only prospect that held out a glimpse of hope; therefore, to this mode of escape I directed their, attention. As soon as it was dark they set out on their forlorn adventure, without food, guide, or protection, to make their way home under a kind Providence ! "You are to proceed," said I to them, "due north, cross the mountains, and keep in that direction till you fall on the Pisscows River. Take the first canoe you find, and proceed with all diligence down to the mouth of it, and there await our arrival. But if we are not there on the fourth day, you may proceed to J &lejran&er J£o££ Okanogan, and tell your story." With these instructions we parted, and with but little hopes of our ever meeting again. I had no sooner set about getting the women off, than the husbands expressed a wish to accompany them. The desire was natural, yet I had to oppose it. This state of things distracted my attention. My eyes had now to be on my own people as well as on the Indians, as I was apprehensive they would desert. "There is no hope for the women by going alone," said the husbands, "no hope for us by remaining here; we might as well be killed in the attempt to escape, as remain to be killed here." "No," said I, "by remaining here we do our duty; by going, we should be deserting our duty." To this remonstrance they made no reply. The Indians soon perceived that they had been outwitted. They turned over our baggage, and searched in every hole and corner. Disappointment creates ill-humor; it was so with the Indians. They took the men's guns out of their hands, fired them off at their feet, and * then, with savage laughter, laid them down again; took their hats off their heads, and after strutting about with these for some time, jeeringly gave them back to their owners. All this time they never interfered with me, but I felt that every insult offered to my men was an indirect insult offered to myself. The day after the women went off I ordered one of the men to try and cook something for 10 fur l^unterg of tlje far Wt$t us, for hitherto we had eaten nothing since our arrival except a few raw roots which we managed to get unobserved. But the kettle was no sooner on the fire than five or six spears bore off, in savage triumph, the contents. They even emptied out the water, and threw the kettle on one side; and this was no sooner done than thirty or forty ill-favored wretches fired a volley in the embers before us, which caused a cloud of smoke and ashes to ascend, darkening the air around us—a strong hint not to put the kettle any more on the fire, and we took it. At this time the man who had put the kettle on the fire took the knife with which he had cut the venison to lay it by, when one of the Indians called Eyacktana, a bold and turbulent chief, snatched it out of his hand; the man, in an angry tone, demanded his knife, saying to me, "I'll have my knife from the villain, life or death." "No," said I. The chief, seeing the man angry, threw down his robe, and grasping the knife in his fist, with the point downwards, raised his arm, making a motion in advance as if he intended using it. The crisis had now arrived! At this moment there was a dead silence. The Indians were flocking in from all quarters; a dense crowd surrounded us. Not a moment was to be lost. Delay would be fatal, and nothing now seemed to remain for us but to sell our lives as dearly as possible. With this impression, grasping a n ^lejcanticr &o££ pistol, I advanced a step towards the villain who held the knife, with the full determination of putting an end to his career before any of us should fall; but while in the act of lifting my foot and moving my arm, a second idea flashed across my mind, admonishing me to soothe, and not provoke, the Indians, that Providence might yet make a way for us to escape. This thought saved the Indian's life; and ours too. Instead of drawing the pistol, as I intended, I took a knife from my belt, such as travelers generally use in this country, and presented it to him saying, "Here, my friend, is a chief's knife; I give it to you. That is not a chief's knife; give it back to the man." Fortunately, he took mine in his hand, but, still sullen and savage, he said nothing. The moment was a critical one; our fate hung as by a thread. I shall never forget it! All the bystanders had their eyes now fixed on the chief, thoughtful and silent as he stood. We also stood motionless, not knowing what a moment might bring forth. At last the savage handed the man his knife, and turning mine round and round for some time in his hands, turned to his people, holding up the knife in his hand, exclaimed, "She-augh Me-yokat Waltz—Look, my friends, at the chief's knife." These words he repeated over and over again. He was delighted. The Indians flocked round him; all admired the toy, and in the excess of his joy he harangued the multitude in our 12 fur ^unta# of tfte fat Wt$t 13 favor. Fickle, indeed, are savages! They were now no longer enemies, but friends! Several others, following Eyacktana's example, harangued in turn, all in favor of the whites. This done, the great men squatted themselves down, the pipe of peace was called for, and while it was going round and round the smoking circle, I gave each of the principal chiefs a small paper-cased looking-glass and a little vermilion as a present, and in return they presented me with two horses and twelve beavers, while the women soon brought us a variety of eatables. This sudden change regulated my movements. Indeed, I might say the battle was won. I now made a speech to them in turn, 11 and, as many of them understood the language I spoke, I asked them what I should say to the great white chief when I got home. When he asks me, "where are all the horses I bought from you," what shall I say to him. At this question it was easy to see that their pride was touched. "Tell him," said Eyacktana, "that II we have but one mouth and one word. All the J | horses you have bought from us are yours; they shall be delivered up." This was just what I wanted. After a little counseling among themselves, Eyacktana was the first to speak, and he undertook to see them collected. By this time it was sundown. The chief then mounted his horse and desired me to mount mine and accompany him, telling one of his sons to take my men and property under &lej;an&er ftog£ his charge till our return. Being acquainted with Indian habits, I knew there would be repeated calls upon my purse, so I put some trinkets into my pocket and we started on our nocturnal adventure, which I considered hazardous, but not hopeless. Such a night we had! The chief harangued, traveled, and harangued the whole night; the people replied. We visited every street, alley, hole, and corner of the camp, which we traversed lengthway, crossway, east, west, south, and north, going from group to group, and the call was, "Deliver up the horses." Here was gambling, there scalp-dancing; laughter in one place, mourning in another. Crowds were passing to and fro, whooping, yelling, dancing, drumming, singing. Men, women, and children were huddled together; flags flying, horses neighing, dogs howling, chained bears, tied wolves, grunting and growling, all pell-mell among the tents; and, to complete the confusion, the night was dark. At the end of each harangue the chief would approach me and whisper in my ear, " She-augh tamtay enim—I have spoken well in your favor"— a hint for me to reward his zeal by giving him something. This was repeated constantly, and I gave him each time a string of beads, or two buttons, or two rings. I often thought he repeated his harangues more frequently than was necessary, but it answered his purpose, and I had no choice but to obey and pay. 14 15 fur ^untcrg of tl>e far Wt$t At daylight we got back. My people and property were safe, and in two hours after, my eighty-five horses were delivered up and in our possession. I was now convinced of the chief's influence, and had got so well into his good graces with my beads, buttons, and rings that I hoped we were out of all our troubles. Our business being done, I ordered my men to tie up and prepare for home, which was glad tidings to them. With all this favorable change, we were much embarrassed and annoyed in our preparations to start. The savages interrupted us every moment. They jeered the men, frightened the horses, and kept handling, snapping, and firing off our guns, asking for this, that, and the other thing. The men's hats, pipes, belts, and knives were constantly in their hands. They wished to see everything, and everything they saw they wished to get, even to the buttons on their clothes. Their teasing curiosity had no bounds, and every delay increased our difficulties. Our patience was put to the test a thousand times, but at last we got ready and my men started. To amuse the Indians, however, till they could get fairly off, I invited the chiefs to a parley, which I put a stop to as soon as I thought the men and horses had got clear of the camp. I then prepared to follow them, when a new difficulty arose. In the hurry and bustle of starting, my people had left a restive, awkward brute of a horse for me, &lejtanfcer M*$$ wild as a deer, and as full of latent tricks as he was wild. I mounted and dismounted at least a dozen times; in vain I tried to make him advance. He reared, jumped, and plunged, but refused to walk, trot, or gallop. Every trial to make him go was a failure. A young, conceited fop of an Indian, thinking he could make more of him than I could, jumped on his back. The horse reared and plunged as before, when, instead of slackening the bridle as he reared, he reined it tighter and tighter, till the horse fell right over on his back, and almost killed the fellow. Here Eyacktana, with a frown, called out, "Kap-sheesh she-am —the bad horse"—and gave me another; and for the generous act I gave him my belt, the only article I had to spare. But although the difficulties I had with the horse were galling enough to me, they proved a source of great amusement to the Indians, who enjoyed them with roars of laughter. Before taking my leave of Eyacktana it is but justice to say that with all his faults he had many good qualities, and I was under great obligations to him.. I now made the best of my way out of the camp, and to make up for lost time took a short cut, but for many miles could see nothing of my people, and began to be apprehensive that they had been waylaid and cut off. Getting to the top of a high ridge, I stopped a little to look about me, but could see nothing of them. I had not been many minutes there, however, 16 fur i^unterjGf of t&e far Wt$t before I perceived three horsemen coming down an adjacent hill at full tilt. Taking them for enemies, I descended the height, swam my horse across a river at the bottom of it, and taking shelter behind a rock, dismounted to wait my pursuers. There I primed my rifle anew and said to myself, "I am sure of two shots, and my pistols will be more than a match for the other." The moment they got to the opposite bank I made signs for them to keep back, or I would fire on them, but my anxiety was soon removed by their calling out, "As-nack-shee-lough, as-nack- shee-lough—your friends, your friends." These friendly fellows had been all the time lurking about in anxious suspense, to see what would become of us. Two of them were the very couriers who had, as already stated, strongly tried to turn us back. I was overjoyed at this meeting, yet still anxious, as they had seen nothing of my men, to find whom we all set off and came up with them a little before sundown. When we first discovered them, they were driving furiously, but all at once the horses stood still. I suspected something, and told the Indians to remain behind while I alone went on to see what was the matter, when, as I had expected, seeing four riders following them at full gallop, they took us for enemies, as I had done before, and left the horses to take up a position of defense behind the trees, where they might receive us; and 17 ill ■: &lejtantier iflog£ we should have met with a warm reception, for McKay, although young, was as brave as a lion. But they were soon agreeably surprised, and the matter as soon explained. I then made signs for the Indians to come forward. The moment we all joined together, we alighted, changed horses, and drove on until midnight, when we took shelter in a small thicket of woods, and passed the night with our guns in our hands. At dawn of day we again set off and at three o'clock in the afternoon reached the banks of the Columbia, some six miles beyond the mouth of the Pisscows River, where we considered ourselves out of danger. I then started on ahead, in company with the friendly Indians, to see if the two women had arrived, and as good luck would have it we found them with a canoe ready to ferry us across. They had reached the place about an hour before us, and we will give our readers a brief outline of their adventures. On leaving us, instead of taking directly to the mountains, they, in the darkness of the night, bridled two of the Indians' horses and rode* them for several hours till they were far beyond the camp, but as soon as it was daylight they turned the horses adrift and entered the mountains on foot. In the hurry of starting they had forgotten to take a fire-steel, or anything to make fire with, and had been three days and nights without food or fire. A 18 fur I^unterg of tfje far Wm short time, however, before I had reached them, they had met some friendly Indians, who had ministered to their wants. During the four days of their pilgrimage they rode 18 miles, traveled 54, and paddled 66, making in all 138 miles. We now hasten to resume our narrative. In a short time the two men arrived with all the horses, but could give no account of McKay. I, therefore, immediately sent them back with an Indian in search of him, while I and the other Indians were occupied in passing over the horses, for during high water the Pisscows River is very broad at its mouth. Some time after dark the men arrived with the news that they had found McKay, lying some distance from the road in an almost lifeless state and unable either to ride or be carried. In this state of things I had no alternative but to send back the two men with two Indians, to have him brought in the canoe. About midnight they all arrived. Poor McKay was in a very low and dangerous state, having by some mishap which he could not well explain dislocated his hip joint. After much trouble I got it replaced again, and he gradually came round, but as he could neither ride nor walk, I was reduced to the necessity of hiring two of the Indians to paddle him home in the canoe. Meanwhile, the two men, women, and myself continued our journey and reached Okanogan in safety, after an 19 ii &lejran&er &o&S absence of seventeen days; but the Indians only got there with McKay four days after us, and from the hot weather and hardness of the canoe he suffered very much. The limb had again got out of joint, and was so much swollen that it resisted all my efforts to get it reduced, so that he never got the better of it, but remained lame till the day of his death. Thus terminated one of the most trying and hazardous trips I ever experienced in the country. As soon as Mr. McKay was out of danger, I left him and set off with all haste to Fort Spokane, distant about 160 miles southeast from Okanogan, with fifty-five of our horses. On our way, both going and coming, we made a short stay at a place called the Grand Coulee, one of the most romantic, picturesque, and marvelously formed chasms west of the Rocky Mountains. If you glance at the map of Columbia, you will see, some distance above the Great Forks, a barren plain extending from the south to the north branch of that magnificent stream. There, in the direction of nearly south and north, lies the Grand Coulee, some 80 or 100 miles in length. No one traveling in these parts ought to resist paying a visit to the wonder of the West. Without, however, being able to account for the cause of its formation, we shall proceed to give a brief description of this wonderful chasm, or channel, as it now is, and perhaps has been since the creation. 20 1 fur ^unter£ of tjje far Wt$t The sides, or banks, of the Grand Coulee are for the most part formed of basalt rocks, in some places as high as 150 feet, with shelving steps, formed like stairs, to ascend and descend, and not infrequently vaults or excavated tombs, as if cut through the solid rocks, like the dark and porous catacombs of Keif. The bottom, or bed, deep and broad, consists of a conglomerate of sand and clay, hard and smooth where not interrupted by rocks. The whole presents in every respect the appearance of the deep bed of a great river or lake, now dry, scooped out of the level and barren plain. The sight in many places is truly magnificent: while in one place the solemn gloom forbids the wanderer to advance, in another the prospect is lively and inviting, the ground being thickly studded with ranges of columns, pillars, battlements, turrets, and steps above steps, in every variety of shade and color. Here and there endless vistas and subterraneous labyrinths add to the beauty of the scene, and what is still more singular in this arid and sandy region, cold springs are frequent; yet there is never any water in the chasm, unless after recent rains. Thunder and lightning are known to be more frequent here than in other parts, and a rumbling in the earth is sometimes heard. According to Indian tradition it is the abode of evil spirits. In the neighborhood there is neither hill nor dale, lake nor mountain, creek nor 21 1 &lej:an&er fto£g rivulet to give variety to the surrounding aspect. Altogether it is a charming assemblage of picturesque objects for the admirer of nature. It is the wonder of the Oregon. We shall now digress for a short space, and return to Fort George. In 1811 three men belonging to the Pacific Fur Company had been murdered by the natives, but as the murderers could not be traced, the deed was never avenged. We, however, had no sooner taken our departure for the interior, than the murderers considered it unnecessary to conceal the deed any longer; since the "Americans," as we were called, had left the country, they thought all was safe, and consequently joined their relations at Fort George. Their return to the neighborhood had been made known to the whites, who, in order to make an example of them, and strike terror into evil-doers, wished to apprehend them. For some time these natives contrived to elude their vigilance. The whites, however, were not to be foiled in their attempt to get hold of them. To attain the desired end they were obliged to have recourse to some of the friendly Indians, who soon found out the secret haunts of the murderers, hunted them up, and delivered them into their hands. Three were implicated and found guilty of the murder on Indian evidence, and were condemned to be shot. Capital punishment was inflicted upon two of them, but the third was 22 23 fur l^unterg of tlje far Wt$t pardoned and set at liberty. The conduct of the murderers may serve to throw some light on their knowledge of right and wrong, and on the character of these Indians generally. The three villains fled towards the south as soon as they had committed the deed, nor did they ever return, or make their appearance in that quarter, until they heard that the "Americans" had left the country. The punishment of the offenders, however, gave great offense to many of the surrounding tribes, who thought that the Northwesters had no right to kill their relations. The deed not being committed in their day, nor on their own people, they said, the act on their part was mere cruelty, arising from hatred of the Indians, and that in consequence they must be their enemies. Jealousy had also its irf- fluence: seeing that those Indians friendly to the whites had been so liberally rewarded for their zeal in apprehending the criminals, others were displeased that they had not come in for a share of the booty. The Indians took up arms, and threatened to expel the whites from the country. This manifestation of hostility on the part of the natives gathered strength daily, and kept the whites in constant alarm, more especially as there were but few of them to resist so formidable a combination. It even threatened for a time the security of the North West Company's possessions on the Columbia. ■ &lejcaniier Mn$$ In the midst of this hostile flame, as good fortune would have it, the long-expected ship, Isaac Todd, from London, arrived, and cast anchor in front of Fort George, with ample supplies both of men and means. Her seasonable appearance struck such awe into the rebellious savages that, partly through fear and partly in anticipation of the good things to come, they sued for peace, which was granted, and all became quiet and tranquil once more. The Isaac Todd's presence shed a momentary gleam of light over the North West affairs: in short, gave a new impulse to all their measures in the Far West. After a short stay at the Columbia, smoothing down all difficulties with the Indians and taking on board the furs and peltries belonging to the late American adventurers, the vessel sailed for Canton. The joy which her timely arrival caused was but of short duration, and it had scarcely time to be announced in another express to Fort William8 when again the aspect of affairs was clouded by a sad misfortune. On the twenty-second of May, some time after the arrival of the Isaac Todd, a boat containing Messrs. Donald McTavish and 8 Fort William was the principal depot of the North West Fur Company on the east side of the Rocky- Mountains, and is situated on the north shore of Lake Superior, in latitude 480 24' North and longitude 890 23' West. Author. 24 fur ^unterjer of tf>e far We$t Alexander Henry,9 two partners of long standing and high reputation in the service, with six men, was swamped, all hands perishing, in crossing the river, with the exception of one man. Although the accident took place in broad daylight, and in front of the fort, the circumstance was not perceived or known for some hours after, when John Little, the man who was saved, arrived at the fort, and communicated the intelligence. We shall give the sad tale in his own words. "We pushed from the wharf," said John Little, "at five o'clock in the afternoon, the wind blowing a gale at the time and the tide setting in. The boat was ballasted with stones. We were eight on board, and there was a heavy surf about two miles out in the stream. She filled, and sank like a stone. A terrible shriek closed the scene. The top of the mast was still above the surface of the water. I got hold of it, but the first or second 1 If swell swept me away. In a moment nothing was to be seen or heard but the rolling waves and whistling winds. Jack, a young sailor lad, and I took to swimming, and with great exertions reached a dry sand bank in the channel, about three-quarters of a mile ahead 3 This was Alexander Henry the younger, a son of the trader whose narrative of Travels and Adventures was reprinted in the Lakeside Classics in 1921. The younger Henry spent many years in the Northwest fur trade and his journals, elaborately annotated by Elliott Coues, were published at New York in 1897. 25 # 1 aiejeanfcer fto&er of us, but the tide flowing at the time, and forced by the gale, soon set us afloat. Here we shook hands, bade each other farewell, and took to swimming again. At the distance of a mile we reached another flat sand bank, but the tide got there nearly as soon as ourselves, and we were again soon afloat. Jack was much exhausted, and I was little better, and the wet and cold had so benumbed us that we had scarcely any feeling or strength. We now shook hands again, anxiously looking for relief towards the fort. Here poor Jack began to cry like a child, and refused for some time to let go my hand. I told him to take courage, and pointing to a stump ahead of us said to him, 'If we get there we shall be safe.' Then, bidding each other adieu, we once more took to swimming in hopes of reaching the stump I had pointed to, which was better than half a mile off. I reached and grasped it with almost my last breath, but poor Jack, although within ten yards of it, could not do so—it was too much for him, and I could render him no assistance. Here he struggled and sank, and I saw him no more. I had been grasping the stump with the clutch of despair for more than half an hour, when, fortunately,, a little before dusk, an Indian canoe passing along shore discovered my situation and saved my life. The water had reached my middle, and I was insensible." One of the Indians who had brought Little to the fort 26 fur ^unterg of tlje far Wm remarked: "When we got to him he was speechless, and yet his fingers were sunk in the wood so that we could hardly get his hands from the stump." Perils by water were not Little's only dangers, as we learned from one of the Indians who rescued him. He was within an ace of being shot as well as drowned. The moment the people in the canoe came in sight of the stump, one of the Indians, pointing to it, said to his comrades, "Look! what is that leaning on the stump?" Another called out, "A sea otter, or a seal; come let us have a shot at it." Both at that instant taking up their guns made signs to the person steering to make for the stump slowly. While the canoe was thus making for the stump, the two men held their guns ready cocked to have a shot. "Shoot now," said one of them to the other. The canoe was all this time nearing the object, and the two anxious marksmen were on their knees with their guns pointed, when a woman in the canoe bawled out to the men, "Alke, Alke, TiM-kome, TiUit-kome—Stop, stop! a man, a man!" At this timely warning the men lowered their guns to look, and in a few minutes the boat was at the stump; seeing Little, the fellows put their hands to their mouths, exclaiming in the Chinook dialect, "Naw-weet- ka, naw-weet-ka—It is true, it is true." To the keen eye of this woman, poor Little owed his life at last. 27 &leran&er Mq$$ Following the Isaac Todd, there arrived from the same port a schooner called the Columbia. This vessel was intended for the China and coasting trades, and Angus Bethune Esq., a North West partner, was appointed supercargo. A voyage or two across the Pacific, however, convinced the Northwesters that the project would not succeed. The port duties at Canton, connected with other unavoidable expenses, absorbed all the profits, and this branch of their trade was relinquished as unprofitable. Even the coast trade itself was far from being so productive as might be expected, owing to the great number of coasting vessels which came from all parts of the States, especially Boston, all more or less connected with the Sandwich Islands and China trade. Competition had, therefore, almost ruined the coast trade, and completely spoiled the Indians. Having glanced at the affairs of Fort George and the coast trade, we now resume the business of the interior. It will be in the recollection of the reader that we left the spring brigade at Okanogan, and our friends journeying on their way to Canada. From Okanogan I proceeded northward some three hundred miles to my own post at the She Whaps. There being now no rivalry there, or elsewhere, to contend with, I put the business in train for the season and immediately returned again, with the view of being able to carry into effect 28 fur i^untcrsf of tfie far Wz$t a project of discovery, which I and others had contemplated for some time before. This was, to penetrate across land from Okanogan, due west, to the Pacific on foot, a distance supposed not to exceed 200 miles, and for the performance of which I had allowed two months. The undertaking had often been talked of, but as often failed to be put into execution. This was, however, the first time the project had been attempted by any white man, and as the season of the year was favorable, and a knowledge of that part of the country held out a good prospect for extending the trade, I was anxious to see it explored and the question set at rest. Men, however, being scarce with us this year, I determined on trying with Indians alone, placing, at that time, more faith in their zeal, fortitude, and perseverance than ever I felt disposed to do afterwards. Having procured a guide and two other natives, myself being the fourth person, we prepared, with all the confidence that hope could inspire, for the execution of my plan. On the twenty-fifth of July we set out on our journey, our guns in our hands, each with a blanket on his back, a kettle, fire-steel, and three days' provisions. We depended on our guns for our subsistence. Indeed, the only baggage we encumbered ourselves.with consisted of ammunition. Crossing the Okanogan, we followed the west bank of the Columbia in 29 11 ■B. JJ ■Hi &lejeanijer &o$s a southwest course—distance eight miles—till we reached the mouth of the Meat-who River,10 a considerable stream issuing at the foot of the mountains, along the south bank of which we ascended; but, from its rocky sides and serpentine courses, we were unable to follow it. We therefore struck off to the left, and after a short distance entered a pathless desert, in a course due west. The first mountain, on the east side, is high and abrupt. Here our guide kept telling us that we should follow the same road as the Red Fox chief and his men used to go. Seeing no track, nor the appearance of any road, I asked him where the Red Fox road was. "This is it that we are on," said he, pointing before us. " Where?" said I, "I see no road here, not even so much as a rabbit could walk on." "Oh, there is no road," rejoined he, "but this is the place where they used to pass." When an Indian, in his metaphorical mode of expression, tells you anything, you are not to suppose that you understand him, or that he literally speaks the truth. The impression on my mind was that we should, at least occasionally, have fallen upon some sort of a road or path to conduct us along, but nothing of the kind was to be seen. The Red Fox here spoken of was 10 This is an interesting early variant of the river now called Methow. In his First Settlers on the Oregon Ross gave the Indian name of the river as " Buttle-mule- emauch." 30 fur $unto# of ttye far l&m the head chief of the Okanogan nation, and had formerly been in the habit of going to the Pacific on trading excursions, carrying with him a species of wild hemp, which the Indians along the Pacific make fishing nets of, and in exchange the Okanogans bring back marine shells and other trinkets, articles of value among the Indians. After we entered the forest, our course was W. 2 miles, N.W. 1, S.W. 1, W. by S. 1, W. 3—distance eight miles. On the twenty-sixth—We made an early start this morning, course as nearly as possible due west. But not half an hour had passed, before we had to steer to every point of the compass, so many impediments crossed our path. On entering the dense and gloomy forest I tried my pocket compass, but to very little purpose, as we could not in many places travel fifty yards in any one direction, so rocky and uneven was the surface over which we had to pass. Using the compass made us lose too much time, and as I placed implicit confidence in my guide I laid it by. On seeing me set the compass, the guide, after staring with amazement for some time, asked me what it was. I told him it was the white man's guide. "Can it speak?" he. asked.J "No," replied I, "it cannot speak." "Then what is the good of it?" rejoined he. "It will show us the right road to any quarter," answered I. "Then what did you want with me, since you had a guide of your own?" This retort came 31 i , &lejtan&er &o££ rather unexpectedly, but taking hold of my double-barreled gun in one hand and a single one in the other, I asked him which of the two was best. "The two-barreled," said he, "because if one barrel misses fire, you have another." "It is the same with guides," said I, "if one fails, we have another." Courses today, W. 4, N.W. 1, N.N.W. 1, S.W. 2, W. 5, N. by W. 6. I 'm On the twenty-seventh—Weather cold and rainy; still we kept advancing, through a rugged and broken country, in a course almost due west, but camped early on account of the bad weather, having traveled about ten miles. The next day we made a long journey, general course W. by N.; saw several deer, and killed one. The drumming partridges were very numerous, so that we had always plenty to eat. We met with banks of snow in the course of this day. Distance, eighteen miles. On the twenty-ninth—This morning we started in a southerly direction, but soon got to the west again. Country gloomy; forests almost impervious, with fallen as well as standing timber. A more difficult route to travel never fell to man's lot. On the heights the chief timber is a kind of spruce fir, not very large, only two or three feet in diameter. The valleys were filled with poplar, alder, stunted birch, and willows. This range of mountains, lying in the direction of nearly S. and N. are several hundred miles in length. 32 fut ^untcrg of tf>e far Wt$t The tracks of wild animals crossed our path in every direction. The leaves and decayed vegetation were uncommonly thick on the surface of the ground, and the mice and squirrels swarmed, and had riddled the earth like a sieve. The fallen timber, lay in heaps, nor did it appear that the fire ever passed in this place. The surface of the earth appeared in perfect confusion, and the rocks and yawning chasms gave to the whole an air of solemn gloom and undisturbed silence. My companions began to flag during the day. Distance, fifteen miles. On the thirtieth—The sixth day, in the evening, we reached a height of land, which on the east side is steep and abrupt. Here we found the water running in the opposite direction. My guide unfortunately fell sick at this place, and we very reluctantly had to wait for two days until he recovered, when we resumed our journey; but his recovery was slow, and on the second day he gave up altogether, and could proceed no farther. We were still among the rugged cliffs and deep groves of the mountain, where we seldom experienced the cheering sight of the sun, nor could we get to any elevated spot clear enough to have a view of the surrounding country. By getting to the top of a tall tree, now and then, we got some relief, though but little, for we could seldom see to any distance, so covered was all around us with a thick and almost impenetrable 33 &lejtan&er j!!o#ef forest. The weather was cold, and snow capped many of the higher peaks. In such a situation I found myself, and without a guide. To go forward without him was almost impossible; to turn back was labor lost; to remain where we were was anything but pleasant; to abandon the sick man to his fate was not to be thought of. The serious question then arose, what to do? At last we settled the matter, so that one of the Indians should remain with the guide, and the other accompany me, I still intending to proceed. We then separated, I taking care every now and then as we went along to mark with a small axe some of the larger trees to assist us on our way back, in case our compass got deranged, although, as I have already noticed, we but seldom used it while our guide was with us; but the case was different now, it was the only guide I had. Courses today, W. 5, N. 1, N.W. 2, N.E. 1, W. 9—distance eighteen miles. August fourth—We were early on the road this morning, and were favored occasionally with open ground. We had not gone far when we fell on a small creek running, by compass, W.S.W., but .so meandering, that we had to cross and. recross it upwards of forty times in the course of the day. The water was clear and cold and soon increase^ so much that we had to avoid it and steer our course from point to point on the north side. Its bottom was muddy in some places, in others stony, its 34 fur i^unter£ of tl>e far Wtgt banks low and lined with poplars, but so overhung with wood, that we could oftener hear than see the stream. On this unpromising stream, flowing, no doubt, to the Pacific, we saw six beaver lodges, and two of the animals themselves, one of which we shot. We shot a very fine otter also, and notwithstanding the season of the year, the fur was black. Tired and hungry, we put up at a late hour. Courses, W. 8, N.W. s, W. 7, S.W. 2—distance traveled today, twenty-two miles. On the fifth—I slept but little during the night. My mind was too occupied to enjoy repose, so we got up and started at an early hour. Our journey today was through a delightful country of hill and dale, wood and plains. Late in the afternoon, however, we were disturbed and greatly agitated, by a fearful and continuous noise in the air, loud as thunder, but with no intervals. Not a breath of wind ruffled the air, but towards the southwest, from whence the noise came, the whole atmosphere was darkened, black, and heavy. Our progress was arrested; we stood and listened in anxious suspense for nearly half an hour, the noise still increasing, and coming, as it were, nearer and nearer to us. If I could compare it to anything, it would be to the rush of a heavy body of water, falling from a height; but when it came opposite to where we stood, in a moment we beheld the woods before it bending down like grass before the 35 &lejcantier fto&ef scythe! It was the wind, accompanied with a torrent of rain—a perfect hurricane, such as I had never witnessed before. It reminded me at once of those terrible visitations of the kind peculiar to tropical climates. Sometimes a slight tornado or storm of the kind has been experienced on the Oregon, but not often. The crash of falling trees, and the dark, heavy cloud, like a volume of condensed smoke, concealed from us at the time the extent of its destructive effects. We remained motionless until the storm was over. It lasted an hour, and although it was scarcely a quarter of a mile from us, all we felt of it was a few heavy drops of rain, as cold as ice, with scarcely any wind; but the rolling cloud passed on, carrying destruction before it, as far as the eye could follow. In a short time we perceived the havoc it had made by the avenue it left behind. It had leveled everything in its way to the dust; the very grass was beaten down to the earth for nearly a quarter of a mile in breadth. The Indian I had along with me was so amazed and thunderstruck with superstition and fear at what he had seen, that his whole frame became paralyzed. He trembled, and sighed to get back. He refused to accompany me any farther, and all I could either say or do could not turn him from his purpose. At last, seeing all mild endeavors fail, I had recourse to threats. I told him I would tie 36 fur i^unterg of tfie far Wt$t him to a tree and proceed alone. At last he consented, and we advanced to the verge of the storm-fallen timber, and encamped for the night. We saw a good many beaver lodges along the little river, and some small lakes. Deer were grazing in herds like domestic cattle, and so very tame that we might have shot as many of them as we chose. Their curiosity exceeded our own, and often proved fatal to them. The little river at this place seemed to take a bend nearly due north. It was twenty-two yards wide, and so deep that we could scarcely wade across it. I gave it the name of "West River." Here the timber was much larger than any we had yet seen, some of the trees measuring five and six feet in diameter. Courses today, W. 12, N.W. 2, S. 1, S.W. 2, W. 9—distance, 26 miles; making from Okanogan to Point Turn-about, 151 miles. After we had put up for the night it was evident my companion was brooding and unsettled in his mind, for he scarcely spoke a word. Although he had consented to continue the journey, I could easily see his reluctance, and being apprehensive that he might try and play me a trick, I endeavored to watch his motions as closely as possible during the night; yet, in spite of all my watchfulness, he managed to give me the slip, and in the morning I found myself alone! I looked about in all directions for him but to no purpose; the fellow had taken to his heels and deserted. J * ftlepanfrec Mn$$ There was no alternative but to yield to circumstances and retrace my steps, and this was the more galling, as I was convinced in my own mind that in a few days more I should have reached the ocean, and accomplished my object. I paused and reflected, but all to no purpose. Fate had decreed against me. With reluctant steps I turned back, and made the best of my way to where I had left my guide. I reached the place, after intense anxiety, at four o'clock in the afternoon of the third day, having scarcely eaten a mouthful of food all the time. I arrived just in time, as the men were in the act of tying up their bundles, and preparing to start on their homeward journey. The guide was still somewhat ailing, and the fellow who had left me was little better, for, in hurrying back, he had overheated himself, which, together with the fright, had thrown him into a fever. Nor was I in too good a humor; hungry, angry, fatigued, and disappointed, I sat down, as grim and silent as the rest, nor did a word pass between us for a while. After some time, however, I tried to infuse some ambition and perseverance into the fellows, to get them to resume the journey, but to no purpose. They were destitute of moral courage—a characteristic defect of their race. I had been taught a good lesson, which I remembered ever after, not to place too much faith in Indians. 38 i fur punter** of tfje far Wt$t • After remaining one night at the guide's encampment, we turned our faces towards home. Wild animals were very numerous, far more so than on our first passing. Whether it was the late storm that had disturbed them in another quarter, or some other cause, we could not determine, but they kept rustling through the woods, crossing our path in every direction, as if bewildered. We shot several red deer, three black bears, a wolf and fisher, and arrived at Okanogan on the twenty- fourth of August, after a fruitless and disagreeable journey of thirty days. And here my guide told me that in four days from Point Turn-about, had we continued, we should have reached the ocean. After remaining for a few days at Okanogan, I visited the She Whaps, but soon returned again to the former place to meet the fall express from the east of the mountains. After 1M a few hours' delay at Okanogan, the express proceeded on its way to Fort George, but was stopped at the Forks on its way down, the Cayouse and Nez Perces, Indians of the plains, being encamped there in great numbers. On perceiving the boat sweeping down and keeping the middle of the stream as if . anxious to pass the camp unnoticed, accord?- ing to North West custom, the Indians made signs for the whites to put on shore. The first signal passing unheeded, a shot was next fired ahead to bring them to, and this also passing 39 til / &lerantier JJEo&S without notice, a second shot was fired at the boat. The gentleman in charge then ordered the steersman to make for the land. On arriving at the camp, the Indians plunged into the water and taking hold of the boat, hauled her up on the beach, high and dry, with the crew on board; nor would they allow the people to depart till they had smoked themselves drunk, when pushing the craft into the water again, they made signs for them to depart, at the same time admonishing them never to attempt passing their camp again without first putting on shore and giving them a smoke. On the departure of the express I took a trip as far as Spokane House. This district, with its several outposts, was under the superintendence of John George McTavish Esq.,11 to whom I related the result of my trip of discovery. Returning home, I passed the remainder of the winter at Okanogan, that being now a part of the northern district. The spring being somewhat early this year, and all hands having mustered at the Forks, the general rendezvous for mutual safety, we took the current for headquarters, and arrived at Fort George on the tenth of June, 1815. 11 McTavish was a partner of the North West Company who had conducted the negotiations for the purchase of As tor's Pacific Fur Company interests in 1813. 40 Chapter 2 THE END OF THE OLD ORDER A COUNCIL sits annually at headquarters, which regulates all the important matters of the Company for the current year, but no person of less dignity than a bourgeois or proprietor is admitted to a seat except by special invitation. The council of this year was strengthened by the arrival of three new functionaries from the east side of the mountains, yet nothing new transpired. The members sat for four days (nearly double the usual time), but no new channel was opened for extending the trade, nor was there the least deviation from the old and contemned system of their predecessors. The decision of the council was, that there existed no new field that could be opened to advantage; consequently everyone was again appointed to his old post, and I, of course, to mine. During the sittings there is always a strong manifestation of anxiety out of doors, each one being desirous to know his appointment for the year, for it not infrequently happens that officers are changed without much ceremony, particularly if there be any individual who is not easily managed; and for an obnoxious person to be removed to the most 41 " "■ - ■ ' -nr." aiejcantier fto££ remote corner of the country this year and to some other equally remote next, by way of taming him, is not at all uncommon. But this part of their policy is not confined to the subordinates. It reaches even to the bourgeois, who is not infrequently admonished, by the example of others, that he stands on the brink of a precipice, for, if too refractory in the council, he is sure to get his appointment at such a distance and under such circumstances as to exclude most effectually his attending the meetings for some length of time. This is the course generally adopted to get rid of an importunate and troublesome member, whether of high or low rank in the service, or to remove such as the Company are not disposed to, or cannot conveniently, provide for. The council being over, the business of the year settled, and the annual ship arrived, the different parties destined for the interior and east side of the mountains took their departure from Fort George on the twenty-fifth of June. We shall leave them to prosecute their journey, for a short time, while we glance at another subject. No sooner had the Northwesters inherited the Oregon, notwithstanding the unfavorable decision of our western council, than ship after ship doubled Cape Horn in regular succession, with bulky cargoes to the full of every demand. Selections of their partners, clerks, 42 fur i^unter£ of tfje far Wt$t and Canadians constantly crossed over the dividing ridge, but all proved abortive in bringing about that rich harvest which they had expected. We may now remark on the effect produced on affairs by the country falling into the hands of new masters. Day after day passed by, yet the ordinary dull routine of things continued, and a spectator might have read in the countenances of our great men something like disappointment. The more they wished to deviate, the more closely they imitated the policy of their predecessors, with this difference, however, that in every step they took their awkwardness pointed them out as strangers. They found fault with everything, yet could mend nothing. Even the establishment at Fort George could not please them; therefore a fort built upon a large scale, and at a greater elevation, was more consonant to their ideas of grandeur. In consequence, the pinnacle of Tongue Point was soon to exhibit a Gibraltar of the West. An engineer was hired, great guns were ordered, men and means set to work, and rocks leveled; yet this residence, more fit for eagles than for men, was at last relinquished, and the contemned old fort was again adopted. The inland brigade, whose departure has already been noticed, ascended the Columbia without any interruption until it had reached a little above the Walla Wallas, near to the 43 &lejtaniier &o&£ spot where the Cayouse Indians had, in the preceding fall, stopped the express and hauled the boat up high and dry on land. Here the Indians intended to play the same game over again, for when the whites were in the act of poling up a small but strong rapid, alongshore, with the intention of stopping as soon as they got to the head of it, the Indians, who were still encamped there, insisted on their putting to shore at once. This invitation was, however, under existing circumstances, disregarded by the whites, as being almost impossible at the moment, when suddenly a party of the Indians mounted on horseback plunged into the stream and so barred the narrow channel through which the boats had to pass that great confusion ensued. Still the whites, in their anxiety to get up the rapid, paid but little attention to them, which forbearance encouraged the Indians to resort to threats, by drawing their bows and menacing the whites. In this critical conjuncture the whites seized their arms and made signs to the Indians to withdraw, but this only encouraged them the more to resist, and throwing themselves from their horses into the water, they laid hold of the boats. The struggle and danger now increased every moment, as the Indians were becoming more and more numerous and daring. The whites had not a moment to lose; they fired. Two Indians fell dead on the spot, a third was badly wounded, and all 44 fur i^unterg of tfje far Wt$t three floated down the current. The instant the shots went off, the Indians made for land and the firing ceased. The whites, in the meantime, drifting down to the foot of the rapid, crossed the river to the opposite side and soon after encamped for the night on a sandy island. Had the whites done what they ought to have done, from the lesson of the previous year at this place—put ashore at the foot of the rapid—no difficulties would have ensued and no blood would have been shed. On the next morning the Indians assembled in fearful numbers and kept up an occasional firing at the whites on the island, at too great a distance to do any harm; and as the whites escaped without injury, they did not return the fire. The greatest annoyance was that the whites could not proceed on their journey before the natives mustered in great numbers, for it blew almost a hurricane. The cloud of dust which the wind raised about their encampment was some punishment for the deed they had committed. The whites, seeing it impossible to remain any longer on the island, adopted a bold and vigorous resolution. After appointing fifteen resolute fellows to guard the property they embarked, to the number of seventy-five men well armed, made for the shore, and, landing a little from the Indian camp, hoisted a flag, inviting the chiefs to a parley. But the Indians were distrustful. Treacherous themselves, they expected the 45 ! !•■ &lejcantier *f!og£ whites to be so also; they, therefore, hesitated to approach. At last, however, after holding a consultation, they advanced in solemn procession, to the number of eighty-four. After a three hours' negotiation the whites paid for the two dead bodies, according to Indian custom, and took their leave in peace and safety, and thus ended the disagreeable affair. From Hostile Island our friends continued their voyage without any other casualty until they reached the Rocky Mountains, but there fatal disasters awaited them. The waters being unusually high, much time was lost in ascending the current, so that by the time they arrived at Portage Point their provisions got short. Some of the hands falling sick, also, and being unable to undertake the difficult portage of eighty miles on foot, the gentleman in charge had no alternative left but to fit out and send back a boat from that place with seven men, three of whom were unable to undertake the portage. After being furnished with some provisions, the returning party took the current, but on reaching the Dalles des Morts they disembarked, contrary to the usual practice, to haul the craft down by a line. Unfortunately, they quarreled among themselves, and letting go the line, in an instant the boat, wheeling round, was dashed to pieces on the rocks and lost. The sick and feeble party had now no alternative but either to starve or walk a 46 1 I I fur i^unterg of tfje far Wt$t distance of 300 miles, over a country more fit for goats than for men. All their provisions were lost with the boat; neither were they provided with guns nor ammunition for such a journey, even had they been in health. In this forlorn state they quarreled again, and separated. Two of the strongest and most expert succeeded in reaching the establishments below, after suffering every hardship that human beings could endure. The other five remained, of whom one man alone survived, deriving his wretched subsistence from the bodies of his fallen comrades. This man reached Okanogan, more like a ghost than a living creature, after a lapse of two months. From these sad details we now turn to record the passing events of the northern quarter. After a short stay at Okanogan I set out for my post at the She Whaps and reached that place in the month of August. During my absence a man by the name of Charette, whom I had left in charge, had been murdered. Charette was an honest fellow and deserved a better fate. The murderer was a young Indian lad, who had been brought up at the establishment. They had gone on a trip to Fraser's River, six days' journey due north, and had quarreled one evening about making the encampment. During the dispute the Indian said nothing, but rising a short time -..m r» u afterwards and laying hold of Charette's own I 111 gun, he suddenly turned round and shot him 47 III &lerani»er &o&£ dead, without saying a word, and then deliberately sat down again! This was proved by a third person then present. Several instances of this kind have happened within my own knowledge, and it was a general remark that all those Indians who had been harbored among the whites were far more malevolent and treacherous than those who had never had the same indulgence shown to them. These remarks lead me to another circumstance which gave rise to great uneasiness among the natives along the banks of the Columbia, for the Indians never fail to magnify and represent in a distorted light everything, however trivial. One day, Ye-whell-come-tetsa, the principal Okanogan chief, came to me with a serious countenance, saying he had bad news to tell me, adding, "I fear you will not believe me, for the whites say that Indians have two mouths, and often tell lies, but I never tell lies. The whites know that I have but one word, and that word is truth." "The whites," said I, "never doubt the words of a chief. But come, let us hear; what is it?" "My son," said he, "has just arrived from below and has reported (and his report is always true) that there is a great band of strange wolves, some hundreds in number and as big as buffaloes, coming up along the river. They kill every horse; none can escape them. They have 48 B I fur i^unterg of t|je far Wt$t already killed thousands, and we shall all be ruined. They are so fierce that no men can approach them, and so strong and hairy that neither arrows nor balls can kill them. And you," said he to me, "will lose all yours also, for they travel so fast that they will be here in two nights." I tried to console the melancholy chief, gave him some tobacco, and told him not to be discouraged; that if the wolves came to attack our horses we should certainly kill them; that we had balls that would kill anything. With this assurance he seemed pleased, and went off to circulate the opinion of the whites among his own people. I had heard the report respecting the wolves some time before the chief had told me, for these things spread like wildfire. I was convinced that some horses had been killed. It was a common occurrence, for not a year passes, when the snows are deep, and often when there is no snow at all, without such things happening; but, as to anything else, I looked upon it as a mere fable. On the third day after my parley with the chief, sure enough the wolves did come, and killed, during the first night, five of our horses. On discovering in the morning the havoc the unwelcome visitors had made, I got a dozen steel traps set in the form of a circle round the carcass of one of the dead horses; then, removing the others and keeping a strict guard on the live stock, we waited with anxiety for the 49 I MjJ &lejeanfcer JfSo&e? =' morning. Taking a man with me, and our rifles, we set out to visit the traps. On reaching the spot we found four of them occupied. One of them held a large white wolf by the fore leg, a foot equally large was gnawed off and left in another, the third held a fox, and the fourth trap had disappeared altogether. The prisoner held by the leg was still alive and certainly, as the chief said, a more ferocious animal I never saw. It had marked and cut the trap in many places; it had gnawed and almost consumed a block of oak, which held fast the chain, and in its fruitless efforts had twisted several links in the chain itself. From the moment we approached it, all its efforts were directed towards us. For some time we stood witnessing its maneuvers, but it never once turned round to fly from us. On the contrary, now and then it sprang forward to get at us, with its mouth wide open, teeth all broken, and its head covered with blood. The foot which the trap held was gnawed, the bone broken, and nothing holding it but the sinews. Its appearance kept us at a respectful distance, and although we stood with our guns cocked, we did not consider ourselves too safe, for something might have given way, and if so we should have regretted our curiosity; so we fired two shots, and put an end to its sufferings. Its weight was 127 pounds, and the skin, which I gave to the chief, was considered as a 50 fur i^unter£ of tl>e far Wt$t valuable relic. "This," said he, holding up the skin in one hand, "is the most valuable thing I ever possessed." The white wolf skin in season is esteemed an article of royalty; it is one of the chief honors of the chieftainship, and much used by these people in their religious ceremonies, and this kind of wolf is not numerous. "While I have this," exclaimed he, "we have nothing to fear. Strange wolves will kill no more of our horses. I shall always love the whites." Leaving the chief in a joyful humor, the man and myself followed the faint traces of the lost trap, which occasionally appeared upon the crust of the snow. Having proceeded for some miles, we at length discovered the wolf with the trap at his heels, making the best of his way over a rugged and broken surface of rocks, ravines, hills, and dales, sometimes going north, sometimes south, in zigzag courses, to suit his escape and deceive us. He scampered along at a good trot, keeping generally about a quarter of a mile ahead of us. We had not been long in the pursuit, however, before the man I had with me, in his anxiety to advance, fell and hurt himself and had to return home. I, however, continued the pursuit with great eagerness for more than six hours, until I got a shot. It proved effectual. Had anyone else done it I should have praised him, for at the distance of 112 yards, when nothing but the head of the wolf appeared, my faithful and trusty rifle 5* i ■ it &lejranDer Mtxgg arrested his career and put an end to the chase, after nearly a whole day's anxious pursuit. Some idea of the animal's strength may be conveyed to our readers from the fact that it had dragged a trap and chain, weighing eight pounds and a half, by one of its claws, a distance of twenty-five miles, without appearing in the least fatigued. The prize lay at my feet, when another difficulty presented itself— I had no knife with me, and I wanted the skin. Taking, therefore, according to Indian habit, the flint out of my gun, I managed to do the business, and home with the skin and trap I hied my way, no less fatigued than pleased with my success. Thus we succeeded in destroying the three ringleaders of the destructive gang, which had caused so much anxiety and loss to the Indians; nor were there more, it would appear, than three of the large kind in the troop, for not another horse was killed during the season in all that part of the country. Wherever several of the larger wolves associate together for mischief, there is always a numerous train of smaller ones to follow in the rear and act as auxiliaries in the work of destruction. Two large wolves, such as I have mentioned, are sufficient to destroy the most powerful horse, and seldom more than two ever begin the assault, although there may be a score in the gang. It is no less curious than amusing to witness their ingenious mode of attack. 52 fur i^unterg of tf)t far Wt$t If there is no snow, or but little, on the ground, two wolves approach in the most playful and caressing manner, lying, rolling, and frisking about, until the too credulous and unsuspecting victim is completely put off his guard by curiosity and familiarity. During this time the gang, squatted on their hind quarters, look on at a distance. After some time spent in this way the two assailants separate, when one approaches the horse's head, the other his tail, with a slyness and cunning peculiar to themselves. At this stage of the attack their frolicsome approaches become very interesting—it is in right good earnest. The former is a mere decoy, the latter is the real assailant, and keeps his eyes steadily fixed on the hamstrings or flank of the horse. The critical moment is then watched, and the attack is simultaneous. Both wolves spring at their victim the same instant, one to the throat, the other to the flank, and if successful, which they generally are, the hind one never lets go his hold till the horse is completely disabled. Instead of springing forward or kicking to disengage himself, the horse turns round and round without attempting a defense. The wolf before, then springs behind, to assist the other. The sinews are cut and in half the time I have been describing it, the horse is on his side; his struggles are fruitless; the victory is won. At this signal, the lookers-on close in at a gallop, 53 &lejcaniier jfto$0 but the small fry of followers keep at a respectful distance until their superiors are gorged, then they take their turn unmolested. The wolves, however, do not always kill to eat; like wasteful hunters, they often kill for the pleasure of killing and leave the carcasses untouched. The helplessness of the horse when attacked by wolves is not more singular than its timidity and want of action when in danger by fire. When assailed by fire, in the plains or elsewhere, their strength, swiftness, and sagacity, are of no avail. They never attempt to fly, but become bewildered in the smoke, turn round and round, stand and tremble, until they are burned to death, which often happens in this country, in a conflagration of the plains. No wild animal in this country stands less in awe of man than the wolf, nor is there any animal we know that is so fierce. The bear, on most occasions, tries to fly from man, and is only bold and ferocious when actually attacked, wounded, or in defense of her young. The wild buffaloes are the same; but the wolf, on the contrary, has often been known to attack man, and at certain seasons of the year—the spring for instance—it is man's wisdom to fly from him. Some time ago a band of seventeen wolves forced two of our men to take shelter for several hours in a tree, and although they had shot two of the most forward of them before they got to the tree 54 fur J^unterjBf of tfje far We$t for protection, the others, instead of dispersing, kept close at their heels. Wolves are as ferocious among themselves as they are voracious. I have more than once seen a large wolf lay hold of a small one, kill it on the spot, and feast on the smoking carcass. When the Indians are apprehensive of an attack from them they always contrive to light a fire. I passed this winter between the She Whaps and Okanogan; sometimes at the one, sometimes at the other, constantly employed in the pursuit of furs. It often puzzled myself, as well as others, to know what the Northwesters had in view by grasping at the entire trade of the Oregon, and running down the policy of their predecessors, since they did not take a single step to improve the trade or to change the policy which they condemned. The most indifferent could remark upon this apathy and want of energy, among men whose renown for enterprise on the east side of the mountains put to shame all competition and carried everything before it. Three years had elapsed since they were in possession of the trade from sea to sea, and since they enjoyed the full and undivided commerce of the Columbia River. In this part, however, their trade fell greatly short of their expectations, or their known success elsewhere, and instead of the anticipated prize they found, after so long a trial, nothing 55 / i &lejean&a: J5o#e? else but disappointment and a uniform series of losses and misfortunes. As the quantity of furs, on an average, did not diminish, but rather increased from year to year, it was observed by the more discerning part that the country was not barren in peltries, and that there existed some defect in the management of their concern. Expresses were frequently sent to the Company's headquarters at Fort William, dwelling on the poverty of the country, the impracticability of trade, and the hostility of the natives. In this manner the Company were kept in the dark as to the value of the country. The round of extravagance went on. Everyone in turn made the best of not deviating from the steps of his predecessor, but adhered as much as possible to the old habits, while jaunting up and down the river, in the old beaten path. In the meantime the Company, who had placed implicit confidence in the assertions of their copartners, began to waver in their opinions of the recent acquisitions, when they found that their coffers were drained for the support of an empty name. They became divided in their councils. A great majority were inclined to throw up this cumbersome portion of their trade, while a few, more determined, were for giving it a further trial, for the members of this Company were no less noted for their tenacity of what they fur ^unter£ of t&e far Wtfr "jF^~~~~'—■——— ————————< already possessed than for their eagerness to seize every possible opportunity of increasing their overgrown territory. The maxims of trade followed by the Company on the east of the mountains, their mode of voyaging, and their way of dealing with Indians, have been sanctioned by long experience as the best calculated for them. These maxims are, nevertheless, founded on false principles, and when they are reduced to practice in the western districts they are found to fail. An Indian from Hudson's Bay does well where he has been brought up, in the woods and swamps of the North, but must perish from want on the barren plains of the Columbia, where multitudes of inhabitants are never at a loss to find a livelihood, and the rule holds good if reversed. The temperature of the climate not being the same, the face of nature alters more or less in proportion. There the height of land is very distant from the ocean, the rivers in their courses fall in with level countries, which form them into immense lakes; but from the great duration of the winter the means of subsistence are scanty, and the natives are thereby scattered over a wide extent of country, familiarized with the trader, and have every dependence on him for the supply of their real or acquired wants. On the waters of the Pacific the case is different. A chain of mountains extends its 57 MM H &lejtantier jHo^ lofty ridges in the vicinity of the ocean. The inclination of the land is precipitous, and the course of the rivers direct. The heats are excessive, and they continue without a cloud or moistening shower for months together, to replenish the source or feed the parched streams. Droughts check the salutary progress of vegetation. The winters are short, the waters abound with fish, the forests with animals, the plains with various nutritious herbs and roots, and the natives cover the earth in swarms in their rude and unenlightened state. War is their chief occupation, and the respective nations and tribes, in their wandering life, are no less independent of their trader than they are of one another. The warlike nations of the Columbia move about in such unexpected multitudes as surprise the unwary trader, and their barbarous and forward appearance usually corresponds with their unrelenting fury. A sudden rencounter with them may well appall the stoutest heart. They are too free and indolent to submit to the drudgery of collecting the means of traffic, but articles of merchandise or use will not the less tempt their cupidity, and when such things are feebly guarded, they will not hesitate to take them by force. They are well or ill disposed towards their traders in measure as they supply them with the implements of war and withhold them from their 58 fur ^unto# of t$>e far Wt$t 59 enemies. It is, therefore, a nice point to pass from one tribe or nation to another, and make the most of each in the way of barter. Many are the obstacles to be overcome, nor is it given to ordinary minds to open new roads and secure a permanent trade. It is not easy to change the force of habit; and no set of men could be more wedded to old customs than the great nabobs of the fur trade. And I might here, by way of confirming the remark, just point out one instance among many. The description of craft used on the waters of Columbia by the Astor Company consisted of split or sawed cedar-boats, strong, light, and durable, and in every possible way safer and better adapted to rough water than the birch-rind canoes in general use on the east side of the mountains. They carried a cargo or burden of about 3,000 lbs. weight, and yet, nimbly handled, were easily carried across the portages. A great partiality existed in favor of the good old bark canoes of northern reputation, they being of prettier form and, withal, the kind of vessel of customary conveyance used by Northwesters, and that itself was no small recommendation. Therefore, the country was ransacked for prime birch bark more frequently than for prime furs, and to guard against a failure in this fanciful article, a stock of it was shipped at Montreal for London, and from thence conveyed round Cape Horn for their establish- &lejeanfcer &ogg ment at Fort George, in case that none of equal quality could be found on the waters of the Pacific! On the arrival of the annual express we heard that some strenuous measures respecting the affairs of Columbia had been adopted at Fort William; that the eyes of the Company had at last been opened to their own interest, and that a change of system, after a warm discussion, was resolved upon. Such steps, of course, influenced, in a more or less degree, the decisions of our councils here, and gave rise to some equally warm debates, as will appear by and by, about the practicability of carrying into effect the resolutions passed at headquarters. The new plan settled upon for carrying on the trade west of the dividing ridge, so far as it went, embraced in its outline several important alterations. By this arrangement the New Caledonia quarter, the most northern district of the Company's trade, instead of being supplied with goods, as formerly, from the east side, was in future to derive its annual supplies through the channel of the Columbia. And the Columbia itself, in lieu of being confined to the northern branch and seacoast, as had been the case since the North West had the trade, would be extended on the south and east towards California and the mountains, embracing a new and unexplored tract of country. To obviate the 60 fur ^unterg of tlje far We$t necessity of establishing trading posts among so many warlike and refractory nations, formidable trapping parties were, under chosen leaders, to range the country for furs, and the resources thus to be collected were annually to be conveyed to the mouth of the Columbia, there to be shipped for the Canton market. To facilitate this part of the general plan and give a new impulse to the measure, the Oregon was to be divided into two separate departments, designated by the coast and inland trade, with a chief man at the head of each. Another object connected with this new arrangement was the introduction of Iroquois from Montreal. These people, being expert hunters and trappers, might, by their example, teach others. To the latter part of this plan, however, many objections might have been urged. It will be in the recollection of the reader that we left the inland party preparing for headquarters. At the accustomed time we all met at the Forks, and from thence, following the current of the river, with our annual returns, we reached Fort George on the seventh of June, 1816. 61 jj Chapter 3 MCKENZIE RETURNS TO THE COLUMBIA THE Fort William express brought some new and important resolutions, in addition to those we have noticed in the latter part of the preceding chapter. The first confirmed a division of the Columbia into two separate departments, and appointed the chief man or bourgeois to preside at the head of each; the second altered and amended the mode of conveying expresses; and the third dwelt on a new system to be introduced for the improvement of the trade generally, with some other points of minor importance. As soon, therefore, as all the parties had assembled at Fort George, the council was convened, but instead of two or three days' sitting, as usual, a whole week was spent in discussions without result. They had not the power either to alter or amend, and therefore they acquiesced in the minutes of council at headquarters. The warm debates and protracted discussions in our council here, were not, however, occasioned alone by the introduction of the new system, nor by the division of Columbia into two departments, nor anything that had reference to the trade, but by a mere 62 fur $unter£ of tfyt far Wt$t point of etiquette arising out of one of the appointments. After the sittings of council were over and the new order of things promulgated we hailed with no small joy the introduction of the new system, as opening a new and extensive field for energy and enterprise. But let me tell the reader that the little plural pronoun "we" is not intended to represent all hands, but merely those of my own class, the subordinates, for the bourgeois looked as sour as vinegar. Nor did it require any great penetration of mind to know the cause. Mr. Keith, already noticed in our narrative, had been nominated to preside at the establishment of Fort George, and had the shipping interest, coast trade, and general outfitting business under his sole management. The gentleman appointed to superintend the department of the interior was none other than the same Mr. McKenzie who had been one of the first adventurers to this part of the country, and who occupies so conspicuous a part in the first division of our narrative.12 To his share fell the arduous task of putting the whole machinery of the new system into operation. Mr. Keith being one of themselves, his appointment gave no offense, but that a stranger, a man, to use their own words, "that was only fit to eat horseflesh and shoot at a 12 i.e., The First Settlers on the Oregon. US 63 " ■ &lej;an&er Mts$$ mark," should have been put over their heads, was a slur on their reputation. So strongly had the tide of prejudice set against Mr. McKenzie that Mr, Keith, although a man of sound judgment and good sense, joined in the clamor of his associates. In connection with the new arrangement the costly mode of conveying expresses throughout the country hitherto in vogue was to be abolished, and henceforth they were to be entrusted to the natives, with the exception of the annual general express. To give full effect to these measures, it was strongly recommended at headquarters that the council here should enter into the new order of things with heart and hand. We now turn our attention to the annual brigade. The people bound for inland, consisting of 102 persons, embarked on board of twelve boats and left Fort George after a short stay of only fifteen days. The waters being but moderately high this year and the weather very fine, no stoppage or casualty happened to retard their progress till they had reached the little rocky narrows below the falls, when there an accident unavoidably happened. While the men were engaged in hauling up one of the craft the line broke, and the boat, instantly reeling round, filled with water close to the rocks. The foreman, taking advantage of his position, immediately jumped out and saved himself, and so might the steersman had 64 he been inclined; but under some strange infatuation he kept standing in the boat, up to the middle in water, laughing all the time, making a jest of the accident, when suddenly a whirlpool, bursting under the bottom, threw the craft on her side. It instantly filled and sank, and poor Amiotte sank along with it, to rise no more. From the rocky narrows the different parties got to their respective destinations in safety. Having done so, we propose taking our leave of them for a little, and, in the meantime, return to Fort George, the place of my appointment as second to Mr. Keith. The Company's ship, Colonel Allan, direct from London, reached the Columbia a few days after the arrival of the spring brigade from the interior, and soon after her a schooner followed from the same port, both, heavily laden with ample cargoes for the trade of the country. It was pleasing to see the North West as compared with Astor's vessels. The former brought us a full supply of everything required, whereas the latter, according to Astor's crooked policy, brought but little, and that little perfect trash; nor was half of what was brought left with us, he preferring to supply the Russians rather than his own people. The Colonel Allan, after a short stay at Fort George, sailed for California and South America on a speculating trip, and returned again with a considerable quantity 65 fur $unter$ of tfje far Wm | I &lq;antier j!iog£ of specie and other valuable commodities, consigned to some of the London merchants. This specie and cargo were stored at the establishment, and subjected us for some months to the annoyance of guarding it day and night. We often wished it in the owners' pockets, or in the river Styx. During this summer Capt. McLellan of the Colonel Allan was employed in making out a new survey of the bar and entrance of the river, and I was appointed to accompany him. This business occupied us upwards of three weeks. On the bar several channels were found out in course of the examination, but as the sand banks frequently shift, even in the course of a day or two, according to the prevailing winds, no permanent reliance could be placed on any of them. The old channel was considered the best. In August the Colonel Allan sailed for China with the Columbia furs and specie. Before taking our leave of this ship and her amiable commander, we have to record a fatal incident which took place on board while she was lying at anchor in front of Fort George. It had often been a subject of remark among Columbians how unfortunate a certain class of professional men had been in that quarter, physicians and surgeons. The first gentleman of this class in our time was a Doctor White; soon after entering the river he became suddenly deranged, jumped overboard, and was 66 fur ^unterg of tfje far Wt$t drowned. The next, a Doctor Crowly from Edinburgh, who came out to follow his profession on the Columbia for the North West Company, was, soon after his arrival, charged with having shot a man in cold blood, and, in consequence, sent home to stand his trial. This brings us to the circumstance we have referred to. While the Colonel Allan was lying in port an American ship, commanded by a Captain Reynolds, entered the river. It had no sooner cast anchor than I was sent by Mr. Keith, according to the usual custom, to ascertain her object and to hand Captain Reynolds a copy of the Company's regulations, for his information and guidance, respecting the natives and the trade, so that all things might be arranged in accordance with justice and good feelings between all parties. While I was on board the Boston ship, Mr. Downie, surgeon on the Colonel Allan, in company with some other gentlemen, came on board on a visit of pleasure. As soon as my little business with Captain Reynolds was over, he invited us all down to his cabin to taste what he called his "liquors." We went down, and were treated to a glass of New England whisky. On taking the bottle in his hand Doctor Downie said, "Let us fill up our glasses; it will, perhaps, be the last." I and others took notice of the words, but no remark was made at the time, except by the 67 r .Ml &lejcantier JHo£g captain, who smiled and said, "I hope not." After passing but a short time in the cabin we all left the ship, I returning to the fort, while Doctor Downie and the others went to the Colonel Allan. Twenty minutes had not elapsed from the time we parted at the water's edge when a message reached Fort George that Doctor Downie had committed suicide. As soon as the melancholy report reached us, Mr. Keith requested me to go on board the Colonel Allan, and attend the inquest. Accordingly I went, and found Mr. Downie in a dying state. The moment he entered his cabin he had shot himself with a pistol. Being perfectly sensible at the time, I put a few questions to him; his only reply was, "Oh! my mother, my mother!" He soon breathed his last. No cause could be assigned for the rash act. He was a very sober man, beloved and respected by all who knew him. Mr. Downie was a near relation of the unfortunate captain of that name, who fell so gallantly on Lake Champlain.13 Leaving the Colonel Allan to pursue her voyage, we resume the subject of the schooner which entered the Columbia, as already noticed. This vessel, after a cruise along the 13 George Downie, commander of the British fleet on the lakes of Canada in the War of 1812. He was killed in the battle of Plattsburg in September, 1814, while engaged against the American fleet of Commodore MacDonough. 63 fur i^unterg of tl>e far Wm j f coast, sailed for the United States. On board of the schooner was a Russian renegade by the name of Jacob, a blacksmith by trade, whom the captain, on his arrival, handed over to us in irons, charged with mutiny. This daring wretch had laid a plot for putting the captain to death and carrying the ship to a strange port, but his designs were detected in time to save both. We have no great pleasure in dwelling on crime, but will briefly sketch Jacob's career. He was brought to Fort George in irons, and in these irons he lay until the schooner sailed. On the strength of fair promises, however, and apparent deep contrition, he was released from his chains and confinement and intro- duced to the forge as a blacksmith. He did not long continue there before it was discovered that he had been trying his old pranks again, but though he did not succeed in bringing about a mutiny, he succeeded in causing disaffection and desertion. It was always customary at Fort George to keep a watch by night as well as a guard by day. In this respect it resembled more a military than a trading establishment. Jacob, from his address, had got into favor with his bourgeois; he was one of the night watch, and for some time gave great satisfaction. This conduct was, however, more plausible than real, and from some suspicious circumstances I had noticed I warned Mr. Keith that Jacob 69 |j J! &lejrantier $o&£ was not the reformed man that he wished to make us believe. But Mr. Keith, a good man himself, could only see Jacob's favorable side. The master was duped, and the blacksmith was at his old trade of plotting mischief. He was bribing and misleading the silly and credulous to form a party, and had so far succeeded that while on the watch one dark night he and eighteen of his deluded followers, chiefly Owhyhees, got over the palisades un- perceived, and set off for California in a body. He had made his dupes believe that, if once there, their fortunes were made. But just as the last of the deserters was getting over the pickets I happened to get wind of the matter and discovered their design. I immediately awoke Mr. Keith, but it was only after muster was called that we found out the extent of the plot, and the number missing. "I could never have believed the villain would have done so," was Mr. Keith's only remark. On the next morning the interpreter and five Indians, all in disguise, were sent to track them out, with instructions to join the fellows and to act according to circumstances. If they found them determined to continue their journey, they were not to make themselves known; but if, on the contrary, they found them wavering and divided, they were to use their influence and endeavor to bring them back. The plan succeeded. Abandoning their treacherous leader, the fugitive islanders 70 fur ^unter£ of tlje far We$t wheeled about and, accompanying the interpreter, returned again to the establishment on the third day. Jacob, finding himself caught in his own trap and deserted in turn by those whom he had led astray, abandoned himself with the savages. Nor was he long with them when he gave us a specimen of his capabilities as a robber, as well as a mutineer and deserter, for he returned to the fort in the night-time and contrived to get over the palisades, twenty feet high, eluded the watch, broke into a store, carried away his booty, and got clear off. Soon after this exploit, which in no small degree added to his audacity, he entered the fort in broad daylight, clothed in the garb of a squaw, and was meditating in conjunction with some Indian desperadoes an attack upon the fort, as we learned after his apprehension. We had repeatedly sent him friendly messages to return to his duty, and promised him a free pardon for the past. In short, we had done everything to induce his return, but to no purpose; he thought the footing he had obtained among the Indians was sufficient to set all our invitations and threats at defiance. During this time our anxiety and uneasiness increased, and the more so as it was well known that Jacob had become a leading man among a disaffected tribe of Indians. Our interest, our safety, our all, depended on our dissolving this dangerous union before it gathered strength. At this critical moment I 71 — aiejran&er Jflo&s proposed to Mr. Keith that if he would give me thirty men I would deliver Jacob into his hands. "You shall have fifty," said he; but continuing the subject, he remarked again, "No, it will be a hazardous undertaking, and I have no wish to risk men's lives." "Better to run every risk," said I, "than to live in constant alarm." "Well then," said he, "take the men you want, and go." So I immediately prepared to get hold of the villain at all risks. For this purpose forty armed men were got ready, and having procured a guide, we left the fort in two boats by night, but soon left our boats and proceeded through the back woods to prevent the Indians from either seeing or circulating any report of our departure. On the next day we had got to the edge of the woods about sundown. We encamped there, and remained concealed until night encouraged us to advance to within a short distance of the Indians. From. this place I dispatched the guide and two men to examine and report on the situation of the Indian camp. On their return, a little after midnight, we put everything in the best order we could, both for the attack and to guard against surprise. We had information as to the tent Jacob was in and, of course, we kept our eyes on it. Our Indian guide became uneasy and much intimidated. He said it was madness to attempt taking him as he was always armed, 72 fur ^unterg of tfte far We$t and besides that the Indians would fire upon us. "Look," said I to him; "do you see our guns—are we not armed as well as they? All the Indians in the land will not prevent us from executing our purpose, but if you are afraid, you can return home." This declaration touched him keenly. "I am ready," said he, "to follow the whites; I am not afraid." The night being dark, we should have waited the return of daylight, but the Indians were too numerous; our only chance of success was to take them by surprise. I, therefore, divided the men into two companies, one to surround the tent, the other to act as a guard in case the Indians interfered. All being ready, I took Wilson, the gunner, and St. Martin, the guide, two powerful men, with me. Arming ourselves, we made a simultaneous rush on the tent, but at the moment we reached it, a shot was fired from within; another instantly followed, yet we fortunately escaped. On forcing our way into the tent, the villain was in the act of seizing another gun, for he had three by him, but it was wrested out of his hands, and we laid hold of him. Being a powerful man he managed to draw a knife, and making a dash at St. Martin, cut his arm severely, but he had not time to repeat the blow; we had him down, and tying his hands and feet, dragged him out. By this time all our people had mustered 73 &lejtantier $o&£ together, and in the darkness and bustle we appeared much more formidable than we really were. In this confusion I perceived the chief of the rebellious tribe. Turning round to the fellow as he was sitting with his head on his knees, I said to him, "You are a pretty chief, harboring an enemy to the whites—a dog like yourself." Dog or woman are the most insulting epithets you can apply to an Indian. "You dog," said I again to him, "who fired the shots? You have forfeited your life; but the whites, who are generous, forgive you. Look, therefore, well to your ways in future." A good impression might have been made, had we been more formidable and able to prolong our stay among them, but as the Indians might have recovered from their surprise, and seeing our weak side, been tempted to take advantage of it, we hastened from the camp, carrying our prize with us. After getting clear of the camp we made a halt, handcuffed our prisoner, and then made the best of our way home. On arriving at the fort, Jacob was locked up, ironed, and kept so until the autumn, when he was shipped on board of a vessel sailing for the Sandwich Islands. As in irons he arrived, so in irons he left us. From that day I never heard any more about Jacob. It was a fortunate circumstance for us that the Indians did not interfere with our attempt to take him. The 74 fur i^unterg of t&e far We$t fact is they had no time to reflect, but were taken by surprise, which added to our success as well as safety. On Jacob's embarking in the boat to be conveyed to the ship he took off his old Russian cap, and waving it in the air round his head, gave three loud cheers, uttering in a bold voice, "Huzza, huzza! for my friends; confusion to my enemies!" While we were thus occupied on the west side of the mountains, new and more deeply interesting scenes were exerting their influence on the east side, which we shall notice. The North West Company were "encroaching on the chartered territories of the Hudson's Bay Company." The Northwesters, high in their estimation, professed to despise all others, and threatened with lawless violence all persons who presumed, in the ordinary course of trade, to come within their line—a line without limits, which fancy or caprice induced them to draw between themselves and all others. Many needy adventurers from time to time sought their way into the Indian countries from Canada, but few, very few indeed, ever had the courage or good fortune, if good fortune we might call it, to pass Fort William; and if, in a dark night or misty morning, they had passed the forbidden barrier, vengeance soon overtook them. Their canoes were destroyed, 75 t mssm &lerantier ftog£ themselves threatened, and their progress impeded in every way, so that they had to return ruined men. It is well known that the North West Company had no exclusive right of trade to any portion of the Indian country. Their right was in common with every other adventurer, and no more; and yet these were the men who presumed to burst through the legal and sacred rights of others. Many actions, however, which carried guilt and crime along with them, were thrown upon the shoulders of the North West Company undeservedly. Many lawless acts and aggressions were committed by their servants, which that highly respectable body never sanctioned. It was the unfortunate spirit of the times—one of the great evils resulting from competition in trade in a country where human folly and individual tyranny among the subordinates often destroys the wisest measures of their superiors; for at the head of the company of which we are now speaking were men of great sterling worth, men who detested crime as much as they loved justice. The Northwesters had of late years penetrated through the very heart of the Hudson's Bay Company's territories as far as the Atlantic, which washes the shores of Hudson Bay, and set at defiance every legal or moral restraint. Their servants pillaged their opponents, destroyed their forts and trading 76 fur i^untcr^ of t&e far We$t establishments as suited their views, and not infrequently kept armed parties marauding from post to post, menacing with destruction and death everyone that presumed to check their career, till at last party spirit and rivalry in trade had changed the whole social order of things, and brought about a state of open hostility. Such was the complexion of affairs up to the fatal nineteenth of June of this year. On that memorable day one of those armed parties to which we have just alluded, consisting of forty-five men, had advanced on the Earl of Selkirk's infant colony at Red River, when Governor Semple of the Hudson's Bay Company, with several other gentlemen and attendants, went out on behalf of the fright- 1] ened colonists to meet them, with the view, it has been stated, of ascertaining what they wanted. But the moment both parties met angry words ensued, shots were fired, and in the unfortunate rencounter the Governor and his party, to the number of twenty-two, were all killed on the spot. The colonists were driven at the muzzle of the gun from their comfortable homes to a distance of 300 miles from the settlement, even to Norway House, at the north end of Lake Winnipeg. And if they had the good fortune to get off with their lives, it was owing to the humane feelings of Mr. Cuthbert Grant, a native of the soil, who, placing himself, at the risk of his own life, between the North West party and the settlers, 77 ini^.iMjmiwj»iejHjfhi«-ft™^ '--•-• ■:—.'_ _:; v—_'__' --- 1 &leraniier jflogg kept the former at bay by his daring and determined conduct and saved the latter; for which meritorious and timely interference the settlement owes him a debt of gratitude which it can never repay. On the words, "shots were fired," hinged many of the decisions which took place in the courts of law, for the advocates of either party strenuously denied having fired the first shot. Perhaps the knowledge of that fact will ever remain a secret, but the general opinion is against the North West party, and in that opinion I concur. The triumph, however, was but of short duration, for the sacrifice of that day sealed the downfall of the North West Company. No less than twenty-three individuals out of the forty-five which composed the North West party fell victims, in the course of human events, to misfortune, or came to an untimely end. A melancholy warning! We might here remark in connection with this sad event that the going out of Governor Semple and so many men with him was an ill-advised measure, as it carried along with it the appearance of a determination on their part to oppose force to force; and we cannot, in the spirit of impartiality and fairness, close our eyes to the fact that they were all armed. This was, no doubt, the light in which the North West party viewed their approach, which led to the catastrophe that followed. 78 f fur punter*? of tfje far We$t But we now hasten from this scene to notice the influence that it had on their opponents. No sooner had the news of the fatal disaster at Red River spread abroad than the Earl of Selkirk with an armed force seized on Fort William, the grand depot and headquarters of the North West Company on the east side of the Rocky Mountains. We are not, however, prepared to assert that Lord Selkirk was right in seizing on Fort William by way of retaliation. No one has a right to take the law into his own hands, nor to make himself judge in his own cause, but according to the prevailing customs of this lawless country power confers right. Soon after these aggressions the eyes of Government were opened to the facts of the case, and two commissioners, Colonel Coltman and Major Fletcher, were sent up from Canada with authority to examine into the matter and seize all guilty or suspected persons belonging to either side, and send them down to stand their trials. We cannot do better here than refer our readers to a.perusal of these trials, which took place in Canada in 1818. Before dismissing this part of our narrative we will advert to what we have just mentioned, namely, the Earl of Selkirk's infant colony. As it may afford some satisfaction to our readers to know something more about it, we shaU, for their information, state a few facts. In the progress of his colonizing system Lord 79 — aa = 0 ■ r &lejtaniier fto&S Selkirk had purchased from the Hudson's Bay Company, in 1811, a tract of land on the Red River, situated at the southern extremity of Lake Winnipeg, in Hudson Bay, for the purpose of planting a colony there; to which place several families had, in 1812 and subsequent years, been brought out from Scotland by his lordship. These Scotch families were the first settlers in Red River, and Red River was the first colony planted in Rupert's Land.14 The first settlers had to stand the brunt of troublesome times, and weather the sweeping storms of adversity during the early days of the colony. They were driven several times from their homes, and suffered every hardship, privation, and danger from the lawless strife of the country. They were forced to live and seek shelter among the savages, and like them had to resort to hunting and fishing to satisfy the pangs of hunger; and after order had in some measure been established, they were visited for several years by clouds of grasshoppers that ate up every green herb and left the fields black, desolate, and fruitless.15 14 Ross himself wrote a history of the Red River Colony, with which he was identified during the last half of his life. For an authoritative modern account of it see Louis A. Wood, The Red River Colony. A Chronicle of the Beginnings of Manitoba (Toronto, 1915). 15 Many of them, abandoning the settlement, sought permanent homes in the United States, coming overland to St. Paul and thence descending the Mississippi to Galena and other points. 80 fur $unter£ of tfje far Wt$t What his lordship's views were in planting a colony in such a frozen and out-of-the-way corner of the earth as Red River, few persons knew. He must have foreseen that it must eventually fall into the hands of the Americans, however little they might benefit by it, for the march of improvements must, in the nature of things, be south, and not north. Its value, therefore, to Great Britain, excepting so far as the Hudson's Bay Company are concerned, will be nothing, but from its geographical position it may on some future occasion serve as a bone of contention between the two governments. The founder of Red River Colony could have had no other real object in view than as a key to the fur trade of the Far West, and as a resting place for retiring fur traders clogged with Indian families. In this point of view the object was philanthropic, and, to the fur trade, a subject of real interest, for retiring traders, in lieu of transporting either themselves or their means to the civilized world, as was the case formerly, would find it their interest to spend their days in perhaps a more congenial and profitable manner in Red River Colony, under the fostering care and paternal influence of the honorable Hudson's Bay Company. We have already adverted to McKenzie's appointment. In October that gentleman reached Fort George from Montreal, to enter on his new sphere of labors. He was received 81 / $Uejr;an&er Mo$$ by the Columbia managers with a chilling and studied politeness. It was, no doubt, mortifying to his feelings to witness the shyness of his new associates, for if they could have driven him back from whence he came, it was evidently their object to do so; but McKenzie, as stubborn as themselves, knew his ground, and defied the discouraging reception he met with, either to damp his spirits or to cool his steady zeal. He, therefore, lost no time, but intimated to Mr. Keith his wish to depart for the interior as soon as convenient, the season being far advanced and the journey long. Mr. Keith, however, raised many objections. He alleged the scarcity of men, the lateness of the season, and the want of craft. Nor were these objections altogether groundless. "Your departure," said he, "will disarrange all our plans for the year." In answer to which McKenzie handed him his instructions, a letter from the agents at Montreal, with a copy of the minutes of Council at Fort William. After perusing these documents Mr. Keith, throwing them on the table, said, "Your plans are wild. You never will succeed, nor do I think any gentleman here will second your views or be so foolhardy as to attempt an establishment on the Nez Perces lands as a key to your future operations, and without this you cannot move; a step." "These remarks are uncalled for; I have been there 82 fur l^unter£ of tfje far We$t already," replied McKenzie. "Give me the men and goods I require, according to the resolutions of Council: I alone am answerable for the rest." So saying, they parted. During all this time the Northwesters might be seen together in close consultation, avoiding, as much as possible, the object of their dislike. Their shy and evasive conduct at length roused McKenzie to insist on his rights. "Give me the men and goods," said he, "as settled at headquarters. I ask for no more; those I must have." "You had better," replied Mr. Keith, "postpone your operations till another year." "No," rejoined McKenzie, "my instructions are positive, I must proceed at once." And here the conference again ended. Keith and his adherents had denounced every change as pregnant with evil, and McKenzie's schemes as full of folly and madness. They, therefore, labored hard to counteract both. The chief of the interior stood alone, I being the only person on the ground who seconded his views, and that was but a feeble support. Yet, although he thus stood alone, he never lost sight of the main object. The coolness between the parties increased; they seldom met; the wordy dispute ended, a paper war ensued. This new feature in the affair was not likely to mend the matter, but was what McKenzie liked; he was now in his own element. This went on for two or three 83 ]i I! e far Wt$t Wallamitte was relinquished for a time. Soon afterwards, however, a party of twenty-five men, under the management of a clerk, was sent to pacify the natives, and to endeavor to penetrate to the hunting ground. On reaching the spot where the first difficulty arose they found that the man who had been killed was a chief, and that, therefore, the tribe would not come to terms before a certain portion of merchandise was delivered as a compensation for the injury done. This being accordingly agreed to, the matter was compromised and the party advanced, but unfortunately soon got involved in a second quarrel with the natives, and having fired upon them, killed three. On their way back, after putting up for the night, a band of Indians got into their camp and a scuffle ensued, when one of the hunters was severely wounded, and the whole party owed its safety to the darkness of the night. By the disasters of this trip, every avenue was for the present shut up against our hunters in the Wallamitte. One remark here suggests itself. When the first party of hunters were warned by the natives that they would not suffer them to hunt on their lands unless they produced an instant payment by way of tribute, what was the amount of that tribute? Had they,- the moment the Indians threatened tribute, instead of paddling up in the middle of the stream, stopped and. made for shore, held out I I -89' I-"—; fttejtanoer ftogg the hand of friendship, and smoked a pipe or two of tobacco with them, there would have been an end to all demands—the affair would have been settled. This was the tribute the natives expected, but the whites set the Indians at defiance by trying to pass them in the middle of the stream. When any difficulty of this kind occurs, a friendly confidence on the part of the whites seldom fails in bringing about a reconciliation; the Indians at once come round to their views. This was the universal practice followed by us during our first years in traveling among the Indians, and we always got on smoothly. But in measuring the feelings of the rude and independent natives of Columbia by the same standard as they measured the feelings of their dependent slaves on the east side of the mountains, the Northwesters were not wise. The result of this disaster shut us out entirely from the southern quarter. The loss was severely felt, and Mr. Keith, with his usual sagacity and forethought, lost no time in applying a remedy. But what remedy could well be applied? We considered ourselves aggrieved, the natives were still more angry. We had been wounded, but they had been killed, and perhaps all by the bad conduct of our own people; yet, under all the circumstances, something required to be done. Negotiation was resolved upon as the most prudent step to be adopted. 90 fur ^unterjef of tfie far Wt$t In order, therefore, to bring about a reconciliation, a party sufficiently strong to guard against miscarriage and give weight to our measures was fitted out and put under my charge, and I was ably assisted by my experienced friend, Mr. Ogden.16 This half- diplomatic, half-military embassy, consisting of forty-five armed men, left Fort George in three boats and reached the Wallamitte Falls on the third day. It was there the Indians had assembled to resist any attempt of the hunters to ascend the Wallamitte. There we found them encamped on the left or west bank. We took up our position, with two field-pieces to guard our camp on the east or right-hand side, which is low, rocky, and somewhat uneven. Both parties were opposite to each other, with the river between them. Early the next morning we set the negotiation on foot, and made several attempts, but in vain, to bring the Indians to a parley. I went to their camp; we offered them to smoke, and held out the hand of friendship in every possible way we could, but to no purpose. 16 Peter Skene Ogden, a native of Quebec, entered the service of the North West Company as a clerk in 1811. After several years in western Canada he came to the lower Columbia region in 1818. After a long career of much prominence in the Northwest fur trade he died at Oregon City in 1854. For a careful sketch of his career, see T. C. Elliott, "Peter Skene Ogden, Fur Trader," in Oregon Historical Quarterly, September, IQIO. 91 ft aiejtanDer jf!o$S They refused holding any communication with us, but continued to sing their war songs, and danced their war dance. We, however, were not to be discouraged by any demonstrations on their part. Patience and forbearance do much on these occasions. It is the best policy to be observed with Indians; indeed, with all the natives of Columbia. Peace being our object, peace we were determined to obtain. We, therefore, quietly waited to see what time would bring about. The first day passed without our effecting anything, and so did the second. Friendly offers were constantly held out to them, but as constantly rejected. On the third day, however, the chiefs and warriors crossed over to our side and stood in a group at some distance from our camp. I knew what was meant by this, so I took a flag in my hand and went alone to meet them. Just as I had reached the party, the whole Indian camp burst into a loud and clamorous scene of mourning. That moment the chiefs and warriors, forming a ring, squatted down, and concealing their faces with their garments, remained silent and motionless for about the space of half an hour. During all this time I had to stand patiently and await the result. Not a word was uttered on either side, but as soon as the lamentations ceased in the camp the great men, uncovering their faces, stood 92 fur ^unterg of tlje far Wt$t upon their feet. I then offered the pipe of peace, according to Indian custom, but a significant shake of the head from the principal chief was the only reply. After a momentary pause the chief, turning to me, exclaimed in his own language, "What do the whites want?" Rather nettled at his refusing the pipe, I answered, "Peace—peace is what we want"; and in saying so, I presented him with my flag. "Here," said I, "the great chief of the whites sends you that as a token of his love." A moment or two passed in silence; a whisper went round; the peace-offering was accepted, and in return the chief took a pipe, painted and ornamented with feathers, and laid it down before me. This was a favorable sign. On such occasions the calumet of peace is always an emblem of friendship. They were gratified with the toy; it pleased them. The chief asked to smoke. I then handed him the pipe he had but a little before refused, and some tobacco, and they sat down and commenced smoking, for that is the introductory step to all important affairs, and no business can be entered upon with these people before the ceremony of smoking is over. The smoking ended, each great man got up in turn and made a speech. Before they had all got through nearly two hours elapsed, and all that time I had to stand and wait. These speeches set forth in strong language a statement of their grievances, a demand for redress, 93 W 11 ' '^1 II &lejtantier &o$S and a determination to resist in future the whites from proceeding up the Wallamitte. As soon as the Indians had said all they had to say on the subject they sat down. After arriving at our camp and smoking there I stated the case on behalf of the whites, opposing the Indians' determination to prevent us from ascending the Wallamitte, and trying to bring about, if possible, a peace. I, therefore, endeavored to meet every objection, and proved to the chiefs that their people were the first aggressors by shooting their arrows at our people, but this being no part of Indian law they either could not, or would not, comprehend it. Notwithstanding their people had been the aggressors in the first instance, our people had been guilty of great indiscretion, and to cut the matter short I agreed to pay for their dead according to their own laws, if they would yield the other points; which, after a whole day's negotiation and two or three trips to their camp, they at last agreed to. The chiefs reasoned the matter temperately, and formally agreed to everything. But their acknowledged authority is very limited, their power, as chiefs, small; so that any rascal in the camp might at any time break through the most solemn treaty with impunity. The conditions of this rude treaty were that the Wallamitte should remain open, that the whites should have at all times free ingress 94 Ill fur l^unterg of t&e far Wt$t and egress to that quarter unmolested, that in the event of any misunderstanding between the natives and the whites the Indians were not to resort to any act of violence, but their chiefs were to apply for redress to the white chief at Fort George; and if the whites found themselves aggrieved they were also not to take the law into their own hands, nor to take any undue advantage of the Indians. The chiefs alone were to be accountable for the conduct of their people. And truth compels us to acknowledge that the Indians- faithfully and zealously observed their part of the treaty for many years afterwards. The business being ended, the chief, as a token of general consent, scraped a little dust together and with his hand throwing it in the air, uttered, at the same time, the expressive word "Hilow," it is done. This was no sooner over than the chief man presented us with a slave, as a token of his good will, signifying by the act that if the Indians did not keep their promise we might treat them all as slaves. The slave being returned again to the chief, we prepared to leave the Indians, paid our offering for the dead, shook hands with the living, satisfied the chiefs, and pushed down the current. On our way home, however, we were stopped about an hour at Oak Point by the ice, a rather unusual circumstance, one that never occurred, either before or after, all the time I 95 1 '-rm SUeranoer Mo$$ I was in the country. On reaching Fort George the articles of the treaty were read over, and drew from Mr. Keith a smile of approbation. That was no small credit to me, for he was a very cautious man, and not lavish of his praise. "Your success," said he to me, "removes my anxiety, and is calculated not only to restore peace in the Wallamitte, but throughout the whole of the neighboring tribes." We might here state that the Wallamitte takes its rise near the northern frontier of California in about latitude 430 30' north, not far from the Umpqua River. The former of these streams runs almost a northern course and empties its waters into the Columbia by two channels, some seventy miles above Cape Disappointment, in north latitude 460 19', being almost due east from the mouth of the Columbia; the latter pursues a course almost due west, till it reaches the ocean. The Call-law-poh-yea-as is the name by which all the Wallamitte tribes, sixteen in number, are generally known. These people were always considered by the whites as a quiet and inoffensive nation, dull and unassuming in their behavior, but, when once roused, not deficient in courage. We have more than once had occasion to notice the striking change in the natives during the reign.of the North West Company on the Columbia. On his passage down, McKenzie 96 97 fur ^unterg of tije far Wt$t was greeted at the Dalles by an unexpected shower of stones as he took the current at the lower end of the portage. The natives in this instance were a few hundred strong. His party consisted of about forty, and, judging it expedient to resent the very first insult, he briskly wheeled round, to their astonishment, and ordered all arms to be presented. In this menacing attitude he signified to his men to rest until he showed the example by firing 11 the first shot; then, exhorting the natives to renew their insult with stones, or resort to their arms, a fair challenge was offered. But, whether the movement was too sudden or that they were doubtful of the result, they declined and came forward with a satisfactory submission. The affair of the rifle on a former occasion was not, perhaps, forgotten. The attack was owing to the scarcity of tobacco. A very few pipes had been lighted and they, perceiving that he had little remaining, became enraged because they could not grasp the whole. A few days previous, McMillan having gone down with an express with only twenty men, they robbed one of his people of his coat and others of various articles at the moment of embarking, but this gentleman observed a very prudent forbearance, his party being in no way a match for them. McKenzie's departure from Fort George has already been noticed. Without accident or loss of time he reached the dangerous pass of M aiejrantier fto&ef the Cascades. There, however, the rigors of the season checked his progress, for the Columbia was bridged over with ice. We soon learned, however, that he was at home. His party consisted of about forty men, such as they were. Retaining, therefore, a certain number about himself and the property, he adopted a new plan of distributing the remainder in the houses of the different great men among the natives, apparently as boarders but in reality as spies, so that every hour he had ample intelligence of all that passed in the respective villages or camps. The chiefs were flattered by this mark of his consideration. They were no less pleased with the trifles which from time to time they received in payment, and all the natives of the place became, in a few months, perfectly familiarized with the whites. A great deal of information was collected from these people, considerable furs also, and altogether such a footing established among them as promised to be turned to advantage at a future time. The chiefs were no less pleased to see McKenzie than anxious to know the cause of his return to their country, and he was greeted with a hearty welcome from all classes. "We are rejoiced," said an old chief to him, one day, "to see one of our first and best friends come back again to live among us. We were always well treated by our first 98 fur J^unterg of tlje far Wt$t traders, and got plenty of tobacco to smoke. They never passed our camp without taking our children by the hand and giving us a smoke, and we have always been sorry since you left us. Our traders now-a-days use us badly; they pass up and down the river without stopping. They never take our children by the hand, nor hold out the pipe to us. They do not like us. Their hearts are bad. We seldom go to see them. Are you," continued the chief, "going to remain long with us?" McKenzie consoled the friendly old man, and told him that he would be long with them, to smoke and take their children by the hand, and would never pass nor repass without giving them a smoke, as usual. At these words, the chief exclaimed, "Haugh owe yea ah! Haugh owe yea ah!" These exclamations of gratitude showed that McKenzie was perfectly at home among them. Every countenance he met smiled with contentment, and his authority was as much respected by the Indians as by his own people, so that he considered himself as safe and secure in the Indian camp as if he had been in his own house. No sooner had he laid himself up in ordinary among the great nabobs of the Cascades, than he was invited from wigwam to wigwam to partake of their hospitality. On the score of cheer, we will here gratify the curiosity of our readers with a brief description of one of their entertainments, called 99 =i fttanorr fto#sf an Indian feast. The first thing that attracts the attention of a stranger, on being invited to a feast in these parts, is to see seven or eight bustling squaws running to and fro with pieces of greasy bark, skins of animals, and old mats, to furnish the banqueting lodge, as receptacles for the delicate viands. At the door of the lodge is placed, on such occasions, a sturdy savage with a club in his hand, to keep the dogs at bay while the preparations are going on. The banqueting hall is always of a size suitable to the occasion, large and roomy. A fire occupies the center, round which, in circular order, are laid the eatables. The guests form a close ring round the whole. Everyone approaches with a grave and solemn step. The party being all assembled, the reader may picture to himself our friend seated among the nobles of the place, his bark platter between his legs, filled top-heavy with the most delicious melange of bear's grease, dog's flesh, wappatoes, obellies, amutes, and a profusion of other viands, roots, and berries. Round the festive board, placed on terra firma, all the nabobs of the place are squatted down in a circle, each helping himself out of his platter with his fingers, observing every now and then to sleek down the hair by way of wiping the hands. Only one knife is used, and that is handed round from one to another in quick motion. Behind the banqueting circle IOO fur $unter£ of t^e far Wt$t sit, in anxious expectation, groups of the canine tribe, yawning, howling, and growling. These can only be kept in the rear by a stout cudgel, which each of the guests keeps by him for the purpose of self-defense, yet it not infrequently happens that some one of the more daring curs gets out of patience, breaks through the front rank, and carries off his booty; but when a trespass of this kind is committed, the unfortunate offender is well belabored in his retreat, for the cudgels come down upon him with a terrible vengeance. The poor dog, however, has his revenge in turn, for the squabble and brawl that ensues disturbs all the dormant fleas of the domicile. This troop of black assailants jump about in all directions, so that a guest, by helping himself to the good things before him, keeping the dogs at bay behind him, and defending himself from the black squadrons that surround him, pays, perhaps, dearer for his entertainment at the Columbian Cascades than a foreign ambassador does in a London hotel. On the breaking up of the ice our friends were again on their voyage, but had again the misfortune to break one of their boats while towing it up the Cascades. The lading consisted of sixty packages, of ninety pounds each, and the other craft were too much laden to embark so great a surplus; so, strange as it may appear, McKenzie lost not an hour in IOI 1 &lejrantier $o&$ hastening his voyage, but delivered over the whole of this valuable and bulky cargo into the hands of a chief, named Shy-law-ifs, until the period of his return. When the brigade returned, the faithful and trusty chief delivered the whole over, saie and untouched, to McKenzie again after being six months in his possession. Nor did we.ever learn that the Indians, or even his own' relations, molested him in the least during this seasonable act of friendship. / During this voyag§*the chief of the interior visited several of the inland posts, arranged the plans for the ensuing year, and then joined the people of the spring brigade, who were assembling from all quarters. This party we had left, as will be remembered, on reaching their winter quarters, and we now resume the subject, in order to conduct them to their friends at headquarters. In the Indian countries no sooner has the rigorous season begun to break up than the people of each wintering ground leave their respective stations and repair with all possible speed to the general rendezvous at headquarters. The mode of voyaging at that particular period varies according to the temperature of the climate, the face of the country, and the peculiar habits of the tribes where the station has been fixed; whether in the vicinity of lofty mountains or of level plains, and whether the inhabitants live at 102 fur l^unterg of tl>e far Wt$t peace or war with each other, or endanger their traders by their early sallies in the spring. From some parts, therefore, the people carry their returns in canoes. In others, the use of horses, or sledges drawn by dogs, is resorted to as the most practicable for transporting property during the early stages of the season. The time had now come when, with lightsome hearts, the winterers, as they are generally called, perform the annual trip to the ocean, and an augmentation of returns this year brightened the features of our friends as they came down the Columbia to Fort George, where they arrived safely on the sixteenth of June, 1817. Happy we were, likewise, that a twelvemonth had elapsed, for the first time throughout the interior, without casualty or bloodshed to thin their numbers. II 103 Chapter 4 THE NEW SYSTEM OF TRADE INAUGURATED A FEW days after the arrival of the spring brigade from the interior the Company's annual ship reached Fort George, and with its arrival we shall commence the transactions of another year. On the arrival of all hands at headquarters, their stay is generally short. Consequently, at the head depot, all is bustle and hurry, yet business of every description is transacted there with a degree of order and regularity not to be surpassed in countries more civilized. As soon, therefore, as the arrangements at the depot terminate and the annual appointment is made—for it is there unalterably fixed for the year, without any appeal—each man re- . turns to his post. But although the authority which determines the lot of each for the season is absolute, yet few instances of either oppression or injustice occur. During the sitting of Council this year an inclination was manifested to promote by every possible means a change of system, and, by so doing, to give the chief of the interior the benefit resulting from general support; but after the Council broke up the disposition evinced to carry such a measure into practical 104 fur $untttjst of tlje far Wt$t operation rather operated in an opposite direction, tending to defeat any change for the better, and this disposition was strengthened by new and unforseen difficulties, over which the Columbians had no control. In the various arrangements from year to year there is generally contentment and satisfaction among all classes. This arises as much from that variety of scene, that love of freedom of which man is so universally fond, and which he here so fully enjoys, as from anything else. There are pleasures at times in wild and savage countries as alluring as those in gay cities and polished circles, and on the whole few ever leave the scenes of the wilderness without deep regret. In consequence of the East India Company's debarring the bulk of British subjects from sailing in the Indian Ocean, the North West Company's commerce in that quarter of the world became extremely circumscribed. Therefore they resolved to divest themselves of all their shipping, as, through the connections they possessed in New England, the inconvenience would be compensated by their investing their furs in China produce, and their trade would not sustain any material injury. We shall, therefore, not trouble ourselves nor our readers about the shipping interest, but confine our remarks to those measures which affected us nearer home. 105 1 1 &lejeaniier iHo££ The spirit of rivalry and opposition in trade east of the mountains had for some time checked the progress of the North West Company, and intercepted the reinforcements of men which had been dispatched to the Columbian quarter. On this account we found ourselves short of our usual complement, and therefore had, at a great expense and loss of time, to send for a supply of Sandwich Islanders as substitutes. But even this difficulty and delay might have been avoided had there been anything like willingness among ourselves to assist each other, for there might have been not a few men collected from other sources to strengthen our ranks in the emergency; but no one was disposed to spare a man or lend a willing hand to assist in bringing about a new order of things. Old habits and a love of ease predominated. The chief of the interior had, therefore, to depart with a motley and disaffected handful of men, chiefly Iroquois, to prosecute the introductory part of his reform plan. Matters having been arranged, the inland brigade, after a short stay of eight days, left the head depot for the interior. I also accompanied the party for my own post at the She Whaps, and the change was the more agreeable to me, as any place was to be preferred to the wet and disagreeable climate of Fort George. 106 — fur ^unterg of tfje far Wt$t It was not my intention, originally, to have conducted, step by step, every voyaging party ascending or descending the Columbia; yet, as I promised to notice every -incident that might occur, and, moreover, to narrate the subject of my own trials and hairbreadth escapes among the Indians, that duty has again devolved on me; and as it will be found that we had more than ordinary difficulties to contend with during the present voyage the reader may, perhaps, take some interest in its details. On the brigade's starting, the numbers were only forty-five men, being little more than half the usual complement. We felt our own weakness, and the more so at that season when the communication is resorted to by strange Indians, it being the great rendezvous for salmon fishing, but we had no alternative. Few as our numbers were, we had to face the difficulties that lay before us, so we hoisted sail and turned our backs on Fort George. At Oak Point one of our men deserted and soon afterwards two others fell sick, diminishing our numbers and embarrassing us still more. At the mouth of the Wallamitte we were nearly getting into a serious quarrel. We had made a halt to purchase some provisions from the Indians on Moltnomah Island. While in the act of doing so some arrows were pointed our way without any apparent cause, when two of the Iroquois immediately cocked their guns to fire upon 107 jMM =-—^= &lejr;an&er JHogg the Indians. They were fortunately stopped in time or we might have had a sad tale to tell, for one shot fired from any of our party would have been the signal of our ruin. Notwithstanding the Iroquois were checked in time, yet the menace was noticed by the Indians, and it raised a spirit of discontent which ran like wildfire among them, and our diminished numbers, compared to those of former years, encouraged the Indians to a boldness scarcely ever witnessed before. At this stage of the affair the natives were observed to collect in groups, and to become shy towards us—a very bad sign; we, however, put the best face on things and tried to restore confidence and content, after which we set sail and left them. Arriving at the Cascades, we found the natives in great numbers and all completely armed. The utmost care and circumspection were needful in carrying our bulky ladings over that rocky and dangerous portage, and although strong guards were stationed at the frequent resting-places, yet we could not manage to get through without repeated alarms. However, the good understanding we kept up with the principal men quieted all our apprehensions, and in spite of appearances it was found that we were in reality safe during the whole of our arduous day's labor. Having encamped on a convenient spot at the upper end, the chiefs and the great men 108 fur f$untet$ of tfje far Wt$t were invited to come and smoke with us; they accepted the invitation, and their suite of followers might have been five hundred. As soon as the order of the camp was finished, and the proper precautions taken for the night, the chiefs were admitted within the lines and made to sit down at a convenient place set apart for that purpose by the doors of the'tents, while the crowd received the same indulgence at some distance on the opposite side. When the ceremony of smoking was over a few words were addressed to the chiefs, expressing the favorable sense we entertained of their character and their deportment during the day. We also bestowed on each a head of tobacco, and to every one of the group we gave a single leaf, which took a considerable quantity and some time to distribute. This kind treatment was so different to anything they had met with for years past that all with one voice called out, in the Chinook language, "Haugh owe yea ah, haugh owe yea ah," meaning, "our friends, our friends." Turning then to the chiefs, we pointed out the duties of the sentinels, signifying that they should explain the purport to all the natives of the place, in order that our slumbers might not be disturbed, and that the present happy intercourse might not be interrupted. This done, the whole party moved off in the most orderly manner, neither did any of them 109 HUeranber Mo$$ approach us during the night. However, we kept a strict watch until morning. From the good understanding that existed between ourselves and the natives on a former occasion, and particularly last winter, we anticipated the continuance of a friendly intercourse, but in this we were deceived; that friendship was but of short duration. It was dissolved in a moment by the most frivolous trifle. I had with me an old, favorite dog, a little dwarf terrier of the Spanish breed. We had missed it during the morning, but had not in the bustle and hurry made any inquiry about it. One of the Indians, as it afterwards appeared, had got hold of it and carried it to his tent. The little captive, in its struggles to get at liberty, happened to scratch one of his children in the face, but got off and made for us with all haste, just as were sitting down to breakfast. Happening to turn round, I perceived my little pet running towards us in great fright, and two fellows following it at full speed with their guns in their hands. The poor little thing, on reaching us, lay down, and by its looks seemed to implore protection. No sooner had the rascals, however, got to us, than one of them, with an air of bold effrontery, cocked his gun to shoot the dog. I immediately jumped up, took the gun out of his hands, and tried to pacify him. The fellow was furious and would give no explanation, no fur ^unter£ of t&e far We$t ■ ■■ immiinrmin iimiww—■ wwmib —ii^ — ■wwi »i■ ■■!!■ »wi—imp—■ji^biii—^w——WMMimim—m but again demanded his gun. I told him he might have his gun if he made no bad use of it. To this he made no reply, but with an air of insolent boldness still demanded his gun. Laying hold of my own gun with one hand, I handed him his with the other, accompanying the delivery with this admonition, "If you attempt to kill my dog, you are a dead man." The fellow stood motionless as a statue, but made no attempt to kill the dog. His companion turned back to the camp the moment I laid hold of the gun and in a few minutes we were surrounded by a hundred clamorous voices, uttering the words, "Ma sats se-Pa she shy hooks, ma sats se-Pa she shy hooks—bad white people, bad white people." We, however, kept a watchful eye on their maneuvers, armed ourselves, and waited the result. In a little time their excitement began to abate and we had an opportunity of speaking in our turn, but our voices were scarcely heard in the crowd. Had we measured the strength of both parties by our comparative numbers, we might at once have yielded to our opponents, but we formed no such comparison. We were compelled through sheer necessity to assert our rights and defend our property, which we did in defiance of all their threats. It is hard to say how the affair might have ended had not our friend, Shy-law-ifs, run into the in ^llejrantier &o£g milee and stood up boldly for the whites, so that after a great deal of loud clamor and threats the Indians had to return to their camp, and I saved my little dog. I mention this trivial circumstance to show how fickle and unsteady Indians are, and how little is required to change their friendship into enmity. In this simple incident you have the true character of an Indian. He will purloin and conceal articles belonging to the whites, and then make a merit of finding them, in order to get paid for his honesty. The hiding of a dog, the concealing of a horse, or anything else, is a common practice of theirs; and the fellow who took the little dog had no other object than to make a claim on delivering it up. After this affair we did not consider it good policy to depart from the place without coming to some understanding with the Indians. Putting our camp in a posture of defense to guard against surprise, McKenzie and myself went to the Indians and settled the matter in dispute. WTe gave the scratched bantling a small present, invited the chiefs to our camp to smoke, gave them a little tobacco, and parted once more the best friends in the world, and all this did not take up two hours' time, nor cost five shillings. From this incident it would appear that the Indian is in some respects a mere child, irritated by and pleased with a trifle. 112 fur i^unterg of ifyt far Wt$t Our cautious plans did not admit of our proceeding, notwithstanding the apparent good feeling, without having one of the great men to act the part of an interpreter and to proclaim our friendly footing to others as we advanced, particularly to the troublesome tenants of the Falls; for we were not ignorant that false rumors might get the start of us, and poison the minds of the natives against us. Such conduct on the part of the Indians of the Cascades may appear strange, after the friendly manner in which our people had been treated by them during the last winter, but this can be easily accounted for, were they less fickle than they are. In the winter season the natives of the place only were on the spot, but in summer the Cascades, as well as the Falls, are a place of general resort for all the neighboring tribes, as well as those of the place, and this was the case on the present occasion. Hence their numbers and boldness. The farther we advanced the more numerous were the natives, either dwelling in villages or congregated about the banks and rocks in tumultuous crowds. We thought it necessary to make a short halt at each band, according to the rules of former days, and although their gestures were most suspicious at times, yet we never failed to jump ashore and step into the midst of them with assumed confidence, at the same time accosting their 113 &lejtan&a: Jlo&e? great men and going over the same ceremonies as already noticed. We always passed as if we were old acquaintances on the most friendly terms. No steps within our power were neglected that could be anywise conducive to our safety—an object which now imperiously claimed attention, for rumors were in circulation that the natives had collected on the river in an unusual manner. Whenever an occasion called us on shore a couple of men from each craft, appointed for the purpose, instantly took their stand with fixed bayonets and a line of privilege was drawn, which the chiefs alone were allowed to pass for the purpose of reception. Every step we thus made was full of anxiety and apprehension, increased in a two-fold degree during the night. Everyone of the party was at length so worn out by incessant watching and fatigue that hope itself began to waver, and we even despaired of getting through; and not to our own puny arm, nor to any further efforts we could make, but to a kind and superintending Providence, we owed our good fortune and safety. Whenever the sun reached the summit of the hills, the most commanding spot was selected for our encampment. In a few minutes the boats were carried out of the water and placed, with the tents and baggage, in the form of a square, or such other figure as might correspond with the peculiar nature 114 fur i^unterg of tl>e far Wm of the ground. This novel fortress had but one opening, which was only wide enough to admit a single person at a time. Of this the tents took up one angle, having the doors outward, and before which a space was left vacant and appropriated for the chiefs. Beyond this was the station occupied by the guards and night watch, whose duty it was to keep at bay the tumultuous rabble, and here our solitary swivel was regularly pointed. The chiefs, however, neither passed nor repassed without leave, and under the specious veil o£ respect for their exalted rank their influence was in this way made subservient to our views. Their persons were pledges of our safety. Sometimes, in doubtful cases, they were detained over night. Each of our party had a special occupation assigned, and the watch at night being divided into three, we had each of us the direction of one alternately; but in many instances we were all on foot, and on these occasions had to pass a sleepless night. When on shore the duties rested entirely on the leaders and sentinels. The farther we advanced the more we became sensible of the advantages of the newly-adopted though simple system of strengthening our encampment; the natives could not have even the enticing opportunity of seizing or pilfering any article «to engender a quarrel, and, as far as a breastwork could go, the people were always sheltered from danger. 115 m •M &fejtan&a: JHo$e? Fifteen minutes was the time generally taken to put the camp into a proper state of defense. It would have required about the same time to have jumbled everything pell- 'mell, when the natives, the property, and ourselves would have indiscriminately occupied one and.the same ground, as had been done by the Northwesters hitherto on the Columbia. Indeed, that mode of proceeding was one chief cause, among others, of disorder, and of the bold footing which the natives had assumed and by which the Northwesters had so frequently got themselves involved in serious troubles on the Columbia. To reduce the natives to some order, however desirable, was no easy task, and it was rendered more difficult by the fewness of our numbers. All we could, therefore, attempt, on the present occasion, was gradually to introduce the system of reform, leaving it to be followed up in future. During our passages through the portages we were unavoidably more or less exposed. On these occasions the pauses, or resting- places, were only the distance of a gunshot apart, and guards were placed at each. First, the craft were carried and placed in a double row, with an area between sufficiently roomy for the baggage, which was properly ranged as it was brought forward, leaving a vacancy still large enough for the purpose of defense. The motions of the natives were closely 116 — fur ^unterg of tfie far Wt$t scrutinized before we ventured to start again. Half the ships were stationed at one end of the pause, and half likewise at the other. It was on such occasions that the influence of these men came most into play; by their means, therefore, we advanced with considerable dispatch, and with all the degree of safety which the case would admit of. On arriving at the Dalles, the most suspicious part of the communication, we found the natives mustered to the number of about one thousand warriors. The war song and yell warned us of their hostile intentions, and the fears of our friendly Indian only served to confirm our conjectures. We encamped at the commencement of the portage. The object of the natives, we were told, was to establish a perpetual tribute, which, if granted, would be the means of obtaining for us an undisturbed passage. The subject of tribute had been the result of a general plan settled among the natives. The first appearance of it was manifested at the Wallamitte, but it had been gathering strength for years past, ever since the Northwesters had possession of the country. Had the present expedition been conducted in the ordinary way of their traveling in these parts, no doubt it would have been enforced, but McKenzie's sudden and unexpected return, and the Indians' remembrance of him in former days, were favorable to us on the 117 &lejcantier fto££ present occasion. His open, free, and easy manner often disarmed the most daring savage, and when one expedient failed another was always at hand. When the men stood aloof, he caressed their children, which seldom failed to elicit a smile of approbation from the rudest. His knowledge of their character armed him with confidence. In the most suspicious places he would stroll among them, unarmed and alone, when he would allow no other man to step over the lines. He saw at a glance what was working within, and never failed to upset all their designs. Such a sagacious and prudent leader seldom fails to impart confidence to his followers. We tried to put on as bold a front as possible. The guards were doubled all the night; not one of us slept. The chiefs were prevailed upon to remain in our camp. The men were drawn out and the arms inspected, and the plan of proceeding for the ensuing day fixed upon and explained to the party. We were as desirous of reducing the turbulent natives as they were of reducing us. The motley complement of voyagers comprised a mixture of Iroquois, Abanakees, Owhyhees, and some even of a worse description, and with the exception of a few staunch Canadians the whole were little better or more to be depended on than Indians. This made us unwilling to hazard a battle, and our intention, therefore, was to stand on the defensive. 118 fur i^unterg of tfje far Wt$t 11 Should, however, the necessity of things bring on a combat, we were each of us to head a division, keeping each class unmixed and apart. On the next morning the Indians were assembled at our camp by break of day. Our men were at their post close to the baggage; our swivel had likewise its station; the Indians eyed it with suspicion. The chiefs, after a parley, received a smoke, and through the medium of our interpreter they were given to understand our determination: if they were advocates for peace and conducted themselves in an orderly manner, they should be presented with some tobacco at the farther end of the portage, as a mark of our friendship. While thus engaged, and the crowd thronging around us, a fellow more like a baboon than a man, with a head full of feathers and a countenance of brass, having a fine gun in his hand, called out, "How long are the whites to pass here, troubling our waters and scaring our fish, without paying us? Look at all these bales of goods going to our enemies," said he, "and look at our wives and children naked." The fellow then made a pause, as if waiting an answer, but as good fortune would have it, the rest of the Indians paid but little attention to him. No answer was made, nor was it a time to discuss the merits or demerits of such a question. Happening, however, to be near the fellow when he spoke, I turned briskly round. "So long," said I, "as the 119 &lejtatttier fto££ Indians smoke our tobacco; just so long, and no longer, will the whites pass here." Then I put some questions to him in turn. "Who gave you that fine gun in your hand?" "The whites," answered he. "And who gives you tobacco to smoke?" "The whites," he replied. Continuing the subject, "Are you fond of your gun?" "Yes." "Are you fond of tobacco to smoke?" To this question, also, the reply was "Yes." "Then," said I, "you ought to be fond of the whites, who supply all your wants." "Oh, yes!" rejoined he. The nature of the questions and answers set the bystanders laughing, and taking no further notice of the rascal, he sneaked off among the crowd and we saw him no more. The question put by the feathered baboon amounted to nothing in itself, but it proved that the subject of tribute had been discussed among the Indians. By this time the chiefs, whom we were anxious to gain over to our side, had promised to use their influence in our favor. We, therefore, lost no time in transporting our goods across the portage. All was suspense during this eventful day. A constant intercourse by pencil and paper was carried on from end to end of the pauses. The chiefs interested themselves for us. They spoke often and vehemently, but from the well-known disposition of the Indians, it was evident that the slightest mistake on our part would destroy the harmony that subsisted between us. 120 fur $unter£ of tfte far Wz$t On reaching the farther end of the carrying- place our craft were put into the water and laden without delay. The natives were increasing in numbers, and our party awaited the conclusion of the scene with anxiety. While I was distributing the promised reward to the chiefs, sixteen men, under the direction of McMillan, were placed as a guard to keep back the crowd, but they pressed us so hard that, before we had done, the guard, as well as myself, were forced into the water between the craft and the crowd. Never was I harder pressed, or nearer being crushed, than on that day. Two men were nearly losing their lives in the water, and more than once we despaired of getting ourselves extricated. The bows were strung, the arrows already out of their quivers. Signs were repeatedly made to the multitude to fall back, and just as the guard and all were hurrying to embark the word was issued for the men to raise their arms. Thrice was the order repeated before they obeyed. The interval was critical; I cannot describe it. Let the reader picture in his own mind our situation. In this perilous position a final notice was given to the natives to depart, and as a last resource in this emergency, the swivel was pointed from one of the boats. For a moment all was silent. The chiefs, who had been overwhelmed by the crowd, now getting themselves extricated, set the example, and the whole multitude fell 121 J ^lejcanUer jfcogg back a few paces. Our people, taking advantage of the favorable moment, embarked. While a third of our party were employed in getting the craft pushed off, the remainder, with their arms facing the natives, kept their position until all was clear and ready for a fair start; then embarking, we hoisted sail, our guns still pointed to the crowd. We were soon beyond their reach. Not an arrow flew, not a trigger was drawn. Had the Indians been aware of the movement made for defense at our departure, it is a question if they would have overlooked the opportunities that offered while we were more or less separated in making the portage, it never having been usual to take such precautions. But by this determined conduct their views were completely frustrated. No tribute was exacted. Had a different line been pursued, and had they once gained their point of extorting tribute, in a few voyages the whole lading would no doubt have had to pass for that purpose, and to the loss of property that of lives must inevitably have been added. In dangerous or hostile rencounters the Indians generally single out the leaders as the first victims, considering the remainder of the party easily managed from their probable confusion. This appears to have been the case on the present occasion, for it was remarked that three daring fellows were seen hovering about us adjust- 122 ^^U^^". JT~^:VtJ.fe.-.^V - fur i^unterjS of tfje far Wm ing their weapons, and the surmise was confirmed by report. The gentleman at the head of affairs, after signifying the necessity of a sharp lookout, walked up and presented these three desperadoes with a stone to sharpen their arrows; then sternly eyeing them all three alternately, he stamped with his foot, slapped the butt end of his gun, and opening the pans of his rifle and pistols, he primed anew, to show them that his arms were likewise ready. He then insisted on their sitting down and composing themselves. They did so with apparently great reluctance, and at the same time laid down their arrows as a token of submission, which, taking place in the full view of the crowd, made them look very sheepish. The effect, as far as we could judge, did not operate amiss. The demagogue who goes by the name of the Red Jacket also became useful and interested himself, no doubt to reclaim our favor and get a piece of tobacco. During the first day after our leaving the Dalles we saw on almost every point crowds on their way to the rendezvous, from which we inferred that the whole body of Indians had not yet been assembled at the appointed place, and perhaps to that circumstance, more than to any other, we owed our safety. From the Falls, our friend from the Cascades, after being rewarded with a new suit, returned back to his people. During the remainder of 123 ■HM — ■w-a &lejcantier jHo£g the voyage the banks of the river for a great way were covered with the natives. We made a short halt at each considerable camp, and the same attentions were paid to the chiefs in a greater or less degree, according as their respective merits and the aspect of things demanded. In passing by scattered bands, a few leaves of the envied plant were thrown upon the beach. Sometimes this offering of friendship fell into the water, but this was productive of an equal effect, as the natives in a twinkling plunged into the river to secure it. Some of the villages we passed had upwards of a thousand inhabitants, particularly those about the Great Forks. My craft happening to fall behind a little, one of the natives took offense at my handing to his companion a leaf or two of tobacco which was intended for both. The villain lost no time in bending his bow, and had he not been arrested in the act by my leveling my gun at him he would most likely have made sure of his mark. At length, arriving at the succession of bad steps called the Priest's Rapid, we were happily relieved from the importunities and annoyance of our numerous and designing neighbors on the south. Henceforth we traveled among those more friendly, as we advanced towards the north. The innumerable bands of Indians assembled along the communication this year rendered an uncommon degree of 124 fur l^unterg of tf>e far We$t watchfulness necessary, and more particularly as our sole dependence lay on them for our daily subsistence. I have passed and repassed many times, but never saw so many Indians in one season along the communication. We had reason to be thankful at our singular good luck throughout. On arriving at Okanogan, 600 miles from the ocean, I set out immediately for my winter quarters at the She Whaps, leaving my friends, McKenzie and McMillan, to do the same. It may now occur to the reader that on arriving at Okanogan our voyage was ended, and that henceforth we had nothing else to do. The case was, however, very different. I had still to put 300 miles behind me ere I reached my own destination, and the others nearly as many; but the most singular circumstance was, that some of the party after traveling so far north had, at this stage of the voyage, to wheel round and proceed again south, a most defective arrangement. Under existing regulations, the first halt of each brigade was at Okanogan. This was the point of general separation although the depot for the interior was still 140 miles farther east, at a place called Spokane House. Now, whatever Okanogan might have been, Spokane House, of all the posts in the interior, was the most unsuitable place for concentrating the different branches of the trade. But a post had been established at that place in the early 125 ™-' J &lejeantier Jf!o££ days of the trade, and after the country had become thoroughly known people were averse to change what long habit had made familiar to them, so Spokane House still remained. Hence, both men and goods were, year after year, carried 200 miles north by water, merely to have the pleasure of sending them 200 miles south again by land, in order to reach their destination. To obviate this serious difficulty it had been contemplated to have the depot of the interior removed from Spokane House to the Grand Forks, or Walla Walla, making either of these places, as being more central, the general rendezvous. But many objections to this change were urged. The country was too dangerous, the natives too hostile; the measure was deemed impracticable. These were the ostensible reasons, but the real cause lay deeper beneath the surface. Spokane House was a retired spot; no hostile natives were there to disquiet a great man. There the bourgeois who presided over the Company's affairs resided, and that made Spokane House the center of attraction. There all the wintering parties, with the exception of the northern district, met. There they were all fitted out. It was the great starting point, although six weeks' travel out of the direct line of some, and more or less inconvenient to all. But that was nothing; these trifles never troubled the great man. 126 fur i^unterg of tfje far Wt$t At Spokane House, too, there were handsome buildings. There was a ballroom, even, and no females in the land so fair to look upon as the nymphs of Spokane. No damsels could dance so gracefully as they, none were so attractive. But Spokane House was not celebrated for fine women only, there were fine horses also. The race-ground was admired, and the pleasures of the chase often yielded to the pleasures of the race. Altogether, Spokane House was a delightful place, and time had confirmed its celebrity. Yet with all these attractions in favor of the far-famed Spokane House, the unsparing McKenzie contemplated its removal. It was marked out by him as .a useless and expensive drawback upon the trade of the interior, and Walla Walla pitched upon as the future general rendezvous of the inland trade. This step deeply wounded the feelings of his colleagues, and raised in the breasts of all lovers of pleasure a prodigious outcry against him. As to the reasons assigned against Walla Walla by those opposed to a change, we might here remark that the plan of non-intercourse, which we had generally observed towards the natives was calculated rather to keep up a state of hostility than otherwise, for if we wished to reduce the turbulent spirit of the natives, it was not by avoiding them that we could do so, but by mixing with them. We must live with them and they with us. We 127 aierantrer Jfio££ must carry on a free intercourse with them, and familiarize them by that intercourse. If this plan had been followed up at first, the result, as in other similar cases, would have, no doubt, been favorable to both parties. At all events a step so necessary and so essential to our interest and theirs ought to have had a fair trial. Some time before our arrival at the She Whaps one of the men I had with me, named Brusseau, alias Aland, fell very sick and was so feeble that he was unable to continue the journey. It being impossible for us to remain with him, I got a small place fixed up near wood and water, and leaving a man to take care of him, and a spade, in case of his death, to bury him, we left him with but little hopes of recovery. On the tenth day after we had departed the man whom I had put to take care of Brusseau arrived at the fort with the news of his death, and on my asking him where the spade was, he said the Indians had stolen it. All this, as a matter of course, passed for truth, until some time afterwards, when who should turn up but poor dead Brusseau, escorted by some friendly Indians. It would appear that the cowardly and faithless fellow whom I had left to take care of him got frightened at the approach of some Indians, fled, and abandoned Brusseau to his fate; who, being left alone, must have 128 ittM fur l^unterg of tf>e far Wm perished but for the timely appearance of some natives, who administered to his wants, and thus enabled him not only to leave the spot already doomed- as his grave, but also to bring home in his own hands the very instrument that was to have buried him. In our original plan it was proposed to include the transactions of every year in a chapter by themselves, but finding, as in the present instance, that it would be of inconvenient length, I have resolved to deviate slightly by dividing the operations of this year into two chapters. 129 J If Chapter 5 APFAIRS AT SHE WHAPS AND AMONG THE SNAKES HAVING m the preceding chapter closed our remarks on the voyage and reached our winter quarters, we shall now turn our attention to the transactions of the northern district. In this extensive field but little had yet been done in the way of discovering the resources of the country, the greater part of which was unknown to its traders. I, therefore, received orders from headquarters to examine the eastern section, lying between the She Whaps and the Rocky Mountains, a large tract of wild country never before trodden by the foot of any white man; to ascertain the resources of this hitherto unknown waste, as regards its furs and general appearance; and to find out the shortest route between our starting point and Canoe River, lying at the foot of the mountains. This task I had to perform without a guide or a single additional man, beyond the usual complement of the post. Our readers will naturally suppose that an exploring party destined for the discovery of any new part of the country ought to be dignified with the name expedition, but there 130 fur i^unterg of tf>e far Wt$t is no such appellation customary here. Whatever be the extent of the undertaking, there is no great preparation made beforehand because the ordinary routine of every day's duty is as full of adventure and hardship as it could be on a voyage of discovery, even were it to be to the North Pole. No salute is fired at starting, no feu de joie on returning, and the party set off with such means as are available at the time. Sometimes these means are more, sometimes less, according to circumstances, the rank of the leader, or the extent of the undertaking, but they are always simple. The traders, from the very nature of their employment, are daily familiarized with difficulties and dangers, and not infrequently exposed to the severest privations, so that their ingenuity, sharpened by experience, seldom fails to overcome the greatest obstacles that can be presented by mountains or plains, by woods or by water, or by the still more dreaded arm of the lawless savage. An experienced person in the Indian countries, with only one or two men, their guns, and a few loads of ammunition, would think no more of crossing the desert from the Atlantic to the Pacific, in the most wild and unfrequented parts, than any other man in ordinary life would of crossing a country parish from one side to the other, and they seldom fail with means the most slender. We may take the present undertaking as an example. 131 I w &le£aniJer fto&s? although a petty one; yet those upon a larger scale in this country differ in no material point, either as to men or means. After remaining at the She Whaps for a few days, settling the affairs of the place, I prepared for my journey, but had recorded experience to teach me this time not to depend altogether on the faith of Indians, who might leave me in the lurch, as they had done before in my attempt to reach the Pacific. Taking, therefore, two of my own best and most experienced hands, together with two Indians, myself making the fifth person, we left Fort She Whaps on the fourteenth day of August, intending to perform the journey on foot. Each man was provided with half a dozen pairs of Indian shoes, a blanket to sleep in, ammunition, a small axe, a knife, a fire-steel, and an awl, together with some needles, thread, and tobacco to smoke, all of which he had to carry on his back, and his gun on his shoulder; and this constituted the whole of our traveling baggage, with the exception of a cooking kettle and a pint pot. Each person had the same weight to carry, and the equipment is the same in all such cases, be the journey for a week, for a month, or for a year. We depended all the time on our guns for our subsistence, and for a further supply of shoes and clothes, on the skins of the animals we might chance to kill on our way. 132 fur tyuntttg of t&e far Wm At the outset we proceeded up the North, or Sun-tea-coot-a-coot River, for three days; then turning to the right, we took to the woods, steering our course in the eye of the rising sun, nearly midway between Thompson's River on the south and Fraser's River on the north. The first day after turning our backs on North River, we made but little progress, but what we made was in an easterly direction. The second day our courses per compass were, E.S.E. 6 miles, E. 4 miles, S.E. 2 miles, E. by N. 5 miles, E. 1 mile, N.E. 2 miles, •N.N.E. 4 miles; we then encamped. The country through which we passed this day was covered with heavy timber, but having clear bottom and being good traveling, with here and there small open plains. During the third day the face of the country became timberless, with frequently open clear ground, so that we made a long day's journey. In the evening we fell upon a small lake, on the northern margin of which we encamped for the night. Here we found two Indian families, living on fish, roots, and berries, which they were all employed in procuring. They belonged to the Sun-tea-coot-a- *coot tribe, and seemed in their wretched condition to live very comfortably and happily. One of the men belonging to these families, who pretended to have a perfect knowledge of the country through which we had to pass, volunteered to accompany us as a guide, for 133 ll WW frit ' ' *'L' :fi Stouter Ulo$e? which services I promised to reward him with a blanket and some ammunition when we returned. In consequence of this new acquisition to our party, we proceeded without having much recourse to our compass, and without any doubt as to the difficulties of the road being overcome. Leaving this place, which we called Friendly Lake, we proceeded on our journey with feelings of great confidence as to our ultimate success. We had now resolved to follow our guide, having every confidence in his knowledge of the country, but instead of taking us by an easterly direction he bent his course almost due north for about sixty miles. We then reached a small river, called Kelow-naskar- am-ish, or Grizzly Bear River, which we ascended in nearly an easterly direction for six days, until it became so narrow that we could have jumped over it. While following this little stream we passed several beaver lodges, and observed many marks of the ravages of that animal. In many places great trees had been cut down, and the course of the water stopped and formed into small lakes and ponds by the sagacious and provident exertions of the beaver. In one place we counted forty-two trees cut down at the height of about eighteen inches from the root, within the compass of half an acre. We now began to think we had found the goose that lays golden eggs; this, however, was a delusion. 134 ■-—» fur i^unterg of tfje far Wt$t Some low points were covered with poplars and other soft wood and wherever that timber and water were plentiful, there were beaver, but not in great numbers. Few fur animals were seen after passing this place, for from thenceforward the face of the country changed materially, being in general too rocky, hard, and flinty for beaver. Huge rocks at every step barred our way; it is a country for goats. Elks and deer were frequently seen in great numbers, and all of them appeared very tame for wild animals, a sure indication of their being but seldom disturbed. Never, indeed, had they been disturbed before by civilized man! Along Grizzly Bear River we shot four elk, twenty-two deer, two otters, two beavers, and three black bears without stepping out of our way. But the bears were poor, and the only cause we could assign for it was the scarcity of berries and fish, for these animals generally frequent fruit and fish countries, and we did not notice any fish in the river. Tracks of wild animals, wherever the ground was soft, were abundant, crossing the road in every direction. In one of the thickets, as we passed along, our guide took us a little out of our way to show us what he called a bear's haunt, or wintering den, where that animal, according to Indian story, remains in a dark and secluded retreat, without food or nourishment, i35 J gUejeanter fto&S for months together, sucking its paws! There was nothing remarkable in the place. The entrance to the lair or den was through a long and winding thicket of dense brushwood and the bear's hiding-place was not in a hole under the ground, but on the surface, deeply im^- bedded among the fallen leaves. "Over the den the snow is often many feet thick, and the bear's hiding-place is discovered only by an air-hole resembling a small funnel, sometimes not two inches in diameter, through which the breath issues, but so concealed from view that none but the keen eye of the savage can find it out. In this den the bear is said to lie in a torpid state from December till March. They do not lie together in families, but singly, and when they make their exit in the spring they are very sleek and fat. To their appearance at this season I can bear ample testimony, having frequently seen them. But no sooner do they leave their winter quarters and begin to roam about than they get poor and haggard. The bear is said never to winter twice in the same place. In their retreats they are often found out and killed by the Indians without making the least resistance. A short distance from Bear Thicket is a towering height, resembling a round tower, which we ascended. Here we had a pretty good view of the country around, but it was a 136 fur gutter** of tfje far We$t dreary prospect. The rugged rocks, with their treeless and shrubless tops, almost forbade us to advance. On this hill, or tower, we shot a large white- headed eagle, which gave a name to the place. Here we inscribed on the south side of a dwarfy pine, "September 2nd, 1817"; and had I at the same time had a dram to have given my men, they would no doubt have identified the barren spot by a maypole, or lop-stick, on its top, to commemorate our visit according to North West custom.17 Here our guide told us that in five or six days more we should reach our journey's end. He added that the She Whap Indians formerly passed that way on their travels to the east side of the mountains, where they often, when numerous and strong, went to trade or make war, but that of late they seldom ventured to meet the Assiniboins of the woods or the Crees of the plains in that quarter. Not far from Eagle Hill we came to some water, where we saw signs of beaver, but by no means so plentiful as to entitle it to the name of a beaver country. Our guide told us that these parts were in no respect entitled to be called places of beaver. From Friendly Lake to Eagle Hill, by the road we came, on a rough calculation is 155 miles. 17 The erection of maypoles was a common custom among the French-Canadians, having been transferred to the New World from France by their ancestors. 137 ^- - -- -a^-,-^' , ,, - ^r aiejcantier J!iog£ After passing several hours on this rocky pinnacle, we set out again on our journey, but in descending the rugged cliffs one of my men cut his foot very badly, which detained us for nearly a whole day and so disabled the unfortunate man that we had almost made up our minds to leave him behind until our return; but as this step would have deprived us of another man to take care of him, we decided to keep together, so we dragged him along with us, and he soon recovered. Our course after leaving Eagle Hill was generally S.E., but in order to avoid clambering over rocks and mountains, we had to wind in tortuous courses the best way we could among the intricate defiles that every now and then crossed our path. Thus we made but little headway, so that after an arduous day's travel we sometimes scarcely put ten miles behind us in a direct line. As we advanced the wild animals did not seem to increase in number, although our guns always procured us a sufficient supply of food; but the circuitous, and in many places dangerous, passes we had to wind through, discouraged us. The precipitous rocks required the foot of a dog and the eye of a hawk to guard against accident at all times. As we journeyed along, our guide took us up to another height and pointing out the country generally, said that he had passed and repassed through various parts of it 138 fur i^unterg of tfjc far Wt$t seven different times, and in as many different places. He seemed to know it well, and observed that the road we had traveled, with all its difficulties, was the very best to be found. There were, he said, some other parts better furnished with water, and likewise several small lakes, but beaver was scarce over all and as to water communication, there was none. Therefore, we at once condemned it, as far as we had yet seen, as both impracticable and dangerous, destitute of beaver and everything else, so far as the purposes of commerce were concerned. On the tenth of September, being the ninth day after leaving Eagle Hill, we reached what our guide called the foot of the Rocky Mountains; but the ascent all along had been apparently so gradual and the country so very rugged, with a broken and uneven surface, that we could observe no very perceptible difference in the height of the land until we came close under the brow of the dividing ridge, but there the difference was certainly striking. The guide had led us to a considerable eminence some distance out of our way, from which, in looking back, we beheld the country we had passed over, and certainly a more wild and rugged land the mind of man could not imagine. In looking before us, that is towards the mountains, the view was completely barred; an almost perpendicular front met the eye like a wall, and we stood and 139 ^ ■25 &lejran&rr fto££ gazed at what might be called one of the wonders of the world. One circumstance struck us very forcibly, and that was the increased size of the timber. Along the base of the mountains the timber, which had been stunted and puny, now became gigantic in size, the pines and cedars in particular. One of the latter measured forty-five feet four inches in girth, four feet from the ground. After passing some time looking around us, we descended and encamped at the edge of the small and insignificant stream called Canoe River, celebrated among Northwesters for the quality of its birch bark. So completely were its banks overhung and concealed with heavy timber that it was scarcely visible at the short distance of fifty yards. It is a mere rill among rivers, being in some places not more than fifteen paces broad. Its course is almost due south, and it flows over a stony bottom, with low banks, clear, cold water, and a strong current. Here our guide told us that in two days' moderate travel we could reach its mouth, where it enters the Columbia near Portage Point. Everything here wore the appearance and stillness of the midnight hour. The scene was gloomy, and scarcely the chirping of a solitary bird was to be heard; our own voices alone disturbed the universal silence. In all this extent of desert through which we had passed not a human being was to be seen, nor the traces of any. 140 fur ^unter£ of tfte far We$t At Canoe River we spent the greater part of two days strolling about its banks, when, having accomplished the object of our journey, rested ourselves, and mended our shoes, we prepared to retrace our steps. Just as we were tying up our bundles to start, a fine moose deer plunged into the river before us; it had scarcely time to reach the opposite shore before it was shot down. This detained us a few hours longer, as we stopped and dined on the fresh supply, bagging the tongue and nose. We now turned our backs on Canoe River, and bidding farewell to the mountains, took to the wilderness again, following as nearly as possible the road we had come, only at intervals deviating from it. The second day after starting we had very heavy thunder, with a torrent of rain, which impeded our progress, for the thick brushwood and long grass rendered traveling in dry weather not over pleasant, but in wet weather intolerable. As the thunder and rain increased, I expressed a wish to take shelter under the cliff of a projecting rock until the storm abated, but our guide smiled at my ignorance. "Do not the whites know," asked he, "that there is a bad spirit there?" and he would not go near it, nor hear of our approaching the rock that offered us shelter. I replied he might stop, but I should go. "No, no!" said he, " the thunder may not kill you, but it will kill the Indians. Do you wish us to die?" So I 141 &lejcantier fto£g yielded the point and we remained exposed to the fury of the storm all the time. "That rocky height," said he, pointing to one near us, "has fire in it, and the thunder keeps always about it." On my inquiring into the nature of the fire, he observed, "Snow never remains there; it is hot, and smokes all the winter. There is a bad spirit in it. Three years ago, two of our people who took shelter there were killed—the Kasht-sam-mah dwells there." I then asked him if that was the only rock that smoked during winter in these parts. He answered, "No; there are several others a little farther on that smoke, but the Indians never go near them, and wild animals in going past them are often killed. Plenty of bones are there, and the thunder is always loudest there. The bad spirit, or Kasht-sam-mah, lives there." We, however, saw no indications of a volcanic nature near it; it was, in my opinion, pure superstition. The weather clearing up soon after, we continued our journey. On the seventh day from Canoe River we reached Eagle Hill, but we did not stop there. From that place our guide took us by a new road—I ought to say in a different direction- with the view of shortening our distance, but we gained little by the change. Not far from Eagle Hill we shot two grizzly bears and a bird of the vulture tribe. Deer and elk were very numerous. In this direction we likewise 142 fur ^unterjef of tfie far 10m passed a considerable lake in which were several muskrat lodges. We shot a swan, and saw two wolves prowling about, and for the first time saw tracks of the martin. Six days from Eagle Hill brought us back again to Friendly Lake, where the relations of our guide were left, but they had removed from the place, leaving no trace, apparently. The guide, however, after looking about for some time noticed a small stick stuck up in the ground, rather leaning to one side, with a small notch in it. After examining the position of the stick and the notch, he observed to me, "My relations are at such a place." The inclination of the stick pointed out, he said, the direction they had gone, and the notch meant one day's journey off. It being in our line of march, we came up to them at the very place the guide had stated. With the guide's relations we passed a night and part of the next day, as two of my men had the soles of their feet blistered by walking. Starting again without the Indians, our guide still accompanied us. Here again we took another new road and crossed the woods in a southwest direction, thinking to shorten our distance considerably. By this course we avoided going to North River altogether, until within a short distance of the fort. Here the woods assumed a more healthy appearance, the timber became much larger, and the rocks gave place to a rich and fertile soil. 143 &lejtaniia: Mn$$ On reaching a small, open plain, we perceived at a little distance off two large birds in the act of fighting, much in the same way as do our domestic fowl. We made a halt and, unperceived, I approached them till within gunshot, and kept watching their motions for some time. At last I showed myself, when one of the birds tried to fly off but was scarcely able to keep itself up, and soon alighted again. I still approached, when the bird tried to get up again. As it was in the act of rising, I fired and brought it to the ground, but the other never stirred from its place. The bird I had shot proved to be a whiteheaded eagle, the other was a wild turkey-cock, or what we call the Columbia grouse, a bold and noble bird. The grouse was nearly blind, for during the combat the eagle had almost torn out its eyes; yet it disdained to yield, and might have ultimately come off the conqueror, for the eagle was very much exhausted and nearly blind of an eye. The fight had been long and well contested, for the grass all round the spot, for some twenty yards, was beaten to the ground, and the feathers of the combatants were strewed about in their fierce and bloody struggles. The grouse weighed n^ lbs., the eagle only 8$4 lbs. We carried both birds along with us. By the road we last took we shortened our distance nearly a day's travel, but what we saved in shoes we lost in clothes, for almost 144 fur ^unterg of tlje far Wt$t all we had were torn to pieces. We reached the fort, after a laborious journey of forty-seven days, on the twenty-ninth of September. According to the most correct estimate, the distance between the She Whaps and Canoe River does not, by the route we traveled, exceed 420 miles, and in a direct line not much more than half that distance. From all I saw or could learn, however, in reference to the country generally, little can be said in its favor. No road for the purpose of land transport appeared to me practicable, nor do I conceive it possible to make one without an expense that the prospects of the country would by no means warrant. As to water communication, there is none except by Thompson's River, and that is practicable but a very small part of the way; elsewhere there is none but Fraser's on the north. As a barren waste well stocked in wild animals of the chase, and some few furs, the trade on a small scale, apart from the She Whaps, might be extended to some advantage in this quarter, and the returns conveyed either to the latter post or to the mouth of Canoe River. Leaving the affairs of my own district, we shall bestow a cursory glance at what was going on in another quarter., The season was now at hand when the Company's dispatches were wont to arrive, and a brigade, as usual, escorted them from the interior to Fort George. As soon, therefore, as they arrived, 145 SUeranUer fto$s McKenzie made no hesitation in delivering over these important documents into the hands of the natives, to carry them to their destination. This appeared a strange mark of confidence in the fidelity of this almost hostile race. It seemed doubtful, even to us, that a novel experiment of the kind should succeed in this quarter, while it was remarked that similar instances could never be brought to succeed with the Indians of more settled countries. At the Falls a council of the chiefs and wise men was solemnly held over the dispatches, but after a very short delay they sent them forward. At the Cascades more serious meetings disputed their fate, but after being detained by a variety of alternations for three days, it seemed that good fortune again prevailed, and they went on from hand to hand with wonderful expedition. The answer was also conveyed back to the interior by the same hands, with unheard-of rapidity. In the contemplation of this plan the Council at headquarters had suggested the propriety of one set of couriers performing the whole journey; but McKenzie, with his usual sagacity, saw this would cause jealousy and eventually fail. He therefore managed so as to have the dispatches conveyed from one tribe to another, placing confidence in all, and therefore all seemed equally intrusted and equally ambitious to discharge the trust reposed in them. 146 fur punters? of tfje far Wz$t By this means of conveyance a voyage which employed forty or fifty men was avoided, consequently obviating the risk of lives, loss of time, and heavy expenses, the charges incurred being a mere trifle. Not only were these advantages obtained, but that which strength and weapons could scarcely bring about was effected by a sheet of paper conveying our ideas to one another. It imprinted on the superstitious minds of the savages a religious veneration for the superior endowments of the white man. They appreciated the confidence placed in them, and this custom was afterwards continued. A Columbia Indian was always ready to start in the capacity of courier for the boon of a few strings of beads, or a few shots of ammunition. When the different establishments were outfitted and put in train for the season, McKenzie, with all the residue of the people, set out on a voyage of hunting and discovery to the south of Lewis River, bordering on the Snake frontiers. His party consisted chiefly of such men as were otherwise found of little service in the wintering ground, being almost all composed of Iroquois and other refuse. They were five and thirty strong, but of this motley crew five Canadians formed the only support he could trust to with confidence. No sooner were they arrived in the midst of the Nez Perces, on their way to their winter quarters, than the Iroquois, perceiving 147 "SSSSSSSSSSSSM aiejeantier ftogg their superiority in numerical strength over the few whites, instead of acting up to their respective duties, contrived plots against their leader and the slender band of Canadians that were about him. A trifling incident, which we are about to mention, blew the whole into flame. The Iroquois, contrary to the established rules of the trade and the general practice among the natives, trafficked privately with the Indians, which conduct had once or twice before nearly caused serious quarrels between the natives and the party. The Iroquois had been repeatedly warned against such practices, but without effect; they still continued to act as before. Grand Pierre, one of the Iroquois, bargaining with an Indian for a horse, a misunderstanding arose between them, and a quarrel was likely to ensue, when the Iroquois applied to his bourgeois, at the same time asking him for a variety of things to satisfy the Indian from whom he had got the horse. McKenzie, annoyed at the conduct of Pierre and the Iroquois generally, and wishing to put a final stop to such dangerous interference in future, paid the Indian and then, drawing a pistol from his belt, shot the horse dead upon the spot. This act ought to have warned Pierre and his companions of their misconduct; it caused a considerable talk at the moment. The Iroquois grumbled and retired, but from that moment they meditated the destruction of their leader. 148 —— fur i^unterg of ti>e far Wt$t Being as cowardly as perfidious, and in order to make sure of their blow, they set to work to gain the natives on their side, that they might throw the guilt of the deed on their shoulders. But this only served to draw down upon them the contempt of the party, and eventually divulged their schemes before they were ripe for execution. A short time previously the Indians had mentioned something of the kind to our people, who, however, discredited the whole as a piece of deception got up to answer some purpose of their own, and it passed unheeded. The Iroquois learning, however, that the Indians had made their designs known to the whites, were determined not to be foiled in their purpose; so one of the villains immediately arming himself, and calling upon his comrades to follow him, sallied forth for his master's tent, just at the break of day. Joachim, the Iroquois interpreter, a faithful and zealous servant, having overheard what was going on, rushed into his bourgeois' tent not half a minute before the assassin and one of his gang got there, and called out "Murder! murder!" In the confusion McKenzie, who had been asleep, could not put his hands on his pistols, but grasping one of the tent poles he brought his assailant to the ground at the first blow; another who followed close after, shared the same fate. By this time some of the Canadians and faithful Owhyhees 149 m^rnm 7r~ &leran&er Mti$$ came to their master's assistance, and the Iroquois fled. In this instance McKenzie's strength and activity of body were of much service to him, but not more than his coolness and decision in the moment of danger. The plan of the Iroquois was to murder their leader while asleep and to escape with the property out of the country in a body, but the safety of McKenzie and the success of his affairs resting entirely on promptness of action, he resolutely chastised the ringleader and others on the spot; nor had the tomahawks which the villains brandished over his head the effect of averting the punishment their treacherous conduct deserved. In the face of the natives, therefore, it was his good fortune to reduce his treacherous servants to a sense of their duty. But he did not think it prudent to trust them further in the prosecution of his plans, which, by this unforeseen event, experienced a partial failure for the year. He dispersed the Iroquois: one was sent to me at Okanogan, two to Spokane House, and the rest placed on separate hunting- grounds in the neighborhood, under the eye of an influential chief, where they could do no harm. Then, with the remainder of his people he wheeled about in another direction, intending to carry on the project of hunting and of discovery for the season, although upon a 150 --- fur i^unterg of t&e far Wt$t more contracted scale. His primary object was to conclude an arrangement with the Nez Perces. and in the Snake country to con- ciliate the Indians, with a view to»open the way for extending the trade as soon as existing prejudices gave way, for he was surprised at the unfavorable change which the Indians had undergone during the short period the country had been under the domination of the North West Company. He frequently observed to me that a change of system was necessary to reduce the Indians to order and to reclaim the trade, both being on the brink of ruin. With this view he undertook, at a late season of the year, a voyage of three months' duration, traversing a rugged and mountainous country covered with deep snow, in order to keep up a good understanding with the strong and turbulent tribes inhabiting the south branch, where some of his former years had been spent. These roving and hostile bands, inhabiting the borders of the great Snake country, still infested the communication and held a valuable key of trade, but invariably continued hostile to the whites. At that severe season they are generally scattered about in small bands, and as it is much easier to gain on a few than on a multitude, he visited them all, and succeeded beyond expectation. In McMillan's wintering ground everything went 151 J aiejean&er jflo&ef on in its usual successful train. But nothing happened in that old beaten path to elicit our notice, so that we now turn back to the north again. Soon after my arrival from Canoe River I was invited by the chiefs of my post to accompany a party of the natives on a bear-hunting expedition for a few days. On these occasions they feel flattered by their trader accompanying them. The party were all mounted on horseback, to the number of seventy-three, and exhibited a fine display of horsemanship. After some ten miles' travel we commenced operations. Having reached the hunting- ground, the party separated into several divisions. We then perambulated the woods, crossed rivers, surrounded thickets, and scampered over hill and dale, with yell and song, for the greater part of two days, during which time we killed seven bears, nine wolves, and eleven small deer. One of the former I had the good luck to shoot myself. In the evening of the third day, however, our sport was checked by an accident. One of the great men, the chief Pasha of the hunting party, named Tu-tack-it Is-tso-augh-an, or Short Legs, got severely wounded by a female bear. The only danger to be apprehended in these savage excursions is by following the wounded animal into a thicket, or hiding-place; but with the Indians the more danger the more honor, and some of them are foolhardy enough 152 fur J^unterg of tf>e far Wt$t to run every hazard in order to strike the last fatal blow (in which the honor lies) sometimes with a lance, tomahawk, or knife, at the risk of their lives. No sooner is a bear wounded than it immediately flies for refuge to some hiding-place, unless too closely pursued, in which case it turns round in savage fury on its pursuers, and woe awaits whoever is in the way. The bear in question had been wounded and took shelter in a small coppice. The bush was instantly surrounded by the horsemen, when the more bold and daring entered it on foot, armed with gun, knife, and tomahawk. Among the bushrangers on the present occasion was the chief, Short Legs, who, while scrambling over some fallen timber, happened to stumble near to where the wounded and enraged bear was concealed, but too close to be able to defend himself before the vicious animal got hold of him. At that moment I was not more than five or six paces from the chief, but could not get a chance of shooting, so I immediately called out for help, when several mustered round the spot. Availing ourselves of the doubtful alternative of killing her—even at the risk of killing the chief—we fired, and as good luck would have it shot the animal and saved the man; then, carrying the bear and wounded chief out of the bush, we laid both on the open ground. The sight of the chief was appalling. The scalp was torn 153* &leranfcer t5o^ from the crown of his head, down over the eyebrows; he was insensible, and for some time we all thought him dead, but after a short interval his pulse began to beat, and he gradually showed signs of returning animation. It was a curious and somewhat interesting scene to see the party approach the spot where the accident happened. Not being able to get a chance of shooting, they threw their guns from them and could scarcely be restrained from rushing on the fierce animal with their knives only. The bear all the time kept looking first at one, than at another, and casting her fierce and flaming eyes around the whole of us, as if ready to make a spring at each; yet she never let go her hold of the chief, but stood over him. Seeing herself surrounded by so many enemies, she moved her head from one position to another, and these movements gave us ultimately an opportunity of killing her. The misfortune produced a loud and clamorous scene of mourning among the chief's relations. We hastened home, carrying our dead bears along with us, and arrived at the camp early in the morning of the fourth day. The chief remained for three days speechless. In cutting off the scalp and dressing the wound we found the skull, according to our imperfect knowledge of anatomy, fractured in two or three places; and at the end of eight days I extracted a bone measuring two inches long, 154 fur $unter£ of tfie far Wt$t of an oblong form, and another of about an inch square, with several smaller pieces, all from the crown of the head. The wound, however, gradually closed up and healed, except a small spot about the size of an English shilling. In fifteen days, by the aid of Indian medicine, he was able to walk about, and at the end of six weeks from the time he got wounded, he was on horseback again at the chase. The tide of sympathy for the great man's misfortunes did not run high, for at best he was but an unprincipled fellow, an enemy to the whites and hated by his own people. Many were of the opinion that the friendly bear had at last rid us of an unfriendly chief, but to the disappointment of all he set the bear and wounds at defiance, and was soon, to our great annoyance, at his old trade of plotting mischief. Wolf-hunting as well as bear-hunting occasionally occupies the attention of the natives. In these parts both species are numerous. The former is an inhabitant of the plains, the latter of the woods. Wolves and foxes are often run down on horseback, hunted with the gun, or caught in traps. With all the cunning of the fox, however, the wolf is far more difficult to decoy or entrap, being shy, guarded, and suspicious. During the winter season a good many wolves and foxes were caught by the whites i55 ftiejranoer ifSogg with hook and line as we catch fish; with this difference, however, that the latter are taken in water, the former on dry land. For this purpose three cod-hooks are generally tied together back to back, baited, and then fixed with a line to the branch of a tree, so that the hooks are suspended in the air at the distance of four or five feet from the ground. To get hold of the bait the wolf has to leap up, and the moment the hooks catch their hold it finds itself either in a standing or suspended position, which deprives the animal of its strength; neither can it in that posture cut the line. It is generally caught, sometimes dead, sometimes alive. The catching of wolves, foxes, or other wild animals by the whites, was, however, the work only of leisure hours. We always preferred the gun to any other mode of destruction. In these parts, as well as in many others, the wolves prowled about night and day. Their favorite haunts were on hillocks or other eminences on which they would stand to rest or look about them for some time. We, therefore, used to scatter bones or bits of meat as decoys to attract them, and in the intervals practiced ourselves in shooting at these frequented spots, taking different elevations with the gun, until habit and experience had enabled us to hit a small object at a very great distance, and with as much precision as if the object had been near to us. 156 fur i^unterg of tfje far We$t § A band of Indians happening to come to the fort one day, and observing a wolf on one of the favorite places of resort, several of them prepared to take a circuitous turn to have a shot at the animal. Seeing them prepare, "Try," said I, "and kill it from where you are." The Indians smiled at my ignorance. "Can the whites," said the chief, "kill it at that distance?" "The whites," said I, "do not live by hunting or shooting as do the Indians, or they might." "There is no gun," continued the chief, "that could kill at that distance." By this time the wolf had laid hold of a bone, or a piece of flesh, and was scampering off with it at full speed to the opposite woods. Taking hold of my gun, "If we cannot kill it," said I, "we shall make it let go its prey." "My horse against your shot," called out the chief, "that you do not hit the wolf." " Done," said I, but I certainly thought within myself that the chief ran no great risk of losing his horse, nor the wolf of losing its fife. Taking an elevation of some fifteen or sixteen feet over it, by chance I shot the animal in his flight, to the astonishment of the chief, as well as all present, who, clapping their hands to their mouths in amazement, measured the distance by five arrow- shots. Nothing but their wonder could exceed their admiration of this effect of firearms. When the ball struck the wolf it was in the act of leaping, and we may judge of its speed i57 mmm aiejtaniier &o££ at the time from the fact that the distance from whence it took the last leap to where it was lying stretched measured twenty-four feet! The ball struck the wolf in the left thigh, and passing through the body, neck, and head it lodged in the lower jaw; I cut it out with my penknife. The chief, on delivering up his horse, which he did cheerfully, asked me for the ball, and that ball was the favorite ornament of his neck for years afterwards. The horse I returned to its owner. The Indians then asked me for the skin of the dead wolf, and to each of the guns belonging to the party was appended a piece, the Indians fancying that the skin would enable them, in future, to kill animals at a great distance. The incidents, adventures, and narrow escapes which, in the course of this year, we have had to notice, may throw some transient light on a fur trader's life in this country—his duties, his troubles, his amusements, and his pleasures. And one of the greatest pleasures here alluded to consists in doing homage to the great. A chief arrives; the honor of waiting upon him in a servile capacity falls to your share, if you are not above your business. You go forth to meet him, invite him in, see him seated, and, if need require it, you untie his shoes and dry his socks. You next hand him food, water, and tobacco, and you must smoke along with him; after which, you must 158 fur I^unterg of ti>e far Wt$t listen with grave attention to all he has got to say on Indian topics, and show your sense of the value of his information by giving him some trinkets, and sometimes even articles of value, in return. But the grand point of all this ceremony is to know how far you should go in these matters, and when you should stop. Nor must you forget that Indians are acute observers of men and things, and generally possess retentive memories. By overdoing the thing you may entail on yourself endless troubles. When not employed in exploring new and unfrequented parts, involved in difficulties with the natives, or finding opposition in trade, the general routine of dealing with most Indians goes on smoothly. Each trading-post has its leader, its interpreter, and its own complement of hands, and when things are put in a proper train, according to the customs of the country, the business of the year proceeds without much trouble and leaves you sufficient time for recreation. You can take your gun on your back; you can instruct your family or improve yourself in reading and reflection; you can enjoy the pleasures of religion to better advantage, serve your God to more perfection, and be a far better Christian than were your lot cast in the midst of the temptations of a busy world. Confining our remarks to the simple and uniform duties of a trading-post, activity of 159 &kjcan&er fto&s? body, prudence, and forethought are qualifications more in request than talent. In trade, as in war, there are gains and losses, advantages and disadvantages to be kept in view, to guide one's conduct, and, generally speaking, the master of a department, district, or post, lives a busy and active life; and, although in a manner secluded from the eye of the world, yet he is just as interested and ambitious to distinguish himself in his sphere of life as if continually under the eye of a scrutinizing superior, for if he once loses his character through negligence or impropriety of conduct, it is here tenfold harder for him to regain confidence than in any employment elsewhere. The apprehension of this alone is a great check against misconduct. The usual time for mustering all hands at headquarters being now arrived, the different parties throughout the interior, after assembling at the forts, made the best of their way to the emporium of the Far West, and met at Fort George on the fifth day of June, 1818. 160 THE FOUNDING OF FORT NEZ PERCES T the sitting of the Fort George board of management in the preceding year, an inclination was manifested to encourage the change of system, agreeably to the minutes of Council at headquarters. From the feeling at the time much was expected, but nothing was realized; for, practically, that disposition was rendered abortive by subsequent arrangements. At headquarters, however, the Council of Fort William this year took a decisive step that set all the vacillating measures of the managers at Fort George on one side. They ordered ioo men to be at McKenzie's disposal for the more effectually carrying out his measures, and that a fort, or trading station, should be erected among the Nez Perces Indians. Being more central for the general business of the interior than that of Spokane House, it should be forthwith established there, and I was appointed to take charge of that important depot. To these resolutions was appended a sharp reproof for the delays during the two preceding years. The Fort George board of management had now no choice but to acquiesce in the decision of the Council at headquarters. The managers .161 &lejtantier fto&a? bit their lips, and were silent. Men were provided and means also, and a new feature imparted to the order of things generally. The Council having sat, the brigade for the interior left Fort George and reached, without accident or hindrance, after a short and prosperous voyage, the Walla Walla, near the confluence of the two great branches of the Columbia, on the eleventh of July. On that day McKenzie, myself, and ninety-five effective men encamped on the site pitched upon for the new establishment of Fort Nez Perces, about half a mile from the mouth of the little river Walla Walla. There our friends left us as a forlorn hope, and proceeded on their journey to their several destinations. And, having before fully explained the customary mode of voyaging, we shall now direct the attention of our readers to the operations in this new quarter, occasionally glancing at other parts as circumstances may require. Before doing so we must, in the first place, give a brief description of the place itself, with such other remarks as may occasionally suggest themselves; and secondly, present the reader with an account of our reception by the natives of the place, and the almost insurmountable difficulties we had to encounter before we could bring about a full reconciliation with the turbulent and high-minded Indians by whom we were surrounded. 162 _——* f ut l^unterg of tl>e far Wt$t On reaching the place, instead of advancing to meet us at the water's edge, as friends, on making for the shore the Indians, as if with one accord, withdrew to their camp. Not a friendly hand was stretched out; not the least joy, usual among Indians on such occasions, was testified, to invite or welcome our arrival. These ceremonies, though trifling in themselves, are a very good indication of the reception likely to be met with, and in the present case their total absence could only be considered as very unfavorable. Shy and silent, they sat on the mounds at some distance from us, wrapped in their robes of dignity, observing a studied indifference. Even the little copper-colored bantlings were heard to say, "What do the white people want here? Are they going to kill more of our relations?" alluding to some former occurrences there. Others, again, would remark, "We must not go near them, because they will kill us." While all this was going on we kept a sharp lookout. The principal chief of the camp, instead of coming to us walked round and round the assembled crowd, urging the Indians to the observance of a non-intercourse, until the whites had made them presents. Hints were given us that property would purchase a footing. In the whole land, this spot was among the most difficult—the most barren of materials for building; and as it was no common scheme, .163 &lejcan&er Jflo£g the same appeared to ordinary minds as a thing more wild than practicable. But plans had been formed; the country must be secured, the natives awed and reconciled, buildings made, furs collected, new territories added. Objections were not to be entertained; no obstacles were to be seen. We were to occupy the position. So on the dreaded spot we took up our stand, to run every hazard and brave every danger. The site was remarkable among the natives as being the ground on which, some years before, Lewis and Clark of the American exploring expedition ratified, according to Indian report, a general peace between themselves and the tribes of the adjacent country by the celebration of feasting and dancing for several days.18 It was rendered remarkable as a spot on which difficulties already noticed had taken place between the whites and the natives; and it was rendered still more remarkable as being considered the most hostile spot on the whole line of communication, a place which the whites, it was said, could never hold with safety. The Nez Perces Fort was, however, marked out on a level upon the east bank of the Columbia, forming something like an island in the flood, and, by means of a tributary stream, a peninsula at low water. 18 The allusion is evidently to the dealings of Lewis and Clark with the natives at this place on the occasion of their outward journey, October 16-17, 1805. 164 fur $unter£ of tlje far Wm The place selected was commanding.19 On the west is a spacious view of our noble stream in all its grandeur, resembling a lake rather than a river, and confined on the opposite shore by verdant hills of moderate height. On the north and east the sight is fatigued by the uniformity and wide expanse of boundless plains. On the south the prospect is romantic, being abruptly checked by a striking contrast of wild hills and rugged bluffs on either side of the water, and rendered more picturesque by two singular towering rocks, similar in color, shape, and height, called by the natives "The Twins," situated on the east side. These are skirted in the distance by a chain of the Blue Mountains, lying in the direction of east and west. To effect the intended footing on this sterile and precarious spot was certainly a task replete with excessive labor and anxiety. In the charming serenity of a temperate atmosphere, Nature here displays her manifold beauties, and, at this season, the crowds of moving bodies diversify and enliven the scene. Groups of Indian huts, with their little spiral columns of smoke, and herds of animals, give animation and beauty to the 19 On the site of modern Wallula, Washington. The original fort was burned in 1841, whereupon a second fort, constructed entirely of stone and adobe, was erected by the Hudson's Bay Company. It stood until 1894, when it was destroyed by flood. I llil 165 &fefaniier $o&$ landscape. The natives, in social crowds, vied with each other in coursing their gallant steeds, in racing, swimming, and other feats of activity. Wild horses in droves sported and grazed along the boundless plains; the wild fowl, in flocks, filled the air; and the salmon and sturgeon, incessantly leaping, ruffled the smoothness of the waters. The appearance of the country on a summer's evening was delightful beyond description. Yet, with all these attractions around us, we were far from being free from anxiety. The natives flocked about us in very suspicious numbers, often through curiosity, to see our work; yet not at all times too well disposed. Our situation was the more irksome as we depended for food on the success of trade, and on our standing well or ill with the Indians. By far the greater part of the timber had to be collected in the bush, and conducted by water the distance of a hundred miles; not a tree nor shrub was on the spot. Divisions of our party, consequently, took place more frequently than was desirable, and our situation was ever exposed. We had also to devise means to divert the attention and amuse the curiosity of the natives. Being composed of different tribes, the seeds of dissension were artfully sown among them to hold the balance equal and prevent their uniting against us. Each tribe 166 fur punters? of tlje far Wt$t imagined it possessed the preeminence in our consideration, and though they were as independent of us as we were the reverse of them, still they were taught to fancy that they could not do without us. Soon after our landing the tribes began to muster rapidly. The multitudes which surrounded us became immense and their movements alarming. They insisted on our paying | for the timber we were collecting. They prohibited our hunting and fishing. They affixed an exorbitant price of their own to every article of trade, and they insulted any of the hands whom they met alone. Thus they resolved to keep us in their power, and withhold supplies until their conditions were granted. Not knowing, therefore, how affairs might terminate, all work was suspended. We stood on our guard and an entire system of non- intercourse between us, of necessity, took place for five long summer days, although we were at the time on very short allowance. One night all hands went to rest supperless. All this time the natives were mustering fast, plotting and planning. Our numbers, however, being collected, they consisted of twenty- five Canadians, thirty-two Owhyhees, and thirty-eight Iroquois; and as a temporary in- closure had been put together, we assumed a posture of independence and of defense. The natives were offered such terms as were given in other parts of the country—that 167 &lejtantier fto£g they should have the choice of cultivating a peaceable understanding with us, and might profit by a friendly intercourse, or be certain to undergo the vengeance of all the whites, and ever after be deprived of the benefit resulting from a trade established among them. In the meantime, while they were deliberating among themselves we were making every preparation for action. Arguments enforced at the muzzles of our guns they could not, it seemed, withstand, and, fortunately, the chiefs advanced to bring matters to an accommodation. Still they insisted, as a preliminary step, that we should bestow a liberal present on all the multitude around us to reconcile them to the measure. All the property we had would scarcely have been a mite to each. We, therefore, peremptorily refused. Their demands grew less and less as they saw us determined. They were compelled at last to submit to every condition, even the most minute, and we were left to our own discretion. After these troubles, which occupied many anxious days and sleepless nights, all again became calm. A trade with the natives now went on very briskly. Our people went to their work as usual, and we enjoyed for a time the comforts of peace and tranquillity. These enjoyments were, however, of short duration. True, we had obtained a footing on the ground, and things in general wore an aspect of peace, but 168 fur $unter£ of tl>e far Wt$t something else remained to be done before we could effect the object we had in view. The principal cause which led to the establishing of this post was the extension of the trade; consequently, the next step was to pave the way for discoveries. To this end, it was indispensable to the safety of the undertaking to have an understanding with the chief tribes, who at all seasons infested the most practicable passes in the contemplated direction, which was overspread with the horrors of war; for seeing the natives extremely formidable, we apprehended that they might be unanimous to prevent our advancing to trade with their enemies. With a view to effect this important point, the chiefs and wise men of the different tribes were called together. They met. An endless round of ceremony took place among them during their discussion, yet nothing could be finally settled, on account of the absence of one of the principal chiefs at the war, in the very quarter we had our eye upon. We considered his absence a great drawback on our proceedings, as he professed himself a sincere friend to the whites. We, therefore, placed our chief reliance on his influence and good offices. For ten days our patience was put to the stretch by the intrigues of the many who busied themselves in thwarting our object. But while we were thus entangled in endless 169 aiejtaniier Ho&s? efforts to secure a peace, who should arrive but Tum-a-tap-um, the regretted chief. We now hoped that the business would be speedily and amicably settled. But new difficulties presented themselves. Instead of Tum-a- tap-um coming to join the assembled conclave to forward our business, all the great men deserted us to join him with his trophies of war, and left us mere spectators to wait their convenience. The arrival of the war-party left us without either chief or slave to consult, and for three days we had to wait, until they had exhausted their songs of triumph, without one single interview with the chief on whom we had placed so much confidence. This war-party was reported to us to consist of 480 men. They had a very imposing appearance on their arrival. Their hideous yells, mangled prisoners, and bloody scalps, together with their barbarous gestures, presented a sight truly savage. I only saw nine slaves. On the third day Tum-a-tap-um, mounted on horseback, rode backwards and forwards round our little camp several times, without expressing either approbation or disapprobation of our measures. Then dismounting, and drawing near to us, with his men around him, they smoked some hundreds of pipes of our tobacco. The ceremony of smoking being over, we had a long conversation with him on the subject of a general peace; but he was so elated with 170 fur ^unterss of tl>e far Wt$t his own exploits, and the success of his late war expedition, that we fancied him not so warmly interested in our cause as formerly. Notwithstanding reiterated professions of friendship, it was observed that his disposition was uncommonly selfish. He never opened his mouth but to insist on our goods being lavished on his numerous train of followers, without the least compensation. The more he received, the more his assurance increased, and his demands had no bounds. The natives were now to be seen clubbed together in groups; counseling went on day and night, and as all savage tribes delight in war, it was no easy matter to turn their attention to peace. However, it was so managed that they were all induced to meet again on the subject. "If," said Tum-a-tap-um, "we make peace, how shall I employ my young men? They delight in nothing but war, and besides, our enemies, the Snakes, never observe a peace." Then turning round, "Look," said he again, pointing to his slaves, scalps, and arms, "am I to throw all these trophies away? Shall Tum-a-tap-um forget the glory of his forefathers, and become a woman?" Quahat, the Cayouse great war chief, next got up and observed, "Will the whites, in opening a trade with our enemies, promise not to give them guns or balls?" Others spoke to the same effect. We tried to combat these remarks by expatiating on the 171 &lejtaniier jHo^ blessings of peace and the comforts of trade, but several meetings took place before we could accomplish the desired object. At length a messenger came with notice that the chiefs were all of one mind, and would present themselves in a short time. All our people were placed under arms, nominally to honor their reception, but really to guard ourselves. By and by the solemn train of chiefs, warriors, and other great personages were seen to move from the camp in procession, painted, dressed in their state and war garments, and armed. They entered our inclosure to the number of fifty-six, where a place had been appropriately fitted up for the occasion. The most profound silence pervaded the whole, until the pipe of peace had six times performed the circle of the assembly. The scene was in the highest degree interesting. The matter was canvassed anew. Nothing appeared to be overlooked or neglected. The opinion of each was delivered briefly, with judgment and with candor, and to the same end. Satisfied with the answers and the statements we had given, at sunset peace between themselves and the Snakes was decreed on the spot, and a unanimous consent given for us to pass and repass unmolested. Then they threw down their war garments into the midst of the circle, as if to say, "We have no further need of these garments." This maneuver had a double meaning. It 172 fur ^unterg of t&r far We$t W^—^^——^—iiiwii—i^M—■»■■■■■■ iiiii—————^——————Q was a broad hint for a new suit, as well as a peace-offering! The pipe of peace finally ratified the treaty. Then all shaking hands, according to the manner of the whites, parted friends, both parties apparently pleased with the result. One condition of the treaty was that we should use our influence to bring the Snakes to agree to the peace, for without that it would be useless to ourselves. The only real object we had in view, or the only result that could in reality be expected by the peace, was, that we might be enabled to go in and come out of the Snake country in safety, sheltered under the influence of its name. Nothing beyond this was ever contemplated on our part. All our maneuvers were governed by the policy of gain. Peace in reality was beyond our power; it was but an empty name. Does the reader ask, " Could the puny arm of a few whites, were they sincere, have brought about a peace between these two great and warlike nations, situated as they are?" I answer, "No." Does he ask, "Did Lewis and Clark conclude a peace between them?" I again answer, "No." Does he inquire, "Can a solid peace be concluded between them, either by themselves, or by the influence of their traders?" I repeat, "No." Does he again inquire, "Is such a thing practicable as a solid peace being concluded and observed between two savage 173 aierantier fto££ nations, brought up in war?" I say, "No!" Such a thing is a perfect delusion. They must either be civilized, or one of them extirpated. Then there may be peace, but not till then. As soon as the great conference of peace was over our men were set to their work, for the third time, and we now opened a trade with the natives, which was carried on briskly, particularly in provisions and pack horses, for the contemplated journey across the Blue Mountains. In a few days we procured 280 horses, a number answerable to the different purposes of traveling, hunting, and exploring in the new and distant countries inhabited by the Snakes and other nations to the south. This brings us to the first Snake expedition. The expedition was composed of fifty-five men of all denominations, 195 horses, and 300 beaver traps, besides a considerable stock of merchandise; but depending on the chances of the chase, they set out without provisions or stores of any kind. The season was too far advanced for the plan to be successful. The party took their departure at the end of September, in the full view and amid the cheers of all the natives. Turning his back, therefore, upon the rest of his extensive charge, with all of its ease and fruits of comfort, McKenzie, without any second or friend in whom he could confide, placed himself at the head of this medley to suffer new hardships and face new dangers in the precarious adventure. 174 fur i^unterg of tfce far Wt$t The charge of the important establishment, Fort Nez Perces, with all its cares, now devolved upon me, with the remnant of the people. And as we have already given a description of the place and noticed our reception among the natives, we shall here, by way of variety, present the reader with a brief list of the names of the tribes which inhabit this part of the country. When the first traders arrived in the country they generally distinguished all the natives along this part of the communication indiscriminately by the appellation of "Nez Perces," or pierced noses, from the custom practiced by these people of having their noses bored, to hold a certain white shell like the fluke of an anchor. The appellation was used until we had an opportunity of becoming better acquainted with their respective names. It was, therefore, from this cause that the present establishment derived its name. The different tribes attached to Fort Nez Perces, and who formerly went by that cognomen, are the Sha-moo-in-augh, Skam- nam-in-augh, E'yack-hn-ah, Is-pipe-whum- augh, and In-as-petsum. These tribes inhabit the main north branch above the Forks. On the south branch, are the Pallet-to-pallas, Shaw-ha-ap-ten, or Nez Perces proper, Paw- luch, and Co-sis-pa tribes. On the main Columbia, beginning at the Dalles, are the Ne-coot-im-eigh, Wiss-co-pam, Wiss-whams, 175 &lejtan&er jf!o££ Way-yam-pams, Low-him, Saw-paw, and You- ma-talla-bands; and above the establishment, the Cayouse and Walla Walla tribes. It is to the two latter that the spot appertains on which the fort is erected, who are consequently resident in the immediate neighborhood. The Shaw-ha-ap-ten and the Cayouse nations, are, however, by far the most powerful and warlike of all these different tribes. The two last mentioned regulate all the movements of the others in peace and war, and as they stand well or ill disposed towards their traders, so do the others. It is, therefore, the interest of the whites to keep on a friendly footing with them, which it is not at all times easy to do. They are, however, fast changing, and at times their conduct would almost encourage a belief that they are everything we could wish. Judging from these favorable intervals, a stranger would conclude that no part of the country could be more tranquil or peaceable than this quarter, once so terrible; but a little knowledge of their history would soon convince him that although they often put on a fair outside, all is not right within. We hoped that things were getting gradually better, for the men of the place occasionally moved about with property in groups of two or three at a time, and during my lonely strolls in the environs for the purpose of snooting I fell in with bands who were suspicious looking, yet they never failed to 176 fur juntos? of ti>e far Wt$t accost me in the most respectful and best- natured manner. These circumstances augur favorably for the future. It will, nevertheless, be the work of years, perhaps of a generation, before civilization can manifest its influence over their actions. The circumstance which caused our chief uneasiness arose from the frequency of unpleasant rumors, which obtained currency among the natives of the place, that our absent friends had met with a total discomfiture from the Snake nation. Indeed, so probable did their statements seem, that they appeared no longer doubtful. The Indians being in the habit of viewing everything in that direction in the worst light, it was only natural they should place implicit belief in whatever they heard from those of their own nation about the frontiers. At the time of these distracting reports a man by the name of Oskononton, an Iroquois belonging to the Snake expedition, suddenly arrived at the fort. His haggard appearance showed that he had suffered no ordinary hardships. After taking some refreshment and a little rest, for he was reduced to a skeleton, he related to me the story of his adventures, and I shall give it in his own words. "After crossing the Blue Mountains," said Oskononton, "where we had got some distance into the Snake country, my comrades to the number of twenty-five teased Mr. McKenzie to allow 177 • &lejr:antar ftogg us to hunt and trap in a small river which appeared well stocked in beaver. At last he reluctantly consented and we remained, well knowing that if he had not done so the Iroquois would have deserted. This was their plan. After the parties had separated and Mr. McKenzie and the main party had left us we set to trapping and were very successful, but had not been long there when we fell in with a small band of Snakes. My comrades began to exchange their horses, their guns, and their traps to these people for women, and carried on the traffic to such an extent that they had scarcely an article left; then, being no longer able to hunt, they abandoned themselves with the savages, and were doing nothing. "Unable to check their heedless conduct, I left them and set out to follow the main party, but I lost my way and getting bewildered, turned back again to join my comrades. Then I tried and tried again to persuade them to mind their hunting, but in vain. So I left them again and set out on my way back to this place, but on the second day after leaving my associates I observed, at some little distance, a war-party and hid myself. Fearing that my horse might discover my retreat to my enemies, I resolved to kill it, a resolution I executed with the utmost regret. Although game was plentiful in those parts, yet I dared not shoot, as the report of my gun might have 178 fur l^unterg of ti>e far Wm led to my discovery in a place frequented only by enemies. As soon as the war-party passed on I cut and dried part of my dead horse for food, and tying it up in a bundle, continued my journey. "One day, as I was entering the Blue Mountains, I perceived several horsemen in full pursuit making after me. Seeing there was not a moment to lose, I threw my bundle, provisions and all, into a bush, ran down a steep bank, plunged into the water (a small river happening to be near), and hid myself beneath some driftwood, my head only out of the water, which fortunately was not very cold. The horsemen paraded up and down both sides of the little stream for some time, and then dismounting, made a fire, had something to eat, and remained for more than two hours within fifty yards of my hiding-place. They were Snakes. After dark I got out of the water more dead than alive. I then went to look for my provisions, my bag, and my little property, which I had thrown into the bush; but the night being dark and I afraid to remain any longer, I set out as fast as I could on my journey without finding anything. Every moment I thought I heard a noise behind me. Every branch that broke under my feet or beast of prey that started, convinced me, in spite of my senses, that I was still pursued. In this state of alarm I passed the night, but made very little headway. In 179 &le?antier &o&$ the morning I took to another hiding-place. Tired and exhausted I laid myself down to sleep, without covering, without fire, and without either food or water. In this manner, traveling in the night and hiding during the day, I crossed the Blue Mountains, which took me three days. For the most of that time I had not a shoe on my feet; neither had I gun, fire-steel, nor anything to render traveling comfortable. By this time my feet had got swelled and blistered with walking, so that I took three days more between this and the mountains, making the seventh day that I had not tasted food of any kind, with the exception of a few raw roots." Thus ended Oskononton's story. I had no difficulty in believing the statement of the Iroquois. It was in accordance with their general character. Oskononton, as his story relates, knew nothing of the main party, so that I was left in the dark as to its fate. After keeping the poor fellow upwards of three weeks to recruit his health and recover his strength, I sent him on to Fort George, and this brings us to notice the passing events in that quarter. Just at the time of Oskononton's arrival at that place, a party of his countrymen were fitting out for a hunting and trapping expedition to the Cowlitz quarter, and he unfortunately joined it. The party, however, had not been long there before they got into 180 fur ^unterg of t&e far We$t trouble with the natives, and in an affray poor Oskononton, in trying to rescue one of his companions, was murdered. After this tragical affair, in which it was stated our trappers were the aggressors, the Iroquois had to make a precipitate retreat, abandon their hunting-ground, and make the best of their way back again to Fort George. The Iroquois had no sooner returned than they gave Mr. Keith to understand that the Indians had, without the least provocation, killed one of their party and wounded two others. A deed so atrocious, and a story so plausible, had its effect at Fort George. Placing, therefore, implicit faith in the report of the Iroquois, Mr. Keith, with a view to investigate the matter, punish the murderers, and settle the affair, fitted out without delay a party of between thirty and forty men, chiefly Iroquois—the very worst men in the world for such a business—and gave the charge to Mr. Ogden, an experienced clerk of the North West school. On reaching the Cowlitz, all their inquiries were fruitless. They could find no offenders until they got the assistance of How-How, one of the principal chiefs of the place, who conducted them to the very spot, little thinking that he would have cause to regret his friendly assistance. In their approaches to the Indians, Mr. Ogden cautioned the Iroquois to be guarded in their conduct, and do nothing until he first 181 &lejeantier fto££ showed them the example. Some then went one way, some another, making their way through the thickets and bushes. But a party of the Iroquois happened to reach the Indian tents before Mr. Ogden, and instead of waiting for orders, or ascertaining whether those they had found were or were not the guilty persons, the moment they got within gunshot of the Indians they fired on all they saw and before Mr. Ogden or How-How could interpose, twelve persons, men, women, and children, were killed. Nor is it known to this day who were the guilty persons! Even after Mr. Ogden had arrived and tried to stop them, one more was shot; and to crown their guilt our people scalped three of their victims. The quarrel in which Oskononton lost his life arose from our trappers interfering with the Indian women, which brought down on them the vengeance of the men, and ended in bloodshed. The moment How-How saw the outrage committed on his people, he wheeled about in disgust and left the party. The whites had now to make a hasty retreat, before the neighboring Indians had time to assemble, and got back to headquarters with speed, carrying along with them several scalps, which they exhibited on poles as trophies of victory. They even danced with those trophies in the square of Fort George after their return! Anticipating, no doubt, a similar result from the Cowlitz quarter to that 182 fur i^unterg of t&e far We$t which followed the Wallamitte embassy the year before, Mr. Keith was horror-struck at the cruelties perpetrated on the natives. Every stratagem that experience could devise or hope inspire was now resorted to in order to induce How-How, the Cowlitz chief, to pay a visit to Fort George, in order that a secure footing might once more be obtained in the Cowlitz quarter. The Chinooks, to be sure, were in his way. They were his enemies, but what of that? The whites were his friends. He was promised ample protection, and a safe return cordially pledged. But he would listen to nothing. How-How was immovable. At last, however, it was discovered that How-How had k daughter, both lovely and fair, the flower of her tribe! Princess How- How was admired. Her ocher cheeks were delicate, her features incomparable, and her dress surpassed in luster her person. Her robes were the first in the land; her feathers, her bells, her rattles, were unique; while the tint of her skin, her nose-bob, girdle, and gait were irresistible! A husband of high rank had to be provided for the Princess How-How, and Prince How-How himself was formally acquainted with the wishes and anticipations of the whites. This appeal the sagacious and calculating chief could not resist. How-How, therefore, with his fascinating daughter and train of followers, arrived in their robes of state at headquarters. The bridal-dress was 183 aieraniier $o#£ beyond compare! Prince How-How now became the father-in-law of a white chief, and a fur trader became the happy son-in-law of Prince How-How. j We need scarcely mention here that the happy couple were joined together in holy matrimony on the first of April! After the marriage ceremony, a peace was negotiated with How-How—this was the main point—and the chief prepared for his homeward journey, in order to pave the way for our trappers and hunters to return again to the Cowlitz. But just as he and his followers were starting, a sad blunder was committed by the whites. It would appear that measures for their safety had either beer! overlooked or neglected, and after all the courtesy that had been shown the great man, he left the fort unguarded. He had not advanced 300 yards from the gate before he and his people were partially intercepted by some skulking Chi- nooks, who waylaid and fired upon them. How-How, instead of retreating back to the fort for protection, boldly called out to his men to face their enemies and stand their ground. But the Chinooks being concealed, How-How's men could see nobody to fire at, so they immediately posted themselves behind trees. In the skirmish, a ball happened to strike the fort, and whether a shot is fired accidentally or by design, the event is equally alarming. The moment, therefore, the ball 184 fur i^unterg of tf>e far Wt$t struck, the sentinel gave the alarm by calling out, "The fort is attacked! How-How and his men are in ambush!" In the confusion of the moment, and only How-How's party being seen, the first impression, although exceedingly improbable, was that How-How himself had proved treacherous, and on his departure had fired upon the fort. Orders were, therefore, immediately issued to fire the bastion guns, by which one of How-How's men was severely, and another slightly, wounded. At the same time all the people who had been at work outside the fort came rushing in, and meeting parties in the square running to and fro in every direction, collecting arms and ammunition, much confusion ensued. How-How and his party now stood between two fires, and, apprehending treachery on the part of the whites, were preparing to make a rush and force their way through the Chi- nooks, to save themselves. But by this time the people who had entered the fort had time to set matters right, by giving information that the Chinooks had been lying in ambush and first fired upon How-How, and that How- How was only defending himself. In the bustle and uproar of the moment, however, some time elapsed before men taken by surprise could reflect, or understand each other. The moment the shots were fired from the bastion the Chinooks fled, thinking, as a matter of course, that they only had been fired at. 185 111 aiejraniier Ho££ As soon, therefore, as the whites ceased firing, all was over, and the whole was only the work of a few minutes. How-How was now brought into the fort, and the misunderstanding fully explained to him. But he was a changed man. On his part, the habits of familiarity and friendship ceased; he was stern and sulky. Notwithstanding the praises that were bestowed on him, yet his pride was wounded, and he remained sullen and thoughtful. When he ultimately took his departure, after receiving many presents and more promises, his fidelity was evidently shaken, and his future support problematical. The only field that now remained open for our trappers and hunters, as the Cowlitz could not be depended upon, was the Wallamitte, and to that quarter the thoughts of all were directed. Notwithstanding a sufficient number of trappers and hunters were occupied there already, yet all those who had been driven from the northern quarter now bent their course to the southern, to join those already there. From the general conduct of the Iroquois among the natives, it would have been better policy to have sent them all out of the country, distracting, as they did, the natives, destroying the trade, and disgracing the whites. The party, numbering in all sixty men and headed by two half-breed clerks from Canada, proceeded up the Wallamitte until they had 186 fur i^unterg of tfje far Wt$t reached its source, and from thence, crossing some high ridges of land, hunted on the banks of the Umpqua, where they discovered many branches which promised a rich harvest of furs. Here our people fell in with numerous bands of the natives, who were all very peaceable, but from their shy and reserved manners, and wishing to avoid the whites, it was evident that they had never been much in the habit of trading with them. Yet they made no objection to our people's hunting on their lands. The traders wished to traffic, barter in furs, and to exchange horses with them; they also wished to get wives from them. In short, they wished to play the same game with them as the Iroquois, according to Oskononton's story, played with the Snakes, but no inducement, no advances, could bring those natives into contact or familiarity with our people. The farther the traders advanced, the farther the Indians receded to avoid them; when, seeing the natives timid and distant, our people resorted to threats. One day while the Indians were raising camp our people wished to detain some of their horses, as hostages to insure their return. The Indians resisted, and the hunters, in a moment of rashness, fired upon them. It was found that no less a number than fourteen of the innocent and inoffensive Indians were slaughtered on the spot, and that without a single arrow being shot in self-defense. The 187 I . &lejrantier fto&e? survivors fled, followed up by the hunters, but the number that fell in the flight was not ascertained. Fear now seized the party, and a retreat followed. They fell back on the Wallamitte and, communicating their fears to the other trappers, all left the hunting-ground in a panic and drew near to headquarters. From the Wallamitte Falls four men of their party and an Indian were dispatched to Fort George with accounts of what had happened, giving a very plausible coloring of the whole affair in their own favor. These men, while on their way thither, had encamped at a place called Oak Point, within twenty miles of the fort, and were all, with the exception of the Indian, barbarously murdered one night while asleep. The deed was committed by five of the Class- can-eye-ah tribe, the same band who had murdered the three white men belonging to the Pacific Fur Company in 1811. This atrocious act of cruelty, taking place at the very gates of our stronghold, proved that the state of things was getting worse. The whites called aloud for revenge; an example was necessary. Three parties, composed of a mixture of whites and natives, were sent in pursuit of the murderers. They were found out and seized, and four out of the five, after a trial of some length, were convicted and punished with death. The disasters of this year in the Fort George district alone, it was 188 fur $unter£ of tf>e far Wt$t supposed, had reduced our annual returns 4,000 beaver, equal to 6,000 pounds sterling, and the dire effects produced on the natives by the reckless conduct of our people took years to efface. Leaving Fort George, we now return to the Nez Perces quarter. We shall, in the first place, notice what effect the troubles at the former quarter had on the latter. The disasters in the Cowlitz had not only shut us out from that hunting-ground, but prevented our trappers from proceeding across the ridge in the E'yak-im-a direction, for a party I had fitted out were frightened, as soon as they crossed the height of land,. by the hostility manifested towards them, and had, in consequence, to retrace their steps. They were, nevertheless, considering the short time they had been there, very successful. It is, perhaps, not generally known that the most direct line of communication from the Grand Forks to the ocean is by the river E'yak-im-a; and although the portage across the dividing ridge, from that river on the east to the Chikelis River on the west, is considerable, yet the land-carriage is no object in a place where the road is not bad and the means of transport abundant, horses being everywhere plentiful. All the resources of the interior might, therefore, with great facility be conveyed through this channel to Puget's Sound, independent of the main Columbia, - ■ ■ ^MMHI Scantier $itt$$ should the fate of war at any time offer obstacles to the free ingress and egress to the river itself, or should the intricate and dangerous channel across the bar at its mouth get choked up, as it sometimes does to a very great degree, with sand-banks. By the E'yak-im-a road, the natives reach the ocean in ten days. At this period of our anxiety and our declining hopes as to the fate of our friends in the Snake country, who should appear to remove suspicion and give new vigor to our proceedings but McKenzie, from his voyage of discovery. He and six men reached Fort Nez Perces on snowshoes, with their blankets on their backs, in good health and spirits, after a tedious journey of six months. The meeting was one of interest, for McKenzie was no less cheered to find everything safe and our footing sure at this place than I was to witness his safe return under favorable circumstances, after so many discouraging rumors. The accounts McKenzie gave of the Snake country were flattering and the prospects encouraging, but the character of his people was the very reverse. We shall, however, let him speak for himself. "After leaving this place last fall," said McKenzie, "we directed our course across the Blue Mountains, but had not proceeded far into the country of the Snakes before the Iroquois began their old trade of plotting mischief; but being less numerous and more cowardly than their associates, they did not 190 fur ^unterg of tlje far We$t avow their treacherous intentions publicly. I was, however, fully aware of their designs, and guarded against them, but could not change their dispositions nor their heedless conduct; and fearing lest they might desert or do something worse, if in their power, I made a virtue of necessity and acquiesced in their wishes, thinking it better policy to do so than drag them along discontented, to desert or abandon themselves with the Indians whenever an opportunity offered. So I put the best face on things I could, fitted them out well in everything they required, and with the rest of the party proceeded on our journey, leaving them to work beaver in the rich little river Skam-naugh. From this place we advanced, suffering occasionally from alarms, for twenty-five days, and then found ourselves in a rich field of beaver in the country lying between the great south branch and the Spanish waters, but the natives in these parts were not friendly. In our journey we fell in with several bands of the Snake nation, and to each we communicated the welcome tidings of peace, on the part of the Nez Perces; to which they one and all responded in the language of gratitude, for everything new attracts their attention, and the word 'peace' served as our letter of introduction among them. j Our wishes,' said they, 'are now accomplished; nothing is so desirable to us as peace.' I hope the impression may be a lasting one. 191 i.i ftleranber ftogg "After disposing of my people to the best advantage, trading with the natives, and securing the different chiefs to our interest, I left my people at the end of four months. Then taking a circuitous route along the foot of the Rocky Mountains, a country extremely dreary during a winter voyage, I reached the headwaters of the great south branch, regretting every step I made that we had been so long deprived of the riches of such a country. Thence I steered my course for the river Skam-naugh, where I had left my Iroquois to hunt beaver in October last. During this part of my journey I crossed and recrossed many parts I had seen in 1811. Instead, however, of finding the Iroquois together, and employed in hunting or in the pursuit of hunting, I found them by twos and by threes all over the country, living with the savages, without horses, without traps, without furs, and without clothing, perfectly destitute of everything I had given them. I left them, therefore, as I found them. Iroquois will never do in this country. In fact, their introduction was the signal of our disappointments. On reaching this place we found but little snow in the Blue Mountains. During the last two months we have traveled upwards of six hundred miles on snowshoes." This account confirmed Oskononton's story. Continuing the narrative of his journey, our enterprising adventurer next went on 192 fur l^unterjtf of tfie far Wt$t to describe the country, the resfources, and animals he everywhere met with. "On our outward journey," said McKenzie, "the surface was mountainous and rugged, and still more so on our way back. Woods and valleys, rocks and plains, rivers and ravines, alternately met us, but altogether it is a delightful country. There animals of every class rove about undisturbed. Wherever there was a little plain, the red deer were seen grazing in herds about the rivers. Round every other point were clusters of poplar and elder, and where there was a sapling, the ingenious and industrious beaver was at work. Otters sported in the eddies; the wolf and the fox were seen sauntering in quest of prey; now and then a few cypresses or stunted pines were met with on the rocky parts, and in their spreading tops the racoon sat secure. In the woods, the martin and black fox were numerous; the badger sat quietly looking from his mound; and in the numberless ravines, among bushes laden with fruits, the black, the brown, and the grizzly bear were seen. The mountain sheep, and goat white as snow, browsed on the rocks and ridges, and the big-horn species ran among the lofty cliffs. Eagles and vulture^ of uncommon size flew about the rivers. When we approached, most of these animals stood motionless; they would then move off a little distance, but soon came anew to satisfy a curiosity that often proved fatal to them. 193 f &lejtanfcer JHo^ "The report of a gun did not alarm them. They would give a frisk at each shot, and stand again; but when the flag was unfurled, being of a reddish hue, it was with apparent reluctance they would retire beyond the pleasing sight. Hordes of wild horses were likewise seen on this occasion, and of all the animals seen on our journey they were the wildest, for none of them could be approached. Their scent is exceedingly keen, their hearing also, and in their curiosity they were never known to come at any time within gunshot. One band of these contained more than 200. Some of them were browsing on the face of the hills, others were running like deer up and down the steeps, and some were galloping backwards and forwards on the brows of the sloping mountains, with their flowing manes and bushy tails streaming in the wind. Caverns without number were to be seen in the rocks on either side of the river, many of them of very great depth and dimensions, and the shapes of the rocks were often picturesque. But on our way back, the scene was changed; it was dreary and forbidding winter. Nothing was to be seen but leafless forests and snow- clad hills, with scarcely an animal to attract attention, except a wolf or a fox which now and then crossed our path, or an eagle or vulture watching their prey about rapids, where open water was still to be seen. The animals had now retreated for shelter to the thick 194 fur i^unter£ of tfje far Wt$t woods, so that we were more than once on short allowance. On these emergencies we had to regale ourselves on wolf's flesh, and were sometimes glad to get that to satisfy the cravings of hunger. We required no stimulants to sharpen our appetites." McKenzie had a three-fold object in view in leaving his people and returning to this place at such a season: first, to see some of the principal Snake chiefs, whom he had not spoken with about the peace between them and the Nez Perces; secondly, to examine the country; and lastly, to ascertain the state of the navigation up the south branch, with a view to future operations. The two former of these objects were accomplished. The peace was settled as far as possible between parties living so remote from each other. The result, however, must ever be doubtful. After a short respite of only seven days at Nez Perces, allowing, himself scarcely time to repose and recount his adventures, this indefatigable man set out anew, through ice and snow, to examine the state of the navigation in the Snake country by the south branch. For this purpose he and his handful of Canadians, six in number, embarking on board of a barge, left Fort Nez Perces and proceeded up Lewis River. The turbulent natives on both sides the stream, notwithstanding his late return from their foes, suffered him to pass through this channel unmolested. After a i95 I'll 111 ili &lejtan&er Jflo$G? voyage of two months the boat, with four of the men, returned to this place, while McKenzie and the other two pushed forward on the precarious adventure of reaching the hunters, a distance of twenty days' travel through a country where it had often been asserted that "less than fifty men could not set a foot with safety." McKenzie's letter, by return of the boat, was dated "Point Successful, Head of the Narrows, April 15th, 1819." He stated that "The passage by water is now proved to be safe and practicable for loaded boats, without one single carrying place or portage; therefore, the doubtful question is set at rest forever. Yet from the force of the current and the frequency of rapids it may still be advisable, and perhaps preferable, to continue the land transport while the business in this quarter is carried on upon a small scale." He then goes on to observe, "We had often recourse to the line," and then adds, "There are two places with bold cut rocks on either side the river, where the great body of water is compressed within a narrow compass, which may render those parts doubtful during the floods, owing to rocks and whirlpools; but there are only two, and neither of them is long." He then concludes his letter with these words, " I am now about to commence a very doubtful and dangerous undertaking, and shall, I fear, have to adopt the habits of the 196 fur i^unterjet of tfie far We$t owl, roam in the night and skulk in the day, to avoid our enemies. But if my life is spared I will be at the river Skam-naugh with my people and return by the fifth of June. Hasten, therefore, the outfit, with some additional hands, if possible, to that place. A strong escort will be advisable, and caution the person you may send in charge to be at all times, both day and night, on his guard." After performing the annual trip to Fort George the brigade, on its return to the interior, reached this place on the fifteenth of May, nearly a month earlier than usual. As soon, therefore, as the inlanders took their departure, I set about forwarding the Snake supplies. Accompanying the brigade was a small party of fifteen men, intended for the Snakes, to strengthen McKenzie's party. Augmenting this small party to the number of twenty-six from my own establishment, I placed the whole under the charge of a Mr. Kittson, an apprentice-clerk from Canada, a novice in the country, but a smart fellow. With all possible haste Mr. Kittson and his men set off with the Snake outfit to meet McKenzie and his party at the river Skam- naugh, according to appointment. On the departure of the party I handed Mr. Kittson written instructions, as he was a new hand, and cautioned him in every possible manner against the thieving propensities of the natives along the lines. 197 &lejcanfcer Jf!o£g But Kittson, full of confidence and life, thought all this caution unnecessary, and swore that "all the Indians on the continent would neither steal his horses nor anything else." "I am glad to hear it," said I. "Oh! I defy them," said he, and saying so, we shook hands and parted. The task and responsibility of venturing into a new and dangerous part of the country, among hostile savages, with loads of property, was a perilous undertaking for the most experienced person; much more so was it for a person like Kittson, a perfect stranger, and who had never received a charge of the kind before. Yet all went on well until the party had got to the territories of the Snakes, a ground which is ever exceedingly suspicious, as lying between two contending nations. Too much care could not be taken in keeping a sharp lookout, none knowing when, or from which side, the danger might first show itself. Seeing no traces of Indians, Mr. Kittson allowed himself to be influenced by the opinion of his men, ever ready to despise danger in order to avoid watching at night. The whole party, therefore, in full confidence and security laid themselves down one night to enjoy the comforts of repose. In the darkness of the night, however, hearing neighing and a noise among the horses, the party started up, half asleep, half awake, and rushing to where they had been feeding, discovered the thieves in the act of unhobbling them; 198 fur l^unterg of tf>e far Wt$t but in the darkness the villains got off, and in their retreat succeeded in carrying off twelve horses. The evil was now beyond remedy, though not fatal to the expedition, as there still remained enough to carry the property; but the men, as a just punishment for their negligence, had to trudge on foot. From the encampment of the stolen horses, the party advanced, taking the utmost care to watch every night. One day, however, they found themselves in a beautiful open valley, skirted by mountains, and not seeing any natives—for these sly marauders are never to be seen—and as their horses were fagged, they were willing to let them graze for a few hours at large in the meadow around their little camp. The party being fatigued, particularly those on foot, very inconsiderately laid themselves down, and in a few minutes they were overpowered with that heavy sleep which their wearied traveling so much demanded. They had not been long in this state before a noise of "Hoo, hoo! hoo, hoo!" sounding in their ears, awoke them, when they found their horses were all gone. Three of that banditti who at all seasons of the year infest the skirts of the frontiers on the Snake side had been, as they always are, watching from the adjacent hills the movements of passengers. They had crawled and concealed themselves among the long grass, until they reached the horses, then laying hold 199 SSSSi gUejeaniier fto#e? of one each they mounted, and driving the others before them, were beyond our people's reach before they could get their eyes well open! No words can depict the anxiety of our little band, with much property on their hands, in an enemy's country, destitute of provisions, and deprived of hope itself! Two days and nights passed, and they had come to no decision, but on the third day, about noon, while they were pondering on the step they were next to take, a cloud of dust was seen approaching from afar. Concluding that the party must be enemies, they made a hasty breastwork with their goods, and with their arms in their hands waited their arrival in a state of anxious forboding. What must have been their joy on seeing a party of our own hunters appear, driving before them the very horses which had been the cause of their unhappiness. McKenzie. havins: arrived at the river Skam-naugh at the time appointed and not meeting with either men or supplies from this place, as he expected, dispatched ten men to ascertain the cause of the delay. Two days after these ten men had left their bourgeois, in passing through a defile of the mountains they very unexpectedly met the thieves face to face. Recognizing the horses as belonging to the whites and seeing the Indians take to flight to avoid them, they were confirmed in 200 fur $unttr0 of tfjc far Wt$t their conjectures, and accordingly determined on following them. The chase lasted for upwards of two hours, when the thieves, seeing their efforts to get off were fruitless, turned round in order to sell their lives as dearly as possible. In such rencounters among themselves life is generally forfeited. They, therefore, boldly faced their pursuers, although three times their number, and fought desperately while they had an arrow remaining. One of them was shot by our people, another was taken, and the third, although severely wounded, made his escape among the bushes. One of our hunters was wounded also. After the affray the party wheeled about and made for Kittson and his forlorn band, driving all the horses before them. It was their approach that caused the cloud of dust, already noticed, first so suspicious and afterwards so pleasing. Kittson's party, now augmented to six and thirty men, raised camp and set out once more with lightsome hearts. Two days had not, however, passed over their heads, when they had another fright. While they were encamped one night on a small river, where everything around indicated security, two more horse thieves were detected in the night busy unhobbling their horses. In this instance the people on watch were more fortunate. They got hold of them, and kept the rascals in safe custody until daylight; but the whites had suffered no loss, and therefore 201 i &lejranDer fto&£ Mr. Kittson had the clemency to let them go unhurt. Each of the fellows had a quiver containing from fifty to sixty arrows, several pairs of shoes, and long lines for securing horses. The party had now reached that inauspicious spot where some of the unfortunate men belonging to Reed's party were murdered in 1813.20 There the cares of our people were not diminished at beholding some bands of banditti of the most suspicious appearance hovering about, but the whites, being on their guard, were allowed to pass unmolested. Next day Mr. Kittson and party, after all their mishaps, arrived safely and in good spirits at the river Skam-naugh, and joined Mr. McKenzie with his whole band, for he had contrived to assemble and bring together the greater part of his wayward and perverse Iroquois. Here Kittson delivered over his charge and receiving in return the Snake furs, bent his course back again to this place, where he arrived on the seventh of July, 1819. On his way back, however, he had a very narrow escape from a war-party, but got off with the loss of only two men, who fell a sacrifice at the first onset of the savages. Had not the troubles in the Fort George department diminished the usual quantity of furs there, we should have had, notwithstanding the defection of the Iroquois, a handsome 20 For the story of the destruction of Reed's party see First Settlers on the Oregon, 298-304. 202 — fur J^unterg of tfje far We$t augmentation to our returns this year. The Snake expedition turned out well; it made up for all deficiencies elsewhere, and gave a handsome surplus besides. McKenzie's party was now augmented by the addition of Kittson and his men, who had no sooner delivered up the Snake furs at this place than they returned to join him. The natives and hunting-ground being also familiar to our hunters, were circumstances, as far as we could judge, that warranted our most sanguine anticipations as to the future. In his letter to me, McKenzie stated that, "Although the natives are at present in a very unsettled state, yet if the contemplated peace succeeds, I hope that our success in this quarter next year will come up to the expectations of every reasonable man." With these remarks, we shall close the narrative for the present year. 203 SB Chapter 7 OCCURRENCES AMONG THE SNAKES AND AT FORT NEZ PERCES THE result of the Snake expedition put an end to the sharp contest which had for some years past divided the Councils of Fort George. No sooner was McKenzie's success in the Snake country known than his opponents were loud in his praises. It Was pleasing to see the Council of Fort George this year enter so warmly and approve so strongly of our measures in having established Fort Nez Perces and gained so promising a footing in the Snake country. We have noticed Kittson's return to join the Snake expedition, but before taking up the thread of our future narrative we propose to give the reader a description and view of Fort Nez Perces, and we shall then conduct him to McKenzie's camp and give him an account of Indian life in these parts. For the purpose of protection as well as of trade among Indians, the custom is to have each establishment surrounded with an in- closure of pickets some twelve or fifteen feet high. This inclosure is dignified with the name of fort. The natives have free ingress and egress at all times, and within its walls 204 fur ^uttterg of tf>e far Wt$t all the business of traffic is transacted. A little more precaution was, however, necessary at the Nez Perces station, on account of the many warlike tribes that infest the country. Instead of round pickets, the palisades of Fort Nez Perces were all made of sawn timber. For this purpose wood of large size and cut twenty feet long was sawed into pieces of two and a half feet broad by six inches thick. With these ponderous planks the establishment was surrounded, having on the top a range of balustrades four feet high, which served the double purpose of ramparts and loopholes, and was smooth to prevent the natives scaling the walls. A strong gallery, five feet broad, extended all around. At each angle was placed a large reservoir sufficient to hold 200 gallons of water, as a security against fire, the element we most dreaded in the designs of the natives. Inside of this wall were built ranges of storehouses and dwelling houses for the hands, and in the front of these buildings was another wall, twelve feet high, of sawn timber also, with portholes and slip doors, which divided the buildings from the open square inside. Thus, should the Indians at any time get in, they would see nothing but a wall before them on all sides. They could have no intercourse with the people in the fort, unless by their consent, and would therefore find themselves in a prison, and infinitely more exposed to danger than if they had been 205 ftleranoer i£o&gs on the outside. Besides the ingenious construction of the outer gate, which opened and shut by a pulley, two double doors secured the entrance, and the natives were never admitted within the walls, except when specially invited on important occasions. All trade with them was carried on by means of an aperture in the wall, eighteen inches square, secured by an iron door and communicating with the trading shop, we standing on the inside and the Indians on the outside. On all other occasions, excepting trade, we mixed with them outside, differing in this, as in every other respect, from all the other trading posts in the Indian country. Among other difficulties, it was not the least, after the fort was built, to succeed in bringing the Indians to trade in the manner we had fixed upon for the security of the place. Although they had every convenience allowed them, such as a house at the gate, fire, tobacco, and a man to attend them at all hours, it was a long time before they got reconciled to our plan. "Are the whites afraid of us? If so," said they, "we will leave our arms outside." "No," said I, "if we had been afraid of you we should not have come among you." "Are the whites afraid we will steal anything?" "No," said I, "but your young men are foolish." "That's true," said they. We persisted in the plan, and they of necessity had to submit. Excluding the Indians, 206 fur ^unterjS of tf>e far Wt$t although contrary to Mr. McKenzie's opinion, ultimately answered so well that it ought to be adopted wherever the natives are either hostile or troublesome. Our weapons of defense were composed of four pieces of ordnance, from one to three pounds, besides ten wall-pieces or swivels, sixty stand of muskets and bayonets, twenty boarding pikes, and a box of hand grenades. The fort was defended by four strong wooden towers or bastions, and a cohorn, or small mortar, above the gate. It was, therefore, at once the strongest and most complete fort west of the Rocky Mountains, and might be called the Gibraltar of Columbia. To construct and finish, in so short a time, an establishment so strong and compact in all its parts was no ordinary undertaking; by industry and perseverance, however, the task was accomplished. Thus, in the short period of a few months, as if by enchantment the savage disposition of the Indians was either soothed or awed. A stronghold had arisen in the desert and the British banner floating over it proudly proclaimed it the mistress of a vast territory. It was a triumph of British energy and enterprise, of civilization over barbarism. During the course of our proceedings a constant tide of visitors from quarters the most remote flowed in to satisfy their curiosity concerning our establishment. Among others were the turbulent lords of the Falls. Whether 207 . &lejtan&er fto£g their barbarity was soothed by the compliment of a resource of this kind among them, whether they felt gratified by our embassy to conciliate their enemies and do away with the evils of war, it is difficult to say, but a visible reform was now very obvious in their deportment to the whites. They invariably went and came in the most exemplary manner. Having given the reader a brief description of Fort Nez Perces and noticed the salutary effect our establishment had on the conduct of the natives, I now, according to promise, resume the narrative of operations in the Snake country. As soon as the annual supply of goods conveyed by Kittson had reached McKenzie's camp, the latter, knowing the character of his people, and that the moment they had their supplies in their own possession they would be bartering and trafficking every article away with the natives, in order to guard against this difficulty not only deferred the distribution among the party until the return of Kittson and the men who had to convey the furs to this place, but resolved on keeping the supplies entire until they reached their winter quarters, when every man would have his equipment and winter supplies at the time required. The conduct of the Iroquois last year had taught McKenzie this lesson, and this measure was also a check against desertion; their supplies being before them, encouraged and stimulated all to a perseverance in well-doing. 208 fur i^unterg of tlje far Wt$t It was a plan, however, that subjected the person in charge to the risk of life as well as of property. Had the Snakes been of a character to respect property when once in their own hands, he might have distributed the whole and left every man to take care of his own; but the very reverse being the case, he was compelled to adopt the plan of taking care of it for them until they reached their winter quarters. Therefore, as soon as Kittson and the men required to escort the furs to this place set off, McKenzie was left with only three men in charge of all the property; for although the Iroquois had returned to their duty, they were absent at the time, collecting their horses and traps which they had left and squandered away among the Indians, but they were expected back hourly. Thus situated, and the Iroquois not arriving at the appointed time, McKenzie and his three men erected a small breastwork, secured their property, and guarding it, waited with anxiety the arrival of succor. Two days after this unavoidable division of our people a very suspicious party of the mountain Snakes appeared at their little camp. They were very importunate, and with the view of turning their barbarity into friendship, McKenzie had given them some trifles to get rid of them, but the kind treatment of our friends was construed into fear and only stimulated the Indians to demand more. 209 &leraniier fto&£ Soon after, other parties equally audacious arrived, but no Iroquois! The hostile attitude and threats of the natives were now beyond endurance. They attempted to get over the breastwork, to push our people back, and to steal all that they could lay hands upon. Up to this period our people had stood on the outside of their property, but at this critical moment McKenzie and his men, grasping their guns, sprang over the breastwork, lighted a match, and placing a keg full of gunpowder between them and their enemies boldly determined to defend their property or die. At this critical movement the Indians, taken by surprise, fell back a little, when McKenzie, with perhaps more courage than prudence, dared them to renew their threats. While the fate of our little band hung as by a thread, the savages who menaced them took to flight, without a word. The first impression was that they were panic struck, from the dread of powder; it was then apprehended that they meditated some stratagem. The respite, however, gave our friends time to reflect. As soon as they considered it safe to look about them, they perceived on the opposite side of the river a war-party of the Shaw-ha- ap-tens, consisting of 200 men, all having firearms and mounted on horseback. On their arrival they assembled in a tumultuous group on the beach. It was the Red Feather and 210 fur ^unterg of tf>e far Wm his band, who had been ill disposed at the peace. Our friends were at no loss to account for the sudden and mysterious departure of the Snakes. But still their situation was not the more secure, for they had as much to fear from the one party as from the other. Although the Shaw-ha-ap-tens would have respected the whites on their own lands, yet they had no mercy to expect in an enemy's country. The appearance of this warlike cavalcade might have chilled the boldest heart. Their gestures, their yelling and whooping were truly horrible. The Indians called to our people to cross over and give them a smoke. At the same time it was evident that they were making every preparation to take advantage of them while on the water. This invitation, however, not being complied with, they held a council, with a view, it was supposed, of crossing over themselves. Our people on perceiving this strengthened their little fortification, and having four guns to each man, they were determined at least on selling their lives dearly. The natives in the meantime plunged into the river with their steeds, but were forced back again. They plunged again and again, but as often were compelled to return from the strength of the current. Their consultations were frequent and the brandishing of their arms indicated their bloody intentions. After capering along the beach on their 211 &lejtantier &o$S chargers for some time they at length disappeared, and our party saw them no more. On their way back towards the Blue Mountains, however, the Indians unfortunately fell upon the trail of Kittson and his party, and before he had time to get to a stronghold or concentrate his people, the savages overtook his rear and shot and scalped two of his men. After the first onset they wheeled about and got off clear. No sooner had the war-party disappeared than McKenzie and his men withdrew with their property to a hiding-place. Crossing over a channel of the river, they got upon an island and took up their abode in the thick woods. From this retreat they could, unper- ceived, distinguish the savages passing and repassing in bands. They had, however, to avoid making a fire during the daytime, as the smoke would have discovered their retreat. On this island our friends remained twenty- two days before Kittson and his party got back to them. The very next day after, fifteen of the twenty-five prodigal Iroquois joined them. One had been killed in a scuffle with the natives, two had deserted, and the other seven had joined the Snakes. The meeting with our friends was a joyful one, though each party had its troubles and its adventures to recount, but such is the life of an Indian trader that the most trying scenes are no sooner passed away than they are forgotten. 212 _ fur J^unter^ of tf>e far Wt$t Our friends now set about leaving the island to proceed on their journey. Our trappers and hunters being all mustered, amounted to seventy-five men. This was the number that composed the second adventure into the Snake country; still it was twenty- five less than the number that had been promised Mr. McKenzie. Advancing on their journey, during the first few days they saw several parties of the banditti, and, among others, some of those very villains who had threatened to rob McKenzie and his three men were recognized. Mr. McKenzie, therefore, singled one out and, after addressing him at some length, took hold of him and asked him if he was as brave a man that day as he was upon the former occasion. The fellow was mute. McKenzie then, shaking him father roughly, gave him a slap in the face and left him, an object of derision to the bystanders. The Indians now had changed their tone. In their progress McKenzie and his party came to a very formidable camp of about 800 huts and tents. The Indians were engaged chiefly in fishing for salmon, and being but indifferently disposed towards the whites, our friends passed the night without sleep and at dawn of day left the suspicious ground to look out for a more defensible spot. They were anxious to have a parley with the chiefs, and therefore they took up their position on an 213 &lejrantier Jllo&sf island where they would be secure. It was thought imprudent to proceed without having an interview with the chiefs of the different tribes as they advanced. After this interview, in which it was explained that the present visit of the whites among the Indians was with the double object of making peace between themselves and the Nez Perces and of supplying their wants, the chiefs were informed that as the Nez Perces had made overtures of peace, they, on their part, it was hoped, would not withhold their consent. When the word peace was mentioned one of the chiefs smiled. "Peace with the Shaw-ha-ap-tens!" said he; then, looking McKenzie steadfastly in the face, and pointing to the current of the river, "Do you see that current? Stop it then!" exclaimed the great man. "That's impossible," rejoined McKenzie. " So is peace with the Shaw-ha-ap- tens; they are at this moment on our lands, and perhaps before night my wives and children will be scalped by them." McKenzie soothed the old chief and assured him that the whites would do their utmost to promote peace. He told him that the whites were willing, if encouraged, to open a trade with the great Snake nation, a people whose lands, by lying so remote, must at all times be ill provided with every necessary, as well as the more essential part of their warlike implements. He added to these professions a few 214 fur $unter£ of tf>e far Wt$t trifling presents, which left a favorable impression. This done, our friends prepared to change their quarters. It was not McKenzie's intention, on setting out, to have visited these Indians or to have entered on the peace question at all. He wished to defer these points until he had first conveyed and placed his men on the field of their labors; but having thus unexpectedly met with them and apprehending that he might not find them so conveniently at any other time, he resolved on taking them, tribe by tribe, on his way, and settling the business at once. As our people advanced several bands were met, and the same routine of peace-making gone through. One day as they journeyed they fell in with a friendly band of the Snakes, who gave them intelligence that a grand war- party of the Indians inhabiting the east side of the mountains were a short distance before them. While these Indians and our people were in communication a courier from behind overtook them with the news that two war- parties of the Nez Perces were also at their heels, and had killed several of the Snakes on the preceding day, thus verifying the words of the chief. Indian report is always to be received with great caution, yet our people thought it well to make a halt. Crowds of the banditti were emerging from all quarters and fleeing towards their strongholds in the mountains, a sure sign that some commotion was 215 Illi &lejeanDer ftogg apprehended. These maneuvers convinced our people that there must be some truth in the reports. Under these circumstances they took up their stand in a small wooded point, partly surrounded by the river, resolving to wait there for the present. The friendly little band that had communicated the information to our people, notwithstanding the most urgent entreaties, would not remain with them, but hastened off, preferring the security of the forests to the slender protection of the whites. Several other parties of the Snakes, however, came and encamped along with our people, depending on them for support. Other parties passed and repassed, without stopping. The Nez Perces behind, the Black Feet before, and the hostile Snakes everywhere about, our people were completely surrounded. It was, therefore, beyond human foresight to see a way to avoid such a combination of evils as threatened them on all sides. The Nez Perces, finding that their enemies, the Black Feet, intervened between them and the Snakes, wheeled about in another direction and our people heard nothing more of them. But the Snakes and Black Feet had a severe battle, which ended in favor of the former. Thirty Black Feet, and more Snakes, strewed the well-contested field. As soon as the vanquished retreated the Snakes paraded about, exhibiting their trophies within sight of our 216 — HUM fur punters? of t&e far Wt$t friends. Victory stimulates to revenge. The Snakes, therefore, assumed a high tone. They came in crowds from their hiding-places, and joining the victorious party in their scalp- dancing and scalp-singing, formed a host of at least five or six thousand. Their huts, their tents, altogether resembled a city in an uproar, and their scattered fires and illuminations during the nights exhibited an awful spectacle to our encircled friends. Their shouts and yelling, their gestures and frantic movements, were very terrifying. After eighteen days' delay at Woody Point, the natives moved off almost in a body, and from the spies which we kept hovering about these Indians, we obtained seasonable advice that the hostile tribes had retired. Consequently, our party might pass on in safety. Thus by a combination of fortunate circumstances they were again relieved from danger. Having left their recent abode, accompanied by a friendly chief and his band, our people proceeded through an open and delightful country. During this part of their journey they crossed the spot where the great battle had been recently fought, and saw in many places putrid carcasses and human bones scattered about. And here the chief that accompanied our party pointed out the skulls of their enemies—"Look at these," said he to McKenzie, "the heads of the Black 217 c w aierantier J!lo£g Feet are much smaller than those of the Snakes, and not so round." They also crossed innumerable trails, on which the tracks were still quite fresh, but at that period all appeared to be quiet. After thirty-three days' hazardous traveling, reckoning from the time Kittson joined the party on the island, they arrived at their hunting-ground. Here the men were equipped for the winter, and commenced hunting. McKenzie intended, should the natives prove peaceably inclined and the trapping get on smoothly among them, to spend part of the winter in examining the country farther to the south. He was likewise anxious to have an interview with the principal chiefs of the Snake nation, not having hitherto seen them. In his letter to me, dated Black Bears Lake, Sept. 10, 1819, he remarked: "We have passed a very anxious and troublesome summer. War-parties frequent; in dangers often; but still we do not despair. Time and perseverance will do much. You will make no arrangements for forwarding our supplies; we have had enough of that already. I will accompany the spring returns and try to be at Fort Nez Perces by the twentieth of next June." This letter was brought me by an Indian of the Falls at the latter end of October. We have now given the reader some idea of an Indian trader's life in these parts, and by way of following up the subject a little further 218 fur ^unter£ of tf>e far We$t we shall describe how trapping with a large party is generally carried on among Indians. A safe and secure spot, near wood and water, is first selected for the camp. Here the chief of the party resides with the property. It is often exposed to danger or sudden attack, in the absence of the trappers, and requires a vigilant eye to guard against the lurking savages. The camp is called headquarters. From hence all the trappers, some on foot, some on horseback, according to the distance they have to go, start every morning in small parties in all directions ranging the distance of some twenty miles around. Six traps is the allowance for each hunter, but to guard against wear and tear, the complement is more frequently ten. These he sets every night and visits again in the morning, sometimes of- tener, according to the distance or other circumstances. The beaver taken in the traps are always conveyed to the camp, skinned, stretched, dried, folded up with the hair in the inside, laid by, and the flesh used for food. No sooner, therefore, has a hunter visited his traps, set them again, and looked out for some other place, than he returns to the camp to feast and enjoy the pleasures of an idle day. There is, however, much anxiety and danger in going through the ordinary routine of a trapper's duty. For as the enemy is generally lurking jbout among the rocks and hiding- places, watching an opportunity, the hunter 219 . ^tlejcanUer &o£g has to keep a constant lookout, and the gun is often in one hand while the trap is in the other. But when several are together, which is often the case in suspicious places, one-half set the traps and the other half keep guard over them. Yet notwithstanding all their precautions some of them fall victims to Indian treachery. The camp remains stationary while two- thirds of the trappers find beaver in the vicinity, but whenever the beaver become scarce the camp is removed to some more favorable spot. In this manner the party keeps moving from place to place during the whole season of hunting. Whenever serious danger is apprehended, all the trappers make for the camp. Were we, however, to calculate according to numbers, the prospects from such an expedition would be truly dazzling: say seventy-five men with each six traps, to be successfully employed during five months; that is, two in the spring, and three in the fall, equal to 131 working days, the result would be 58,950 beaver! Practically, however, the case is very different. The apprehension of danger at all times is so great that three- fourths of their time is lost in the necessary steps taken for their own safety. There is also another serious drawback unavoidably accompanying every large party. The beaver is a timid animal. The least noise, therefore, made about its haunt will keep it from coming 220 fur ^unterjf of tfje far Wt$t out for nights together, and noise is unavoidable when the party is large. But when the party is small the hunter has a chance of being more or less successful. Indeed, were the nature of the ground such as to admit of the trappers moving about in safety at all times, and alone, six men with six traps each would in the same space of time and at the same rate kill as many beaver—say 4,71(3— as the whole seventy-five could be expected to do! And yet the evil is without a remedy, for no small party can exist in these parts. Hence the reason why beaver are so numerous. Having conducted McKenzie and his party to their hunting-ground we shall take our leave of them while we notice the occurrences at Fort Nez Perces; and then, in due time, we will take up the subject of the Snake expedition again. Our last notice of this place was the effect our establishment had on the conduct of the Indians. Yet, with all their submission, it was more apparent than real, for I have never experienced more anxiety and vexation than among these people. Not an hour of the day passed but some insolent fellow, and frequently fifty at a time, interrupted us, and made us feel our unavoidable dependence upon their caprice. "Give me a gun," said one. "I want ammunition," said another. A third wanted a knife, a flint, or something else. Give to one, you must give 221 &lejcatttier ftog£ to all. Refuse them, they immediately got angry, told us to leave their lands, and threatened to prevent our people from going about their duties. Their constant theme was, "Why are the whites so stingy with their goods? They hate us, or they would be more liberal." A fellow raps at the gate, calling out, "I want to trade!" When you attend his call he laughs in your face, and has nothing to sell. In short, they talk of nothing but war, think of nothing but scalp-dancing, horse-racing, and gambling, and when tired of these, idleness is their delight. On every little hill they are to be seen all day in groups, with a paper looking- glass in one hand and a paint brush in the other. Half their time is spent at the toilet, or sauntering about our establishment. In their own estimation they are the greatest men in the world. The whites who labor they look upon as slaves, and call them by no other name. I had, therefore, to lay down a rule in all my dealings with them. However sudden the call might be I never obeyed it until I had walked backwards and forwards across the fort twice. Nothing then surprised me or ruffled my temper, and I often found the benefit of the plan. These Indians, with all their independence, are far from being a happy people. They live in a constant state of anxiety. Every hostile movement about the frontiers excites alarm and sets the whole country on the qui vive. 222 tmm fur i^unterjsf of tfte far 3#egt We have already noticed that a band of the Shaw-ha-ap-tens, on its return from a war expedition against the Snakes, killed Delorme and Jeanvene, two of Kittson's men, on their way to this place with the Snake returns. They also killed several of the Snakes. One evil often leads to another, for the Shaw-ha-ap- tens had no sooner got back than a Snake party were at their heels; but happening to fall in with a few stragglers frolicking among the bushes and gathering berries, who belonged to the Walla Walla camp, not three miles from our fort, they killed one man, four women, and two children, then recrossed the mountains and got off clear, carrying along with them the scalps of their victims and two young women and a man as slaves. The two captive women, as well as the man, being of some rank, it caused a tremendous commotion at this place. The first intimation we had of this sanguinary affair was the next morning, after the deed had been committed. Going on the gallery as soon as I got up, according to usual custom, I perceived at no great distance a dense crowd of people, some on foot, some on horseback, making for the fort in the most frantic and disorderly manner, and filling the air with shrieks and lamentations. It struck me the instant I saw them that it was a war-party; calling, therefore, all hands together, every man was placed at his post, and we accordingly waited their 223 aierantier $a#0 approach. We had only ten men about the fort at the time. As they drew near, the more frantic and tumultuous they became; so I inspected the men's arms and finding one fellow, named Quinze-sous, pale and agitated, with his gun still unloaded, and fearing his cowardly conduct might influence others—for they were all more or less panic-struck—I drew the iron ramrod out of his gun and giving him a rap or two over the head with it drove him off the gallery and locked him up in one of the stores; then returning, I promised a reward to every one of the others that would behave well. By this time the crowd had reached the fort gate, and I saw, for the first time, that it was no war-party, but our own Indians! Yet seeing them carry a number of dead bodies, the affair appeared still more mysterious, and as Indians often carry false colors to decoy the unwary, we were determined to be on our guard. Friends or foes, we were prepared to receive them. The number might have been 400 in all, but they were a mixture of men and women. It may be asked, where were all our guns, our bastions, and strong fort, if a rabble of Indians gave us so much anxiety? Our object, we answer, was not merely defense, but peace and friendship. We could have easily dispersed the crowd, few as we were; but one shot from our guns would have sealed our ruin and that of our friends in the 224 "■ fur l^unterg of tfie far Wt$t i Snake country. The whites never oppose force to force but in the last extremity. When the crowd reached the fort gate the seven bodies were laid on the ground. The weather being sultry, the bodies were much swollen and extremely offensive. This was no sooner done than the savage habit of cutting themselves, mingled with howling and shrieks of despair, commenced. The scene was horrible. Under such circumstances sympathy for the living as well as the dead was excited, because their pain and sufferings must have been acute, and this, as a matter of course, increased their inclination to violent mourning. To have seen those savages streaming all over with blood, one would suppose they could never have survived such acts of cruelty inflicted on themselves, but such wounds, although bad, are not dangerous. To inflict these wounds on himself, the savage takes hold of any part of his skin, between his forefinger and thumb, draws it out to the stretch, and then runs a knife through it between the hand and the flesh, which leaves, when the skin resumes its former place, two unsightly gashes resembling ball holes, out of which the blood issues freely. With such wounds, and sometimes others of a more serious nature, the near relations of the deceased completely disfigure themselves. As soon as the bodies were laid on the ground, with their crimson-dyed garments, 225 &leranDer ftogg one of the chiefs, called by the Canadians "Gueule plat,"21 called out to me with an air of effrontery, "Come out here." The moment this call reached me I felt a conflict between duty and inclination. Refuse the call I could not, yet I obeyed it with reluctance, and almost wished myself with Quinze-sous in the store rather than where I was. Turning round to the sentinel at the door, I told him to lock the gate after me and keep a sharp lookout. The moment I appeared outside the gate so horrible was the uproar that it baffles all description. Intoxicated with wrath and savage rage, they resembled furies more than human beings, and their ghastly, wild, and forbidding looks were all directed towards me, as if I had been the cause of their calamity. Tum-a-tap-am, the chief, then coming up to me and pointing to one of the dead bodies, said, "You see my sister there"; then, uncovering the body to show the wounds, added, " that is a ball hole." "The whites," said he again, "have murdered our wives and our children. They have given guns and balls to our enemies. Those very guns and balls have killed our relations." These words were no sooner uttered than they were repeated over and over again by the whole frantic crowd, who, hearing the chief, believed them to be true. Excitement was now at its height. Their gestures, their 21 Flat-mouth. ** # 226 mM fur ^untcrg of tfje far Wt$t 1^^——^——^— M——^—.^——■ passionate exclamations, showed what was working within, and I expected every moment to receive a ball or an arrow. One word of interruption spoken by me at the critical moment in favor of the whites, might have proved fatal to myself. I, therefore, remained silent, watching a favorable opportunity, and also examining the holes in the garments of the dead bodies. The holes I was convinced were made by arrows, and not by balls as the chief had asserted, but it remained for me to convince others when an opportunity offered. Every violent fit of mourning was succeeded, as is generally the case among savages, by a momentary calm. As soon, therefore, as I perceived the rage of the crowd begmning to subside and Nature itself beginning to flag, I availed myself of the interval to speak in turn, for silence then would have been a tacit acknowledgment of our guilt. I, therefore, advanced and taking the chief by the hand said in a low tone of voice, as if overcome by grief, "My friend, what is all this? Give me an explanation. You do not love the whites, you have told me nothing yet." Tam-a-tap- um then turning to his people, beckoned to them with the hand to be silent; entire silence was not to be expected. He then went over the whole affair from beginning to end. When the chief ended, and the people were in a listening mood, I sympathized with their misfortunes and observed that the whites had 227 &leranfcer fto&s been undeservedly blamed. "They are innocent," said I, "and that I can prove. Look at that," said I, pointing to an arrow wound which no one could mistake; "the wounds are those of arrows, not balls. Nor were the Snakes themselves so much to blame, as we shall be able to show." At these assertions the chief looked angry, and there was a buzz of disapprobation among the crowd, but I told the chief to listen patiently until I had done. The chief then composed himself, and I proceeded. "After your solemn acquiescence in a peace between yourselves and the Snakes, through the influence of the whites, the Shaw-ha-ap-tens violated the second pledge by going again to war across the Blue Mountains, and not content with having killed their enemies, they killed their friends also. They killed two of the whites. The Snakes in the act of retaliation have, therefore, made you all to mourn this day. They have made the whites to mourn also; but your loss is less than ours. Your relations have been killed, but still you have their bodies. That consolation is denied us. Our friends have been killed, but we know not where their bodies lie." These facts neither the chief nor the crowd could gainsay. The chief, with a loud voice, explained what I had said to the listening multitude, when they with one voice exclaimed, "It is true, it is true!" Leaving the chief, I then entered the fort, and taking 228 fur ^unterje? of tlje far Wt$t some red cloth, laid six inches of it on each body, as a token of sympathy; then I told them to go and bury their dead. A loud fit of lamentation closed the scene. The bodies were then taken up and the crowd moved off in a quiet and orderly manner. But the satisfaction we enjoyed at the departure of the savages was of short duration, for they were scarcely out of sight, and I scarcely inside the door, when another band, related to those who had been killed, arrived at the fort gate, and the loud and clamorous scene of mourning was again renewed. Among this second crowd of visitors was a fellow dignified by the name of Prince, and brother to one of the young women who had been carried off by the Snakes. Prince encamped within fifty yards of the fort, and his tent was no sooner pitched than he began to chant the song of death. When an Indian resorts to this mode of mourning it is a sure sign that he has "thrown his body away," as the Indians term it, and meditates self- destruction. Being told of Prince's resolution, I went to his tent to see him, and found him standing, with his breast leaning upon the muzzle of his gun. His hair was disheveled, and he was singing with great vehemence. He never raised his head to see who I was. I knew all was not right, and spoke to him, but receiving no answer, I went away on my return to the fort. I had scarcely advanced twenty 229 &lejeantjer fto£g yards from his tent before I heard the report of a gun behind me, and turning back again I found the unfortunate fellow lying on the ground weltering in his blood, his gun partly under him. He was still breathing. The ball had entered his left breast below the nipple and come out near the backbone. The wound was bleeding freely and he disgorged great quantities of blood. I went to the fort for some assistance, but on our return I expected that every moment would have been his last. However, we dressed his wound and did what we could to allay his suffering. The Indians now assembled in great numbers, and were noisy and violent. In the first instance they threw all the blame of the unfortunate affair on the whites, but in their rage and violence they quarreled among themselves, and this new direction in their excitement removed the odium in some degree from the whites and diverted the tide of popular fury into another channel. During the affair, one of those unfortunate wretches called medicine men happened to be sitting at the fort gate, when a brother of the man who had just shot himself went up to him, saying, "You dog! You have thrown your bad medicine on my brother and he is dead, but you shall not live," and in saying so, he shot him dead on the spot. The ball, after passing through the man's body, went more than three inches into one of the fort palisades. I was standing on the 230 M fur l^unterg of tlje far Wt$t gallery at the moment he was shot, and had it been on any other occasion but in the midst of a quarrel between the Indians, we certainly should have avenged his death on the spot, for the murdered man was an excellent Indian, and a sincere friend of the whites. The scene now assumed a threatening aspect. Guns, bows, arrows, and every missile that could be laid hold of came into requisition, and robes, feathers, bells, belts, and trinkets of every description were rattling about in true savage style. The fellow who had just shot the medicine man was shot in his turn, and before the chiefs arrived, or could get a hearing, three others were shot. The place appeared more like a field of battle than anything else, for besides the five bodies that lay lifeless on the ground, twice that number were desperately wounded. As soon as the deadly quarrel began, not knowing the intent of the Indians nor how it might end, I shut the gates and kept as clear of the quarrel as possible. In the midst of the confusion the Indians poured in from all quarters, adding fuel to the flame; and some of them in approaching the place, thinking it was a quarrel between the whites and themselves, fired a shot or two at the fort before they were aware of the mistake. This made us take to our bastions; our matches were lighted, guns pointed, and we ourselves watched the maneuvers of the savages around 231 &lejrantier ttoftet us. One unguarded shot would have involved us in the quarrel, which it was our interest to avoid, as it would have put an end to all our prospects in the Snake as well as the Nez Perces quarter. As soon as the chiefs could get a hearing peace was gradually restored, and the five dead bodies were removed to the Indian camp, at a distance from the fort. Such a scene I should never wish to witness again. This affray, happening at our very door, gave us much uneasiness, as to keep the balance of good will at all times in our favor was a task of more than ordinary difficulty. The day after, the different tribes assembled at Fort Nez Perces, and I had my hands full. The Shaw-ha-ap-tens arrived, the Cay- ouses, the Walla Wallas, and many others. The affairs of the preceding day were discussed, as well as the subject of our adventures in the Snake country, and the peace. A thousand questions were put and answered. Each chief betrayed impatience; one and all had to be satisfied. The whites were indirectly taxed with all the late troubles. The chiefs threatened to disregard the peace, and the late disasters furnished them with a pretext. They were bent on going to war with the Snakes again. As this step might have proved fatal to our intercourse in that quarter, I tried every plan to divert them from it. I invited them into the fort to smoke. There matters fur i^unterg of tJ>e far Wt$t were talked over again, and they smoked and talked during several meetings. A whole week was spent in this business. At last, however, we came to terms, and we all smoked the calumet of peace once more. The chiefs solemnly promised not to renew hostilities until at least our friends had left the Snake country. So we parted once more as friends. When our troubles were over and matters had settled down to their ordinary level, I took Prince, the man who in cool despair had shot himself, under my care. As he not only survived, but showed symptoms of returning strength, I kept him, and nursed him from July until December following, when he was so far recovered as to be able to ride on horseback. At this stage he accompanied his relations to their wintering ground, but as he was still unable to undergo the fatigues of hunting or endure much exercise I fitted him out with the means of passing the winter comfortably, and we parted. In the spring, on the return of the Indians to the fort, I was much pleased to see Prince among them as strong and hearty as ever. "I am sure," said he to me when we met, "you are glad to see me well." I told him I was very happy to see him recovered, and hoped he would be a good man and love the whites. He appeared thankful, and promised he would. " But," said he to me again, " you must give me a new gun; you know my relations destroyed ^33 &lejran&er fto££ my gun when I got wounded." "I know they did," said I, "but I have no gun to spare." "I have been long sick," said he, "and am poor. I have nothing to buy one myself, and I cannot hunt without a gun." "You have plenty of horses," said I, "why don't you buy one?" On my saying so, he hung down his head. I saw, however, that my refusal did not please him, and that my telling him to sell his horses and buy a gun pleased him less. But I thought that I had done enough for him, and the more I gave him the less he would hunt. So I told him again I had no gun to spare; that I had nursed him for half a year and saved his life, and that now, as he was well, he must try and provide for himself. "What!" said he, sharply, "do you love a gun more than you love me?" "No," said I, "but I have no gun to spare." On my saying so, he got rather sulky and held down his head, the first indication of an Indian's displeasure, for he had been telling his friends, as I learned afterwards, that I would refuse him nothing. All this, however, passed between us without remark, and as I thought in good will on both sides. I took no further notice of what he said, but turned round to another Indian to settle some little business I had with him. While doing so, Prince suddenly started up, saying, "Since you are so stingy, and love your gun so well, keep it, and give 234 riH Li fur J^unterg of tfje far Wt$t me an axe. Perhaps you will refuse me that, too." I was rather nettled at the fellow's impertinence, so I reproved him. "What, my friend," said I, "are you really angry with me?" "Yes," said he abruptly. "The white people have two mouths, and two words. You said you liked me, and yet you refuse me a gun; but give me an axe, and keep your gun, since you prefer to see me like a squaw with an axe, rather than like a man with a gun." "What, my friend," said I again to him, "have I not done enough for you? Have I not done more for you than all your own people put together? Have I not saved your life? Have I not supported you all the winter? Yes, my friend, I have done so. And now that you are well you must do for yourself. I cannot let you have an axe or anything else unless you pay for it as others do, nor does your present conduct merit any more favors at my hand." And saying so, I turned round to the Indian I had been speaking to a little before. The moment I turned round from .him, Prince caught hold of a gun and made an attempt to shoot me in the back, but it fortunately missed fire, and before I had time to turn round the gun was taken out of his hands by one of the chiefs, who, holding it up in the air, fired off the shot. It was fortunate that it missed fire the first time. After this, Prince stood sullen and motionless. "Is it," said I, "because I saved your life 235 1 ' &leranfcer jHo^ that you wish to deprive me of mine?" To this he made no reply. Taking, therefore, a ball out of one of his comrade's pouches, close by, I offered it to him, saying, "Let me see now if you really wish to kill me. There is a ball, load your gun again," and I then stood before him. But he would neither take the ball nor reload the gun. This scene took place in the presence of more than fifty Indians, who remained silent spectators. I then entered the fort, leaving Prince still standing, but in a few minutes afterwards he sneaked off and left the place. Even the savages could not forbear reproving him for his conduct. The reader has here a specimen of the gratitude which a trader meets with among these barbarous people. But we must follow Prince a little farther. After leaving the place he happened to meet, at a little distance from the fort, one of my men, a Canadian by the name of Meloche, coming home from a hunting trip. Prince, therefore, went up to him .with a smiling countenance, and after shaking hands and talking a little with Meloche he said to him, "Let me see your gun." Meloche made no hesitation, but handed it to him, for he looked upon Prince as one of ourselves, from his having been so long about the place, and he had often helped to take care of him during his sickness. No sooner, however, had Prince got the gun into his own hands than he, as Indians generally do. 236 fur ^unterg of tfje far Wt$t examined whether or not it was loaded. Finding it was, he leaped on his horse, drew on one side, and began to quarrel with Meloche and reproach the whites, alluding to my having refused him a gun and an axe. But Meloche was not a man to be frightened by mere words, and Prince, to prevent his getting hold of him, turned round, shot Meloche's horse, kept the gun, and scampered off. Meloche arrived at the fort enraged, got a horse and gun, and would have pursued after Prince at all hazard had I not prevented him. I intended to adopt some milder plan for the recovery of his gun and the loss of his horse, but time was not allowed us to put this plan into execution. Not many days afterwards Prince exchanged the gun with another Indian for a horse. The Indians going out to hunt, Prince, in approaching an elk, was accidentally shot dead by a ball out of the very gun he took from Meloche. The fellow who had it happened unluckily to be approaching the same animal as Prince, but in an opposite direction, when on firing, the ball missed the elk, glanced from a tree, and proved fatal to Prince. With this incident we hasten to close the present chapter, reserving for the next our further proceedings in the Snake country. 537 Chapter 8 THE GREAT SNAKE NATION THE business of the year being ended, we resume the subject of the Snake expedition. McKenzie, in following up his first intention, disposed of his trappers to the best advantage, and taking with him three men and an Indian chief, left his people and set out on a trip of discovery towards the south. He had not proceeded far before he fell in with the main body of the great Snake nation, headed by the two principal chiefs, Pee-eye-em and Ama-qui-em. An interview with these two great men, in reference to the peace, was McKenzie's chief object in the trip he had undertaken. He, therefore, lost no time, but returned back to where he had left his people, the Indians accompanying him. The regularity and order of these Indians convinced the whites that they were under a very different government to any other they had yet seen in the country—even preferable to the arrangements of the whites, the influence of the two great chiefs being, at all times, sufficient to restrain and keep the whole in subordination, and our friends free from annoyance. Not so was it among our own trappers, for, although McKenzie had 238 fur ^unterg of t^e far Wm only been absent from them ten days, on his return he found that the Iroquois had commenced their old tricks of trafficking away their hunting implements with the natives, and their familiar and criminal intercourse had already drawn down on them the contempt of the Indians. To prevent the evils arising from the animosities which had been engendered between both parties by the conduct of the thoughtless Iroquois was difficult; they well nigh brought the whites into a disagreeable scrape, but the good sense and conduct of the chiefs on this occasion was, in the highest degree, praiseworthy, so that matters were soon amicably adjusted. This done, McKenzie turned his attention to the Indians and the peace. But before we enter upon the latter subject we shall give some account of . the Snake Indians as a nation. The great Snake nation may be divided into three divisions, namely, the Shirry-dikas, or dog-eaters; the War-are-ree-kas, or fish-eaters; and the Ban-at-tees, or robbers; but as a nation they all go by the general appellation of Sho-sho-nes, or Snakes. The word Sho-sho-nes means, in the Snake language, "inland." The Snakes, on the west side of the Rocky Mountains, are what the Sioux are on the east side—the most numerous and the most powerful in the country. The Shirry-dikas are the real Sho-sho-nes, and live in the plains, 239 &lejtantier &o£g hunting the buffalo. They are generally slender, but tall, well-made, rich in horses, good warriors, well-dressed, clean in their camps, and in their personal appearance bold and independent. The War-are-ree-kas are very numerous, but neither united nor formidable. They live chiefly by fishing, and are to be found along all the rivers, lakes, and water-pools throughout the country. They are more corpulent, slovenly, and indolent than the Shirry-dikas. Badly armed and badly clothed, they seldom go to war. Dirty in their camps, in their dress, and in their persons, they differed so far in their general habits from the Shirry- dikas that they appeared as if they had been people belonging to another country. These are the defenseless wretches whom the Black Feet and Piegans from beyond the mountains generally make war upon. These foreign mercenaries carry off the scalps and women of the defenseless War-are-ree-kas and the horses of the Shirry-dikas, but are never formidable nor bold enough to attack the latter in fair and open combat. The Ban-at-tees, or mountain Snakes, live a predatory and wandering life in the recesses of the mountains, and are to be found in small bands or single wigwams among the caverns and rocks. They are looked upon by the real Sho-sho-nes themselves as outlaws, their hand against every man, and every 240 fur i^unterjet of tfie far We$t man's hand against them. They live chiefly by plunder. Friends and foes are alike to them. They generally frequent the northern frontiers, and other mountainous parts of the country. In summer they go almost naked, but during winter they clothe themselves with the skins of rabbits, wolves, and other animals. They are complete masters of what is called the cabalistical language of birds and beasts, and can imitate to the utmost perfection the singing of birds, the howling of wolves, and the neighing of horses, by which means they can approach, by day or by night, all travelers, rifle them, and then fly to their hiding-places among the rocks. They are not numerous, and are on the decline. Bows and arrows are their only weapons of defense. The country that these and the other Snake tribes claim as their own and over which they roam is very extensive. It is bounded on the east by the Rocky Mountains; on the south by the Spanish waters; on the Pacific, or west side, by an imaginary line beginning at the west end, or spur, of the Blue Mountains, behind Fort Nez Perces and running parallel with the ocean to the height of land beyond the Umpqua River, in about north latitude 410 (this line never approaches within 150 miles of the Pacific); and on the north, by another line running due east from the said spur of the Blue Mountains and crossing the great south branch, or Lewis River, at the 241 &leran&er ftogg Dalles, till it strikes the Rocky Mountains 200 miles north of the three pilot knobs, or the place hereafter named the "Valley of Troubles." The Snake country, therefore, contains an area, on a rough calculation, of about 150,000 square miles. For an Indian country it may be called thickly inhabited, and may contain 36,000 souls, or nearly one person to every four square miles. With all their experience our friends possessed but a very confused idea of the Snakes, both as to their names or numbers. One would call them Bannacks, and another Wurracks, while a third would have them named Dogs! Nor was it till I had subsequently gone to their country, traveled, traded, and conversed with them, that I could learn anything like facts to be depended upon; and even after all I can state it cannot be relied upon as entirely correct. It was from the chiefs, who, it would appear, were very intelligent men, that McKenzie and his people by indirect questions came to the conclusion that the Snake nation numbered as I have stated; which, of course, is only an approximation to the truth. He could get no satisfactory answer to direct questions, and that is the case with almost all savages. Ask an Indian his name and he will hesitate to tell you; ask him his age, and you will receive an evasive answer. When McKenzie put the direct question to the great chief, 242 fur I^unterg of tfje far Wt$t Pee-eye-em, "How many Indians are there in the Snake nation?" he said, "What makes you ask that question?" "I should like to know," said he, "in order to tell our Father, the great white chief." "Oh! oh! tell him, then," said Pee-eye-em, "that we are as numerous as the stars!" In the part of the country where our friends had taken up their winter quarters the buffaloes were very numerous. Thousands covered the plains. In this land of profusion the Indians likewise pitched their camp. The novelty of the presence of the whites and the news of peace soon collected an immense crowd together—Shirry-dikas, War-are-ree- kas, and Ban-at-tees—so that before the end of a month there were, according to their statements, more than 10,000 souls in the camp. This immense body covered a space of ground of more than seven miles in length, on both sides of the river, and it was somewhat curious, as well as interesting, to see such an assemblage of rude savages observe such order. The Shirry-dikas were the center of this city, the War-are-ree-kas at one end, the Ban-at-tees at the other, forming, as it were, the suburbs. But in this immense camp our people were a little surprised to see on each side of the Shirry-dikas, or main camp, nearly a mile of vacant ground between them and their neighbors the War-are-ree-kas and Ban- at-tees. This mysterious point was soon 243 &lejean&er Jflo&s cleared up, for as the other Indians came in they encamped by the side of the Shirry-dikas, till at last the whole vacant space was filled up. The same took place among the War- are-ree-kas and Ban-at-tees. Each clan swelled its own camp, so that every great division was, in a manner, separate. The whole of this assemblage of camps was governed by the voice of two great chiefs, Pee-eye-em and Ama-qui-em, who were brothers, and both fine-looking middle-aged men. The former was six feet two inches high, the latter above six feet, and both stout in proportion. McKenzie himself, the stoutest of the whites, was a corpulent, heavy man, weighing 312 pounds; yet he was nothing to be compared, either in size or weight, to one of the Indian chiefs. His waistcoat was too narrow by fourteen inches to button round Pee-eye-em. Having now presented our readers with a brief outline of the Snake Indians, we next remark on that all-absorbing topic, the peace. As soon as all the natives were assembled together, McKenzie made known to the chiefs his views as to the establishing of a general and permanent peace between them and their enemies on the northern frontier. Besides Pee-eye-em and Ama-qui-em, there were fifty-four other dignitaries at the council- board, six of whom were War-are-ree-kas, but not one Ban-at-tee. The rest were all Shirry- dikas, and others belonging to the same class. 244 fur l^unter£ of tlje far Wt$t After stating that the Nez Perces had agreed to the peace, and that it now depended solely upon them to have it finally ratified, McKenzie also signified to them that if the peace met with their cordial approbation and was once established throughout the country, the whites would then open a profitable trade with the Snake nation, and that henceforth they might be supplied with all their wants. On hearing the concluding part of the proposition the approbation was universal. All seemed to hail peace with their enemies as a most desirable object. Here the great sachem, Pee-eye-em, rose up, and was the first to speak. "What have we to do with it?" said he. "We never go to war on the Nez Perces or any other tribe in that quarter, nor do they ever make war on us. These," said he, pointing to the War-are-ree-ka and Ban-at- tee camps, "these are the people who disturb and wage war with the Nez Perces, and plunder the whites when in their power; but we have no hand in it, and for us to run after and punish the Ban-at-tees every time they do evil would be endless. It would be just as easy for us to hunt out and kill all the foxes in the country, as to hunt out and punish every Ban-at-tee that does mischief. They are like the mosquitoes—not strong, but they can torment; and by their misdeeds and robberies the War-are-ree-kas often suffer from the inroads of the northern tribes." 245 1 I u.|I If aiejtanUer fto&e? "The Black Feet and Piegans," continued Pee-eye-em, "are our only enemies; a peace with them would be more desirable to us than a peace with the Nez Perces. But still, as it is the wish of the whites, the interest of the War-are-ree-kas, and ours, to get our wants supplied, we cordially agree to it." Ama- qui-em spoke next, and gave his consent. And then Ama-ketsa, one of the War-are-ree-kas, a bold and intelligent chief, spoke at great length in favor of the peace. He denounced the Ban-at-tees as a predatory race, and the chief cause of all the Snake troubles with the Nez Perces. A whole week was spent in adjusting this important business, and our people were heartily tired of it. At last, when all the chiefs had given their consent, four of the Ban-at- tees were invited, and they approached in evident fear. The peace was fully explained to them and they were distinctly told by Pee-eye-em and Ama-qui-em that if they did not regard the peace and live like the other Snake tribes they would be punished with death. In uttering these words Ama-qui-em got quite enthusiastic. "Yes," said he, to the trembling Ban-at-tees, "you are robbers and murderers too! You have robbed the whites; you have killed the whites." After this declaration he made a pause, as if regretting what he had said, and went on. "But why 246 fur ^unter£ of tije far Wt$t should I repeat a grievance? It is now past. Let us utter it no more. Go, then, home to your wives and to your children. Rob no more, and we shall all be friends. You see the whites before you. They are our friends. You must be their friends. We must enforce the observance of peace; tell your people so, and forget it not." The poor Ban-at-tees stood trembling and silent before the council like criminals, but the moment Ama-qui-em sat down they all called out in the Snake language, "Hackana tabehoo, Hackana tabehoo. We are friends to the whites, we are friends to the whites." The business over, McKenzie presented Pee-eye-em and Ama-qui-em with a flag each, as an emblem of peace, and at their request one was given to Ama-ketsa and one to the Ban-at-tees. As soon as the council broke up, our friends were anxious to know the truth of Ama-qui-em's assertion that they (the Ban-at-tees) had already killed the whites, and therefore sent for that chief and inquired into the matter. Ama-qui-em, after some little hesitation, explained it by telling McKenzie that it was the Ban-at-tees that plundered and murdered Mr. Reed and his party in the autumn of 1813. Our readers will no doubt have observed that we have omitted the customary ceremony of smoking during the present treaty of peace. Our reasons for so doing arose from the fact 247 &lejean&er &og£ that the Snakes prefer their own tobacco to ours. They are, perhaps, the only Indian nation on the continent who manufacture and smoke their own tobacco. Several of them were, however, seen with bits of our tobacco in their medicine bags, but scarcely any were seen to smoke it. As to the ceremony of smoking at their councils, no Indians indulge in it more freely than the Snakes do. The peace was no sooner concluded than a brisk trade in furs commenced. In their traffic the most indifferent spectator could not but stare to see the Indians, chiefly War-are- ree-kas and4 Ban-at-tees, bringing large garments of four or five large beaver skins each, such as they use during winter for warmth, and selling them for a knife or an awl, and other articles of the fur kind in proportion. It was so with the Columbia Indians in our first years, but they soon learned the mystery of trade, and their own interest. So will the Snakes, for they are not deficient in acuteness. Horses were purchased for an axe each, and country provisions, such as dried buffalo, were cheap. Our people might have loaded a seventy-four-gun ship with provisions, bought with buttons and rings. It was truly characteristic of Indian trading to see these people dispose of articles of real value so cheaply, while other articles of comparatively no value at all, at least in the estimation of the whites, were esteemed highly 248 fur l^unterg of tfje f ar Wt$t by them. When any of our people through mere curiosity wished to purchase an Indian head-dress composed of feathers, or a necklace of bears' claws, or a little red earth or ocher out of any of their mystical medicine bags, the price was enormous; but a beaver skin, worth twenty-five shillings in the English market, might have been purchased for a brass finger-ring scarcely worth a farthing; while a dozen of the same rings was refused for a necklace of birds' claws, not worth half a farthing. Beaver, or any kind of fur, was of little or no value among these Indians, they never having any traders for such articles among them. Nor could they conceive what our people wanted with their old garments. "Have not the whites," asked a chief one day, smiling, "much better garments than ours?" Such garments, however, were not numerous, and were only used by the poorer sort. The Shirry-dikas were all clothed in buffalo robes and dressed deer skin, but no sooner had one and all of them seen European articles than they promised to turn beaver hunters. This disposition was, of course, encouraged by our people. Axes, knives, ammunition, beads, buttons, and rings were the articles most in demand. Clothing was of no value. A knife sold for as much as a blanket, and an ounce of vermilion was of more value than a yard of fine cloth. With the exception of guns, which they might have got from other Indians, they 249 aiejtanDer ftogg had scarcely an article among them to show that they had ever mixed with civilized man, although it is well known that they had of late years occasionally seen the whites. Trade was no sooner over than Ama-qui-em mounted one of his horses and rode round and round the camp—which of itself was almost the work of a day—now and then making a halt to harangue the Indians respecting the peace, and their behavior towards the whites, and telling them to prepare for raising camp. Three days successively this duty was performed by the chief, and on the morning of the fourth all the Shirry-dikas decamped in a body and returned in the direction whence they had come. Although these people were very peaceable and orderly, yet our friends got heartily tired of the crowd, and were no less anxious than pleased to see them move off. The War-are-ree-kas and Ban-at-tees remained behind, and were very annoying. They soon assumed a haughty tone, and even the Ban-at-tees began to hold up their heads and speak after the Shirry-dikas had left. In short, our friends often wished the Shirry- dikas back again. At the end of a couple of weeks more, however, all the rest went off, but not without stealing three of the hunters' best horses and some beaver traps. So much for the peace! But the loss was less felt than the annoyance of the thieves who had stolen them, of whom our people were glad to get clear. 250 m fur i^unterg of tf>e far Wt$t When the Indians had left the ground, our hunters were divided into parties throughout the neighborhood, and went with the other three of the Owhyhees along a small river to trap, where no danger was apprehended. Our people were now left to pursue their business of hunting, and they trapped with great success for some time; but as soon as the winter set in, some of the banditti hovered about their camp with the intention of carrying off their horses, which subjected them to constant watching day and night. Our people, therefore, took advantage of a snowstorm and removed to some distance, in order to be out of their reach. During the bad weather, which lasted ten days, their want of a guide and their ignorance of the best passes through the mountains brought them into imminent peril of losing all their horses. At length, however, they were fortunate enough to get to a place of shelter, where their animals could feed, and they encamp in safety. Everyone felt that their horses were secure, themselves relieved from watching, and that they had outwitted the Indians; but the very next morning after they had arrived, six of their horses were stolen and a gun and two steel traps, which had been left at the door of a hunter's tent, were carried off. The Indians had dogged them all the way and played them this trick at last, so that they had to adopt the same plan as before and watch all the winter. 251 &lef antier $o&$ A To those who have never traveled in these wilds it may be interesting to know how the trappers' horses are fed and stabled during the winter. No fodder is provided for them; there is no stable nor shelter, only the canopy of heaven above them. Up to their bellies in snow, which has often a crust on the top as hard as ice, the horses beat down the crust, scrape away the snow with their forefeet, and feed on the dry and withered grass at the bottom. They often pass the winter without a drop of water, except from the icicles and snow which they happen to eat with their dry and tasteless food. After passing the night in this manner they are bridled, saddled, and ridden about by the hunters all day; and when they arrive at night covered with sweat, tired, and hungry, they are turned out again to dig their supper in the face of the deep snows, and in a cold ranging from 200 to 300 below zero of Fahrenheit's thermometer. The exercise may keep them in some degree warm, but the labor necessary to procure their food during the night is fully as fatiguing and laborious as the labor by day, and yet these hardy and vigorous animals are always in good condition. But to return to our subject. During the storm, while our people were on their journey, one of the hunters, named Hodgens, getting separated from the party in the drift and snow, lost his way. In his wanderings he lost his horse, and from cold and hunger almost lost 252 _=_■» fur J^unterjS of t&e far Wm his life; for the lock of his gun got broken, so that he could not make a fire, and during two days and two nights he had to weather the storm without any. On the fourteenth day, however, while scarcely able to crawl, he had the good luck to fall on the main camp of the War-are-ree-kas, where, recognizing the chief's tent from the manner in which it was painted, he advanced towards it, looking more like a ghost than a living being. On his entering, Ama-ketsa, surprised at his unexpected arrival and still more surprised at his emaciated appearance, stared him in the face for some time, and could scarcely believe that it was a white man; but as soon as he was convinced of the reality, and made acquainted with the wanderer's forlorn state, he ordered one of his wives to put a new pair of shoes on his feet, gave him something to eat, and was extremely kind to him. Here Hodgens remained for eleven days in the chief's tent, nursed with all the care and attention of a child of the family, until his strength was recovered; and as soon as he was on his legs again, Ama-ketsa furnished him with a horse, some provisions, and sent one of his own sons to conduct him to the whites. Although Hodgens could give the Indians no clue as to where the hunters were encamped, yet on the eighth day they arrived safe and sound at their friends, and as straight as if they had been led by a line to them, which convinced our people that the Indians 253 \ I &lejcantier ftogg knew well the place of their retreat. Indeed, in those parts to avoid the Indians would be to avoid their own party. A party of our people had been out a whole week in search of Hodgens, and found his dead horse, but despairing of finding him they returned to their camp and all hopes of ever finding Hodgens alive vanished. When he did come, their astonishment was equal to their delight. The friendly conduct of Ama-ketsa towards him was a strong proof of that chief's good will towards our people. During our friends' stay in this place they had several surprises from the Indians, but they managed matters so well that no more of their horses were stolen. Here our friends passed a winter of five months before the fine weather broke in upon them. Then, removing to some distance, they commenced their spring hunt in a part of the country rich in beaver. While here they were visited by several bands of Snakes, chiefly Shirry-dikas, and among others by Pee-eye-em and Ama-qui-em, with a large squad of followers. The astonishment of these people was great on the day of their arrival at seeing 240 beaver caught by the hunters and brought into camp at the same time. These two great men were very anxious to know from McKenzie whether any of his people had been killed by the Indians during the winter, and being answered in the negative 254 fur J^unterg of tfje far Wt$t they appeared much pleased. They were, however, told that one had been lost, but was found. Little did our friends then think what had really happened, or what had incited the Indians to be so inquisitive. It will be remembered that three of the Owhyhees, as well as others, had been fitted out on a little river to hunt beaver, and our people had not heard any tidings of them. These three unfortunate men had all been murdered. This was what the chiefs had heard, and were so anxious about. As our people were about to start on their homeward journey, the two friendly chiefs expressed an ardent wish to accompany them. "We wish," said they, "to see the Shy-to-gas." Besides seeing the Nez Perces, they thought by accompanying our people to insure a safe return to their lands. Our people, however, did not encourage them to undertake so tedious and hazardous a journey, and so embarrassing to themselves, but McKenzie assured them of his speedy return; so after staying about ten days the chiefs set out to return homeward. Both parties took leave of each other with feelings of respect. As soon as the chiefs went off our people prepared to start, and in the meantime a party with an Indian guide was sent off to pick up and bring to the camp the three Owhyhees already mentioned. They found the place where they had been hunting, and where they had been 255 &lejeantier Mo$$ murdered; the skeleton of one of them was found, but nothing else. The fact that one of their horses had been seen in the possession of the banditti left no doubt in the minds of our people that they were the murderers. The season being now well advanced, they had no time to lose. Loading, therefore, 154 horses with beaver and turning their faces towards Fort Nez Perces, the whole party commenced its homeward journey over hills, dales, rocks, and rivers for twenty-two days' travel, until they reached the long-wished-for Blue Mountains again. Here they spent a couple of days to rest and refresh their fatigued animals. Various had been the reports brought to us by the Indians as to the fate of our friends in the Snake country, and as the time of their expected arrival drew near the more anxious, of course, we became, when one day a cloud of dust arose in the direction in which they were expected, and by the aid of a spyglass we perceived from four to five hundred horses, escorted by as many riders, advancing at a slow pace in a line of more than two miles in length, resembling rather a caravan of pilgrims than a trapping party. It was our friends, accompanied by a band of the Cayouse Indians, who had joined them as they emerged from the defiles of the Blue Mountains; and soon after, McKenzie, in his leather jacket and accompanied by two of their 256 fur punters? of tfje far Wt$t chiefs, arrived at the fort. Nothing could exceed the joy manifested by all parties, and the success attending the expedition surpassed our most sanguine expectations. This brings our subject up to the twenty- second of June, 1820. After a year's absence and laborious toil our friends required some rest, and while they are enjoying an interval of repose we propose to employ ourselves in collecting from their conflicting and imperfect details some further notes and remarks on the Snake country—a country which had become the center of attraction to all parties connected with the trade. The general features of the Snake country present a scene incomparably grateful to a mind that delights in varied beauties of landscape and in the manifold works of Nature. Lofty mountains, whose summits are in the clouds, rise above wide-extending plains, while majestic waters in endless sinuosities fertilize with their tributary streams a spacious land of green meadows, relieved by towering hills and deep valleys, broken by endless creeks with smiling banks. The union of grandeur and richness, of vastness and fertility in the scenery, fills the mind with emotions that baffle description. The Rocky Mountains, skirting this country on the east, dwindle from stupendous heights into sloping ridges which divide the country into a thousand luxurious vales, 257 &lejeaniier Mo$$ watered by streams which abound with fish. The most remarkable heights in any part of the great backbone of America are three elevated insular mountains, or peaks, which are keen at the distance of 150 miles. The hunters very aptly designate them the Pilot Knobs.22 In these parts are likewise found many springs of salt water and large quantities of genuine salt, said to be as strong as any rock salt. South of Lewis River, at the Black Feet Lake, this article is very abundant, and some of it is six inches thick, with a strong crust on the surface. Near the same lake our people found a small rivulet of sulphurous water, bubbling out from the base of a perpendicular rock more than 300 feet in height. It was dark blue and tasted like gunpowder. Boiling fountains, having different degrees of temperature, were very numerous; one or two were so very hot as to boil meat. In other parts, among the rocks, hot and cold springs might alternately be seen within a hundred yards of each other, differing in their temperature. In passing many considerable rivers the Indian path, or footway, instead of leading to a ford would lead to a natural bridge. Instances of this kind were very frequently met with. One of those bridges was arched over in 22 They are now generally known as the Three Paps, or "Tetons," and the source of the great Snake River, is in their neighborhood. Author. 258 fur ^unter£ of tl)e far We$t a most extraordinary manner from one precipice to another, as if executed by the hand of man. It was no uncommon thing to find rivers issuing suddenly out of the earth in the midst of a level plain, continuing a serpentine course for several miles, and then as suddenly entering the earth again. In one of these openings our people set their traps and at the first lift caught thirty beaver and one or two otters. Some considerable streams were likewise observed to gush from the faces of precipices, some twenty or thirty feet from their summits, while on the top no water was to be seen. In two or three instances our people heard the noise of water under their feet, as of rapids, yet, for several miles, could not get a drop to drink. That this country contains minerals there can be but little doubt; many indications of copper, iron, and coal were seen by our hunters. In many parts the soil is composed of a rich black loam, with indications of marl. This is the case in all the valleys, but in the higher parts the eye is wearied with the sight of barren plains and leafless rocks. It has been noticed how abundantly the natives of this quarter of the world are supplied with various kinds of food. The many nutritious roots, berries, and all kinds of uncultivated vegetables which the country produces, suited to the Indian palate, set 259 &lrjcantier J5o$s? starvation at defiance at all seasons of the year, unless through the negligence of the natives themselves. The War-are-ree-kas are expert and successful fishermen and use many ingenious contrivances in catching the salmon, but the principal one is that of spearing. For this purpose the fisherman generally wades into the water, often up to his waist, and then cautiously watches the ascending fish, the water being clear. He poises and balances his fourteen-foot spear so well, and throws it so adroitly, that he seldom misses his aim. Others, again, erect scaffolds, while many stand on projecting rocks with scoop-nets, and in narrow channels they make wires and form barriers. With all these methods and many more in full operation, and on almost every point, the fish, except in deep water, seldom escape these cunning and dexterous men. From fifty to one hundred persons may be seen within a short distance of each other, all busily employed in their own particular way. At the same time the youngsters are not idle, but employed in carrying home the fish to the camp; while the women, old and young, are each at their post, cleaning and preparing them for future use, and particularly to meet the urgent demands of a long winter. It seems that the salmon is not terrified by noise, for in all these occupations the fisher- 260 fur ^unterg of tfje far Wt$t men call out loudly to each other. The immense quantities of this delicious and nutritive fish caught at even one of these great fish camps might furnish all London with a breakfast, and, although many hundred miles from the ocean, our people affirmed that it still retains its richness and flavor. From the skill of the natives in curing salmon the fish continue at all seasons of the year sweet and in good condition. They are dried slowly in sheds, covered above to exclude the rays of the sun. Yet with all this quantity of salmon, and buffalo in equal profusion, and of vegetables before them, so depraved is the appetite of the savage that he has often recourse, by way of change or variety, to the most nauseous and disgusting articles of food. The latter are, perhaps, not more pernicious to health than many of the highly-seasoned and deleterious dishes used among ourselves; and are, no doubt, as delicate and palatable to the taste of the rude savage as the others are to the taste and palate of the polished member of civilized society. The Snakes feast on the most loathe- some reptiles, such as serpents, mice, and lice. The curiosity of our people was often attracted by their singular mode of diet. Beneath the shade of the bushes is found an enormous kind of cricket, skipping in the sun are good- sized grasshoppers, and gigantic mounds of pismires of enormous growth are likewise very 261 &lejtantrer ftogg frequent. All these insects are made subservient to the palate of the Snake Indian. These delicacies are easily collected in quantity, and when brought to the camp they are thrown into a spacious dish along with a heap of burning cinders, then tossed to and fro for some time until they are roasted to death, under which operation they make a crackling noise like grains of gunpowder dropped into a hot frying pan. They are then either eaten dry or kept for future use, as circumstances may require. In the latter case a few handfuls are frequently thrown into a boiling kettle to thicken the soup; one of our men had the curiosity to taste this mixture, and said that he found it most delicious. Every reptile or insect that the country produces is, after the same manner, turned economically to account to meet the palate of the Snake Indian. But there is no accounting for tastes. I have seen the whites, in a camp teeming with buffalo, fowl, fish, and venison, longing for horseflesh, and even purchasing a horse in order to feast upon it. Nor is it uncommon in these parts to see the voyagers leave their rations of good venison and eat dogs' flesh. But the reader will cease to be surprised at these things when we mention the fact that the people in this country, habituated as they are to such things, live almost as the Indians, eating everything at times that can be eaten, some from choice, others from necessity. 262 fur i^unterg of tl>e far wm Various herbs, shrubs, and plants are to be found, some of them highly esteemed by the natives for their healing qualities. Having stated that the Snakes prefer their own tobacco to ours, we now proceed to .speak of that plant. The Snake tobacco plant grows low, is of a brownish color, and thrives in most parts of the country, but flourishes best in sandy or barren soil. It grows spontaneously, and is a good substitute for other tobacco, having the same aromatic flavor and narcotic effect as ours. It is weaker than our tobacco, but the difference in strength may be owing to the mode of manufacturing it for use. For this purpose, their only process is to dry it, and then rub it between the hands or pound it with stones until it is tolerably fine. In this state it almost resembles green tea. In smoking, it leaves a gummy taste or flavor in the mouth. Our people, however, seemed to like it very well, and often observed that with it they would never ask for any other; yet with all their fondness for the-Snake tobacco, I observed that the moment they reached the fort the Snake importation was either bartered away or laid aside. One and all applied to me for the good old twist. The Snakes would often bring their tobacco to our people for sale, but generally in small parcels, sometimes an ounce or two, sometimes a quart, and sometimes as much as a gallon. In their bartering propensities, however, they would often make our 263 &lejcantttr fto&ef friends smile to see them with a beaver skin in one hand and a small bag containing perhaps a pint of the native tobacco in the other. The former they would offer for a paper looking-glass,, worth twopence, while for the latter they would often demand an axe, worth four or five shillings. There is a fabulous story current among these people, and universally believed, that they were the first smokers of tobacco on the earth and that they have been in the habit of using it from one generation to another since the world began; that all other Indians learned to smoke, and had their tobacco first from them; that the white people's tobacco is only good for the whites, and that if they should give the preference to the white people's tobacco and give up smoking their own it would then cease to grow on their lands, and a deleterious weed would grow up in its place and poison them all. Although these people display an absurd degree of ignorance in trade, they are, nevertheless, very ingenious. Their ingenuity in many instances shows them to be in advance of their Columbia neighbors; as, for example, their skill in pottery. The clays to be found all over their native soil are of excellent quality, and have not been overlooked by them. They, of all the tribes west of the mountains, exhibit the best, if not the only, specimens of skill as potters, in making various 264 fur ^unterg of tf>e far We$t kinds of vessels for their use and convenience. Our people saw kettles of cylindrical form, a kind of jug, and our old-fashioned jars of good size, and not altogether badly turned about the neck, having stoppers. These jars serve to carry water when on long journeys over parched plains. They are likewise used for holding fish, oil, and grease, and constitute a very great accommodation for domestic purposes. These vessels, although rude and without gloss, are nevertheless strong, and reflect much credit on Indian ingenuity. While traveling in the Snake country our friends were often at a loss how to get across the different rivers that barred their way, even about the Indian camps, from the singular fact that the Snakes never make use of canoes. They are the only Indians we know of who derive their living chiefly from the waters and are without them. Nor could our people assign any reason or learn the cause. Among all other fishing tribes, the canoe is considered indispensable. When the Snakes had occasion to cross any river, a machine constructed of willows and bulrushes was hastily put together in the form of a raft. This clumsy practice is always resorted to, although it is a dangerous mode of conveyance. Our people had frequently narrow escapes. At one time in crossing the main river on a raft of this description they happened to get entangled and were in the utmost danger of perishing, when some 265 !WW &lerantier $o&£ Snakes plunged in to their relief, and after disentangling them swam the raft to shore. They were for more than an hour beyond their depth, notwithstanding it was at a period of the year when the river was partly frozen over. It was amusing to listen to the miraculous tales of our people of the manner in which the Snakes eluded their grasp. When passing through the meadows and flats of long grass they would often perceive at a distance a person walking, and on these occasions, if they ran to see who it was, after reaching the place and looking for some time around they would perceive to their astonishment the object of their search as far from them in an opposite direction; not satisfied they would start again, but to no purpose. The person would again and again appear in another direction, as if playing at hide and seek. The moment a Snake perceives any one pursue him, he squats down in the grass; then, instead of running forward to avoid his pursuer, he runs backward as if to meet him, taking care, however, to avoid him, so that by the time his pursuer gets to where he first saw the Snake, the Snake is back at the place from whence his pursuer started! In the art of instantaneous concealment, and of changing places, they are very remarkable. They are very appropriately called Snakes. These remarks, however, apply to the Ban-at-tees also. 266 fur ^unterg of ifyt far Wtgt Return we now to the trappers, whom we left enjoying themselves for a few days after their return from the Snake country. After delivering up their furs to me it was found that they had increased our annual returns to nearly double what they were a few years before, with but little additional expense, thus exemplifying the wise policy of extending the trade into the Snake country. The trappers, consisting of seventy men, being fitted out anew, McKenzie and his party were again at their post, and turning their faces once more round to the Snake country they left Nez Perces on the fourth day of July, after a short stay of only twelve days. We now introduce another portion of our narrative, and in doing so we must, in order to render our subject as intelligible as possible, take a retrospective view of the scenes that took place between the two rival companies in 1816. The courts of justice in Canada have jurisdiction over all criminal offenders in this country. Consequently, all the parties guilty, or suspected of being guilty, belonging either to the North West or to the Hudson's Bay companies during the hostile feuds were sent thither for trial. We now lay before our readers the result of these trials. As soon as it was rumored abroad that an investigation into the rights of parties, or the safety of individuals, was about to take place, 267 glicranticr $o&$ many of the North West managers were much perplexed. Expedients were resorted to, and every artifice that could be devised was put in requisition to defeat the ends of justice, or rather to screen themselves from guilt. The chief outrages that had been perpetrated were committed, not by the ruling powers, but by their subordinates, many of whom were, in consequence, hastily got out of the way. The remote posts of the North, as well as of the Columbia, had the benefit of their company. Those who could not be conveniently disposed of in this way were sent off among the Indians for a time, so that when the various indictments were exhibited in the courts of law against individuals no evidence could be found to convict or prove any of them guilty. This has been, and always will be, the case in a country so remote from civilization and the seat of justice. When all was done in Canada that could be done the main features of the case remained just as they were, without being advanced or bettered by a protracted investigation of four years. The Hudson's Bay Company still maintained their right of exclusive trade in and sovereignty over Rupert's Land; the North West Company on the other hand, disputed that right and continued to trade in Rupert's Land, carrying off the largest portion of its productions in furs and peltries. Eminent lawyers were employed on both 268 fur ^unterjaf of tt>e far We$t sides to solve the disputed points, and gave opinions favorable to their respective clients; but those opinions produced no other effect than to convince the rival companies of the folly of carrying on a contest which threatened bankruptcy to both. The costs of the North West Company alone amounted to the enormous sum of 55,000 pounds sterling. From litigation the parties had recourse to mediation, and the result of the negotiation was a union of the two companies into one by a "deed-poll," bearing date the twenty-sixth day of March, 1821. The deed-poll provides, among other things, that the trade heretofore carried on by both parties separately shall in future be carried on "exclusively, for twenty- one years, in the name of the Governor and Company of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay"; or in other words, the Hudson's Bay Company. By this arrangement the North West Company merged into the Hudson's Bay Company. The deed-poll may be very good, and so may the charter, but we should have liked it much better, after all the evils we have witnessed arising from doubts and disputes, had the charter itself been stamped with the authority of the three estates, King, Lords, and Commons. This would have most effectually set the question at rest forever, and put all doubt as to the legality or illegality of the charter out of question. The junction of the two companies 269 &lejcanter jflogg ii saved Rupert's Land from anarchy in the day of troubles. The downfall of the North West Company cast a gloom over its numerous train of retainers and Canadian dependents, also over the whole savage race from Montreal to the Rocky Mountains, and from the Rocky Mountains to the Frozen Ocean—a range of country greater in extent than the distance from Canada to England. The Company of which we are now speaking was, during its prosperity, the life and soul of the French Canadians, and the French Canadians were always great favorites with the Indians. No wonder, then, that a deep sympathy should be manifested on its ruin! All those persons connected with the late North West Company whose promotion was prior to the date of the "deed-poll," were therein provided for, whereas all those expectants whose time of promotion ran beyond that period were excluded; but some of the latter party were provided for by a pecuniary remuneration, and among this last class it was my lot to fall, for my promotion did not come on till 1822. On this occasion a letter from the Honorable William McGillivray put me in the possession of the fact that 500 pounds sterling had been placed to my credit in their books, but I never received a penny of it. Being thus released from the North West Company, I had to begin the world anew, 270 fur i^unterg of tlje far Wt$t this being the third time in the course of my adventures. Still following, however, the irresistible propensity of my inclination to see more of the Indian country, I immediately entered the service of the Honorable Hudson's Bay Company, but for two years only. My prospects in the Pacific Fur Company were but short-lived, and my hopes vanished like a dream. In the North West Company seven more years of my life had gone by, and with them my prospects. There is a singular coincidence between both disappointments, for had not the American Company failed in 1813 my promotion would have taken place in 1814; so, in like manner, had not the North West Company become extinct in 18211 should have realized my expectations in 1822. The high standing of the late North West Company induced all those in any way connected therewith to deposit their savings in the house of McGillivray, Thain and Company, the then head of the concern, and everyone having money there considered it just as safe as if it had been in the Bank of England. But the wild and profuse expenditure consequent on keeping a horde of retainers during the law contest of four years sank the house in if debt and it became insolvent, which unfortunate circumstance deprived many individuals of all their hard earnings. My loss amounted to 1,400 pounds, which left me almost penniless. 271 &lerantier fto££ While these changes were going on who should arrive in health and high spirits at Nez Perces, after another year's absence, but McKenzie from the Snake country, on the tenth of July, 1821, with an increase of returns, and the good fortune of not having lost a man. At this period his contract of five years had expired, and the object of his mission was fully accomplished, but being too late in the season to get out of the country, he passed the winter with me at Fort Nez Perces, and crossed the Rocky Mountains in the autumn of 1822. Although somewhat foreign to our subject, we may be permitted to follow this enterprising and indefatigable adventurer a little farther. The man who but a few years before had been thought fit only to eat horseflesh and shoot at a mark was now, from his perseverance and success in recovering a losing trade, become so popular among all parties in the fur trade that we find him snugly placed in the new "deed-poll" as a sachem of the higher class. Consequently, instead of wending his way to Canada, after crossing the mountains, he shaped his course to the Council at York Factory. Nor had he been long there before he was raised a step higher by being appointed governor of Red River Colony, the highest post in the country next to the Governor-in- Chief, which honorable station he held with great credit to himself and satisfaction to the 272 fur J^unterjS of tf>e far Wt$t public for a period of nearly ten years. Availing himself of his rotation at the end of that period, he made a tour through the United States, and during that tour purchased a small estate delightfully situated near Lake Erie, called Mayville; then, returning to Red River for his family, he retired from the service and left the country altogether, going to spend the remainder of his days at his rural seat of Mayville, in the state of New York. Mr. McKenzie was eminently fitted, both in corporeal and mental qualities, for the arduous and very often dangerous labor of conducting the business of his employers in regions hitherto but rarely trodden by the foot of the civilized man, and among tribes as fickle and capricious in their disposition as they were fierce and barbarous in their manners. Capable of enduring fatigue and privations, no labor appeared too great, no hardships too severe. Bold and decided in the presence of danger, he was peculiarly adapted to strike awe into the breast of the savage, who has an instinctive reverence for manly daring. Nor was he destitute of those less striking qualities which win, but do not awe mankind. Intimately acquainted with the disposition of the savages he had to deal with, he could adopt measures amongst them which to others appeared the extreme of folly, and whose successful issue alone could evince that they had been prompted by the deepest sagacity and 273 aicjcanJJer Mn$$ knowledge of human nature. The instance, already recorded, of his distributing his property among the Indian chiefs and finding it untouched on his return, after a considerable interval of time, is a sufficient proof of this. But Mr. McKenzie, notwithstanding his liberal endowments and education, for he had been designed for the ministry, had a great aversion to writing, preferring to leave the details of his adventures to the pen of others. To travel a day's journey on snowshoes was his delight, but he detested spending five minutes scribbling in a journal. His traveling notes were often kept on a beaver skin, written hieroglyphically with a pencil or piece of coal, and he would often complain of the drudgery of keeping accounts. When asked why he did not like to write, his answer was, "We must leave something for others to do." Few men could fathom his mind, yet his inquisitiveness to know the minds and opinions of others had no bounds. Every man he met was his companion, and when not asleep he was always upon foot, strolling backwards and forwards, full of plans and projects. So peculiar was this pedestrian habit that he went by the name of "Perpetual Motion." 274 1 Chapter 9 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE FAR NORTHWEST THE last chapter closed the career of the North West Company with McKenzie's adventures in the Snake quarter, and placed the trade of the country in possession of the Hudson's Bay Company. But before we take our leave finally of the Northwesters there are yet a few fragments left which we propose collecting together, to enable the reader thoroughly to comprehend this subject; and we propose devoting the present chapter to these details. The branch of mercantile pursuit which confines the trader to a residence for a series of years among savages in the far-distant wilds of North America may appear to some as banishment rather than an appointment of choice in search of competency, which in a variety of ways fortune places more or less within our reach; yet of the persons who have spent any portion of their years in those countries, few or none are known who do not look back with a mixture of fond remembrance and regret on the scenes through which they have passed, preferring the difficulties and dangers of their former precarious but 275 1 1 W1 ^lle^antier ftogg independent habits to all the boasted luxuries and restraints of polished society. In the wilderness they spend a long, active, and healthful life. The table groans with venison, wild fowl, and fish, together with a variety of wild fruits, while the simple element in its purest state is their harmless beverage. In the frequency of their voyages, the diversity of landscape brings ample food for contemplation and delight. The indispensable discharge of duties in the thronged fort or in the bustling camp,\domestic endearments, the making provision for the passing day, the sport of the gun, together with the current events among the tribes, furnish unbounded variety to banish unhappiness and ennui. At the very commencement of the fur trade, however, such advantages were never within the reach of the adventurer whose hazardous strides first traced out the fertile paths of the Far West. Their strength often proved unequal to their task, yet they had to push on, ignorant of dangers before them, or of obstructions that barred their retreat. They had no settled habitations or fortified holds to shelter them from the tempest, or from the frenzy of the natives. They were ignorant of the languages, customs, and manners of the tribes, whether they were well or ill disposed to them, or lived at peace or war with their neighbors. Without experience it was not possible always to avert the storms ready to burst over their 276 fur l^unterg of tlie far We$t heads. Neither was it possible to enjoy tranquillity of mind, and as for comforts, they were unknown. They had, in fact, everything to dread and guard against. But it must be admitted that in proportion to the increase in the more essential points of gain, the secondary objects of security, convenience, and comforts have had due attention paid them. And now establishments of any standing (such as Spokane House was in its day) are by no means wanting in the principal requisites of comfort. It may be said that the trader of this period has only to reap in each successive year, at ease, the harvest planted for him by those who went before him. It is so now on the Columbia, and with all that range of country lying between the Rocky Mountains and the Pacific. The roads are pointed out to all newcomers, the paths known, the Indians more or less civilized, so that the traders of this day have little left them to do. From a terror of the hardships endured in the Indian countries, it was seldom that the first adventurers could persuade any persons to follow them who were able to live decently at home. Their associates were, consequently, taken from the common men, who could not either read or write. But the number of independent fortunes amassed in the Indian fur trade at length attracted the attention of creditable mercantile houses. Companies were formed, and inducements held out to young 277 v" 7 \1] atlejcantirr &og£ men of respectable families, many of whom, instead of embarking for the West or East Indies, as had been customary, preferred the road to Canada, in order to join the association which had by this time assumed the title of the North West Company. These young men did not hesitate to sign indentures as clerks for a period of seven years, and to these were generally attached twice seven more before such situations became vacant as were to crown their ambition. Hence ordinary men were weeded out of the country, and it is not now strange to find the common Canadian, the half-breed, the civilized Indian, the native of the land, and the man of gentle birth and education, at their respective duties in the same establishment along the immense chain of communications which extends as far as the Frozen Ocean, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. The fur trade' has a mixture of mercantile and military duties. The clerks have charge of trading posts according to their merits and abilities, some upon a very considerable scale. They are first taught to obey, afterwards they learn to command, and at all times much is expected of them. It sometimes happens to be long before they receive the charge of a first-rate establishment, but when the general posture of affairs is propitious to their employers it is not very ofteii that their laudable desires are disappointed. They at length 278 fur ^unterg of tf>e far We$t * arrive at the long-wished-for goal of partners, and are entitled to a vote in all weighty decisions of the Council. They are thenceforth styled esquires. The bourgeois lives in comfort, if jiot luxury. He rambles at pleasure, enjoys the merry dance, or the pastime of some pleasing game; his morning ride, his fishing rod, his gun, and his dog, or a jaunt of pleasure to the environs in his gay canoe, occupy his time. In short, no desires remain unfulfilled. He is the greatest man in the land. The buildings belonging to the Company are both neat and commodious, each class being provided with separate abodes. The apartments are appropriately divided into bedrooms, antechambers, and closets. There are also the counting-room, the mess-room, the kitchen and pantry, the cellars, and Indian hall, together with handsome galleries. Nor can we pass over in silence one chief object of attraction. Even in this barbarous country woman claims and enjoys her due share of attention and regard. Her presence brightens the gloom of the solitary post; her smiles add a new charm to the pleasures of the wilderness. Nor are the ladies deficient in those accomplishments which procure admiration. Although descended from aboriginal mothers, many of the females at the different establishments throughout the Indian countries are as fair as the generality of European ladies, the mixture 279 Sileran&er |tio££ of blood being so many degrees removed from the savage as hardly to leave any trace, while at the same time their delicacy of form, their light and nimble movements, and the penetrating expression of the "bright black eye" combine to render them objects of no ordinary interest. They have also made considerable progress in refinement, and with their natural acuteness and singular talent for imitation they soon acquire all the ease and gracefulness of polished life. On holidays the dresses are as gay as in longer-settled countries, and on these occasions the gentleman puts on the beaver hat, the ladies make a fine show of silks and satins, and even jewelry is not wanting. It is not surprising, therefore, that the roving Northwester, after so many rural enjoyments and a residence of twenty years, should feel more real happiness in these scenes than he can hope for in any other country. Fur traders, from their constant intercourse with Indians, make a free use of tobacco, mixing it, as the Indians do, with a certain herb indigenous to the Indian country. This, with their favorite beverage, strong tea, constitutes their chief luxury and agrees well with their mode of life. But, whether it be the food, mode of living, or climate, it certainly happens that great longevity is seldom known among them on returning to civilized society. 280 fur J^unterg of tf>e far Wt$t Indeed, there appears to be some fatality attending wealth acquired in the fur trade. Few, very few, indeed, of the hundreds who have retired from that trade during the last quarter of a century—some with competencies and some with moderate fortunes—have lived to enjoy their hard earnings. Shut out for so many years from civilized society and all the endearments of social life, the fur trader is wholly unprepared for the wiles practiced by designing persons, to whose devices he easily falls a prey; or perhaps he squanders his means so profusely as to be soon reduced to penury. On the other hand, should he know the value of money and be of economical habits, yet having spent the best part of his days in a country where money is little used, and where he lived and roamed for so many years without it, he becomes disgusted with a country where nothing can be procured without it, and where its influence is all powerful. Consequently, the usages of civilized society have no charms for him, and he begins to pine and sigh for days gone by, never to return. He foresees that his wealth must be left to persons who had no trouble in acquiring it, and who will consequently be less scrupulous in spending it. In fine, whether we look to the kind of life led by the fur trader or the prospects which such a life holds out to him, we shall find, from his own experience, that the advantages to be derived from it are by no means an 281 2 aiejeanter &o$S adequate compensation for the hardships and privations he has to encounter, and for the sacrifice he had made in renouncing so early in life the comforts and privileges to be enjoyed in his native land. Canadians, it is admitted, are best calculated for the endurance of hardships and expedition in the business of light canoe-men. It is seldom that other men are employed in such arduous labor. Indeed, the Canadians, considered as voyagers, merit the highest praise. Another class, however, remain who merit less praise. They are in this country styled Freemen, because they are no longer the hired servants of the Company. These are generally Canadians, or others, who have spent their better days in the quality of canoe-men in the Company's service, but who have not been provident enough to save part of their earnings for the contingencies of old age, and who, sooner than return to their own country to live by hard labor, resolve on passing the remainder of their days in comparative idleness among the natives. It often happens, however, that young men of vicious and indolent habits join them, lost, like the others, to all the ties of kindred, blood, country, and Christianity. These freemen may be considered a kind of enlightened Indians, with all their faults but none of their good qualities; and this similarity to the Indians in their 282 fur JSHmterg of tfjc far Wt$t vagrant mode of life brings on them the contempt of both whites and natives. Indeed, they become more depraved, more designing, and more subtle than the worst of Indians, and they instruct the simple natives in every evil, to the great detriment of traders, with whom, in consequence, they are never on a friendly footing. They live in tents or in huts like the natives, and wander from place to place in search of game, roots, and herbs. Sometimes they live in the utmost abundance, but as they are not always expert hunters, nor industrious, they have at times to undergo the extremities of want. In this case they are objects of commiseration, and the traders not infrequently administer to their wants, but such is their ingratitude that they are seldom known to make them a grateful return. On account of their rapacity they do not always maintain a perfect understanding with the tribe to which they are attached; but Indians are so friendly to whites of every description when they throw themselves upon their mercy, that an instance of cruelty to a freeman is seldom or never heard of. They fall victims sometimes to the fury of an opposite or adverse nation at war, but otherwise they are by no means an unhappy race, and they commonly live to an advanced age. There cannot be a better test for knowing a worthless and bad character in this country than his wishing to become a freeman—it is the 283 Wsm 1 aiejcan&er jESo£g true sign of depravity, either in a wayward youth or backsliding old man. They seldom agree with one another, and are generally scattered amongst the natives by ones and twos only. Collectively, there may be at present about fifty or sixty on the Columbia, but in all other parts of the Company's territories they are far more numerous. The next class we have to notice are natives of the Sandwich Islands. It was from this people that captains, in their coasting trade, augmented their crews in steering among the dangerous natives from Columbia River to Behring's Strait, and from this precedent the inland traders adopted them when their complement of Canadians happened to fall short of their demands. They are submissive to their masters, honest, trustworthy, and willingly perform as much duty as lies in their power, but they are exceedingly awkward in everything they attempt. Although they are somewhat industrious, they are not made to lead, but to follow, and are useful only to stand as sentinels, to eye the natives, or go through the drudgery of an establishment. It has often been found, however, that they are not wanting in courage, particularly against the Indians, for whom they entertain a very cordial contempt; and if they were let loose against them they would rush upon them like tigers. The principal purpose for which they were useful on the Columbia was 284 fur ^unter£ of tfje far Wt$t —M— I ~m7 ■■■ ■< i i »i . ii"»i w'iifi h«im»i»»hh.wwmii'i .■ii).n.T|-w-TJ), wimniw iwmi ii ■mm n.inn..n»Mr.ii,v.i—l—M— as an array of numbers in the view of the natives, especially in the frequent voyages up * and down the communication; and, doubtless, they might have been found more serviceable had not a dullness on their part and an impression of their insufficiency on ours prevented both sides from any great degree of intercourse. Being obtained, however, for almost their bare victuals and clothing, the difference in the expense between them and Canadians forms a sufficient consideration to keep up the custom of employing more or less of this description of men. The contrast is great between them here and in their own country, where they are all life and activity, for when I saw them there I thought them the most active people I had ever seen. This difference in their habits I am inclined to attribute to the difference of climate, their own being favorable to them in a high degree. When we consider the salubrity of the Sandwich Islands, it is hardly to be wondered that the unhappy native, when transplanted to the snows and cold of the Rocky Mountains, should experience a decay of energies. From exposure to the wet and damp prevalent at the mouth of the Columbia, many of them become consumptive, and find their grave in the stranger's land. The Owhyhees, however, are such expert swimmers that few of our effects were lost beyond recovery when accident now and then 285 1 SB aiejeantier ftog£ consigned them to the bottom of the water in our perilous navigations; and it is next to impossible for a person to get drowned if one or more of them are near at hand, for in that element they are as active and expert as they are the reverse on dry land. They habitually testify a fidelity and zeal for their master's welfare and service, highly creditable to them. There are at this time only about a score of these men in the country. Among the people employed are a set of civilized Indians from the neighborhood of Montreal, chiefly of the Iroquois nation. At this period they form nearly a third of the number of men employed by the Company on the Columbia. They are expert voyagers, and especially so in the rapids and dangerous runs in the inland waters, which they either stem or shoot with the utmost skill. The object of introducing them into the service of the traders was to make them act in the double capacity of canoe-men and trappers. They are not esteemed equal to the ablest trappers, nor the best calculated for the voyage. They are 'not so inoffensive as the Owhyhees, nor to be trusted as the Canadians. They are brought up to religion, it is true, and sing hymns oftener than paddling songs; but those who came here (and we are of course speaking of none else) retain none of its precepts. They are sullen, indolent, fickle, cowardly, and treacherous; and an Iroquois arrived at 286 fur i^unterjf of tfje far Wt$t manhood is still as wayward and extravagant as a lad of other nations at the age of fifteen. We shall now draw the attention of our readers to another class, the last we propose to notice—Indian women and the half-breeds of the country. About the different establishments there are some of the natives employed in the capacity of servants, some as outdoor drudges, some as cooks, some as fishermen, and some as couriers. They are often found useful among their own tribe or those in the neighborhood. In the establishments belonging to the whites in the Columbia are many Indian women, as wives to the different classes of people in the employ of the Company. These may be in all about fifty. Some of them have large families, and the tenderness existing between them and their husbands presents one great reason for that attachment which the respective classes of whites cherish for the Indian countries. The vigilance of these women has often been instrumental to the safety of the forts when the most diabolical combinations were set on foot by the natives. As it frequently happens that their husbands go home to Canada, with the means of living at their ease, these women must of necessity rejoin their respective tribes, where they generally remain in a state of widowhood during a year or two, in expectation of their return. If the husband does not return, the 287 aierantier fto&s woman then bestows her hand on one of his comrades who has the good fortune to please her fancy the best. Habituated to the manners of the whites, they prefer living with them for the rest of their lives, and generally prove faithful to their husbands. They are likewise much attached to their families—a disposition inherent in all Indians. Nor are they wanting in many other qualities necessary to form the good housekeeper. They are tidy, saving, and industrious. When they rejoin their tribe, the whites find them very friendly, and they never fail to influence their connections to the same end. By these means a close alliance is formed between the traders and the aborigines of the country, which might, by means of their offspring, be instrumental in bringing civilization among the Indians were there some wise policy adopted for the government and care of half-breeds, whose destiny it is to be left in indigence by poor parents in this far-distant region of the earth. Some benevolent society would, no doubt, if set on foot, meet with all due encouragement. Ways might be devised, by appointing an agent or guardian to fcach district of the country, for the due superintendence, maintenance, clothing, and education of all such poor children as are left in the Indian countries. I am convinced, from my own experience in these parts, that nothing of the kind could 288 fur i^unterg of t&e far Wt$t ever work well unless the Hudson's Bay Company were to take the management of it; that alone would insure its success. For the promotion of this benevolent design an appeal is here made to the philanthropic disposition of the Honorable Company, who now preside over that great family of mankind inhabiting a tract of Indian country from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and from the Pacific to the Frozen Ocean. Half-breeds, or, as they are more generally styled, brutes, from the peculiar color of their skin, being of a swarthy hue as if sunburnt, as they grow up resemble almost in every respect the pure Indian*, with this difference, that they are more designing, more daring, and more dissolute. They are indolent, thoughtless, and improvident, licentious in their habits, unrestrained in their desires, sullen in their disposition, proud, restless, clannish, and fond of flattery. They alternately associate with the whites and the Indians, and thereby become falsely enlightened, acquiring all the bad qualities of both. But the more unfortunate part of them are those born of wealthy parents, or men holding the rank of gentlemen in the service, such as bourgeois and clerks. These men have often been remarkable for indulging their children; and instead, therefore, of teaching their offspring industry and frugality, they allow them to run about the establishment, learning, among Indians, freemen, voyagers, and 289 in &leran&er &og£ others, every vice that can degrade human nature. The father, however, is a gentleman; the son, forsooth, must be a gentleman too. None so great as he, for he can race horses, run dogs, smoke tobacco, and shoot arrows, but he must not degrade himself with labor. While in the service, all this does very well, but when the father leaves the service, so does the son. They are no longer in the service, but in civilized life. The son looks about, and is disgusted with the drudgery of labor; still hangs about his father; knows nothing, can do nothing; bows and arrows are more congenial than the spade or the hoe, and he longs to get back to the scenes of his boyhood. To get rid of the gentleman's son, therefore, the father sets him up in business, and gives him a portion of his goods. But business he does not understand, his thoughts are still upon bows and arrows. He fails, and falls back again upon his more than half-ruined father. The father dies, the son lays his hands on the root of all evil, and indulges for a time in wasteful extravagance. The father is scarcely yet cold in his grave when the last shilling is gone, and the son an outcast. It sometimes happens that a promising youth is sent home. Five hundred pounds are spent on his education, and the accomplishments of drawing, music and dancing are added. He returns to the country again, for they must all get back to the land of their 290 fur i^unterg of t|>e far Wt$t nativity. He tries his fortune one way, tries it another, but the qualifications and the restraints necessary to succeed in business are disagreeable to him. He gets tired, and descends from respectable society. His learning becomes useless; he tries his bows and arrows again, but has forgotten even that aboriginal accomplishment, and is lost in the crowd. Many bad consequences arise from the customary mode of abandoning half-breed children. It degrades white men in the eyes of the natives. By far the greater part of those who are employed in this quarter, from Montreal, are in reality nothing else but half-breeds; with this difference, however, that they are more knowing in mischief, but less skilled than the others in the requisite occupations of the land. We shall now bring to view their better qualities. Half-breed children, instructed in the principles of religion and morality, and taught at an early age some useful trade, would doubtless prove an ornament to society. They are frequently endued with the most lively apprehension, and are naturally ingenious, hardy, and enterprising. They are by far the fittest persons for the Indian countries, and the best calculated by nature for going among Indians. They are insinuating, and not unfit instruments to mollify their countrymen and teach them the great end of civilization. They are naturally of an acute 291 &leranfcer fto$S understanding, are expert horsemen, active woodsmen, noted marksmen, able hunters. They surpass all Indians at the chase; they are vigorous, brave; and, while they possess the shrewdness and sagacity of the whites, they inherit the agility and expertness of the savage. It is a misfortune that those who might otherwise be calculated to shine in various spheres of civilized life should thus be lost to their country, and the more deplorable since it is in our power to make them useful. And for aught we know there may be Nelsons, there may be Wellingtons, whose talents lie buried in the listlessness and obscurity of the dreary waste. Of this class the first child, a male, was born at Columbia on the twenty-fourth day of January, 1812. I notice the circumstance now as it may in a new country like this become, on some future day, matter of history. Children from the Indian countries do not generally turn out well in civilized society. Those, however, brought up among the lower classes seem to thrive the best. Their genius, their habits, and their ideas, it would appear, correspond best with that sphere of life. We now come to notice the last relic of the North West Company—the universal idol of its day—the light canoe, the chief gratification to a North West proprietor, the person of highest rank in the Indian countries. The Canadians, or voyagers, dignify their master by the name of bourgeois,—a term handed 292 fur i^unterg of t|je far Wt$t down from the days of the French in the province of Canada. The bourgeois is carried on board his canoe upon the back of some sturdy fellow generally appointed for this purpose. He seats himself on a convenient mattress, somewhat low in the center of his canoe, his gun by his side, his little cherubs fondling around him, and his faithful spaniel lying at his feet. No sooner is he at his ease than his pipe is presented by his attendant, and he then begins smoking, while his silken banner undulates over the stern of his painted vessel. Then the bending paddles are plied, and the fragile craft speeds through the currents with a degree of fleetness not to be surpassed, yell upon yell from the hearty crew proclaiming their prowess and skill. A hundred miles performed, night arrives; the hands jump out quickly into the water, and their nabob and his companions are supported to terra firma. A roaring fire is kindled and supper is served. His Honor then retires to enjoy his repose. At dawn of day they set out again. The men now and then relax their arms, and light their pipes, but no sooner does the headway of the canoe die away than they renew their labors and their chorus, a particular voice being ever selected to lead the song. The guide conducts the march. At the hour of breakfast they put ashore on some green plot. The teakettle is boiling, a variegated mat is spread, and a cold collation 293 aw w &lejtanfcer Jflo#es set out. Twenty minutes—and they start anew. The dinner hour arrives. They put aground again. The liquor-can accompanies the provision-basket. The contents are quickly set forth in simple style, and after a refreshment of twenty minutes more off they set again, until the twilight checks their progress. When it is practicable to make way in the dark, four hours is the voyagers' allowance of rest; and at times, on boisterous lakes and bold shores, they keep for days and nights together on the water, without intermission and without repose. They sing to keep time to their paddles; they sing to keep off drowsiness, caused by their fatigue; and they sing because the bourgeois likes it. Through hardships and dangers, wherever he leads, they are sure to follow with alacrity and cheerfulness—over mountains and hills, along valleys and dales, through woods and creeks, across lakes and rivers. They look not to the right nor to the left, they make no halt in foul or fair weather. Such is their skill that they venture to sail in the midst of waters like oceans, and with amazing aptitude they shoot down the most frightful rapids, and they generally come off safely. When about to arrive at the place of their destination they dress with neatness, put on their plumes, and a chosen song is raised. They push up against the beach as if they meant to dash the canoe into splinters, but 294 fur J^unterjS of t&e far We$t most adroitly back their paddles at the right moment, whilst the foreman springs on shore and, seizing the prow, arrests the vessel in its course. On this joyful occasion every person advances to the waterside, and great guns are fired to announce the bourgeois' arrival. A general shaking of hands takes place, as it often happens that the people have not met for years. Even the bourgeois goes through this mode of salutation with the meanest. There is, perhaps, no country where the ties of affection are more binding than here. Each addresses his comrades as his brothers, and all address themselves to the bourgeois with reverence as if he were their father. From every distant department of the Company, a special light canoe is fitted out annually to report their transactions. The one from the Columbia sets out from the Pacific Ocean the first of April, and with the regularity and rapidity of a steamboat it reaches Fort William on Lake Superior the first of July, remaining there till the twentieth of that month, when it takes its departure back, and with an equal degree of precision arrives at Fort George at the mouth of the Columbia River on the twentieth of October. A light canoe, likewise, leaving the Pacific, reaches Montreal in a hundred days, and one from Montreal to the Pacific in the same space of time, thus perfonning a journey of many thousand miles without delay, stoppage, or 295 &!eran&er fto&a? scarcely any repose, in the short period of little more than six months. Having now concluded our remarks on the different classes of whites, of half-breeds, and others connected with the trade of this country, we resume the subject of Fort Nez Perces quarter. The different Indian tribes inhabiting the country about Fort Nez Perces often go to war on their southern neighbors, the Snakes, but do not follow war as a profession. They, likewise, frequently go to the buffalo-hunt, as the Flatheads and others west of the mountains do. They are inhabitants of the plains, live by the chase, and are generally known and distinguished by the name of "black robes," in contradistinction to those who live on fish. They are easily known from their roving propensities, their dress, cleanliness, and independence. Being rich in horses, they seldom walk on foot. They are expert hunters, good warriors, and are governed by far more powerful and influential chiefs than any of the other tribes on the Columbia. We do not intend to follow them through all the varied scenes of their warlike exploits, for that has already been more or less done in our remarks on the Snake country; yet that the reader may have a more correct idea of their habits and general appearance on such occasions we shall first present him with a short description of a warrior and his horse, ready accoutered for a war expedition, point- 296 fur i^unterg of tfje far Wt$t ——wm I I I I W^WWB^^l^MWWM«MW«WWlWI»IMMW«WMMW«W^iMWMWWMMWMBM«WWWBW««MMMIBMMMMMmiWmir ing out to him their general treatment of slaves taken in war, and conclude the subject of our remarks in this chapter with a brief vocabulary23 of their language. The tribes of Fort Nez Perces we have enumerated already; on the present occasion, we shall more particularly direct the reader's attention to the Walla Walla, the Cayouse, and the Shaw-ha-ap-ten tribes. The last mentioned is the Choppunish of Lewis and Clark. First, then, as to the war chief's headdress, a matter of great importance. It consists of the entire skin of a wolf's head, with the ears standing erect, fantastically adorned with bears' claws, birds' feathers, trinkets, and bells. The next item is a wreath of curiously studded feathers, resembling a ruff or peacock's tail, which is entwined round the cranium and hangs down the back to the ground like a banner. When the chief is on horseback, it floats six or seven feet in the air. The loss of this is the loss of honor. The price of a first-rate war head-dress is two horses. The body is clothed with a shirt or garment of thin-dressed leather, cut and chequered into small holes and painted or tattooed with a variety of devices. A black leathern girdle strapped tightly round the waist confines the garment and holds the mystical medicine bag and decorated calumet —articles, in the chief's estimation, of no ordinary value. His weapons are the gun, the 23 Omitted from the present reprint. 297 &lejeantier jlo£g lance, the scalping-knife, and a bulky quiver of arrows. Although thus accoutered, he appears nowise embarrassed. Indeed, one must actually see a warrior to believe with what dexterity and ease he can use each weapon, and how nimbly he can change one for another as occasion may require. Next comes the favorite war-horse, a description of which will convey but a faint idea of the reality. Although horses are generally cheap and easily purchased by the natives, yet no price will induce an Indian chief to part with his war-horse. Those entirely white are preferred. Next to white, the speckled, or white and black, are most in demand. Generally, all horses of these fancy colors are claimed by the chiefs in preference to any other, and are, therefore, double or treble the value of others. As much pains is bestowed to adorn, paint, and caparison a war-horse as a warrior himself. On the occasion I am now describing, the horse was a pure white. After painting the animal's body all over and drawing a variety of hieroglyphic devices, the head and neck were dappled with streaks of red and yellow, the mane dyed black, the tail red, clubbed up in a knot, and tied short. To this knot was appended two long streamers of feathers, sewed to a leather thong by means of sinews; the feathers, which reached the ground, forming as it were two artificial tails, which, in addition to ornament, served the 298 fur i^unterg of t&e far Wt$t **mwmvmmmm^mmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmwmmmmmmmm*mmmmmm*mmwmmmmum*mmMmm3mmmwamMmmmmwm*mmmmi^^ MianaaMMMHMMnHMaHHMMnMMHMWMIHMHBHBHMMMnaMMnMH^ rider to lay hold of while in the act of crossing rivers. A bunch of feathers as big as a broom, standing some twenty inches above the ears, ornamented the horse's head, and the rider as well as the horse was so besmeared with red, blue, and yellow ocher that no one could tell what the natural color of either was. Five or six hundred men thus mounted and armed present a somewhat grand and imposing appearance, when, a few days before setting out on these expeditions, the whole cavalcade parade and maneuver about their camp. But the most interesting part of the scene is not yet told. On one occasion I went purposely to see them. One of the principal chiefs, at the commencement, mounted on horseback and took up his stand on an eminence near the camp, while at the same time the whole troop, mounted in fighting order, assembled in a group around him. After this chief had harangued them for some time they all started off at a slow trot, but soon increased their pace to a gallop, and from a gallop to a full race, the cleverest fellow taking the lead. In this manner they went round the tents. During all the time silence prevailed within the camp, while the horsemen continued shouting or yelling, and went through all the attitudes peculiar to savages. At one moment they threw themselves to the right, the next to the left side of the horse, twisting and bending their bodies in a thousand 299 SHB Bsmos &lejtantier USafttf. different ways, now in the saddle, then out of the saddle, and nothing frequently to be seen but the horses, as if without riders, parrying or evading, according to their ideas, the onset of their assailants. I could very easily conceive that the real merit of the maneuvers was not who could kill most of his enemies, but who could save himself best in battle. So dexterous and nimble were they in changing positions and slipping from side to side that it was done in the twinkling of an eye. As soon as the maneuvering was over they were again harangued and dismissed. The subject next to be considered is the treatment of the slaves taken in war. On their return from an expedition, the war-party keep in a body and observe the same order as at starting, until they reach home, when, if successful, their shouting, yelling, and chanting the war-song fill the air. The sound no sooner reaches the camp than the whole savage horde, young and old, male and female, sally forth; not, however, to welcome the arrival of their friends, but to glut their desire of implacable revenge by the most barbarous cruelties on the unfortunate captives, who are considered as slaves and treated as such. The slaves, as is customary on such occasions, are tied on horseback, each behind a warrior. But the squaws no sooner meet them than they tear them down from the horses without mercy, and then begin trampling on 300 fur i^unterg of tf>e far Wt$t them, tearing their heads and flesh, cutting their ears, and maiming their bodies with knives, stones, sticks, or other instruments of torture. After thus glutting their revenge they drive the slaves to the camp. It is then settled unalterably what the slaves are doomed to suffer. Every afternoon, some hours before sunset, the camp makes a grand turn-out for dancing the scalps. For this dance two rows of men, a hundred yards long or more, arrange themselves face to face and about fifteen feet apart. Inside these are likewise two rows of women facing each other, leaving a space of about five feet broad in the middle for the slaves, who, arranged in a line, occupy the center in a row by themselves. Here the unfortunate victims, male and female, are stationed with long poles in their hands and naked above the waist, while on the ends of these poles are exhibited the scalps of their murdered relations. The dancing and chorus then commence, the whole assemblage keeping time to the beat of a loud and discordant sort of drum. The parties all move sideways, to the right and left alternately, according to the Indian fashion, the slaves at the same time moving and keeping time with the others. Every now and then a general halt takes place, when the air resounds with loud shouts of joy, and yell upon yell proclaim afar their triumph. All this is but a prelude to the scenes that 301 aiejtantier jllogg follow. The women, placed in the order we have stated on each side of the slaves and armed with the instruments of torture, continue jeering them with the most distorted grimaces, cutting them with knives, piercing them with awls, pulling them by the hair, and thumping them with fist, stick, or stone in every possible way that can torment without killing them. The loss of an ear, a tooth, the joint of a finger, or part of a scalp torn off during these frantic fits, are nightly occurrences; and if the wretches thus doomed to suffer happen not to laugh and huzza (which in their situation would almost be beyond the efforts of human nature) or if they fail to raise or lower, according to caprice, the scalps in regular order, they are doubly tormented and unmercifully handled. On these occasions some termagant often pounces upon her victim, who not infrequently falls senseless to the ground under the infliction of wounds; and if any slave happens, from a sudden blow, to start back a little out of line, a woman in the rear instantly inflicts another wound, which never fails to urge the same victim as far forward; so that they are often pushed backwards and forwards till at last they become insensible. The men, however, take no part in these cruelties, but are mere silent spectators. They never interfere, nor does one of them during the dancing menace or touch a slave. All the barbarities are perpetrated by the women. 302 , , fur 1$unttt$ of t|>e far Wt$t These are the only examples I have ever witnessed among savages of women outdoing the men in acts of inhumanity, or where sympathy is not regarded as a virtue by the sex. But then we must take into consideration that it is a part of the law of the tribes; it is a duty which the females, according to the customs of war, are bound to perform. When these acts of savage life happen near the establishments curiosity occasionally induces the whites to attend and on one occasion I stood for some time looking on, but as I could do nothing but pity, I soon withdrew from the heart-rending scene. At dusk the dancing ceases and the slaves are thenceforth conveyed to the camp, washed, dressed, fed, comfortably lodged, and kindly treated until the usual hour of dancing the following day arrives, when the same routine of cruelties is gone through. This course is generally persisted in for five or six days without intermission, and then discontinued altogether. From that time, the slaves are no longer considered in the camp as common property, but are placed under the care of their respective masters, and subject only to them. Their treatment ever after is generally as good as could be expected, and is often according to their own merit. They are, nevertheless, at all times subject to be bought, sold, and bartered away in the same manner as any other article of property belonging to the owner. 303 If Ind ex 3!tttieit Abnakee (Abanakee) Indians, join McKenzie's expedition, 85; unreliability in fur trade, 118. Agents, status in North West Company, 86-87. Amaketsa, Snake chief, succors lost trapper, 253-54. Amaquiem, Snake chief, meets McKenzie, 238; physique, 244; part in peace negotiations, 245-47; breaks camp, 250; visits trappers, 254-55. Amiotte, , drowned, 64-65. Astor, John Jacob, trading activities, xxiii-xxiv. Astoria, surrendered to North West Company, xxiv. Astorians, narratives concerning, xii, xix-xx, xxiii. Banattee Indians, branch of Snake tribe, described, 240-41; in peace negotiations, 244-47; misdeeds, 245-47; conduct toward traders, 250; skill at concealment, 266. Bannack Indians, name applied to Snake, 242. Bears, on Grizzly Bear River, 135; wintering dens, 135- 36; Indian hunt described, 152-54. See also grizzly bear. Bear Thicket, explorers visit, 136. Beaver, vessel, lost, xxiv. Beaver, on Grizzly Bear River, 134-35; near Eagle Hill, 137; returns decrease, 189; mode of trapping, 219-21; timidity, 220-21; catch, 254, 259. Bethune, Angus, North West Company partner, 28. Black Bears Lake, McKenzie visits, 218. Black Feet Indians, defeated by Snake, 216-17; PreY upon Wararereeka, 240; peace with, desired, 247. Black Feet Lake,.salt deposits, 258. Blue Mountains, McKenzie traverses, 190, 192; route via, 212, 228; trappers reach, 256. Boats, Snake tribe, 265-66. See also canoes. 3°7 S'norr Boston, vessels from, in Northwest trade, 28. Bridges, natural, 258-59. Brusseau (Aland), narrative of illness, 128-29. Buffalo, numbers in Snake country, 243. Burgeois, significance of title, xxviii; status, in North West Company, 86-87; mode of life, 279, 292-95. Canadians, endurance of hardships, 282. See also voyagers. Cannibalism, traders resort to, 47. Canoes, fondness of Northwesters for, 59-60; Snake tribe ignorant of, 265; use in fur trade, 292-95. Canoe River, explorers visit, 140-41. Cascades, of Columbia, hostility of natives, xxviii- xxxv, 110-12. Cathleyacheyach Indians, embroiled with Northwesters, xxx-xxxv. Cayouse Indians, assemble in Eyakema Valley, 5; halt traders, 39-40, 43-44; hostilities, 44-46; peace with Snake, 169-74; influence, 176; warriors described, 297-300. Charette, murdered, 47-48. China, trade unprofitable, 28. Chinook Indians, attack How How's followers, 184-86. Choppunish Indians, see Nez Perce" Indians. Clerks, characterized, 278-79. Coal, in Snake country, 259. Colonel Allan, trading vessel, visits Fort George, 65- 68; sails for China, 66. Coltman, Colonel, investigates trading companies' warfare, 79. Columbia, trading vessel, visits Fort George, 28. Columbia grouse, killed, 144. Copper, in Snake country, 259. Copper Mine River, Hearne discovers, xxv. Cosispa Indians, location, 175. Cowlitz River, hostilities with Indians, 181-86. Crowly, Doctor, accused of shooting, 67. Dalles, of Columbia, character of Indians, xxxvii; traders encamp, 3-4; meet disaster, 46-47; natives attack, 97; passage, by traders, 117-22. 308 Stofl; -, killed by Indians, 212, 223. Delorme, Dogs, at Indian feasts, 101; quarrel with natives over, 110-12; as diet, 262. Dog Indians, name applied to Snake, 242. Downie, Captain George, in battle of Plattsburg, 68. Downie, Doctor, kills self, 67-68. Eagle, killed, 144. Eagle Hill, explorers visit, 136, 142. East India Company, prohibits navigation of Indian Ocean, 105. Eyacktana, rencounter of Ross with, 11-12; befriends Ross, 13-16. Eyakema River, rendezvous of natives, 5, 7; expedition of Ross to, 5-20; hostility of natives, 189; route via, 189-90. Falls, of Columbia, trader drowned, 64-65; natives visit Fort Nez Perc6, 207-208. Falls, of Willamette, peace negotiations at, 91-95. Finlay, , shoots Indian, xxix. Fleas, in Indian dwellings, 101. Fletcher, Major, investigates trading companies' warfare, 79. Forests, between Fort Okanogan and Pacific described, 32-37; in Rockies, 140; absence at Fort Nez Perc6, 166. Forks, of Columbia, traders stopped by natives, 39-40; as rendezvous, 40. Fort George, new name for Astoria, xxiv; activities at, 22-28, 180-86; Isaac Todd visits, 24; traders drowned, 25-27; Columbia visits, 28; arrival of traders, 40, 61, 103, 160; departure, 42, 64, 91, 106- 107, 162; council of North West Company, 41-42, 62-63, 104, 161; proposal to abandon, 43; career of Jacob, 69-75; climate, IQ6; disasters to trade, 188-89. Fort Nez Perc6, erection decreed, 161; site, 162, 165; obstacles to building, 163; arrival of McKenzie, 190, 256-57; activities, 204-208, 221-37; described, 205; defenses, 207; conduct of trade, 205-207; Indians characterized, 296-302. See also Nez Perc6 Indians. 309 Stofcejc Fort Spokane (Spokane House), Ross visits, 20, 40; disadvantages as headquarters, 125-27; attractions, 126-27, 277; headquarters removed, 161. Fort William, North West Company headquarters, xxvhi, 24; express for, 4; council, 41, 60-61, 82,161; Selkirk captures, 79. Fraser, Simon, explorations, xxvi. Fraser's River, discoverer of, xxvi; route via, 145. Friendly Lake, explorers visit, 134, 143. Freemen, of Northwest, characterized, 282-84. Fur trade, conduct of in Northwest described, 275-96. Fur traders, difficulties of adjustment to civilization, 281-82. Galena, Red River colonists remove to, 80. Grand Coulee, described, 20-22. Grand Pierre, Iroquois trapper, misconduct of, 148-50. Grant, Cuthbert, protects Red River colonists, 77-78. Grasshoppers, plague Red River Colony, 80. Grizzly bears, explorers kill, 142. Grizzly Bear River, see Kelownaskaramish River. Gueule Plat, Nez Perc6 chief, denounces traders, 226. Half-breeds, of Northwest, characterized, 280-92. Hawaiians, see Sandwich Islanders. Hearne, Samuel, explorations of, xxv. Henry, Alexander, drowned, 24-27. Hodgens, , trapper, adventures, 252-54. Horses, in Northwest trade, xxviii; supply procured, 5-20, 174; wolves attack, 48-49, 52-54; in Snake country, 194; stolen, 199, 201, 236-37, 251; care of, 252; as food, 262; of Nez PerceV warrior, described, 298-99. Hostile Island, scene of attack on traders, 43-46. How How, Cowlitz River chief, aids traders, 181; followers slain, 182; alliance with traders concluded, 183-86. Hudson's Bay Company, union with North West Company, xvii, xxiii, 269-70; rivalry with, 75-79, 267- 70; establishes Red River Colony, 78-81; Ross enters employ, 271. Hurricane, described, 35-36. 310 i ^ttiltZ Inaspettjm Indians, location, 175. Indians, hostilities with traders, xxviii-xxxv, 8-13, 22- 24, 44-46, 88-97, 110-12, 117-22, 163-64, 167-68, 180-189, 209-212; murder traders, 22, 47-48, 246- 47, 254-56; at Dalles, characterized, xxxvii; of Willamette, 96; at Fort Nez Perce, 175-76, 222, 296- 303; Eyakema River, 5, 7-20; succor traders, 26- 27, 252-54; metaphorical speech, 30; lack of moral courage, 37-38; conduct of trade, 31, 205-207; halt traders, 39-40; peace negotiations, 40, 91-95, 169-74, 244-48; mode of life on Columbia, 57-59; of Snake, 238-67; friendship for McKenzie, 98-99, 146-47; feasts, 99-101; fickleness, 112, 132; superstition, 141-42; traders entertain, 158-59; steal horses, 201, 251; precautions against at Fort Nez Perc6, 205-207; ingratitude; 233-36; taciturnity, 242-43; medicinal plants, 263; women as wives of traders, 287-89; cruelty toward slaves, 300- 303. Insects, as food, 261-62. Iroquois Indians, in Northwest trade, 61, 85, 286-87; quarrels with natives, 107-108; misconduct, 118, 147-50, 178-82, 186, 190-91, 212, 239; plot to kill McKenzie, 148-50; McKenzie's measures for controlling, 208-209. Iron, in Snake country, 259. Isaac Todd, trading vessel, at Fort George, 24. Ispipewhumaugh Indians, location, 175. Jack, sailor, drowned, 25-27. Jacob, story of misdeeds, 69-75. Jeanvene, , killed by Indians, 212, 223. Joachim, Iroquois interpreter, saves McKenzie, 149. Kamass, article of diet, 5. Kashtsammah, evil spirit, native belief concerning, 141-42. Keith, James, expeditions attacked, xxviii-xxix; commander at Fort George, 63-64, 70-72, 91-96; opposes McKenzie, 82-86. Kelownaskaramish (Grizzly Bear) River, traders explore, 134. 311 Sto&tt Kittson, , leads expedition into Snake country, 198^203, 208-209, 212; followers slain, 212, 223. Lark, destroyed, xxiv. Lewis, Meriwether, and William Clark, exploration of, xxvii, 164. Lewis River, McKenzie explores, 195-96. Little, John, narrative of drowning of traders, 25-27. Lowhim Indians, location, 176. McDonald, John, North West partner, xxxvi-xxxix. MacDonough, Captain, in battle of Plattsburg, 68. McGillivray, William, communicates reward to Ross, 270. McGillivray, Thain and Co., failure, 271. McKay, Thomas, on expedition to Eyakema Valley, 5-20; wounded, 19-20. Mackenzie, Alexander, explorations of, xxv. McKenzie, expeditions, xxxi, 85, 97-103, 106-25, 147- 51, 174, 190-95, 208-21, 238-57, 267; departure for New York, 3; appointed superintendent of inland trade, 63-64; contest with North West partners, 81- 85; reasons for promotion, 86; method of encamping, 114-16; knowledge of native character, 117- 18, 146-47; plot against life, 148-50; challenges native to combat, 123, 213; explores Lewis River, 195-96; physique, 244; career characterized, 272-74. McLeUan, Captain, surveys entrance to Columbia, 66. McMillan, , attacked by natives, 97; guards boats, 121; trading operations, j51-52. McTavish, Donald, drowned, 24-27. McTavish, John George, leads expedition against Cathleyacheyachs, xxxi-xxxv; superintendent at Fort Spokane, 40. Maypoles, erection of, 137. Mayville, residence of Donald McKenzie, 273. Medicine, use of plants, 263. Meloche, , robbed by Prince, 236-37. Methow (Meat-who) River, route via, 30. Moltnomah Island, quarrel between traders and natives, 107-108. Moose, killed by explorers, 141. 312 ^ntiejc Neecootimeigh Indians, location, 175. Nez Perce" (Shawhaapten, Cayouse, Walla Walla), Indians, assemble in Eyakema Valley, 5; halt traders, 39-40; McKenzie plans fort among, 82; leads expedition among, 147; fort erected, 161; location, 175; influence, 176; peace with Snake, 191, 244-48; hostilities, 214-16, 223; lamentations over losses, 223-32; threaten McKenzie, 210-12; characterized, 222, 296-303; warriors described, 297-300. North (Sunteacootacoot) River, traders explore, 133. Northwest, manners and customs described, 275-303; conduct of fur trade, 275-96. North West Company, early activities on Columbia, xii-xiii, xx-xxi, xxiv, xxvii-xxxix, 3-4; union with Hudson's Bay Company, xvii, xxi, xxiii, 269-70; councils at Fort George, 41-42, 62-63, 104, 161; Indians hostile, 23-24; futility of early measures, 42- 43; trading policies discussed, 55-61; scheme of reorganization, 86-87; rivalry with Hudson's Bay Company, 75-79, 267-70; trade restricted, 105. Norway House, Red River colonists driven to, 77. Oak Point, traders detained by ice, 95; trader deserts, 107; traders murdered, 188. Ogden, Peter Skene, on embassy to Willamette Indians, 91; to Cowlitz, 181. Okanogan, expedition to Eyakema Valley, 5-20; route to Pacific explored, 29-39; trade of natives with seaboard, 30-31; arrival of traders, 125. Oskononton, Iroquois trapper, narrative of, 177-80; murdered, 180-81; narrative confirmed, 192. Owhyhee, see Sandwich Islanders. Pacific Fur Company, narrative concerning, xix, xxiii; overthrow, xx-xxi, xxiv; employees murdered, xxx, 22, 202, 246-47. Pellettopallas Indians, location, 175. .Pawhich Indians, location, 175. Peeeyeem, Snake chief, meets McKenzie, 238; numbers of followers, 243; physique, 244; peace negotiations, 245-47; visits trappers, 254-55. Physicians, misfortunes in Columbia region, 66. 3*3 Piegan Indians, prey upon Wararereeka, 240; Snake desire peace, 247. Pilot Knobs (Three Paps, Three Tetons), 258. Pischous (Pisscows) Indians, chief befriends Ross, 6. Pischous (Pisscows) River, route via, 9. Plattsburg, battle of, 68. Point Turnabout, as terminus of exploration, 37, 39. Portage Point, mouth of Canoe River near, 140. Pottery, skill of Snake tribe, 264-65. Priest's Rapid, traders pass, 124. Prince, befriended by Ross, 229-30; ingratitude, 233- 36; robs Meloche, 236-37. Prisoners, treatment, 300-303. See also slaves. Quahat, Cayouse chief, in peace negotiations, at Fort Nez Perc6, 171. Quinze-sous, , fears Indians, 224. Red Feather, Nez Perc6 chief, threatens McKenzie, 210-11; attacks Kittson, 212. Red Fox, Indian chief, route of, 30-31. Red Jacket, Indian demagogue, 123. Red River Academy, established, xvii. Red River Colony, founding of, 77-81; rendezvous of retired traders, 81; McKenzie appointed governor, 272. See also Hudson's Bay Company and Earl of Selkirk. Reed, , party murdered, xxx, 202, 246-47. Reynolds, Captain, visits Fort George, 67-68. Rocky Mountains, eastern boundary of Snake country, 257. Ross, Alexander, narrative of Astorians, xi-xii, xix-xx, xxiii; of North West Company, xix-xx; enters employ of, xxvii-xxviii; terminates service, 270; gives trade data, xxxvi-xxxix; expedition to Eyakema Valley, 5-20; visits Fort Spokane, 20, 40; describes Grand Coulee, 20-22; visits She Whaps, 28-29, 39, 47, 48, 106, 125; explores route to sea coast, 29- 39; to Rocky Mountains, 130-45; hunts wolves, 49- 52; marksmanship, 51-52, 157-58; assistant to Keith, 65; surveys mouth of Columbia, 66; captures Jacob, 70-74; history of Red River Colony, 3i4 Sfofceje 80; pacifies Indians, 90-96, 226-29; ascends Columbia, 106-25; defends dog, 110-12; describes bear hunt, 152-55; commands Fort Nez Perc6, 175, 204-208, 221-37; befriends Prince, 229-30, 233-36; enters employ of Hudson's Bay Company, 271. Rupert's Land, first colony planted, 80; rivalry in fur trade, 268. St. Martin, , aids in capture of Jacob, 73. Salmon fishing, 213, 260-71. Salt, occurrence of Springs, 258. Sandwich Islanders (Owhyhees, Hawaiians), in Northwest fur trade, 85,106; unreliability, 118; murdered, 254-56; characterized, 284-86; as swimmers, 285- 86. Sawpaw Indians, location, 176. Selkirk, Earl of, founds Red River Colony, 77-81. Semple. Governor, massacre of, and party, 77-78. Shamooinaugh Indians, location, 175. Shawhaapten Indians, see Nez Perc6 Indians. She Whaps, Ross visits, 28, 39, 47-49,106,125; murder of Charette, 47-48; trading activities, 130-45; exploration to Rockies, 132-45. Shirrydika (Shoshone), branch of Snake tribe, described, 239-40; peace negotiations, 244; break camp, 250; visit trappers, 254-55. Short Legs (Tutackit Istsoaughan), She Whaps chief, wounded by bear, 152-55. Shoshone Indians, see Snake Indians. Skamnaminaugh Indians, location, 175. Skamnaugh River, as rendezvous, 197, 200, 202. Simpson, Sir George, unites fur companies, xvii. Slaves, as peace token, 95; taken in war, 170-71; treatment by squaws, 300-303. Snake (Shoshone) Indians, McKenzie leads expedition among, 147-51,174,238-57,267; explores country of, 190-97; pursue Oskononton, 179; peace with Nez Perce, 191, 244-48; hostilities with, 214-16, 223- 32; Kittson leads expedition to, 198-203, 208-209, 212; trading operations, 208-21, 248-49; profits of, 202-203, 267; threaten McKenzie, 209-10; hos- 3i5 Stotiejc tilities with Black Feet, 216-17; tobacco of, 247-48, 263-64; orderly government, 238; sub-divisions, 239-40; boundaries, 241-42; numbers, 242; camp described, 243-44; primitive condition, 249-50; manners and customs, 257-67; food supply, 259- 62; depraved taste, 261-62; skill as potters, 264- 65; as boatmen, 265-66. See also Banattee, Shirry- dika, and Wararereeka. Sopa, befriends Ross, 6. Spokane House, see Fort Spokane. Springs, hot, 258; salt, 258. Strawberry Island, Northwesters anchor at, xxxi. Stuart, Alexander, expedition attacked, xxviii-xxix; shot, xxix-xxx. Stuart, John, explorations, xxvi. Sunteacootacoot Indians, friendliness to traders, 133- 34, 143- Tea, use by traders, 280. The Twins, bluffs near Fort Nez Perc6, 165. Thompson's River, as route of travel, 45. Three Paps, see Pilot Knobs. Three Tetons, see Pilot Knobs. Timber, see forests. Tobacco, as peace offering, 123-24; among Snake tribe, 247-48, 263-64; story of origin, 264; use by traders, 280. Tongue Point, erection of fort undertaken, 43. Tonquin, destroyed, xxiv. Traders, equipment for travel, 131-32; mode of life, 158-60. Trappers, methods described, 219-21. Tumatapam, Indian chief, peace negotiations with, 170-74; denounces traders, 226-28. Umpqua River, trading activities, 187-88. Vancouver, George, surveys mouth of Columbia, xxvii. Voyagers, success of Canadians, 282; mode of life, 292- 95- Wallamitte River, see Willamette River. Walla Walla Indians, location, 176; warriors described, 297-300. 316 ill I ^titie* Walla Walla River, traders attacked near mouth, 43- 46; inland headquarters removed to, 127; Fort Nez Perce* established on, 162. Wallula, site of Fort Nez Perc6, 165. Wararereeka Indians, branch of Snake tribe, described, 240; peace negotiations, 244; conduct toward traders, 250; as fishermen, 260-71. Wayyampam Indians, location, 176. West River, stream named by Ross, 37. White, Doctor, drowned, 66-67. Willamette (Wallamitte) River, expedition to, 88; embroiled with natives, 88-96, 107-108; course of river, 96; trading activities, 186-89. Wilson, , aids in capture of Jacob, 73. Winterers, movements of, 102-103. Wisscopam Indians, location, 175. Wisswham Indians, location, 175. Wolves, depredations, 48-49, 52-54; ferocity, 54-55; hunting methods, 155-56; feat of marksmanship, 157-58; as food, 195. Women, of Northwest fur trade, characterized, 279-80; cruelty of squaws to slaves, 300-303. Woody Point, traders seek refuge at, 216-17. Wurrack Indians, name applied to Snake, 242. Wyampam Indians, at Dalles of Columbia, xxxvii. Yewhellcometetsa, Okanogan chief, reports depredations by wolves, 48-49; gratitude for Ross, 50-51. Youmatalla Indians, location, 176. 0 3i7 11 m