HARUNOBU: AN UKIYO-E ARTIST WHO EXPERIMENTED WITH WESTERN-STYLE ART by ALLEN F. HOCKLEY B.A., The U n i v e r s i t y of V i c t o r i a , 1979 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS i n THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Fine A r t s ; Art H i s t o r y We accept t h i s t h e s i s as conforming to the r e q u i r e d standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA December 1987 © A l l e n F. Hockley, 1987 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia 1956 Main Mall Vancouver, Canada V6T 1Y3 DE-6(3/81) - i i -ABSTRACT From the beginning of s e r i o u s a r t h i s t o r i c a l study of Japanese woodblock p r i n t s or U k i y o-e, the a r t i s t Suzuki Harunobu (1725-1770) has been accorded a prominent p o s i t i o n in the development of that a r t form p r i m a r i l y because of his r o l e in the c r e a t i o n of the f i r s t f u l l c o lour p r i n t s . T h i s , and his p a r t i c u l a r conception of feminine beauty which he chose to i l l u s t r a t e most often as the main subject of his a r t , made him the dominant a r t i s t of his g e n e r a t i o n . The p o p u l a r i t y he achieved during his l i f e t i m e was monumental, but he met with a premature and untimely death. S h o r t l y a f t e r h i s death Shiba Ko"kan (1747-1818), a young a r t i s t j u s t beginning his c a r e e r , made f o r g e r i e s of Harunobu's p r i n t s and l a t e r admitted to doing so in his autobiography. Based on Kokan's c o n f e s s i o n , there developed among a r t h i s t o r i a n s and c o n n o i s s e u r s , a long r u n n i n g , at times heated and, as y e t , unresolved debate focussed upon determining which of Harunobu's p r i n t s are in f a c t f o r g e r i e s . Because Kokan e v e n t u a l l y acquired fame as an a r t i s t who experimented with s t y l e s and techniques newly imported to Japan from Europe, Harunobu's p r i n t s that contain l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , one such Western technique, have t r a d i t i o n a l l y and without question been designated as f o r g e r i e s . To t h i s author, making such an a t t r i b u t i o n based on t h i s c r i t e r i o n seems somewhat i l l o g i c a l . Why would Kokan introduce something f o r e i g n to - i i i -Harunobu's s t y l e i n t o p r i n t s he intended to pass o f f as Harunobu's o r i g i n a l s ? The s i m p l e s t r e s o l u t i o n to t h i s quandary i s to assume that Harunobu must have al s o been experimenting with imported European s t y l e s . Based on t h i s premise, t h i s t h e s i s introduces l i t e r a r y and v i s u a l evidence l i n k i n g Harunobu to a number of sources of European-style a r t . Much cf t h i s evidence was uncovered through a re-examination of Harunobu's p r i n t s and l i t e r a r y accounts of his l i f e in accordance with the s o c i a l and a r t i s t i c context in which he worked. The p r i n t s and the documents which t h i s t h e s i s d i s c u s s e s have long been known to a r t h i s t o r i a n s . They simply needed to be reworked to support t h i s premise. This t h e s i s does, however, introduce one p r i n t from the c o l l e c t i o n of the Oregon Art I n s t i t u t e which seems to have been overlooked by other s c h o l a r s . It provides a c l e a r example of Harunobu's Western-style a r t and through v i s u a l a n a l y s i s of i t , i t s sources can be i d e n t i f i e d among the Western-style megane-e of Maruyama TJkyo ( 1733-1795). The concluding s e c t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s examines the conse-quences of t h i s evidence. Two of the s o - c a l l e d f o r g e r i e s are r e a t t r i b u t e d to Harunobu and his p r i n t s as a whole are r e c a s t w i t h i n the t r a d i t i o n of Western-style a r t in Japan. - I V -TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i i TABLE OF CONTENTS . . . . . . . i v LIST OF FIGURES v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x PREFACE . xi CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION TO THE ARTISTS, THE EXISTING SCHOLARSHIP, AND THE ISSUE A. Harunobu's P o s i t i o n in Ukiyo-e Hi s t o r y . 1 B. Shiba Kokan as a Forger of Harunobu's P r i n t s . 10 C. S t y l i s t i c and C a l l i g r a p h i c C r i t e r i a f o r Determining KcJkan's F o r g e r i e s . 16 D. Compositional C r i t e r i a . 21 E. The Issue. 25 Notes 29 CHAPTER 2. HARUNOBU'S RELATIONSHIP WITH HIRAGA GENNAI A. The S i g n i f i c a n c e of Rangaku to the Spread of Western-s t y l e Art i n Japan. 35 B. Hiraga Gennai in the Context of Japanese S o c i e t y . 37 C. Gennai's Connection to Harunobu's A r t . 43 Notes 53 CHAPTER 3. OTHER SOURCES OF WESTERN-STYLE ART A. The Uki-e_Genre 59 B. Maruyama Okyo's Megane-e 64 C. Harunobu's F a m i l i a r i t y with the Megane-e Genre 68 D. New Evidence: A Harunobu P e r s p e c t i v e P r i n t 71 Notes 79 CHAPTER 4. THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE EVIDENCE A. The R e a t t r i b u t i o n of F o r g e r i e s . 82 B. Western-style Art in the Context of Harunobu's Ni sh i k i-e . 84 C. Concluding Remarks. 89 Notes 91 FIGURES 92 BIBLIOGRAPHY * .. . • • • • • 125 - V-L I S T OF F I G U R E S Figure Page 1 Suzuki Harunobu. G i r l in a Summer Shower. (Jack H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunob~u~| P h i l a d e l p h i a Museum of A r t , 1970, p. 4 3. ) (Op. c i t . Margaret 0. G e n t l e s , V o l . I I , The Clarence Buckingham C o l l e c t i o n of Japanese P r i n t s , Chicago: Art I n s t i t u t e of Chicago, 196b, F i g . 2~7T~ p. 12.) 92 2 Harunobu, Three Sake T a s t e r s . (D.B. Waterhouse., Harunobu "and His Age, London: B r i t i s h Museum, 196 4, p. 76.) " (Op. c i t . H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunobu, p. 57.) 93 3 Harunobu, Daruma C r o s s i n g the Water on a Reed. ( H i l l i e r , Suzuki H a r u n o b ¥ l p. 90.) (Op. c i t . Waterhouse, Harunobu and His Age, p. 128.) 93 4 Harunobu, Shoki C a r r y i n g G i r l . ( I b i d . , p. 50.) 94 5 Shiba Ko*kan (as Harunobu's f o r g e r ) , Maki ng a Snowball . ( I b i d . , p. 221.) : 94 6 Harunobu, The Snow Dog. ( G e n t l e s , Vol . I I , Clarence Buckingham C o l l e c t i o n , F i g . 185.) 95 7 Harunobu, i l l u s t r a t i o n from EhonHaru n o N l i s h i k i . ( H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunobu, p~ 235 .) 95 8 Harushige, Moon in the Gay Quarters of Shinagawa. (Sadao K i k u c h i , A Treasury of Japanese Woodblock P r i n t s , N.Y.: Crown Pub. Inc., 1969, F i g . 364.) 96 9 Shiba K"okan (as Harunobu's f o r g e r ) , Beauty on the Veranda. ( I b i d . , F i g . 361. ) ( Op . c i t . I l l u s t r a t e d Catalogues of the•Tokyo National Museum. Ukiyo-e P r i n t s . V o l . 1, T5ky"5: 10 Harushige, The Archery G a l l e r y . ( C a l v i n French, Shiba Kokan, New York: W e a t h e r h i l l , 11 Shiba K'Skan (as Harunobu's f o r g e r ) , F l y i ng a Ki t e . ( J u l i a n Lee, The O r i g i n and Development of Japanese Landscape P r i n t s , D i s s . , U n i v e r s i t y of Washington, 1960, F i g . 617.) 96 p . 36 . ) 97 1977, F i g . 381.) 97 - v i -Fi gure Page 12 Harushige, The Fukagawa B r o t h e l . ( K i k u c h i , F i g . 3 6 5.) 98 13 Shiba ICokan (as Harunobu's f o r g e r ) , Courtesan Reading a L e t t e r . (David Waterhouse, Images of Eighteenth Century Japan, Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1975 ,, p. 145. ) 98 14 KTJkan, Forgery of Harunobu's S i g n a t u r e , d e t a i l of F i g . 9. 99 15 H a r u n o b u ' s s i g n a t u r e . 99 16 Harunobu, Wisdom. ( G e n t l e s , V o l . I I , The Clarence Buckingham C o l l e c t i o n , F i g . 110, p. 69. ) (Op. c i t . I l l u s t r a t e d Catalogues of To*ky5 National Museum, Ukiyo-e P r i n t s 1, TSky'o': 1960, F i g . 480. ) 100 17 Harunobu, Two Lovers at Yatsuhashi in Mikawa P r o v i n c e . (Waterhouse, Harunobu and His Age, p~. 124. ) (Op. c i t . G e n t l e s , V o l . I I , The Clarence Buckingham C o l l e c t i o n , F i g . 128, p. 13. ) 100 18 Harunobu. Returning S a i l s at Shinagawa. ( G e n t l e s , V o l . I I , The Clarence-Buckingham C o l l e c t i o n , F i g . 227, p. 138.) (Op. c i t . H i 1 1 i e r , Japanese P r i n t s a n d _ P a i n t i n g s f r o m the Vever C o l l e c t i o n V o l . l~j London: Sotheby, 1976 , F i g . 145, p. 146.) 101 19 So" S h i s e k i , Lion I l l u s t r a t i o n . (Genshoku Ninon no B i j u t s u " V o l . 25, Tokyo: Sh"3gakukan, 1970, F i g . 58.) 102 20 Lion i l l u s t r a t i o n taken from Jonston's t e x t . (Genshoku Nihon no B i j u t s u , V o l . 25, Tokyo": ShTTgakukan, 19/0, F i g . 59.) 103 21 Odano Naotake. S h i n o b a z u P o n d . ( C a l v i n French, Through CI osecT Doors. Michigan: Meadow Brook Art G a l l e r y , 19//, F i g . 24, p. 128.), C o l l . A k i t a P r e f e c t u r a l O f f i c e . 103 22 F r o n t i s p i e c e from Rembertus Dodanaeu's Kruyt Boeck. (T. Haga, Hi raga Gennai , Tokyo": 1961, p. 28. ) 104 23 Harunobu, p i l l a r p r i n't. (Jacob P i n s , The Japanese P i l l a r P r i n t H a s h i r a - e , London: Robert B. Sawers, 1982, F i g . 19/, p. 122. 105 - v i i -F i gure Page 24 Harunobu, G i r l Looking at the Shadow of Her P a r a s o l . (H i 1 1 i e r , Japanese P r i n t s and P a i n t i n g s from the Vever Col 1 e c t i o n V o l . 1, F i g . 99, p. 112.) 106 25 So" S h i s e k i , F i vef ol d Long! i f e . (Robert T. Paine J r . , "Japanese P r i n t s by So" S h i s e k i , " B u l l e t i n of the Museum of Fine A r t s , V o l . XLIV, No. 42, p. 42.) : : 107 26 Harunobu, Bowl of Chrysanthemums. (Waterhouse, Harunobu'andHis Age, p. 95.) (op. c i t . G e n t l e s , V o l . I I , The Clarence Buckingham Col 1 e c t i on , F i g . 51" p~. 31. ) 107 27 Harunobu, Stag. (Yone Noguchi, Harunobu, Tokyo, 1932, Pl a t e 77.) 108 28 Shen Nanpin, Deer. (Kokka, No. 2o~4\T 108 29 Okumura Masanobu, Evening Cool by Ry'ogoku B r i d g e . (Helen C. Gunsaulus, The Clarence Buckingham C o l l e c - t i o n of Japanese P r i n t s . The P r i m i t i v e s . Chicago: The Art I n s t i t u t e of Chicago, 1955, F i g . 84, p. 155.) 109 30 O p t i c a l viewing d e v i c e . (J.A. C h a l d e c o t t , "Zograscope or O p t i c a l Diagonal Machine," Annals of S c i e n c e , V o l . IX, No. 2, Dec. 1953, p. 3 2T71 110 31 Edward Rooker, The Grand Walk in the Vauxhall Gardens i n London. (W.G. C o n s t a b l e , C a n a l e t t o , V o l . 1, Oxford: 1962, p l a t e 183, no. 2.1 110 32 Giovanni Antonio C a n a l , Vauxhall 'Gardens -in London. ( I b i d . , p l a t e 80, no. 43T7T 111 33 Anonymous Suzhou a r t i s t , T r e e s i n Z h e j i a n g . (Edo No Yogaka, Tokyo: Sansaisha, 1 9 6 8 , F i g . 24.) I l l 34 Maruyama T)kyo, View of theWannian Bridge (megane-e). (Fr e n c h , Through Closed Doors, F i g . 19, p. 108.) 112 35 Anonymous Suzhou a r t i s t , Wannian Bridge ( d e t a i l ) . ( I b i d . , F i g . 20, p. 108.) 112 36 C a n a l e t t o , E t c h i n g of Westminster B r i d g e . ( C o n s t a b l e , C a n a l e t t o , V o l . 1, p l a t e 141, no. 751.) 113 - v i i i -F i gu re Page 37 fJkyo, Archery Contest at SanjUsangendrj (megane-e). ( F r e n c h , Through Closed Doors, F i g . ZTT, 105. ) 113 38 tJkyo, Theatre D i s t r i c t in KyT5to (megane-e) . (Fre n c h , Through Closed Doors, no~ 14a, p. 106.) 114 39 Utagawa Toyoharu, Archery Contest at Sanjusangendo. (Nihon Hanga B i j u t s u ZenshTJ, Toky"5: Kodansha, 1961, F i g . 33 5, V o l . I I I . ) 114 40 Harunobu, Tama River of Mt. Koya. ( F r e n c h , Through Closed Doors, N"o . 4 2 , p. 104.) 115 41 Harunobu, u n t i t l e d p e r s p e c t i v e view of a harbour in China. (Oregon Art I n s t i t u t e . ) 116 42 Harunobu, Chinese Scene. ( G e n t l e s , Vol . I I , The~~Clarence Buckingham C o l l e c t i o n , F i g . 16, p. 7.) 117 43 Harunobu, d e t a i l of Fig u r e 41. 118 44 Long form of Harunobu's s i g n a t u r e . 118 45 Harunobu, Six S a i n t s of Poe t r y . (Waterhouse, Harunobu and H i s A g e , p. 67.) (op. c i t . G e n t l e s , V o l . I I , The Clarence Buckingham Col 1 e c t i on , Fi g. 9, p.5.) 119 46 T o r i i K i y o m i t s u , S i x - S a i n t s o f - P o e t r y . ( K i k u c h i , A Treasury of Japanese Woodblock P r i n t s , F i g . 2 51.) ; ! 119 47 Harunobu, Three Summer Evenings. (Genshoku Ukiyo-e Daihyakka J i t e n , Tokyo": Taishukanshoten, 1982, V o l . 4, F i g . 428.) 120 48 KcTkan (as Harunobu's f o r g e r ) , Enjoying the Cool A i r . (Fre n c h , Shiba K "ok a n , p. 32.) (op. c i t . I l l u s t r a t e d Catalogues of^the P5kyT5 National Museum Ukiyo-e P r i n t s V o l . 1, F i g . 619.) 120 49 K"okan, d e t a i l of Fig u r e 48. 121 50 Harunobu, r e a t t r i b u t e d f o r g e r y . ( I , Oka, "FUkei Hanga," Nihon no B i j u t s u , V o l . 1, No. 68, F i g . 59.) 121 51 Harunobu, r e a t t r i b u t e d f o r g e r y . (Jack H i l l i e r , Japanese P r i n t s , Drawings, and P a i n t i n g s , London! Kegan P a u l , 1967, F i g . 21.) 122 - i x-F igu re Page 52 Harunobu, Courtesan P l a y i n g a Samisen. ( H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunobu , p. 191. ) 123 53 Harunobu, A Lovely Flower. ( H i l l i e r , Japanese P r i n t s and Drawings from the Vever C o l l e c t i o n V o l . I, F i g . 113, p. 125.) 123 54 Harunobu, F i d e l i t y : One of the Five C a r d i n a l V i r t u e s . ( H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunobu! \T. 13/. ) (op. c i t . G e n t l e s , V o l . T l , T h e C l a r e n c e B u c k i n g h a m C o l l e c t i o n , F i g . I l l , p. 70.) 124 55 Okyo, Wannian Bridge (megane-e). ( F r e n c h , Through Closed Doors, no. 44d, p. 108.) 124 - X -ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To my graduate a d v i s e r , Dr. Moritaka Matsumoto, I am g r e a t l y i n d e b t e d . This t h e s i s would not have been p o s s i b l e without his guidance and support. Throughout my tenure as his student I regarded him as my sensei i n every sense and in every connotation that that word encompasses. Now that my studies as an M.A. student are coming to a c l o s e with the completion of t h i s t h e s i s , in my mind the word onshi would be more b e f i t t i n g h i s s t a t u r e in our r e l a t i o n s h i p . My wife Coryne deserves c r e d i t f o r , above a l l e l s e , her p a t i e n c e . That she survived these l a s t two years with her sa n i t y i n t a c t i s remarkable. L a s t l y , I would l i k e to thank Kim Adams and Rachel Rousseau f o r t h e i r a s s i s t a n c e with the e d i t i n g and word p r o c e s s i n g of t h i s t h e s i s . - x i -PREFACE My i n t e r e s t in Harunobu's p r i n t s came about in a most i n d i r e c t manner. In the course of pursuing a wider i n t e r e s t in the i n t r o d u c t i o n and spread of European-style p a i n t i n g in Japan, q u i t e n a t u r a l l y I encountered the a r t of Shiba Kokan, the most famous of a l l Japanese a r t i s t s to experiment with Western s t y l e s and t e c h n i q u e s . The f a c t that Kokan made f o r g e r i e s of Harunobu's p r i n t s e a r l y in h i s c a r e e r , and the f a c t that these f o r g e r i e s made use of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , a compositional device introduced i n t o Japanese a r t from Europe, le d me to explore Harunobu's a r t in d e t a i l . The j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r moving away from my i n i t i a l course of study rested p r i m a r i l y on the premise that i f KcTkan produced Western-sty 1 e p r i n t s in i m i t a t i o n of Harunobu, Harunobu too must have produced s i m i l a r d e s i g n s . In attempting to t e s t the v a l i d i t y of t h i s premise, I encountered enough evidence to convince me that Harunobu deserved to be accorded a place in the h i s t o r y of Western-style a r t i n Japan. This t h e s i s i s an examination of that evidence and an expression of that c o n v i c t i o n . My argument i s d i v i d e d i n t o four c h a p t e r s . The f i r s t provides an i n t r o d u c t i o n to Harunobu and his a r t . It i n t r o -duces Shiba Ko" k an's c o n f e s s i o n and i t reviews the e x i s t i n g s c h o l a r s h i p that has r e s u l t e d from the knowledge that Kcikan was a f o r g e r of Harunobu's p r i n t s . This chapter also explores the - x i i -c r i t e r i a that a r t h i s t o r i a n s have used to determine which of Harunobu's p r i n t s are f o r g e r i e s and i t examines the reasons why l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , the most important of these c r i t e r i a , has been a s s o c i a t e d with Shiba Kokan and not Harunobu. My hypo-t h e s i s , which concludes t h i s c h a p t e r , questions the l o g i c of making l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e a s t y l i s t i c trademark e x c l u s i v e to ICokan al o n e . It suggests that Harunobu was capable of working in the same mode. The remaining three chapters v e r i f y t h i s . There i s enough evidence to not only suggest that Harunobu experimented with l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e but that some of the p r i n t s once considered f o r g e r i e s are not n e c e s s a r i l y so. My argument as a whole i s c o n t e x t u a l l y based. That i s to say the evidence I present must be understood w i t h i n the context of the a r t i s t i c and s o c i a l environment in which Harunobu e x i s t e d . Beginning in the f i r s t chapter and continu-ing through the l a s t , I have endeavored to r e c r e a t e that environment. The premise of t h i s t h e s i s , the evidence I p r e s e n t , and the p l a u s i b i l i t y of the c o n c l u s i o n s I draw, depend upon the reader's understanding of that environment. In the simplest terms, I have used Harunobu's environment to suggest what was p o s s i b l e f o r him a r t i s t i c a l l y at that time and then I have provided evidence to show how he r e a l i z e d those p o s s i b i l i t i e s . - x i i i -The i s s u e I have addressed in t h i s t h e s i s i s but a s i n g l e f a c e t of a l a r g e r , more complex set of problems. Because of t h i s , I have had to be j u d i c i o u s in my p r e s e n t a t i o n . Wherever p o s s i b l e , p r i m a r i l y through the use of f o o t n o t e s , I have t r i e d to at l e a s t make the reader aware of those iss u e s and problems r e l a t e d to t h i s t o p i c in g e n e r a l . I found that the argument I t r i e d to present was complex enough without wandering o f f the t o p i c attempting to answer every q u e s t i o n , or e v a l u a t i n g every opinion a s s o c i a t e d with t h i s p eriod in h i s t o r y . I do f e e l , however, tha t should t h i s t h e s i s withstand the s c r u t i n y and c r i t i c i s m of subsequent s c h o l a r s h i p , i t may lend support to the opinions of those schol ars who have attempted to answer the other questions surrounding t h i s t o p i c . - 1 -A. Harunobu ' s P o s i t i o n i n U k i y o - e H i s t o r y In 1769 "Ota Nampo ( 1749-1823 ) , an author of popular f i c t i o n , p u b l i s h e d a short book e n t i t l e d Ameuri Dohei Den (The Story of Dohei the Candy Vendor). The i l l u s t r a t o r of t h i s book was the popular Ukiyo-e a r t i s t , Suzuki Harunobu (1725-1770), and in a passing r e f e r e n c e to the a r t of Harunobu and h i s con t e m p o r a r i e s , Nampo wrote: The black and white p r i n t s of e a r l i e r days are an t i q u a t e d now, and the only t h i n g people care f o r i s the newly devi s e d gorgeousness of the Eastern Brocade P i c t u r e s . * The term "Eastern Brocade P i c t u r e s " o r , i n Japanese, Azuma n i s h i k i - e , ^ r e f e r r e d to a new s t y l e of woodblock p r i n t which had come i n t o vogue in 1765. The "newly devised gorgeousness" of which Nampo spoke d e s c r i b e d these very e x q u i s i t e , very sumptuous m u l t i c o l o u r p r i n t s which, as he s t a t e d , had achieved p o p u l a r i t y at the expense of the a n t i q u a t e d "black and white p r i n t s of e a r l i e r days." P r i o r to the i n c e p t i o n of polychrome p r i n t i n g in Japan, Ukiyo-e a r t i s t s worked w i t h i n the l i m i t a t i o n s of a process capable of producing designs in two or three c o l o u r s at most.3 It i s not c l e a r what the p r e c i s e i n v e n t i o n was that enabled the making of m u l t i c o l o u r e d p r i n t s , nor i s i t p o s s i b l e to a c c r e d i t a s i n g l e i n d i v i d u a l with i t s d i s c o v e r y , 4 but i t i s abundantly c l e a r from the s u r v i v i n g p r i n t s that in the e a r l i e s t stages of - 2 -n i s h i k i - e p r o d u c t i o n , Suzuki Harunobu was the most p r o l i f i c of a l l d e s i g n e r s . The f a c t that so many p r i n t s from that period bear his s i g n a t u r e leaves s c h o l a r s no option but to conclude that Harunobu was in some way connected with the development of the polychrome p r i n t . L i t e r a r y sources^ from the time support that c o n c l u s i o n f u r t h e r . As such, Harunobu has come to occupy a s i g n i f i c a n t p o s i t i o n with the h i s t o r y of Ukiyo-e. The f a c t remains, however, that he was not s o l e l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the i n n o v a t i o n s made in p r i n t i n g technology. In 1824, in a book e n t i t l e d Kari ne no Yume (Dreams During a Nap), the author Shuho Shichizaemon Raimu r e f l e c t e d upon the beginnings of n i s h i k i - e : As f o r the ni shi k i-e of today: in the beginning of Meiwa ( 1 765) there were very l a r g e numbers of dai sho" s u r i m o n o and people s t a r t e d using d i f f e r e n t c o l o u r s Tn the p r i n t i n g of the woodblocks. P r i n c i p a l l y through the e f f o r t s of Okubo J i n s h i r o , a bannerman from Ushigome (a d i s t r i c t ' of Edo) who used the haimyTT [ p o e t i c name] Kyosen, and of Abe Hachinoshin Shakei from the wharf in Ushigome, clubs were formed and dai sho" exchanged. Later there were big meetings in such places as the Yushima teahouse, but they ended w i t h i n two y e a r s . From that time, n i s h i k i-e were so l d on a l a r g e s c a l e through the book shops.^ It i s now known that t h i s i n d i v i d u a l , Kyosen, and his r o l e in the development of polychrome p r i n t s was of p a r t i c u l a r s i g n i f i c a n c e to Harunobu's a r t . Documentation of Kyosen's a f f i l i a t i o n with Ukiyo-e can be found in book he published in 1758 e n t i t l e d Segen Shi r i . This work contained a number of i l l u s t r a t i o n s by v a r i o u s Ukiyo-e a r t i s t s and by Kyosen h i m s e l f .7 Apart from t h i s and the mention of his name in - 3 -Karine no Yume, Kyosen i s known p r i m a r i l y through the l a r g e number of Harunobu p r i n t s that bear his signature or s e a l . A good deal of these are the type mentioned in Karine no Yume as dai sh'o surimono. In the e a r l y Meiwa period (1765) a number of the prominent kyj£k_a_8 poets of the time, i n c l u d i n g Kyosen, formed l i t e r a r y s o c i e t i e s known as kyTJkaren, and as part of the New Year's f e s t i v i t i e s , they exchanged amongst themselves d a i s h'o surimono. These were p r i n t s in the Ukiyo-e s t y l e in which the club members, a c t i n g as d e s i g n e r s , would conceal somewhere in the composition the d e t a i l s of the upcoming year's c a l e n d a r . 9 Harunobu was the a r t i s t most often chosen to i l l u s t r a t e t h e i r d e s i g n s . To understand the c l e v e r n e s s and ingenuity with which these poets i n t e g r a t e d the calendar i n f o r m a t i o n i n t o t h e i r designs i t i s best to look at an example. F i r s t , however, the workings of the Japanese calendar r e q u i r e a b r i e f e x p l a n a t i o n . The Japanese calendar system in use at that time was very complex. Based on a lunar c y c l e , the year was d i v i d e d i n t o long ( dai no t s u k i ) and short ( sKo" no t s u k i ) months of t h i r t y and twenty-nine days r e s p e c t i v e l y . There were g e n e r a l l y twelve months in a y e a r , but at c e r t a i n times an i n t e r c a l a r y month c a l l e d the uruzuki or jungetsu would be i n s e r t e d to make up f o r the t h i r t e e n t h lunar c y c l e that occurs in some y e a r s . Which months were to be long and which short was determined by the government, and i t was t h e i r p o l i c y to reorganize the long-short (dai sho) order each year so as to avoid any r e p e t i t i o n . - 4 -In a d d i t i o n to the dai sho alignment, the calendar operated on a c y c l e of s i x t y years with each kanshi or "year c y c l e " being determined by a combination of both the j i k k a n or "ten c e l e s t i a l systems" and the j u n i shi or "twelve zodiac s i g n s . " In other words, each year would f a l l somewhere with i n the ten year j i k k a n c y c l e and, at the same time, somewhere in the twelve year j u n i shi c y c l e . Because the lowest common m u l t i p l e of both ten and twelve i s s i x t y , the kanshi or "year c y c l e " would repeat every s i x t y y e a r s . Furthermore, the years were also counted in a system c a l l e d neng'o" or "era names." With the r i s e of each new emperor a new era was proclaimed, and the years were counted s u c c e s s i v e l y from that date. Of the three pieces of i n f o r m a t i o n , neng'o", kanshi , or dai sho*, i t was the l a t t e r that no one could determine u n t i l the government d e c i s i o n had been reached and r e l e a s e d to the p u b l i c through i t s o f f i c i a l p r i n t e r s , who were l i c e n s e d as the only l e g a l purveyors of c a l e n d r i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n . Because the kyo"karen' s calendar p i c t u r e s (or egoyomi as they were c a l l e d ) were exchanged as g i f t s among club members, t h e i r l e g a l i t y was never a problem since the government monopoly extended only as far as the sale of c a l e n d a r s . A very popular p r i n t e n t i t l e d G i r l in a Summer Shower (Figure 1) provides a good example of the egoyomi genre. To the l e f t of the f i g u r e we see the signature and seal of Hakusei KcT, the c o n c e i v e r of the p r i n t and .most l i k e l y a prominent member of a poetry c l u b . On the bottom r i g h t we see three more - 5 -s i g n a t u r e s , each placed beneath a s p e c i f i c t i t l e . Reading from r i g h t to l e f t , the f i r s t says GakTT ( a r t i s t ) , Suzuki Harunobu, the middle says Ch5k"5 ( b l o c k c u t t e r or e n g r a v e r ) , Ends Goryrj and the l a s t reads Suriko ( p r i n t e r ) , Yumoto Ko"shi . By t r a d i t i o n almost a l l Ukiyo-e are i n s c r i b e d with only the a r t i s t ' s name and perhaps a p u b l i s h e r ' s s e a l , but because of the c o l l e c t i v e e f f o r t of a l l these a r t i s a n s r e q u i r e d to issue p r i n t s in the new n i s h i k i-e s t y l e , i t was common in the i n i t i a l years of the calendar c o m p e t i t i o n1^ to mention them a l l . Careful examina-t i o n of the kimono blowing on the c l o t h e s l i n e r e v e a l s the calendar i n f o r m a t i o n . On i t we see the ch a r a c t e r dai s i g n i f y i n g "long" followed by a numbering of the long months in the upcoming year (1, 2, 3, 6, 8, 10). Mixed in with these c h a r a c t e r s , w r i t t e n in k ana s c r i p t , are the words M e i w a n i ~ ) , the nengo ( i . e . , second year of the Meiwa e r a ) . On the woman's obi i s the c h a r a c t e r f o r K i noto ( £ )> one of the ten c e l e s t i a l systems, and in kana, the word t o r i ( V •) ), the zodiac symbol i n d i c a t i n g the year of the cock. Reading these together we get the words Kinoto t o r i , w h i c h i n d i c a t e where in the s i x t y - y e a r c y c l e the new year was s i t u a t e d . The amount of inf o r m a t i o n hidden in a calendar p r i n t v a r i e d from p r i n t to p r i n t . Summer Shower contains a l l three calendar systems while in other p r i n t s , only the nengTJ or the dai sho" inf o r m a t i o n may have been hidden.1* - 6 -From the account in Karine no Yume i t appears that the t e c h n i c a l advancement to polychrome p r i n t i n g r e c e i v e d much of i t s impetus from members of the ky~5karen. It i s apparent as well that the e a r l i e s t n i s h i k i - e were a c t u a l l y d a i s ho" p r i n t s , of which G i r l in a Summer Shower i s only one of many examples. It was no c o i n c i d e n c e that the c r e a t i v i t y e x h i b i t e d in a d a i s ho" composition should appear hand in hand with the "newly devised gorgeousness" of - n i s h i k i - e . The men who designed and commis-sioned these p r i n t s , of whom Kyosen i s but one example, brought a new i n g e n u i t y to the Ukiyo-e t r a d i t i o n . Spurred on by t h e i r d e s i r e to c r e a t e something a r t i s t i c a l l y unique, through t h e i r combined e f f o r t s with Ukiyo-e a r t i s t s , b l o c k - c u t t e r s , and p r i n t e r s , they created the technology to produce p r i n t s in several c o l o u r s . T h e i r c r e a t i v i t y extended as well to the content of t h e i r d e s i g n s . The quote taken from Karine no Yume mentioned that Kyosen was a "bannerman from Ushigome." A bannerman, or hatamoto as he i s known in Japanese, was a s p e c i a l rank of the samurai c l a s s , created by Tokugawa Ieyasu when he u n i f i e d the nation in 1603. Hatamoto were d i r e c t r e t a i n e r s of the shogun, and although t h e i r s a l a r i e s v a r i e d with t h e i r o f f i c i a l d u t i e s , they were g e n e r a l l y well o f f . No doubt t h e i r income made them avid consumers of the products and s e r v i c e s a v a i l a b l e in the pleasure d i s t r i c t s of the c a p i t a l . The Kabuki t h e a t e r s , the teahouses, and the b r o t h e l s that they frequented had long provided the themes f o r the a r t of Ukiyo-e. It i s no wonder - 7 -t h a t they took an i n t e r e s t in that p a r t i c u l a r a r t form. If the r e l a t i o n s h i p that members of the kyo"ka s o c i e t i e s had to Ukiyo-e arose from t h e i r d i l e t t a n t i s h a t t i t u d e toward l i t e r a t u r e and the a r t s , i t was to the b e n e f i t of those t r a d i -t i o n s . Apart from the impetus they provided to produce n i s h i k i - e and the c l e v e r n e s s they brought to t h e i r calendar d e s i g n s , they were r e s p o n s i b l e in part f o r r a i s i n g to new heights the l e v e l of l i t e r a c y , w i t , and anecdote in Ukiyo-e. Many of the p r i n t s from that time, calendar or otherwise, d e p i c t e d themes taken from c l a s s i c a l l i t e r a t u r e , h i s t o r y , or sub j e c t s r e l a t e d to Buddhism or Confucianism. Most often these themes were v a r i o u s l y d i s g u i s e d in what appeared to be simply i l l u s t r a t i o n s of women. Figure 2, f o r example, d e p i c t s three e l a b o r a t e l y costumed l a d i e s standing around a la r g e j a r of sake. The calendar i n f o r m a t i o n i s hidden in the decorations of the sake j a r . On the surface t h i s p r i n t seems nothing more than a simple d e p i c t i o n of the s u b j e c t , but i t a c t u a l l y a l l u d e s to a popular theme depi c t e d by ink p a i n t e r s a few c e n t u r i e s p r i o r to Harunobu's time. The three women are intended to represent Buddha, Laozi , and Co n f u c i u s , the founders of the three great r e l i g i o u s d o c t r i n e s of China and Japan. Another p r i n t , shown in Figure 3 , d e p i c t s a young woman standing on a reed in a r i v e r . This image i s an a l l u s i o n to a legend which t e l l s of Bodhidharma, the p a t r i a r c h who brought Buddhism to China and Japan, and who was reputed to have crossed the Changjiang River on a reed. In t h i s p r i n t his - 8 -venerable image has been replaced by the charming beauty of one of Harunobu' s gi r l s . F i g u r e 4 d e p i c t s Shoki , the demon q u e l l e r , who had a repu-t a t i o n as a woman h a t e r . In t h i s p r i n t , he i s seen completely out of c h a r a c t e r , c a r r y i n g one of Harunobu's beauties on his back. The p r i n t may be i n t e r p r e t e d in two ways; i t al l u d e d e i t h e r to an elopement scene from the Japanese c l a s s i c , I se Monogatari, or to a popular legend about a young man who, while c a r r y i n g a woman on his back, saw her r e f l e c t i o n in a stream and d i s c o v e r e d she was a demon. It should be noted as well that Shoki i s depicted in the brush work of the o f f i c i a l Kano school of p a i n t e r s while the woman has been rendered in the somewhat l e s s than o f f i c i a l Ukiyo-e manner. Perhaps there i s some s u b t l e mockery accompanying the hidden themes in t h i s p r i n t . These p r i n t s are known as mi t a t e - e , which means "parody" or "analog," and which r e f e r s to the p r a c t i c e of hi d i n g a deeper theme w i t h i n a simple d e p i c t i o n . Like calendar p r i n t s , m i t a t e - e were not new to Ukiyo-e, but in the c r e a t i v e environment of 1765 t h e i r numbers increased d r a m a t i c a l l y as did the s o p h i s t i c a t i o n and v a r i e t y of t h e i r s o urces. The mi tate-e produced e a r l y in the Meiwa era are f u r t h e r i n d i c a t i v e of the c r e a t i v i t y of the calendar c e l e b r a t i o n s and of the input of the kyokaren. Given that Harunobu i s deemed p a r t i a l l y r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the i n v e n t i o n of polychrome p r i n t i n g , i t i s a s t o n i s h i n g that so l i t t l e i s known of h i s e a r l y t r a i n i n g . T r a d i t i o n a l h i s t o r i o -- 9 -graphy held that he was a r t i s t i c a l l y r e l a t e d to Nishimura Shigenaga (1697-1756). The basis f o r t h i s view was an announcement in Shigenaga's work e n t i t l e d E d o M i y a g e , published in 1753, which stated that Harunobu would be the a r t i s t r e s p o n s i b l e f o r i t s s e q u e l , and indeed, in 1768 Harunobu produced Zoku Edo Miyage. The i l l u s t r a t i o n s in t h i s work, although they are s i m i l a r in s t y l e and design to Shigenaga's, nonetheless diverge s t y l i s t i c a l l y from the usual s o r t of work Harunobu was producing at the time. In other words, as a body of work, they comprise only a s i n g u l a r example of a s t y l e d e r i v e d from Shigenaga. In Harunobu's a r t , i t i s p o s s i b l e to observe more co n v i n c i n g a s s o c i a t i o n s with the s t y l e s of other a r t i s t s . It i s now acknowledged by a l l Harunobu s c h o l a r s that his s t y l i s t i c roots can be found in the works of the Kyoto a r t i s t , Nishikawa Sukenobu (d. 1751). C e r t a i n l y there are a number of i l l u s t r a t i o n s in Sukenobu's p i c t u r e books which appear to have fu n c t i o n e d as prototypes f o r some of Harunobu's n i s h i k i-e.12 This i s supported by Hayashi Yoshikazu's discovery,13 -j n a record book of the Nishikawa f a m i l y , of an entry d e s c r i b i n g Harunobu's death and his posthumous name. Whether t h i s i s i n d i c a t i v e of a personal r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two men i s q u e s t i o n a b l e since Sukenobu died in 1751. Nonetheless, there seems to be some support here for the notion that Harunobu was a s s o c i a t e d with the Nishikawa l i n e . - 10 -Although the Sukenobu to Harunobu connection may be most s t r o n g l y e s t a b l i s h e d through v i s u a l e v i d e n c e , the connection becomes somewhat problematic i f one c o n s i d e r s Harunobu's e a r l y works, meaning those issued p r i o r to 1765. None of these shows any connection whatsoever to Sukenobu's s t y l e . There are a number of a c t o r p r i n t s c l e a r l y r e m i n i s c e n t of those being produced at that time by Kiyomitsu (1735-1785), the foremost exponent of the T o r i i s c h o o l . There are also v a r i o u s hoso-e, 14 which take landscape as t h e i r theme, although they are b e t t e r d e s c r i b e d as genre scenes.1^ These, along with one or two examples of s i m i l a r format and concern but d e p i c t i n g Chinese scenes, comprise a group of p r i n t s which a l s o bear a vague resemblance to some of Kiyomitsu's hoso-e.16 A l l in a l l , very few of Harunobu's e a r l y works resemble his n i s h i k i - e , and although h i s l a t e r works resemble Sukenobu's, the forces and i n f l u e n c e s at work in Harunobu's l i f e and a r t during t h i s form-a t i v e p e r i o d are very u n c l e a r . I 7 There i s s t i l l much to be learned about Harunobu the man, and although t h i s t h e s i s i s p r i m a r i l y concerned with his a r t , i t w i l l no doubt shed^ l i g h t on his e a r l y l i f e as w e l l . B. Shiba Kokan as a Forger o f Harunobu's P r i n t s From the p r i n t s Harunobu iss u e d p r i o r to 1765 and the comparatively l i t t l e b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n there i s concern-ing h i s a r t i s t i c u p b r i n g i n g , i t would be d i f f i c u l t to imagine - 11 -the subsequent course of his career without his involvement in the production of the f i r s t polychrome p r i n t s . The p o p u l a r i t y of t h i s new a r t form, i t seems, determined that the a r t i s t f o r t u n a t e enough to be the f i r s t major exponent of the new technique would a c h i e v e , a p o p u l a r i t y of s i m i l a r p r o p o r t i o n . Between 1765 and h i s death in 1770, Harunobu's a r t , l i k e the polychrome p r i n t , a t t r a c t e d an immense popular f o l l o w i n g . Like no a r t i s t before him and very few a f t e r , his s t y l e s i n g u l a r l y dominated the Ukiyo-e t r a d i t i o n . 1 8 Given Harunobu's p o p u l a r i t y , i t seems i n e v i t a b l e that his a r t would draw the a t t e n t i o n of f o r g e r s . No doubt, h i s premature and untimely death in 1770 provided the g r e a t e s t stimulus f o r the issuance of spurious p r i n t s b e a r i n g h i s s i g n a t u r e . Between 1890 and 1892 the w r i t i n g s of many old authors were compiled and published under the t i t l e Hyakka Setsurin.19 Volume One contained a piece e n t i t l e d Shumparo Hikki^O w r i t t e n by Shiba K"5*kan (1747-1818). Inserted i n t o t h i s piece was a s e c t i o n e n t i t l e d Kokan KT5kai Ki which, as the t i t l e i m p l i e s , was a record of the r e g r e t s the author had about his l i f e . A short passage from t h i s s e c t i o n reads as f o l l o w s : When I grew up I studied under Kan~o" Hisanobu (Furonobu). But, f e e l i n g tha Japanese p a i n t i n g was too commonplace I l a t e r studied under So S h i s e k i . At that time the Ukiyo-e master known as Suzuki Harunobu was marvellous at d e p i c t i n g the manners and customs of women of the day. When he was past his f o r t i e t h year he suddenly f e l l i l l and d i e d . I myself drew i m i t a t i o n s (ni semono) of these [ p i c t u r e s - 12 -of h i s ] ; and, when they were cut and p r i n t e d , there was nobody who c a l l e d them ni semono, and the world at la r g e took me to be Harunobu. Fowever since I was not Harunobu, I did not f o l l o w him a b j e c t l y but, tak i n g the art-name Harushige, I drew the beauties of our own country with the c o l o r technique of such Chinese a r t i s t s as Qiu Ying and Zhou Chen. For a p i c t u r e of the summer months, I painted a [woman whose] body was v i s i b l e through a t h i n d r e s s , a f t e r the manner of Chinese p a i n t i n g s ; and f o r a p i c t u r e of the winter months, a r u s t i c house surrounded by bamboos, a garden with a stone l a n t e r n , e t c . , shading with pale pink ink the snow which covers those o b j e c t s , l i k e the treatment of snow in Chinese p a i n t i n g s . It was about t h i s time that there came i n t o use the object known as b i n s a s h i f o r the h a i r of women, which led to a compleTe change in the s t y l e of c o i f f u r e . This f a s h i o n I p o r t r a y e d , and my p i c t u r e s became very popular. However, as I was a f r a i d that I would l o s e my good name by these p i c t u r e s , I painted them no more.2* This c o n f e s s i o n by Shiba Kcfkan that he had made i m i t a t i o n s of Harunobu's p r i n t s i n i t i a t e d among Ukiyo-e s c h o l a r s a long-r u n n i n g , at times heated and, as y e t , unresolved c o n t r o v e r s y , which i t s e l f has many f a c e t s . Often questioned i s the accuracy of Kokan's w r i t i n g s , p a r t i c u l a r l y the Shumparo Hi kki , an account of his l i f e i n t o which the K(?kan K'Skai Ki was i n s e r t e d . Although he may have worked on i t over a pe r i o d of time, t h i s manuscript was completed in 1811, meaning that many of the events Kokan de s c r i b e d in i t occurred long before he reported them. There has been a natural i n c l i n a t i o n on the part of s c h o l a r s to question the r e l i a b i l i t y of such a document, but in Kokan's ca s e , any s u s p i c i o n s one has about the S h u m p a r"5 H i k k i are compounded by h i s often demonstrated arrogance and propensity - 13 -to make himself seem more important than he a c t u a l l y was. In one of many such passages from his d i a r y , KcFkan w r i t e s : From my youth I was determined to become famous. I wanted to l e a r n some a r t f o r which I would be so well known that my name would be remembered long a f t e r my d e a t h .2 2 From t h i s and other s i m i l a r passages, one could conclude tha t Kokan was a person w i l l i n g to become a f o r g e r in order to achieve a s i g n i f i c a n t spot in h i s t o r y , but at the same time, i t i s p o s s i b l e to question the c o n f e s s i o n i t s e l f . The p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t Kokan simply concocted the whole story of the f o r g e r i e s has no doubt occurred to a l l the s c h o l a r s who have addressed the q u e s t i o n . Although no other documents e x i s t to v e r i f y the accuracy of the Kokan Kokai K i , the f a c t remains that there are a number of p r i n t s bearing the s i g n a t u r e of an a r t i s t c a l l i n g h imself Harushige. These not only resemble the C h i n e s e - s t y l e p a i n t i n g s d e s c r i b e d by K'okan, but they are s t y l i s t i c a l l y s i m i l a r to some p r i n t s signed Harunobu. In s h o r t , a r t h i s t o r i a n s , although they acknowledge the problems with Kokan's c o n f e s s i o n , have enough v i s u a l evidence to proceed as though i t were r e l i able . Besides Kcfkan's questionable honesty, i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of his c o n f e s s i o n at one time was f u r t h e r clouded by the ex i s t e n c e of a second v e r s i o n of the Kokan KcTkai Ki , published about the same time as Hyakka S e t s u r i n . The same c o n f e s s i o n quoted above appeared in a work e n t i t l e d Ukiyo Hennenshi. However, there was a small v a r i a t i o n in one phrase from which Arthur Waley, - 14 -then the c u r a t o r of Asian a r t at the B r i t i s h Museum, concluded that Kokan and Harushige were not the same person. Although t h i s c o n c l u s i o n would have e f f e c t i v e l y negated much of the s t y l i s t i c comparisons made by Ukiyo-e s c h o l a r s , these s c h o l a r s have now unanimously agreed that Waley was wrong. His l i n e of reasoning was too convoluted to be accepted, and the sharp r e b u t t a l i t e l i c i t e d from Ko'j i ro" Tomita, then the c u r a t o r of the Japanese c o l l e c t i o n at the Boston Museum of Fine A r t s , was so overwhelmingly sound that Waley's ideas have since been r e l e g a t e d to the footnotes of most contemporary sc h o l a r s h i p . 2 3 Like any t r a n s l a t i o n of o l d Japanese t e x t s , the Ko"kan Kok a i K i i s surrounded by questions regarding i t s p r e c i s e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . These questions have given r i s e to another i n t e r e s t i n g f a c e t of t h i s i s s u e . From the r e l a t i v e l y l i t t l e that K"okan said in his c o n f e s s i o n , a chronology of events has been r e c o n s t r u c t e d that has profound i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r much of the comparative v i s u a l a n a l y s i s done by recent s c h o l a r s . According to t r a d i t i o n a l consensus the order of the events i s as f o l l o w s : (1) Harunobu died i n 1770, (2) Kokan made f o r g e r i e s of his p r i n t s and signed them Harunobu, (3) KcTkan had re g r e t s about being a f o r g e r and changed his name to Harushige, (4) he then produced works under that pseudonym, and (5) about the time the h a i r s t y l e s changed, he abandoned t h i s s t y l e of p a i n t i n g a l t o g e t h e r . In terms of v e r i f i a b l e f a c t , the f i r s t and l a s t steps of t h i s c h r o n o l o g i c a l sequence are sound. The K"okan Ko"kai K i , the - 15 -Nishikawa family r e c o r d s , and the sudden drop in production of hi s p r i n t s v e r i f y the year of Harunobu's demise to be about 1770. The change in h a i r s t y l e that KcTkan mentioned occurred around 1774 and can be s u b s t a n t i a t e d by the appearance of b i n s a s h i in p r i n t s and p a i n t i n g s from that p e r i o d . If one accepts the c r e d i b i l i t y of the Kokan K*7kai Ki , and l i k e a l l other s c h o l a r s , I do, then one must acknowledge that the events d e s c r i b e d by steps two, t h r e e , and four of the above sequence did in f a c t occur. However, i t has been the contention of some s c h o l a r s that some or a l l of the p r i n t s signed Harushige may have been produced while Harunobu was a l i v e . 24 in other words, the chronology i m p l i e d by K"o~kan's c o n f e s s i o n may be open to some i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . This c l a i m i s based on the fundamental assumption that Kokan was at one time a student of Harunobu. Evidence f o r t h i s comes p r i m a r i l y from a passage in the Ukiyo-e RuikT"2 5 which s t a t e s that Harunobu had a d i s c i p l e who t r a v e l l e d to Nagasaki and learned Dutch ( European-style) painting.26 C e r t a i n l y t h i s d e s c r i p t i o n , sparse as i t i s , f i t s Shiba Kokan, f o r a f t e r numerous attempts in a number of d i f f e r e n t s t y l e s , 2 7 he e v e n t u a l l y achieved the fame he sought as a Western-style a r t i s t . This l i t e r a r y source i s not the only evidence for the e x i s t e n c e of a r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two men. Indeed, a number of a d d i t i o n a l arguments e x i s t . F i r s t , the p r i n t s and p a i n t i n g s signed Harushige reveal a remarkable s i m i l a r i t y to Harunobu's a r t . F u r t h e r , the choice of the name, Harushige, - 16 -may i n d i c a t e that he r e c e i v e d i t from Harunobu in that i t was common f o r the students of a prominent a r t i s t to adopt a name which contained a reference to t h e i r t e a c h e r . There i s , in a d d i t i o n , one Harushige p r i n t which d e p i c t s a group of courtesans admiring a Harunobu p r i n t , the i m p l i c a t i o n being that t h i s p r i n t - w i t h i n - a - p r i n t format was a way of paying t r i b u t e to one's teacher.28 / \n cj f i n a l l y , the Kokan Kokai Ki i s the only record of Harunobu's death, other than the Nishikawa fa m i l y diary.29 i f o n e accepts the r e l i a b i l i t y of the Ukiyo-e Ruiko", and ignores the f a c t that any c l e v e r f o r g e r could have manipulated the other evidence, then perhaps there i s some j u s t i f i c a t i o n to accept the r e s u l t i n g i m p l i c a t i o n that the Harushige p r i n t s may have been produced under Harunobu's t u t e l a g e . My f e e l i n g s toward t h i s issue are ambivalent. How or when Kokan acquired the s k i l l to produce his f o r g e r i e s changes l i t t l e the f a c t that f o r g e r i e s do e x i s t , and i t i s those f o r g e r i e s which are the concern of t h i s t h e s i s . C. S t y l i s t i c and C a l l i g r a p h i c C r i t e r i a f o r Determin ing Kokan ' s F o r g e r i e s If there i s any consensus among Harunobu s c h o l a r s as to which of the many p r i n t s bearing Harunobu's sign a t u r e are f o r g e r i e s issued by Shiba Krikan, then i t can best be repre-sented by the f o l l o w i n g comments of Jack H i l l i e r and David Waterhouse. To c l a r i f y t h e i r remarks I have provided i l l u s t r a -t i o n s of the f o r g e r i e s as well as some comparative m a t e r i a l . A c c o r d i n g l y , each comment i s accompanied by some v i s u a l - 17 -a n a l y s i s which represents a summation of the s t y l i s t i c c r i t e r i a t hat these s c h o l a r s have used to determine authorship of the s u s p i c i o u s p r i n t s . In r eference to Figu r e 5, Jack H i l l i e r s t a t e s : The exaggerated p e r s p e c t i v e of the fence, the h a i r s t y l e s and the form of the sig n a t u r e have been more or l e s s u n i v e r s a l l y accepted as confirming t h i s to be a p r i n t by Shiba Kokan, the acknowledged for g e r of Harunobu's s i g n a t u r e .30 This p r i n t , which i s sometimes t i t l e d Making a Snowball, i s o f t e n compared with Harunobu's s i m i l a r l y conceived p r i n t e n t i t l e d The Snow Dog, Figure 6, as well as with an i l l u s t r a -t i o n from a book e n t i t l e d Ehon Haru n o N i s h i k i ( P i c t u r e Book: The Brocades of S p r i n g ) , i l l u s t r a t e d in Figure 7.31 A compara-t i v e a n a l y s i s of the t a l l e r woman in each of these p r i n t s r e v e a l s that Harunobu's women have a curvaceous or sinuous p o s t u r e . The woman in the assumed forgery i s s t i f f in compari-son. She i s also quite t h i n compared with the other two, p a r t i c u l a r l y about the knees. This thin-kneed q u a l i t y i s common i n most of Harushige's p r i n t s and can be seen, f o r example, in Figure 8, The Moon in the Gay Quarters at Shi nagawa. Such a q u a l i t y i s rare in Harunobu's d e s i g n s . For these reasons and because Figure 5 i s a composite of motifs and gestures taken from Harunobu's p r i n t s of s i m i l a r c o n c e p t i o n , i t i s considered a fo r g e r y .32 The woman depicted in Figu r e 9, a p r i n t also considered a f o r g e r y , has a s i m i l a r thinness about the knees and can there-f o r e be a t t r i b u t e d to KTJTkan. This p r i n t a l s o i l l u s t r a t e s - 18 -another f e a t u r e of Kokan1s s t y l e . Although i t i s not always the c a s e , in many of his p r i n t s he shows a d i s c e r n i b l e lack of understanding of the s t r u c t u r e of the f o o t , a n k l e , and lower l e g . The leg i t s e l f i s g e n e r a l l y s t i f f e r than the more ana t o m i c a l l y c o r r e c t renderings in Harunobu's d e s i g n s . K"Jkan has an awkward way of j o i n i n g the top of the foot to the a n k l e . The morphological problems of the foot and ankle can be compared with another Harushige p r i n t e n t i t l e d The Archery Gal 1ery, F i g u r e 10. No such problems e x i s t in Harunobu's p r i n t s . On the c o n t r a r y , even a cursory look at any of his designs w i l l reveal h i s remarkable a b i l i t y to d e p i c t the foot c o r r e c t l y from any a n g l e . The t a l l e r woman in Figure 11 a l s o has the same thinness about the knees that Figures 5 and 9 have, but she has another anatomical p e c u l i a r i t y found in Harushige's p r i n t s . Figure 12, The Fukagawa B r o t h e l , d e p i c t s two women opening a s h~5~j i . The t a l l e r of the two i s standing with her weight p r i m a r i l y on her r i g h t l e g while the l e f t l eg i s about to swing past the weight-bearing l e g . The pendulating leg i s much longer than the r i g h t l e g . This p e c u l i a r i t y can be seen as well in F i g u r e 8 d i s c u s -sed above. Although Figure 11 does not d e p i c t the pendulating l e g , the shape of the drapery i m p l i e s that i t too would be ana-• t o m i c a l l y i n c o r r e c t and, as such, most l i k e l y a f o r g e r y . David Waterhouse has made reference to Figure 13 on two o c c a s i o n s . He s t a t e s : - 19 -. . . a p r i n t in Toronto, with i t s experimental use of Western p e r s p e c t i v e , marks the t r a n s i t i o n to the use of the Harushige s i g n a t u r e , though i t i s s t i l l signed Harunobu.33 In a d d i t i o n , he comments that : The sharply receding p e r s p e c t i v e , the angle of the kamuro's head, the c o l o u r i n g and the form of the s i g n a t u r e are a l l u n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c even of Harunobu's l a s t manner. It may t h e r e f o r e be suggested that t h i s p r i n t i s one of the i m i t a t i o n s done by Shiba Ku"kan in the years immediately f o l l o w i n g Harunobu's death.34 According to Waterhouse, KcTkan, in what appears to have been a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c problem f o r him, once again misunderstood the anatomical l i m i t s of the human form. The kamuro's head has been tw i s t e d backward to an i n c o n c e i v a b l e p o i n t . Furthermore, i t appears as i f i t were set haphazardly atop the neck. From the above d i s c u s s i o n , which presented a summary of the analyses of other s c h o l a r s , i t i s apparent that the anatomical i r r e g u l a r i t i e s in Figures 5, 9, 11, and 13 make these p r i n t s the most l i k e l y .candidates f o r f o r g e r i e s . How-eve r , these i r r e g u l a r i t i e s are not present in every one of these p r i n t s . Figure 13, for example, shows none of the t h i n -ness about the knees found in the other f o r g e r i e s . In c e r t a i n p r i n t s , the drapery covers some of the women's ankles and f e e t , thus obscuring any s t r u c t u r a l i r r e g u l a r i t i e s that might other-wise be v i s i b l e . This matter i s complicated f u r t h e r by the f a c t that the q u a l i t i e s being used to d i s c e r n KcTkan's hand are not present in a l l of h i s p r i n t s signed Harushige. There i s c o n s i d e r a b l e v a r i a t i o n among those p r i n t s , and as we have seen, some show the same f a u l t s found in the f o r g e r i e s while others - 20 -r e v e a l , on o c c a s i o n , a sound per c e p t i o n of the human form. It i s f o r t u n a t e that the p r i n t s assigned to Kokan based on anatomical i r r e g u l a r i t i e s have other p e c u l i a r i t i e s that support such a t t r i b u t i o n s . Both H i l l i e r and Waterhouse mentioned the form of the si g n a t u r e as being another i n d i c a t o r of the hand of Kokan. A comparison of a number of examples of the signatures of both a r t i s t s r e v e a l s two main d i f f e r e n c e s . For the sake of compari-son Figure 14 i s a Ko"kan forgery of Harunobu's s i g n a t u r e , while Harunobu's s t y l e can be seen in Figure 15. In the c h a r a c t e r f o r the s y l l a b l e haru ( ^ ) , i t was Harunobu's p r a c t i c e to i n s c r i b e the t h i r d h o r i z o n t a l stroke ) in such a way as to leave an opening between i t and the two i n t e r s e c t i n g diagonal s t r o k e s . This gave that c h a r a c t e r a broader, squarish c o n f i g u r a t i o n , q u i t e d i f f e r e n t from the corresponding c h a r a c t e r in Harushige's p r i n t s and some of the f o r g e r i e s . KcTkan u s u a l l y made the c h a r a c t e r t a l l e r by r a i s i n g that t h i r d h o r i z o n t a l stroke to c o i n c i d e with the i n t e r s e c t i o n of the two diagonals ( 7^ ) . No opening i s l e f t between i t and the i n t e r s e c t i n g d i a g o n a l s . There are some n o t i c e a b l e d i f f e r e n c e s as well in the way Kokan formed the c h a r a c t e r ga. ( \1L' ) • In the p r i n t s he signed Harushige as well as in h i s f o r g e r i e s , he sometimes omitted the c e n t r a l v e r t i c a l stroke so as to leave the top and the bottom h o r i z o n t a l strokes unconnected from the c e n t r a l element of the c o n f i g u r a t i o n ( )• On rare occasions Harunobu would f a i l to - 21 -connect the top stroke i n the same manner, but on a l l h i s p r i n t s the bottom stroke i s connected ( L ^ l ) . Based on t h i s c a l l i g r a p h i c a n a l y s i s , the a t t r i b u t i o n of Figures 5, 9, 11, and 13 to Kokan i s c o r r o b o r a t e d . D. Compos i t iona l C r i t e r i a Besides the s t y l i s t i c and c a l l i g r a p h i c f e a t u r e s of the f o r g e r i e s which helped s c h o l a r s to support such an a t t r i b u t i o n , by f a r the most n o t i c e a b l e d i f f e r e n c e between these p r i n t s and a u t h e n t i c Harunobu designs i s the use of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e by Kokan to d e p i c t the background elements of the composition. H i l l i e r and Waterhouse r e f e r to t h i s , as do a l l other s c h o l a r s who have addressed t h i s i s s u e . Indeed, the presence of t h i s p i c t o r i a l device in a p r i n t bearing the Harunobu sign a t u r e and f i g u r a l s t y l e has come to be regarded as the singlemost r e l i -able i n d i c a t o r of the work of Shiba KcFkan. Since understanding the mechanics of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e and what they demand of the a r t i s t who i s using them i s fundamental to the argument of t h i s t h e s i s , i t i s a p p r o p r i a t e here to d e s c r i b e and define t h i s term as i t r e l a t e s to the a r t of Harunobu and his f o r g e r . Figure 9 has been chosen as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e example of the f o r g e r i e s . Much of what i s to be s a i d about i t w i l l apply to the other f o r g e r i e s ( F i g u r e 5, 11, and 13), although in some instances to a l e s s e r degree. - 22 -On the most basic l e v e l , that of subject or theme, Figure 9 f i t s well w i t h i n Harunobu's most common venue, the b e a u t i f u l lady p r i n t . By f a r the bulk of his n i s h i k i-e d e p i c t the women of hi s day, and a c c o r d i n g l y his choice of subject i s always given prominence w i t h i n the o v e r a l l d e s i g n . In t h i s f o r g e r y , the human f i g u r e i s s i t u a t e d c l o s e to the p i c t u r e p l a n e , in much the same way as f i g u r e s appear in Harunobu's works. Apart from t h i s , however, the compositional s t r u c t u r e of the p r i n t possesses c e r t a i n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that are r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t from what i s considered Harunobu's compositional norm. That d i f f e r e n c e l i e s p r i m a r i l y in the manner in which the a r c h i t e c -t u r a l motifs have been d e p i c t e d . The l i n e s that Ko*kan used to d e l i n e a t e the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t r u c t u r e , and which begin at the p i c t u r e plane and recede i n t o the d i s t a n c e , converge as that r e c e s s i o n moves toward the horizon l i n e . Apart from a few d i s c r e p a n c i e s , i f those l i n e s were extended past the bounds of the m o t i f , they would i n t e r -sect at the same point on the h o r i z o n . KTTkan has created the i l l u s i o n of depth in t h i s p r i n t using the v i s u a l system commonly defined as l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e . To be s u c c e s s f u l with l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , the a r t i s t must choose one s t a t i o n a r y p o s i t i o n from which he observes and d e p i c t s the e n t i r e scene. In these p r i n t s , that vantage point i s s i t u a t e d at the same l e v e l as the horizon l i n e . The p o s i -t i o n of the vantage point in t h i s p r i n t i s r e l a t i v e l y low in terms of the v e r t i c a l dimensions of the d e s i g n , so much so that - 23 -the roof of the s t r u c t u r e dominates the upper h a l f of the com p o s i t i o n . This low vantage point e f f e c t i v e l y predetermines tha t the ground plane w i l l recede almost h o r i z o n t a l l y i n t o the d i s t a n c e . L i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e c r e a t e s the i l l u s i o n of depth on a two dimensional s u r f a c e , but the a r t i s t must maintain that i l l u s i o n i n the e n t i r e c o m p o s i t i o n . To that end, the r e c e s s i o n to the d i s t a n t h o r i z o n , as i t i s define d at f i r s t in the a r c h i t e c t u r a l m o t i f s , must be supported by a s i m i l a r r e c e s s i o n in the background landscape. KTJkan used the same f i x e d vantage point to d e p i c t the landscape. His motifs overlap as i f one i s in f r o n t of the o t h e r , and they diminish in s i z e and c l a r i t y as they get f a r t h e r away from the p i c t u r e plane. By applying these p r i n c i p l e s , his compositional design bears a c l o s e resemblance to o p t i c a l r e a l i t y . By c o n t r a s t , Harunobu's p r i n t s do not use t h i s type of d e s i g n . For the most p a r t , his a r c h i t e c t u r a l motifs are viewed and d e p i c t e d from above, as seen f o r example in Figure 16. This type of composition i s known as a b i r d ' s-eye-v i ew or a e r i a l p e r s p e c t i v e , and a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c common to these i s the angle at which the ground plane t i l t s v e r t i c a l l y toward the p i c t u r e plane. The t i l t of the ground plane gives the viewer the sensation that the f u r n i t u r e and the f i g u r e s i n s i d e the s t r u c t u r e could c o n c e i v a b l y s l i d e down to the bottom of the d e s i g n . - 24 -Much the same design was used by Harunobu in e x t e r i o r scenes as w e l l . Figure 17 d e p i c t s two l o v e r s at the shore of an i r i s pond that i s spanned by a simple plank b r i d g e . Like the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t r u c t u r e in Figure 16, the s e t t i n g in which the s u b j e c t i s placed has been dep i c t e d from a b i r d ' s - e y e vantage p o i n t . The ground plane has i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c v e r t i c a l t i l t which prevents any a p p r e c i a b l e d i s t a n t view. It i s p a r t i c u l a r l y e v i d e n t i n t h i s p r i n t that Harunobu s h i f t e d his vantage p o i n t to accommodate a more d i r e c t f r o n t a l view of the f i g u r e s . In Figure 16, the a r c h i t e c t u r a l i n t e r i o r , much the same s h i f t in vantage point i s apparent i n s o f a r as the standing f i g u r e and the young c a l l i g r a p h e r are concerned. However, the t h i r d f i g u r e in that p r i n t , the g i r l k neeling to the side of the desk, has been depicted in the same way as the s e t t i n g , as i f she were viewed from above. Figures 16 and 17 are only two of many Harunobu p r i n t s , and as one would expect, they do not represent a l l the composi-t i o n a l types he worked w i t h . There are many s i m i l a r to Figure 1, the calendar p r i n t d iscussed e a r l i e r , in which Harunobu's female s u b j e c t s are placed in the very s i m p l e s t of s e t t i n g s . One notes in Figure 1 that the ground plane i s comparatively l e v e l , and even though there i s ample room to d e p i c t a deep r e c e s s i o n , the a r t i s t l i m i t e d his a t t e n t i o n to the foreground o n l y . Figure 18 on the other hand d e p i c t s in the background a landscape of a c o n s i d e r a b l y deep v i s t a . The ground plane i s f a i r l y l e v e l , but the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s e t t i n g in the foreground - 25 -has been conceived in a e r i a l p e r s p e c t i v e . This type of d e s i g n , composed of two juxtaposed views, i s common among Harunobu's p r i n t s . Despite t h i s v a r i e t y of compositional t y p e s , there are v i r t u a l l y no Harunobu designs which possess the s i n g l e united v i s u a l system of Kokan's f o r g e r i e s , nor are there any that d e p i c t the a r c h i t e c t u r e according to the p r i n c i p l e s of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i ve. 35 This i s p r e c i s e l y why Figures 5, 9, 11, and 1(3 are considered f o r g e r i e s . What r e q u i r e s f u r t h e r examination i s , the r e l a t i o n s h i p of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e with the a r t of Shiba Kokan. E. The Issue The process by which the concept of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e came to be a s s o c i a t e d with the p r i n t s of Harunobu's f o r g e r , Shiba K"okan, i s the t o p i c with which t h i s t h e s i s i s p r i m a r i l y concerned. It i s d i f f i c u l t at t h i s point to provide a h i s t o r y of t h i s process f o r the reason that much of what I w i l l argue may change e x i s t i n g views. Nonetheless i t i s important to understand that l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e was in wide p r a c t i c e in European a r t but nonexistent i n Japanese a r t before the e a r l y / < 1740's.3 6 Speaking in only the broadest g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , I' Japanese a r t at that time did not express the same concern f o r r e p r e s e n t i n g the world in the o p t i c a l l y r e a l i s t i c manner found in European a r t . The concept of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e was an imported European i d e a , and l i k e European a r t in general i t was admired, experimented w i t h , p r a c t i s e d , and taught by a very - 2 6 -s e l e c t few Japanese a r t i s t s who, f o r a v a r i e t y of reasons, found i t worthy of t h e i r a t t e n t i o n . Shiba Kokan was one such i n d i v i d u a l . Working from the d e s c r i p t i o n s he found in books, he reproduced the copper-plate e t c h i n g p r o c e s s , which at that time was unknown in Japan. He took a s i m i l a r i n t e r e s t in o i l p a i n t i n g , a l s o a f o r e i g n i d e a , and produced a number of European-looking works. Of note also was h i s t r e a t i s e on Western a r t e n t i t l e d Seiyo"ga Dan ( D i s c u s s i o n of Western P a i n t i n g ) . His etchings and his p a i n t i n g s made use of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e as a compositional device and his t r e a t i s e e x t o l l e d the v i r t u e s of Western techniques while c r i t i c i z i n g the t r a d i t i o n a l v i s u a l a e s t h e t i c s of Japan. Before K"Jkan1 s time, there were but a few i s o l a t e d i n stances in which the concepts of European a r t found expression in Japanese p a i n t i n g t r a d i t i o n s . By comparison, his voluminous outpouring of a r t and theory gives one the impression that the f l o o d g a t e s had opened. Looking back from our twentieth-century vantage p o i n t , hi s r o l e in the W e s t e r n i z a t i o n of Japanese a r t appears both c e n t r a l and monumental. \ Wn'th his r e p u t a t i o n as a man of European l e a r n i n g , i t i s easy to see why any p r i n t in the Harunobu s t y l e which shows tr a c e s of Western i n f l u e n c e would be assumed to be h i s . Although t h i s seems a reasonable assumption, there i s r e a l l y no j u s t i f i a b l e l o g i c to i t . Ko"kan's f i r s t e t c h i n g was produced i n 1783,37 hi s f i r s t o i l p a i n t i n g appeared in the 1780's,3 8 and his t r e a t i s e was w r i t t e n i n 1799.3 9 A l l these - 27 -accomplishments, monumental as they were, occurred long a f t e r Harunobu's death i n 1770. The connection between Shiba KcTkan, the Western-style a r t i s t , and the l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e in his f o r g e r i e s cannot be supported by the r e p u t a t i o n he acquired ten years a f t e r he produced those spurious p r i n t s . It i s reason-able to assume that his i n t e r e s t in European a r t began sometime before he reached the point of being able to produce etchings and o i l p a i n t i n g s , and indeed, there i s evidence to support t h i s notion.40 However, i f he produced his f o r g e r i e s during the p e r i o d of his formative i n t r o d u c t i o n to European-derived, l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , i t i s e n t i r e l y p o s s i b l e that the i n f l u e n c e he was r e c e i v i n g a l s o a f f e c t e d Harunobu. Furthermore, i f Western-style l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e i s indeed a unique composi-t i o n a l element i n d i c a t i v e of the hand of Shiba Ko"kan, why would he, a c t i n g with the i n t e n t of f o r g i n g the p r i n t s of Harunobu, int r o d u c e to those f o r g e r i e s something t o t a l l y f o r e i g n to Harunobu's s t y l e ? The i n t e r n a l l o g i c of the h i s t o r i c a l events r e q u i r e s that we c o n s i d e r Harunobu's art as a product of the same environment that a f f e c t e d his f o r g e r . Perhaps not a l l of the p r i n t s bearing Harunobu's s i g n a t u r e which contain elements r e m i n i s c e n t of the i n f l u e n c e of European-style a r t are f o r g e r i e s . The i n t e n t of t h i s t h e s i s i s to reevaluate the v a l i d i t y of using l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e as an i n d i c a t o r of the hand .of Shiba ICokan. Although the opinions of some s c h o l a r s have been s c r u t i n i z e d , the argument presented below i s not a c r i t i c i s m of - 28 -t h e i r e f f o r t s . The c o n c l u s i o n s they have reached regarding the f o r g e r i e s p r e v i o u s l y d i s c u s s e d are sound. Their s t y l i s t i c and c a l l i g r a p h i c analyses provide s u f f i c i e n t cause in themselves to suspect the authorship of those p r i n t s . However, the e x c l u s i -v i t y with which they use the l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e c r i t e r i o n may not extend to a l l the p r i n t s of that p a r t i c u l a r compositional and s t y l i s t i c c o n f i g u r a t i o n . E n t i t l i n g t h i s work "Harunobu: An Ukiyo-e A r t i s t Who Experimented with Western S t y l e Art" c l e a r l y i m p l i e s that I w i l l do more than reassess the problem of a few f o r g e r i e s . I w i l l argue that at times Harunobu himself worked under the i n f l u e n c e of Western a r t . Evidence to support t h i s view w i l l be p resented, and the i m p l i c a t i o n s of t h i s evidence w i l l be d i s c u s s e d . The sources from which Harunobu derived his i n s p i r a t i o n w i l l become c e n t r a l in p l a c i n g his art within the wider context of h i s generation's encounter with European c u l t u r e . Thus, while addressing the s p e c i f i c i ssue of the Kokan f o r g e r i e s , t h i s t h e s i s i s a l s o concerned with the wider is s u e of We s t e r n - s t y1 e a r t in Japan. - 29 -N O T E S C H A P T E R 1 1 Quoted from Jack H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunobu: A n E x h i b i t i o n of His C o l o u r - P r i n t s a n d l l l u s t r a t e d Books on the Occasi on of the Bicentenary o f ' His Death i n 17 7TJ ( P h i l adel phi a: Ph i l a del phi a Museum oT A r t , 1970) , p~. 10. Hereafter r e f e r r e d to as H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunobu. 2 T r a d i t i o n a l l y , Western a r t h i s t o r i a n s have t r a n s l a t e d the term ni s h i k i - e as "brocade p i c t u r e s , " but t h i s has led many to be1ieve that the a r t i s t s of Harunobu's time chose t h i s name to l i k e n t h e i r p r i n t s to colo u r s and textures of brocade f a b r i c s . In f a c t , the f i r s t use of the term in reference to woodblocks occurred i n 1771 in the t i t l e of a book Ehon Haru no N i s h i k i ( P i c t u r e Book of Spring Brocades! i l l u s t r a t e d by Harunobu but published a f t e r his death. The word n i s h i k i here was probably borrowed from the t i t l e of a book p u b l i shed i n Kyoto i n 1739 by Sukenobu e n t i t l e d H a n a Mus ubu N i s h i k i-e (Brocade P i c t u r e Entwined with Flowers) which was an i n s t r u c t i o n a l manual teaching the h a n d i c r a f t p r a c t i s e d widely by women of the time in which a p i c t u r e was made by g l u i n g shaped pieces of coloure d c l o t h on a drawing. An a l t e r n a t i v e argument, presented i n David Waterhouse, Harunobu and His Age. The Devel opment of Col our P r i n t i n g Tn Japan (Londo"n~: B r i t i s h Museum, 1964T~] TI ( h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d to as Waterhouse, Harunobu and His Age), points out that two e r o t i c books from China had Tn t h e i r t i t l e s the ch a r a c t e r f o r the word g i n , which t r a n s l a t e s as brocade. Whether the w r i t e r s of the time had r e f e r r e d to these books i s as yet unanswered. It should be noted as well that the e a r l y references to polychrome p r i n t s often c a l l e d them Azuma n i s h i k i-e (Brocade p i c t u r e s of the East) perhaps to e s t a b l i s h t h e i r i d e n t i t y with Edo, the Eastern c a p i t a l . 3 This statement i s accurate in a general sense in that i t r e f e r s to Ukiyo-e a r t i s t s . There a r e , however, quite a v a r i e t y of i l l u s t r a t e d books, datable to the e a r l y part of the eighteenth c e n t u r y , which were p r i n t e d in several c o l o u r s . These are de s c r i b e d at length in Waterhouse, Harunobu and His Age, p. 18. I think i t i s proper to maintain a d i s t i n c t i o n between these and the polychrome p r i n t s issued w i t h i n the context of the Ukiyo-e t r a d i t i o n . It i s c l e a r in l i t e r a r y sources from the time (mid-eighteenth c e n t u r y ) , some of which are discussed below, that the i n c e p t i o n of polychrome p r i n t i n g was a h i s t o r i c -a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t event, brought about by the e f f o r t s of people connected to the Ukiyo-e t r a d i t i o n , in a manner independent of the precedents discussed by Waterhouse. - 30 -4 There seem to be a number of c o n f l i c t i n g viewpoints regarding t h i s d i s c o v e r y . One group of w r i t e r s , which i n c l u d e s Bakin (1767-1848) and Kitamura Nobuyo (d. 1856), a s s e r t s that "a wood-block c u t t e r named Kinroku had a ta l k with a p r i n t e r . They devised something which would f i x the alignment on the woodblocks, and f or the f i r s t time produced p r i n t i n g in four or f i v e c o l o u r s . " Ota Nampo, and the compiler of the Ukiyo-e Ruiko" contended that a device c a l l e d a ken to- was invented 5y Demura Kichiemon in 1744. This d e v i c e , which c o n s i s t e d of marks carved i n t o the corners of the blocks enabled the c o r r e c t r e g i s t r a t i o n of the paper as i t was passed from block to b l o c k . This c o n t r o v e r s y was discussed at length by Waterhouse in Harunobu and His Age, p. 15, but H i l l i e r , in Suzuki Harunobu, \T. mentions the s c h o l a r s h i p of Shi gek i c h i Mihara, who b e l i e v e d that the a r t i s a n s of the 1760's devised a small wedge c a l l e d a k u i k i which was i n s e r t e d between the k e n to and the paper in such a way as to account f o r the expansion of both the paper and the blocks as the wet pigments were a p p l i e d . 5 In the Anthology of Prose and Verse by Neboku Bunshu, w r i t t e n in 1767, there i s the f o l l o w i n g statement: ". . . in the manner of taking impressions of p r i n t s e v e r y t h i n g i s changed in the eastern c a p i t a l , the sheets col o u r e d with beni-e no longer f i n d a market. Harunobu d e p i c t s a l l s o r t s of men and women in the most elegant manner." This passage was taken from Jack H i l l i e r , The Japanese P r i n t : A New Approach (London: G. Bel l and Sons, 1960), p~. 62, h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d to a H i l l i e r , New Approach. The Harunobu entry in the Ukiyo-e R u i k'o i n c l u d e s t h i s passage: "From the beginnings of Meiwa he drew and put out Azuma n i s h i k i-e and was t h e i r o r i g i n a t o r at t h i s time." (Taken from Waterhouse, Harunobu and His Age, p. 16.) 6 This passage appeared i n i t i a l l y i n Kikuchi Sadao, Ukiyo-e (1975), 176. The t r a n s l a t i o n o f f e r e d here i s from Matthi F o r r e r , Egoyomi and Surimono: T h e i r H i s t o r y and Develop- ment (Vi thoorn: J.C. Gieben, 1979), p. 5. 7 According to H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunobu, p. 10, the i l l u s t r a t i o n s in Segen Shui are Tn £h~e s t y l e of Sukenobu, a Ky'oto a r t i s t wFo died Tn 1750 . Contemporary sch o l a r s agree unanimously that Harunobu's p r i n t s were derived from the Sukenobu s t y l e and that his major source of i n s p i r a -t i o n was Sukenobu's books. Perhaps s i m i l a r i n t e r e s t s in - 31 -Sukenobu brought Kyosen and Harunobu together sometime p r i o r to 1765. This seems a l i t t l e more than a c o i n c i -dence when one c o n s i d e r s as well the contention that the term n i s h i k i-e may have come from one of Sukenobu's books. See footnote 2, t h i s c h a p t e r , f o r more d e t a i l s . 8 Kyoka poetry i s w r i t t e n in the same form as the more t r a d i t i onal comic waka of the Heian p e r i o d . It i s , however, very much a product of the mid-Edo p e r i o d , in that i t was f i l l e d with the vulgar language commonly a s s o c i a t e d with the pleasure quarters of Edo. 9 Very l i t t l e i s known of the s t r u c t u r e and membership of the kyokaren, nor t h e i r reason, f o r commemorating the new year with such an event. The i n i t i a l event, held in 1765, was f o l l o w e d by a much smaller one i n 1766 . A f t e r that date, there are almost no extant dai sho" p r i n t s f o r almost a decade. 10 It was not a competition in the true sense of the word, but i t i s often d e s c r i b e d as such. 11 The dai sh"5~ p r i n t was not a new i d e a . There are a number of exampl es from e a r l i e r t i mes, but they appear only s p o r a d i c a l l y , in sharp c o n t r a s t to the l a r g e numbers da t i n g from 1765 and 1766. Matthi F o r r e r ' s Egoyomi and Surimono, p. 39, contains a l i s t of most of them. Ti Ts -arguabl e > why so many e x i s t from the Meiwa p e r i o d . Obviously, a calendar o u t l i v e s i t s usefulness at year's end, and many examples of e a r l i e r years could have been d i s c a r d e d . On the other hand, the f a c t that the Meiwa examples were so . i n n o v a t i v e could account for t h e i r p r e s e r v a t i o n over the l a s t two c e n t u r i e s . 12 In David Waterhouse, "Suzuki Harunobu: Some R e f l e c t i o n s on the Bicentenary of His Death (1970)," O r i e n t a l Art (Winter 1971), p. 345, the author d i s c u s s e l both the h i s t o r y of t h i s viewpoint and the main examples which help to s u b s t a n t i a t e i t . 13 Yoshikazu Hayashi , "Sukenobu kara Harunobu e no k e i f u , " Ukiyo-e, No. 11 (Tokyo, 1964). 14 Hoso-e r e f e r s to a type of p r i n t g e n e r a l l y measuring 12.5 i nches by 5.5 i n c h e s . 15. Margaret 0. G e n t l e s . The Clarence Buckingham C o l l e c t i o n o f J a p a n e s e P r i n t s . Harunobu, K o r y U s a i , Shigemasa. T h e i r Followers and Contemporaries^ Vol . TI (Chicago: The Art I n s t i t u t e 57 Chicago, 1965) , h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d to as G e n t l e s , AIC, i l l u s t r a t e s a number of Harunobu's e a r l y works. - 32 -16. An example of Kiyomitsu's landscape s t y l e can be seen in Waterhouse, Harunobu and His Age, p. 188. 17 H i l l i e r i n Suzuki Harunobu, p. 9, notes that many of Harunobu's e a r l y p r i n t s bear the mark of a p u b l i s h e r named Suzuki. The i m p l i c a t i o n i s that he perhaps came from a family of p r i n t e r s . 18 See G e n t l e s , A.I.C. f o r a complete sampling of the works of Harunobu's contemporaries. 19 Hyakka S e t s u r i n (Tokyo: Yoshikawa KTTbunkan, 1892). 20 The o r i g i n a l manuscript of the Shumparo Hikki was in the possession of Kanda Takahira a nel was t r a n s c r i b e d f o r the Hyakka S e t s u r i n by "Otsuki ShTTji; i t can be found i n Volume 1, pp. 119-1187. 21 Every s c h o l a r who has confronted t h i s issue has o f f e r e d a t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s passage. The v a r i e t y i s immense, and the nuances each conveys are quite d i f f e r e n t . A f t e r comparing a number of v e r s i o n s with the o r i g i n a l and a number of r e w r i t e s in modern Japanese, I have compiled and e d i t e d them i n t o the form quoted here. The middle s e c t i o n , beginning with the word 'At' and ending with the word 'Ch'en" i s taken from David Waterhouse, "Suzuki Harunobu: Some R e f l e c t i o n s on the Bicentenary of His Death ( 1970)," O r i e n t a l Art (Winter ' 1971) , p. 348. The remainder i s from Kb" j i r~U Tomita, "Shiba KTTkan and Harushige I d e n t i c a l , " B u r l i n g t o n Magazine LV (1929), p. 67. 22 This passage was taken from C a l v i n French, Shiba KTTk a n A r t i s t , Innovator and Pioneer 'in the- W e s t e r n i z a t i o n of Japan (New York: Weatherh i 1 1 , 1974 ) , p~. Tfi~, h e r e a f t e r r e f e r r e d to as French, S h i b a K"ok a n. Other examples of Kokan's arrogance can be found on pa~ges 44, 51, and 114 of t h i s book. 23 The e n t i r e argument can be found in Arthur Waley, "Shiba K"5kan and Harushige not I d e n t i c a l , " B u r l i n g t o n Magazine L1 1 (1929), pp. 178, 183 and Koj i r"o Tomi t a , "ThTba K"5kan and Harushige I d e n t i c a l , " B u r l i n g t o n Magazine LV (1929), pp . 66-73. 24 Japanese s c h o l a r s seem more i n t e n t on d e a l i n g with t h i s i s s u e than do Western s c h o l a r s . See the f o l l o w i n g : Masanobu Hosono, "Harushige ni t s u i t e , " Museum (Toky'o K o k u r i t s u Haku Butsukan B i j u t s u S h i , No. 233"^ Aug. 1970 ) , pp. 22-29. Jo H i g u c h i , "Shiba Kokan (Harushige Gisaku) to Suzuki Harunobu," Bunka shi gaku, No. 42 (1986), pp. 22-41. - 33 -Much of what these authors b e l i e v e has been summarized in the t e x t of t h i s t h e s i s . 25 See the Hosono c i t a t i o n , footnote 24. 26 The o r i g i n s of Dutch or European-style a r t i n Japan i s one of the s u b j e c t s discussed at length in t h i s t h e s i s in a v a r i e t y of c o n t e x t s . For that reason I w i l l not define i t at t h i s p o i n t . It w i l l s u f f i c e to say that Kokan f i g u r e d prominently in i t s propagation through Japanese a r t . It should be noted here that when I speak of Western-styl e a r t I am r e f e r r i n g to m a t e r i a l created a f t e r the e x p u l s i o n of the C h r i s t i a n m i s s i o n a r i e s . Although i t i s true that they and t h e i r d i s c i p l e s produced Western-style a r t , i t went underground during the p e r s e c u t i o n and had no e f f e c t on the l a t e r developments. 27 The Kokan KTJkai ki c o n f e s s i o n quoted above accounts f o r three 57 the s t y l es he experimented w i t h , those being the KancT s t y l e , So" S h i s e k i ' s s t y l e and, of c o u r s e , the Ukiyo-e s t y l e. Most of h i s work has been reproduced in French, Shiba Kokan. 28 This p r i n t i s i l l u s t r a t e d in Higuchi ( f o o t n o t e 24), p. 36. 29 Higuchi ( f o o t n o t e 24) conducts an i n t e r p r e t i v e a n a l y s i s of Kokan K"o"kai ki , s t r e s s i n g the passages in which K"okan demonstrated some knowledge of Harunobu in such a way as to perhaps i n d i c a t e that he knew Harunobu p e r s o n a l l y . 30 Jack H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunobu, p. 219. 31 This book was published one year a f t e r Harunobu's death, but in the preface the author i n d i c a t e d that Harunobu was indeed the a r t i s t . See H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunobu, p. 23 5. 32 In his a n a l y s i s of Figure 1, H i l l i e r also mentioned that the h a i r s t y l e s in t h i s p r i n t were u n l i k e those in Harunobu's p r i n t s . As he did not s p e c i f y what these d i f f e r e n c e s were, I can only assume that he was r e f e r r i n g to what appear to be " s i d e l o c k s " j u s t above the e a r s . If he considered these to be s i m i l a r to the " s i d e l o c k s " supported by the b i n s a s h i of which Ko"kan spoke in his c o n f e s s i o n , then he was wrong, and a comparison of the h a i r s t y l e s in Figure 1 with Kokan's p a i n t i n g s w i l l reveal p r e c i s e l y how the appearance of these " s i d e l o c k s " changed when bi n s a s h i were used. 33 David Waterhouse, the Bicentenary of 1971), p. 349. "Suzuki Harunobu: Hi s Death (1970) ," Some R e f l e c t i o n s on O r i e n t a l Art (Winter - 34 -34 David Waterhouse, Images of Eighteenth Century Japan Ukiyoe P r i n t s from the S i r- Edmund Walker C o l l e c t i o n (Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1975 ) , p~! 145. 35 This statement may r e q u i r e r e v i s i o n once the evidence I w i l l present in subsequent chapters has been d i s c u s s e d . It i s ap p r o p r i a t e to leave i t unchanged here since i t represents a c c u r a t e l y the t h i n k i n g of most Harunobu s c h o l a r s . 36 The e a r l i e s t uses of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e in Japanese a r t w i l l be dis c u s s e d in su c c e s s i v e c h a p t e r s . Here, s u f f i c e i t to say that they were unr e l a t e d to Kokan1s f o r g e r i e s . 37 The f i r s t e tchings in Japan were produced by the J e s u i t m i s s i o n a r i e s in the e a r l y 1600's, but with t h e i r e x p u l s i o n from the c o u n t r y , the technique was l o s t . For the best d e s c r i p t i o n of the Dutch books KTJkan used, see Yo" Sugano, "The L i t e r a r y Source of the Etching Method of KcTkan Shiba," B i j u t s u Kenkyxr (No. 265 , Sept. 1969), p. 81 and (No. 266, Nov. 1969), p. 127. See as well a l a t e r a r t i c l e by the same author in the same j o u r n a l : "Dutch Book Korst Kabi net and Hakim's "Oranda DTyhan-e-hP" (No. 321, Sept. 1982), p. 1. The etchi n g i s e n t i t l e d View of Mimeguri and i s kept in the Kobe C i t y Museum. By 1784, KcTkan had not only improved h i s tec h n i q u e , but he had co n s t r u c t e d a camera obscura f o r viewing his e t c h i n g s . True to c h a r a c t e r , he wrote the f o l l o w i n g on the bottom of the v i e w i n g d e v i c e: "In 1783, he (meaning himself) succeeded in making a copperplate p i c t u r e . This technique i s a Western one and his engravings are the f i r s t ever made in Japan. A r t i s t s in the fu t u r e who plan to make copper p l a t e s , do not f o r g e t that Shiba Ko"kan made the f i r s t one." (Taken from French, Shiba Kokan, p. 44.) 38 The Kobe C i t y Museum has the l a r g e s t c o l l e c t i o n of K"o"kan o i l s . French i l l u s t r a t e s most of them in chapter 7 of Shiba KTJkan. 39 See French, Shiba Kirk an, Appendix I I I , p. 171 f o r a complete t r a n s l a t i on of Seiyoga Dan. 40 The f a c t that he made f o r g e r i e s with l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e s h o r t l y a f t e r Harunobu's death i s con v i n c i n g in i t s e l f . (The next two chapters w i l l explore his sources in d e t a i l . ) - 35 -A. The S i g n i f i c a n c e of Rangaku to the Spread of W e s t e r n - s t y l e A r t i n Japan In s t u d i e s of European i n f l u e n c e s on Edo p a i n t i n g , a r t h i s t o r i a n s i n e v i t a b l y widen the scope of t h e i r research to i n c l u d e some d i s c u s s i o n of rangaku (Dutch s t u d i e s ) and the impact t h i s movement had on the v i s u a l a r t s , and t h i s because much of the exposure to European a r t came as a d i r e c t r e s u l t of the trade r e l a t i o n s h i p between Japan and H o l l a n d . A good deal of s c h o l a r s h i p concerned with the o r i g i n s and development of Dutch s t u d i e s in Japan i s a v a i l a b l e , and a l i s t of the dominant l i t e r a t u r e on the s u b j e c t may be found in the b i b l i o g r a p h y . It i s not the i n t e n t here to reexamine t h i s m a t e r i a l but r a t h e r to d e s c r i b e some of the general c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of Dutch s t u d i e s as they r e l a t e , a l b e i t sometimes in only the most cu r s o r y manner, to Harunobu and h i s a r t . Dutch s t u d i e s , per s e , began in earnest a f t e r the Tokugawa regime c l o s e d the country to f o r e i g n e r s i n 1641. The s e r i e s of e d i c t s , u s u a l l y d e s c r i b e d by the term sakoku or the "c l o s e d country" p o l i c y was, f o r the most p a r t , a r e a c t i o n a g a i n s t the pre v i o u s decades of meddling by Portugese and Spanish mission-a r i e s . Only the Dutch among the European nation s were permit-ted a t i g h t l y s u p e r v i s e d access to Japan through the t i n y i s l a n d of Dejima, l o c a t e d in the Nagasaki harbour. Trading p r i v i l e g e s were granted to them because they did not p r o s e l y t i z e C h r i s t i a n i t y . - 36 -At the outset the concern of the rangakusha* (Dutch s c h o l a r s ) was d i r e c t e d p r i m a r i l y to the study of Dutch language, a n e c e s s i t y f o r the sake of trade but e q u a l l y important as a means of understanding European technology as i t was d e s c r i b e d in books brought to Japan. The Japanese q u i c k l y recognized the value of the Europeans' knowledge of astronomy, c a r t o g r a p h y , natural s c i e n c e , medicine, and the m i l i t a r y a r t s . Before long the government was a c t i v e l y promoting the p u r s u i t of European knowledge, and rangaku as a d i s c i p l i n e slowly acquired c r e d i b i l i t y as i t spread from Nagasaki to t h e ' r e s t of Japan. The term rangaku found i t s way i n t o common usage a f t e r Otsuki Gentaku published Rangaku K a i t e i ( I n t r o d u c t i o n to Dutch Studies) and Sugita Gempaku published Rangaku Koto Hajime (Facts About the Beginnings of Dutch Studies) in 1774. Both these p u b l i c a t i o n s appeared s h o r t l y a f t e r a monumental event in the course of the spread of Dutch s t u d i e s in Japan, that being the p u b l i c a t i o n of K a i t a i Shinsho (New Book on Anatomy) also authored by Sugita Gempaku in p a r t n e r s h i p with Maeno Rycftaku. These men, both t r a i n e d in Confucian medicine, had spent c o n s i d e r a b l e time in Nagasaki studying Dutch s u r g i c a l tech-n i q u e s . In 1771 they were granted permission to perform a d i s s e c t i o n on a corpse at the execution grounds in Edo. A f t e r comparing the corpse with the i l l u s t r a t i o n s in a Dutch medical t e x t ,2 they were so impressed with the accuracy of the i l l u s t r a t i o n s that they e n l i s t e d the help of many Dutch s c h o l a r s to t r a n s l a t e the book. K a i t a i Shinsho became the - 37 -f i r s t t r a n s l a t i o n of a European book to be published and c i r c u -l a t e d in Japan. The i l l u s t r a t o r of t h i s p u b l i c a t i o n , the a r t i s t Odano Naotake (1749-1780), made d e l i b e r a t e use of the technique of c h i a r o s c u r o to reproduce a c c u r a t e l y the i l l u s t r a -t i o n s from the Dutch t e x t . This technique of rendering objects in l i g h t and shadow in order to give them a r e a l i s t i c , three dimensional appearance, l i k e l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , was new to Japanese a r t . Odano acquired his knowledge of i t through the i n s t r u c t i o n of a Dutch s c h o l a r , Hiraga Gennai (1728-1780). Both Gennai and Naotake had a s i g n i f i c a n t i n f l u e n c e on Shiba K'okan's i n t r o d u c t i o n to European a r t , but there i s al s o a documentable connection between Gennai and Harunobu. Before t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p and i t s i m p l i c a t i o n s are e x p l o r e d , however, i t would be a p p r o p r i a t e to examine b r i e f l y some aspects of Gennai's l i f e . In many senses he t y p i f i e s not only the rangakusha m e n t a l i t y , but he al s o appears to be a product of the many s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and c u l t u r a l changes sweeping Japanese s o c i e t y at that time. These changes are of p a r t i c u l a r importance, as w e l l , to Harunobu's a r t . B. H i raga Gennai i n the Context of Japanese S o c i e t y Hiraga Gennai3 was born i n t o the family of a low ranking samurai i n the s e r v i c e of the dai my? of Takamatsu.^ Upon his f a t h e r ' s death i n 1749, Gennai succeeded his p o s i t i o n as the keeper of the Takamatsu r i c e warehouses. In 1754, complaining - 38 -of i l l h e a l t h , he obtained a r e l e a s e from his o f f i c i a l d uties and s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r renounced his family r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as w e l l . It has been spec u l a t e d ^ that one source of his discon-tent was that his o f f i c i a l and family d u t i e s kept him from his s t u d i e s of honzogaku.6 He had been introduced to t h i s branch of O r i e n t a l medicine, which s p e c i a l i z e d in the medicinal a p p l i c a t i o n of herbs and mineral p r o d u c t s , at the young age of twelve. By h i s eighteenth year his studious e f f o r t s r e c e i v e d o f f i c i a l r e c o g n i t i o n , and he was put in charge of his daimyo's personal, gardens and pharmacy. Although t h i s p o s i t i o n a f f o r d e d him numerous o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r t r a v e l and study in other domains, he e v e n t u a l l y f e l t that his connection to the Takamatsu domain had become a severe hindrance to his voca-t i o n .7 In 1761, a f t e r p e t i t i o n i n g h i s daimyo, he was granted r e l e a s e from a l l his d u t i e s . O f f i c i a l l y he had become a roni n, or "masterless samurai." Although Gennai1s passage to roni n s t a t u s was in part due to h i s i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c n a ture, in many ways i t was symptomatic of a wider s o c i a l phenomenon o c c u r r i n g in Japan at that time. From i t s b e g i n n i n g s , the Tokugawa regime was p r i m a r i l y i n t e r e s t e d in p e r p e t u a t i n g i t s power and maintaining peace by e n f o r c i n g a r i g i d l y h i e r a r c h i c a l s o c i e t y . The upper stratum of the h i e r a r c h y was occupied by the samurai c l a s s , but i t too was sharply d i v i d e d according to s t a t u s , with the powerful daimyo" at the t o p , the lowly foot s o l d i e r at the bottom,8 and a number of ranks in between. Because the e n t i r e s o c i e t y and i t s - 39 -economy was a g r i c u l t u r a l l y based, the farmers occupied the second stratum, immediately' below the samurai . This was a p o s i t i o n of honor more than of actual status or power. For the most part the farmers l e d a peasant's e x i s t e n c e . The a r t i s a n c l a s s , who c o n t r i b u t e d to the s o c i e t y through t h e i r production of useful commodities, occupied the t h i r d l e v e l in the h i e r a r c h y and the merchants, the f o u r t h and l a s t l e v e l . In an a g r i c u l t u r a l s o c i e t y the merchants, who acted as middlemen between the producers and the consumers, were necessary but considered p a r a s i t e s n o n e t h e l e s s .9 Such was the s o c i a l design promoted by the regime, but as the Tokugawa era entered the eighteenth c e n t u r y , much of the r i g i d i t y between c l a s s e s had begun to d i s s o l v e . P h i l o s o p h i c a l l y , the samurai c l a s s was s o l i d l y entrenched in m i l i t a r i s t i c v a l u e s . With the advent of na t i o n a l peace brought about by the ascendance of the Tokugawa f a m i l y , overt m i l i t a r i s m on a l a r g e s c a l e was r a r e l y necessary. In an e f f o r t to maintain peace among the samurai ranks the government advo-cated adherence to the t r a d i t i o n a l Confucian values of l o y a l t y to one's s u p e r i o r s and the p u r s u i t of s c h o l a r s h i p . Samurai of a l l ranks were encouraged to take up the brush, so to speak, and put down the sword. Those of w a r r i o r h e r i t a g e soon found themselves on the l e a d i n g edge of the t r a d i t i o n a l a r t s as well as the newer voc a t i o n s o f , f o r example, Dutch s t u d i e s . The a r t s and sciences were the immediate b e n e f i c i a r i e s of national peace and s o c i a l o r d e r . However, by the mid-eighteenth - 40 -c e n t u r y , those government p o l i c i e s aimed at maintaining the s t a t u s quo became i n c r e a s i n g l y burdensome to the upper c l a s s . In order to keep the powerful feudal c l a s s in l i n e , the Tokugawa a d m i n i s t r a t i o n r e q u i r e d that each dai myo' maintain an a l t e r n a t i v e residence in Edo. His w i f e , c h i l d r e n , and immediate household were r e q u i r e d to r e s i d e there permanently while he, accompanied by a l a r g e entourage, moved in a l t e r n a t e years between his p r o v i n c i a l f a mily domain and the c a p i t a l . This p o l i c y , known as s a n k i n k(7ta i10 had profound e f f e c t s on Japanese s o c i e t y as a whole. Edo became a large m e t r o p o l i s ^ supported e n t i r e l y by wealth from the p r o v i n c e s . This urban-i z a t i o n r e s u l t e d in a v e r i t a b l e boom of commercial a c t i v i t y in the c i t y . The dai myTT and t h e i r households, accustomed to l i v i n g in comparative l u x u r y , r e q u i r e d a l l the amenities of food, c l o t h i n g , and entertainment that only a l a r g e a r t i s a n and merchant c l a s s could p r o v i d e . To these lower c l a s s e s came a new-found wealth which, to a l i m i t e d e x t e n t , meant a s l i g h t l y higher s t a t u s , i n that they could now a f f o r d the l u x u r i e s normally reserved f o r the samurai c l a s s . It i s well known that the p o p u l a r i t y of Ukiyo-e as an a r t form found i t s genesis in the urban s o c i e t y of Japan's major c i t i e s . It seems p a r t i c u l a r l y s i g n i f i c a n t , however, that the calendar competitions of 1765 and 1766 bore the f r u i t of c l a s s d i s s i p a t i o n . In many senses they are the r e s u l t of a mingling of a r t i s t s and a r t i s a n s with the samurai c l a s s , be they r?n i n - 41 -or otherwise. It i s in t h i s context that Gennai would e v e n t u a l l y come to be a s s o c i a t e d with the a r t of Ukiyo-e. Of the many laws enacted by the government, the s a n k i n k"otai p o l i c y placed i t s h e a v i e s t f i n a n c i a l burden on the daimyo".12 The enormous cost of maintaining two households no doubt e s c a l a t e d as the u r b a n i z a t i o n process c o n t i n u e d . Goods, s e r v i c e s , and entertainment became more and more expensive and ma i n t a i n i n g the appearance of s o c i a l status i n c r e a s i n g l y c o s t l y . Samurai of a l l ranks found themselves in debt to the now powerful merchants who l e n t them currency at high i n t e r e s t r a t e s .1 3 The samurai p o p u l a t i o n increased in accord with that of the n a t i o n , but the second and t h i r d sons of samurai f a m i l i e s who, under normal circumstances would be guaranteed p o s i t i o n s by h e r e d i t y could no longer f i n d support from the now f i n a n c i a l l y burdened c l a n s . In an e f f o r t to f i n d a productive l i v e l i h o o d , many samurai became roni n, and to the c a p i t a l they brought the b e n e f i t s of t h e i r s c h o l a r l y e d u c a t i o n , which they dispensed to those of the lower c l a s s e s who could a f f o r d i t . Many r*on i n abandoned t h e i r c l a s s a l t o g e t h e r and became a r t i s a n s or merchants, while s t i l l o t h e r s , l i k e Gennai, became n o v e l i s t s and playwrights of popular m a t e r i a l . In the c a p i t a l , the once c l e a r l y d e f i n e d boundaries between c l a s s r o l e s , o c c u p a t i o n s , and p u r s u i t s became l e s s and l e s s d i s t i n c t . In the broadest sense, Gennai and the c i r c l e of s c h o l a r s , a r t i s t s , and w r i t e r s i n which he moved were products of a s o c i e t y in t r a n s i t i o n . - 42 -German's passage to ro"n i n status had the immediate consequence of l e a v i n g him without an income. To remedy t h i s he turned his t a l e n t s to w r i t i n g popular l i t e r a t u r e . ^ /\t the time, there was emerging a new type of popular novel which took as i t s subject l i f e in the pleasure quarters of Edo. These works were humorous, w i t t y , and w r i t t e n in the sometimes vulgar and coarse v e r n a c u l a r of the middle c l a s s . The p r a c t i t i o n e r s of the new l i t e r a r y form were men of samurai descent. Some were rq n i n l i k e Gennai, who had f i n a n c i a l motives f o r adopting t h i s p r o f e s s i o n , while others chose to maintain t h e i r o f f i c i a l p o s i t i o n s . No doubt they too reaped the monetary b e n e f i t s of a s u c c e s s f u l p u b l i c a t i o n , but as a group, men of e i t h e r s t a t u s seemed to be a t t r a c t e d to the genre because of i t s loose and ex p r e s s i v e format in which they q u i t e often s a t i r i z e d the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n which employed them.15 Gennai's immediate c i r c l e i n c l u d e d Akera Kanko (1740-1800) and 'Ota Nampo (1749-1823), both government o f f i c i a l s , Hezutsu Tosaku (1726-89), a f e l l o w r "on i n, and Hoseido K i s a n j i ( 1735-1813), an important o f f i c i a l of the Satake clan from the northern f i e f of Akita.16 It appears as well that Gennai had an important d i s c i p l e in Morishima Churyo"!7 who, l i k e his master, held s i m i l a r i n t e r e s t s in Dutch s t u d i e s as well as l i t e r a t u r e . ChTIryo" even adopted the name Furai Sanjin in i m i t a t i o n of h i s mentor Gennai. It i s in the context of these popular novels that one can f i n d evidence of a connection between Gennai and Harunobu. - 43 -C. Gennai ' s Connection to Harunobu ' s A r t The book e n t i t l e d Ameuri Dohei Den (The Story of Dohei the Candy Vendor), from which a short passage was quoted in the preceding c h a p t e r , contained a preface by Furai Sanjin ( G e n n a i ) . Like a l l popular l i t e r a t u r e of t h i s t y pe, some scenes from the s t o r y l i n e were i l l u s t r a t e d . The i l l u s t r a t o r f o r the book was Suzuki Harunobu. Furthermore, evidence i n d i -cates that the r e l a t i o n s h i p between Gennai and Harunobu had begun some years e a r l i e r . W r i t i n g under the pen name of Bansho'tei, in a book e n t i t l e d Hogokago (The Waste Paper B a s k e t ) , Gennai's d i s c i p l e , Morishima Churyo", wrote: In Meiwa 2, the Monkey Year [a mistake: Meiwa 1 was the Monkey Year, Meiwa 2 (1765) the B i r d Y e a r ] , da i sho* p i c t u r e s were popular: much elegance was put i n t o these abbreviated c a l e n d a r s , and t h e i r merits were appraised as i f they were p a i n t i n g s . From t h i s time began b l o c k - p r i n t i n g with seven or e i g h t p r i n t i n g s . The block c u t t e r s were Yoshida Hyosen, Okamoto Sh"6**gy"o, Nakade Toen, and o t h e r s . Surimono before t h i s p eriod d i f f e r e d also in composi t i on from those of the present day. A dai s ho* calendar of the p e r i o d , f o r Masjter Furai [Morishima was Furai II];, i s a p i c t u r e by Oba Ho"sui showing three h a l f - l e n g t h f i g u r e s : Sawamura SojUro standing in the centre of a c i r c u l a r window p l a y i n g the Demon King as a servant; \ Matsumoto Koshiro" standing on his l e f t f a c i n g Vsideways, as Haori Kudo; and Ichikawa Raizo g l a r i n g on h i s r i g h t , in kami shi mo costume as Goro* Tokimune. At t h i s p e r i o d the s o - c a l l e d p o r t r a i t p r i n t s (n i g a o no e^ ) did not e x i s t , and so t h i s p r i n t became very famous. It was from i t and others that Suzuki Harunobu h i t on the idea of p u t t i n g out to various d e a l e r s in i l l u s t r a t e d novels (e-z*oshiya) the posters (kanban) known as Azuma n i s h i k i - e "Brocade P i c t u r e s of the East," and s e l l i n g them. This was the o r i g i n of modern n i s h i k i - e .1 8 - 44 -In the o r i g i n a l t e x t ChTfryo" added a number of f o o t n o t e s , one of which made f u r t h e r reference to Harunobu. He was an a r t i s t and head of a family in Kanda, Shi rakabe-cho*. He l e a r n t p a i n t i n g from Nishikawa, and frequented the same places as Master F u r a i . They say n i s h i k i-e was devised by him as an old man.*9 At the very l e a s t , Ameuri Dohei Den and Hogokago provide two s o l i d sources which suggest the p o s s i b i l i t y that Gennai and Harunobu were acquaintances. E x a c t l y what t h i s acquaintance meant to Harunobu's a r t i s the t o p i c of the remainder of t h i s c h a p t e r . The s p i r i t of i n v e n t i v e n e s s and i n n o v a t i o n that surrounded the calendar events no doubt provided an a t t r a c t i v e l u r e to a man l i k e Gennai. ^ 0 It appears from ChTTryo" s statements that he created at l e a s t one design in Meiwa 2 and, in the s p i r i t of i n n o v a t i o n , he introduced for the f i r s t time a format known as a n i g a o no e^ or " p o r t r a i t p r i n t . " U n f o r t u n a t e l y , the where-abouts of t h i s p r i n t are unknown to modern art h i s t o r i a n s , and i t s exact appearance can only be imagined from ChTfryo"'s d e s c r i p t i o n . It i s p o s s i b l e , however, to suggest a source f o r i t s design by examining in d e t a i l Gennai's a s s o c i a t i o n with the rangaku movement. As was pointed out p r e v i o u s l y , t h i s a s s o c i a -t i o n had a d i r e c t bearing on his a r t i s t i c endeavours. Gennai's f i r s t encounter with "Dutch Studies" probably come in 1752 when he was dispatched by the Takamatsu daimyo" to undertake a year's study i n Nagasaki. There i s no account of h i s stay t h e r e , so one can only assume that the reason f o r his - 45 -t r i p was to f u r t h e r his study of honzogaku. Nagasaki was the centre of Chinese trade as well as Dutch. Honzogaku had i t s roots in China and much of the Japanese development of t h i s s c i e n c e was the d i r e c t r e s u l t of trade with China. The e a r l i e s t date at which a l i n k between Gennai and the Dutch can be v e r i f i e d i s 1760. At that time, while s t i l l under charge of the Takamatsu c l a n , Gennai was studying in Edo. In a memoir w r i t t e n i n 1815 by Sugita Gempaku (1733-1817) e n t i t l e d The Beginnings of Dutch S t u d i e s , the author r e c o l l e c t e d that Gennai and other rangakusha were party to a meeting with the Dutch embassy in Edo.21 At that o c c a s i o n , and at a s i m i l a r event one year l a t e r , Gennai apparently created q u i t e a s t i r among the Dutch and his own c o l l e a g u e s by demonstrating his pharmaceutical knowledge.2 2 At the time, and in each succes-s i v e year u n t i l 1769, Gennai r e g u l a r l y r e c e i v e d Dutch books as g i f t s . From his e a r l y meetings with the f o r e i g n e r s his r e p u t a t i o n as a Dutch s c h o l a r grew in a number of f i e l d s . Gennai's assignment to Edo a f f o r d e d him the opportunity to study with Tamura Gen'yTf (1718-1776), a s p e c i a l i s t in honzogaku. Together the two men organized p u b l i c e x h i b i t i o n s of the specimens they had c o l l e c t e d . In 1763 the f r u i t of t h i s e f f o r t came to bear in Gennai's most noteworthy s c h o l a r l y p u b l i c a t i o n e n t i t l e d Butsurui H i n s h i t s u (Categories and Q u a l i t i e s ) . In the d e s c r i p t i o n s in t h i s book one can f i n d r e f e r e n c e s to European a r t . One mineral he had found and c a l l e d berein b u r a u ,2 3 was l i k e n e d to the deep blue pigment - 46 -used in the i l l u s t r a t i o n s in Dutch books. Another, c a l l e d ryokuen, he l i k e n e d to the product supansu gurori n2 4 or Spanish green. In d e s c r i b i n g t h i s m a t e r i a l , he demonstrated his f a m i l i a r i t y with Western p a i n t i n g by commenting, " I t i s used in the c o l o u r i n g of the Red h a i r2^ pai n t i ng."2f> B u t s u r u i H i n s h i t s u marked another s i g n i f i c a n t event in Gennai's a s s o c i a t i o n with the v i s u a l a r t s . It s i g n a l l e d the beginning of a long r e l a t i o n s h i p with i t s i l l u s t r a t o r , the a r t i s t So S h i s e k i (1715-1786). This a r t i s t , who had spent some years in Nagasaki, worked in a s t y l e of p a i n t i n g brought to Japan in the 1730's by the Chinese a r t i s t Shen Nanpin.2 7 P r i m a r i l y a b i r d and flower p a i n t e r , So S h i s e k i i s c r e d i t e d with b r i n g i n g Shen's f i n e l y d e t a i l e d , somewhat n a t u r a l i s t i c s t y l e to Edo. It seems that through Gennai, he was introduced to the s t y l e of i l l u s t r a t i o n used in Dutch books. Of t h e s e , he made numerous copies in 1768,28 the most notable of which i s i l l u s t r a t e d here in Figure 19. The etchings from which they were c o p i e d , were in a book which Gennai had obtained at one of his meetings with the Dutch embassy. The book was w r i t t e n o r i g i n a l l y in L a t i n by the P o l i s h n a t u r a l i s t of S c o t t i s h descent, John Jonston (1603-1675), and t r a n s l a t e d i n t o Dutch by M. Grasius in 1660. Its t i t l e was Jan Jonstons Naeukeurige Beschryving van de Natuur der V i e r v o e t i g e D i e r e n , Vissen en Bloedlooze Water D i e r e n , Vogelen, K r o n k e l - D i e r e n , Slangen en Draken. It was an en c y c l o p e d i a of animals, f i s h , b i r d s , i n s e c t s , and r e p t i l e s . - 47 -The prototype on which So S h i s e k i based his l i o n i l l u s t r a t i o n s i s i l l u s t r a t e d here in Figure 20. It i s c l e a r from So S h i s e k i 's copies that he had a decided i n t e r e s t in the techniques the European a r t i s t s used to model t h e i r images in l i g h t and shade. He copied the shading of the underside of the l i o n in much the same way as was done in the o r i g i n a l e t c h i n g , but what i s remarkable i s that he c o n s i s t e n t -ly a p p l i e d the same technique to the landscape elements of the c o m p o s i t i o n . Judging from the r e l a t i o n s h i p Gennai had with the other a r t i s t s he encountered, there can be l i t t l e doubt that i t was through h i s i n f l u e n c e that So Sh i s e k i came to experiment with these t e c h n i q u e s . In 1773 Gennai was summoned to the northern domain of A k i t a2 9 and there h i s i n t e r e s t s in European a r t began to take on a new s i g n i f i c a n c e . The daimyo" of A k i t a , Satake Shozan (1748-1785), and one of his r e t a i n e r s , Odano Naotake, pursued Western s t y l e p a i n t i n g with v i g o r under the i n s t r u c t i o n of Gennai. In 1778 Shozan p u b l i s h e d three albums of drawings e n t i t l e d Shaseich"5" (Album of Re p r e s e n t a t i o n a l Drawings). This work was a c t u a l l y a c o m p i l a t i o n of i n f o r m a t i o n and i l l u s t r a -t i o n s from a number of Dutch s o u r c e s ,3^ and i t included as well two essays on a r t e n t i t l e d Gaho koYyU (A Summary of the P r i n c i p l e s of Drawing) and Gaho" r i k a i (On the Understanding of P a i n t i n g and Drawing). Gennai i s mentioned in these e s s a y s3* as the a u t h o r i t y on Western s t y l e a r t from which Shozan derived h i s i d e a s . In r e f e r r i n g to l i g h t and shade, the author s t a t e d , - 48 -When the sun i s in the e a s t , the shaded side i s toward the west; and when the sun i s in the west, the shaded side i s toward the east.32 He also made one comment about p e r s p e c t i v e which, given the context of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n , seems e s p e c i a l l y r e l e v a n t : The eye sees near things as large and d i s t a n t things as small . . . . When the d i s t a n c e becomes several l e a g u e s , the eyes f a i l and the ob j e c t cannot be seen. This p o i n t of disappearance i s at the horizon 1 i n e. 3 3 Odano Naotake, the i l l u s t r a t o r of Kai t a i Shi nsho, seems to have been the a r t i s t most d i r e c t l y a f f e c t e d by Gennai's t e a c h i n g s . He made copies of Jonston's i 1 1 u s t r a t i o n s 3 4 and, l i k e So* S h i s e k i , he showed the same concern with l i g h t , shade, and cast shadow. His p a i n t i n g s , one of which i s i l l u s t r a t e d here as Figure 21, are unique in that t h e i r compositions f o r the most part have in the immediate foreground, a l a r g e b i r d or flower m o t i f , u s u a l l y rendered in l i g h t and shade, and a background c o n s i s t i n g of a d i s t a n t landscape c l u s t e r e d around a low horizon l i n e . Naotake, who spent much of h i s time in Edo,35 probably encountered So" S h i s e k i ' s b i r d and flower s t y l e through the mutual acquaintance both men had with Gennai. To that compositional format he added the European touches which Gennai had taught him.36 Within Gennai's sphere of i n f l u e n c e one must also i n c l u d e Shiba Kokan. Gennai i s mentioned in at l e a s t four d i f f e r e n t p laces in K"5kan's writings37 and although K"okan never i n d i c a t e d at any time that Gennai was his t e a c h e r , i t seems l i k e l y that - 49 -such was the case. In the KM a n K*5"k a i K i he mentioned that he stu d i e d with S? S h i s e k i , and there are some of his p a i n t i n g s t h a t c l o s e l y p a r a l l e l So" S h i s e k i ' s b i r d and flower s t y l e .3 8 So too are there p a i n t i n g s of Kokan which are remarkably s i m i l a r to Odano Naotake's s t y l e , as was i l l u s t r a t e d above in Figure 2 1 .3 9 There are l i t e r a r y sources which i n d i c a t e that Ko"kan may have a c t u a l l y been Odano's pupil,40 but Kokan's w r i t i n g s are devoid of any reference to him. Naotake died suddenly at a young age and perhaps Kokan, in seeking the r e c o g n i t i o n he d e s i r e d , thought i t b e t t e r not to admit to the world that Odano was in f a c t the f i r s t t r u l y European-style p a i n t e r in Japan. ^;It i s q u i t e apparent, then, that a c i r c l e of a r t i s t s who shared an i n t e r e s t in European-style a r t formed around Hiraga Gennai, but i t i s e s p e c i a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t that members of t h i s c i r c l e a l s o held an i n t e r e s t in Ukiyo-e. Ch"uryo"' s Hogokago noted th a t Gennai had designed a calendar p r i n t and that he was an acquaintance of Harunobu. Nampo's book, Ameuri Dohei Den, prefaced by Gennai and i l l u s t r a t e d by Harunobu i s f u r t h e r evidence of t h e i r acquaintance. We know that K"o"kan had enough f a m i l i a r i t y with Harunobu to forge his p r i n t s . It i s of no small s i g n i f i c a n c e that S"o" S h i s e k i also designed calendar p r i n t s . 4 1 Knowing of the personal r e l a t i o n s h i p s between these a r t i s t s and the i n t e r e s t s they shared, i t i s only reasonable to assume that Harunobu too may have worked under the i n f l u e n c e of European a r t . There i s v i s u a l evidence to support t h i s . - 50 -In Hogokago, ChTjry*o mentioned a calendar p r i n t designed by Gennai. He d e s c r i b e d the f i g u r e of an actor standing in the centre of a c i r c u l a r window and he also mentioned that t h i s type of p r i n t , known as a ni gao-no-e, or p o r t r a i t p r i n t , did not e x i s t at that time. The p o r t r a i t p r i n t composition may have been Gennai's c r e a t i v e a d d i t i o n to the calendar event of 1765 . The sources f o r such a composition may be l i n k e d to Western a r t i n which there i s a r i c h t r a d i t i o n of p o r t r a i t p a i n t i n g . It i s e n t i r e l y p o s s i b l e that Gennai could have seen a European s t y l e p o r t r a i t during his t r i p to Nagasaki in 1752 or during h i s meetings with the Dutch mission in Edo in the e a r l y 1760's. More l i k e l y , though, he got the idea from a Dutch book and, of a number of p o s s i b i l i t i e s , Rembertus Dodanaeu's Kruyt Boeck (Manual of Herbs) i s the l i k e l i e s t . T h i s s o r t of book would have a t t r a c t e d Gennai because of his i n t e r e s t i n honzogaku. Most l i k e l y he r e c e i v e d i t through the c o n t a c t s he made at one of his meetings in Edo. He recorded that he obtained i t i n 1765, and although there has been some co n j e c t u r e that he may have used the i l l u s t r a t i o n s in i t when he produced Butsurui H i n s h i t s u , i t seems u n l i k e l y given the discrepancy in d a t e s . The f r o n t i s p i e c e of t h i s book, i l l u s t r a t e d here in Figure 22, c o n t a i n s in i t s design two p o r t r a i t s , in c i r c u l a r frames, placed at the base of each column. Perhaps these provided the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r Gennai's calendar d e s i g n . Gennai's p r i n t no longer e x i s t s , but there are Harunobu designs of s i m i l a r - 51 -c o n c e p t i o n . One p i l l a r p r i n t , i 1 1 u s t r a t e d here in Figure 23 d e p i c t s a woman framed by a c i r c u l a r window in much the same p o r t r a i t - l i k e manner as was d e s c r i b e d in the Hogokago.4 2 /\ Harunobu calendar p r i n t from 1766^3 ( F i g u r e 24) d e p i c t s a woman lo o k i n g at the shadow of her p a r a s o l . Perhaps t h i s , the f i r s t example of the use of cast shadow in Ukiyo-e, i s i n d i c a t i v e of an i n f l u e n c e of European art passed to Harunobu through Gennai. By v i r t u e of the i n c l u s i o n of So" S h i s e k i in Gennai's c i r c l e i t i s p o s s i b l e to conceive of another v i s u a l connection between that group of a r t i s t s and Harunobu. So" S h i s e k i ' s calendar p r i n t , e n t i t l e d Fi v e f o l d L o n g l i fe and i l l u s t r a t e d here as F i g u r e 25 i s of a s i m i l a r s u b j e c t to Harunobu's calendar p r i n t e n t i t l e d Bowl of Chrysanthemums , Figure 26. S o" S h i s e k i was known as a b i r d and flower p a i n t e r , and i t i s perhaps no c o i n c i d e n c e that the i n c e p t i o n of b i r d and flowoer p r i n t s as a genre began in the e a r l y years of ni s h i k i - e p r o d u c t i o n . Harunobu made a few d e s i g n s , but Isoda KoryTTsai ( f l . 1760's to 1780's) an a r t i s t as p r o l i f i c as Harunobu and who came in t o the l i m e l i g h t a f t e r Harunobu's death, produced c o m p a r i t i v e l y l a r g e q u a n i t i t i e s of b i r d and flower p r i n t s . I am not suggesting that ST S h i s e k i was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the beginnings of t h i s genre, but he c e r t a i n l y i s an i d e n t i f i a b l e source who worked w i t h i n the c r e a t i v e environment of the calendar c o m p e t i t i o n . Figure 27, another of Harunobu's d e s i g n s , i s c l e a r l y r e m i n i s c e n t in subject and conception of the s t y l e of p a i n t i n g brought to Japan by Shen Nanpin, STT S h i s e k i ' s acknowledged - 52 -master. Figure 28 i s one of many examples of the Chinese a r t i s t ' s deer p a i n t i n g s . It i s c o n c e i v a b l e that Harunobu picked up t h i s theme in the context of his a s s o c i a t i o n with Gennai and his c i r c l e . Although I have not seen i t , Robert P a i n e4 4 made note of a book in the c o l l e c t i o n of the Boston Museum of Fine Arts e n t i t l e d So" S h i s e k i G a f u . It i s comprised of three volumes of woodblock p r i n t e d , c o l o u r i l l u s t r a t i o n s and i t i s dated 1765. The f i r s t volume contains reproductions of Shen Nanpin's d e s i g n s , the second i s So" S h i s e k i ' s m a t e r i a l , and the t h i r d i s a c o l l e c t i o n of designs from a v a r i e t y of Chinese p a i n t e r s who had come to Nagasaki. Somewhere in t h i s p u b l i c a -t i o n i t may be p o s s i b l e to f i n d the source of the few Harunobu b i r d and flower p r i n t s s t i l l in e x i s t e n c e .4 5 Apart from ChTTryo" s Hogokago, and Nampo's Ameuri Dohei Den, there i s r e a l l y no v e r i f i a b l e connection between Gennai and Harunobu's a r t . By i n f e r e n c e and c o n j e c t u r e there seem to be some grounds to suspect the p o s s i b i l i t y of an i n f l u e n c e , but the v i s u a l evidence simply i s not s o l i d enough. On the other hand, the s o c i a l f o r c e s that brought about the calendar events and in them, the mixing of s c h o l a r s , d i l e t t a n t e s , and a r t i s t s of v a r i o u s backgrounds were e s s e n t i a l l y the same fo r c e s that created the context in which Western-style a r t became the s u b j e c t of e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n . Harunobu t h r i v e d in t h i s c r e a t i v e environment, and there can be l i t t l e doubt t h a t , at the very l e a s t , he was aware of the new found f a s c i n a t i o n on the part of h i s contemporaries with the p i c t o r a l techniques used by European a r t i s t s . - 53 -NOTES CHAPTER 2 A term used to de s c r i b e the Japanese s c h o l a r s devoted to Dutch s t u d i e s . The text used was Ontleedkuni ge T a f e l l e n , but t h i s was a t r a n s l a t i o n by Gerard Di eten of Anatomiche T a b e l l e n , a 1731 p u b l i c a t i o n authored by Johan Adam Kulmus. Gennai's true name was S h i r a i s h i Kunimune. He changed h i s name to Gennai in 1749 a f t e r compiling a geneology which l i n k e d him to Hiraga Genshin, a once-powerful feudal l o r d . This s o r t of thing was a common way f o r those of lower stat u s to acquire a p e d i g r e e . Matsudaira Y o r i t a k a (1711-1771). S t a n l e i g h Jones J r . , S c h o l a r , S c i e n t i s t , Popular A r t i s t Hiraga Gennai, 1728-1780 , d i s s . , Columbi a U n i v e r s i t y , 1968, V.M.I. (Ann Arbor 1971) , p. 9. Hereafter r e f e r r e d to as S t a n l e i g h Jones J r . Hon z (Tg a k u l i t e r a l l y means "the study of roots and grasses." S t a n l e i g h Jones J r . gives a complete synopsis of i t s o r i g i n and h i s t o r y in Japan, pp. 32-42. As evidence of Gennai's d i s c o n t e n t , S t a n l e i g h Jones J r . (p. 12) o f f e r s the f o l l o w i n g quote taken o r i g i n a l l y from a l e t t e r Gennai wrote in 1760. His source was I r i t a Seizo ( e d . ) , Hiraga Gennai zenshu (2 v o l s . ; Tokyo, 1935), V o l . I, p. 61TT As f o r me, I'm t e r r i b l y busy and making very slow p r o g r e s s . In p a r t i c u l a r , I am f r e q u e n t l y r e q u i r e d to be in attendance at the Takamatsu mansion in Meguro, and because of t h i s I am d i s t r a c t e d from the e x h i b i t s and my medical books, and i t seems that my st u d i e s are g e t t i n g nowhere. In Japanese a f o o t s o l d i e r was c a l l e d a s h i g a r u . This was Gennai's o f f i c i a l rank. For an e x c e l l e n t d i s c u s s i o n of the merchant c l a s s in the Edo p e r i o d , I would recommend John Whitney H a l l , "The Tokugawa Bafuku and the Merchant C l a s s , " Uni v e r s i ty of Michigan Occasional Papers, V o l . 5 (1951): 26-34. This a r t i c l e i s devoted to the paradoxical r e l a t i o n s h i p between the samurai and merchant c l a s s e s . It i l l u s t r a t e s how t o t a l l y dependent the samurai were on the merchants y e t , - 54 -at the same time, how contemptuously they regarded those a s s o c i a t e d with m e r c a n t i l i s m . 10 The l i t e r a l t r a n s l a t i o n of sank in k~5"tai i s "attendance by t u r n . " 11 The h i s t o r i c a l demography of Edo was the subject of a d e t a i l e d study by G i l b e r t Rozman, "Edo's Importance in the Changing Tokugawa S o c i e t y , " Journal of Japanese Studies (Autumn 1974) , pp. 91-113. 12 In h i s i n t r o d u c t i o n to Treasures Among Men: The Fudai Daimyo" in Tokugawa Japa~n~ (New Haven: Yal e U n i v e r s i t y Press , 1974) , Robert B o1i t h o, d e s c r i b e s the c o l l e c t i o n of p o l i c i e s known as buke shohatto which placed various f i n a n c i a l burdens on the dai my "5. His c a l c u l a t i o n s i n d i c a t e that Sank in KcTtai was the most c o s t l y . 13 In h i s a r t i c l e " S o c i a l Changes During the Tokugawa P e r i o d , T r a n s a c t i o n s of the A s i a t i c S o c i e t y of Japan (2nd S e r i e s , Vol . 17) , 235-254 , Herbert Zachert documents cases of high ranking samurai who become so debt-ridden that they had to rent thei r dwel1i ngs to the merchants. 14 Gennai's f i r s t p u b l i c a t i o n , in 1761, was e n t i t l e d Rice Cakes Grow on T r e e s , but his f i r s t real success came with the publ i c a t i o n TIT 1763 of The Rootless Grass. For a short i n t r o d u c t i o n to popular l i t e r a r y forms, see James T. A r a k i , "Sharebon: Books f o r Men of Mode," Monumenta N i p p o n i c a , V o l . 24 (1969), pp. 31-45. Accordi ng to him sharebon, which l i t e r a l l y means "books of s o p h i s t i c a t e d wit," F i r s t appeared in the 1770's. If t h i s i s t r u e , Gennai, who wrote p r i m a r i l y in the 1760's, must have been experimenting with some of i t s e a r l i e r forms published in a format commonly known at that time as kusazoshi or "grass books." Araki gives an account of these as wel 1 . 15 See Adriana D e l p r a t , Forms of D i s s e n t i n the Gesaku L i t e r a t u r e of Hi raga Gennai (1728-1780 ) , d i s s . , Pri nceton U n i v e r s i t y , 1985, UMI (Ann Arbor, Michigan 1986). r By her a c c o u n t i n g , Gennai was h i g h l y c r i t i c a l of the Tokugawa regime. 16 These men f r e q u e n t l y wrote prefaces to Gennai's works in which they e u l o g i z e d his t a l e n t s . 17 What i s known of ChlTryo's background i s sketchy at b e s t . The most i n f o r m a t i v e document I could l o c a t e was Otsuki My ode n, Shin sen YcTgaku Nempyo (Revised Chronology of Western L e a r n i n g ) , TUkyo", 1927 . This work was a l a t e r e d i t i o n of Ninon Yogaku NempyTJ w r i t t e n in 1878. The author was the grandson of Otsuki Gentaku, a Dutch s c h o l a r who had connections with Gennai. The t r a n s l a t i o n of the Churyo i n f o r m a t i o n below was taken from C.C. K r i e g e r , TJhe - 55 -I n f i l t r a t i o n of European C i v i 1 i z a t i o n in Ja pan During the 18th Century (LeidTfT: E . J . B r i l l , 1940), p. 99. Morishima ChTTryo' was a brother of Katsuragawa HoshTT. He was in the s e r v i c e of Matsudaira Sadanobu, l o r d of Shirakawa. Churyo" was in nature i n d i f f e r e n t to worldly and conventional customs. He was a pupil of Hiraga Gennai and had as his penname Furai Sanjin in i m i t a t i o n of his master." 18 David Waterhouse, Harunobu and His Age: The Development of Colour P r i n t i n g in Japan (London: The Trustees of the B r i t i s h Museum, 1964) , p~! 17. According to Waterhouse's footnotes he took t h i s passage from Kendo I s h i i , N i s h i k i e no hori to s u r i (Ky*3to and Tokyo": Unsodo, 1929 ) , p. 6. I have 1 e f t P r o f e s s o r Waterhouse's comments, i n d i c a t e d by the square b r a c k e t s , because they help to c l a r i f y some of the f i n e r points of the t e x t . 19 I b i d : p. 17. In T. Haga, Hiraga Gennai (Tokyo", 1981), p. 286 , the ' author has a s i g n i f i c a n t l y d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h i s footnote to ChXTryo's t e x t . The l a s t l i n e , which Waterhouse t r a n s l a t e s as "They say n i s h i k i-e was devised by him as an old man" i s w r i t t e n in Japanese a s, v" N i s h i k i - e wa o no kufU nari to i u . " The c h a r a c t e r "o ( 4fa ), whicji means "o l d man" i s the key to Haga's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . "0 no kufTj" t r a n s l a t e s as "the i n v e n t i o n of the old man," who i s none other than Gennai. In other words Haga thinks that Gennai was the i n v e n t o r of ni s h i k i - e . If nothing e l s e , t h i s i s food f o r thought"] Certa i nl y Gennai's s c i e n t i f i c c u r i o s i t y and his c l e a r l y demonstrated a b i l i t y as an inventor would make him capable of s o l v i n g the t e c h n i c a l problems of m u l t i c o l o u r p r i n t i n g . He was d e f i n i t e l y in the r i g h t place at the r i g h t time in the sense that his e f f o r t s in the f i e l d of popular l i t e r a t u r e brought him together with both the Ukiyo-e a r , t i s t s and the kyipkaren. Perhaps s c h o l a r s have been too hasty to c o r r e c t the di screpancy in the dates reported by Churyo. Maybe Gennai's calendar design was made in the Monkey Year (Meiwa 2) and Ch"u"ry"o recorded i n c o r r e c t l y the number of that year and not the name. Of course other l i t e r a r y documents (see Chapter 1) c o n t r a d i c t t h i s view, and Haga, l i k e ChTJry'o, had a personal i n t e r e s t in g i v i n g Gennai a s i g n i f i c a n t place in h i s t o r y . 20 S t a n l e i g h Jones J r . ( p . 98) mentions that "Ota Nampo was the l e a d e r of a kycTkaren. He o f f e r s no documentation to support t h i s but TT Tt was so, perhaps i t would f u r t h e r e x p l a i n Gennai's presence in the calendar competition of 1765. Haruko Iwasaki (Harvard) reported in the Japan - 56 -Foundation Newsletter (Dec. 1987) that she was•conducting research i nto Ota Nampo1s a c t i v i t i e s . She has determined that he was r e s p o n s i b l e f o r many gatherings of kyo"ka poets but c u r i o u s l y enough she mentions only those in the 1770's and 1780's. 21 The Dutch were r e q u i r e d to send a t r i b u t e mission to Edo on an annual b a s i s . 22 For an accounting of t h i s i n c i d e n t , see S t a n l e i g h Jones J r . , p. 20. 23 This i s a t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n of the Dutch term B e r l i j n s c h bl auw o r , in E n g l i s h , "Prussian blue." 24 Supansu guroun was Gennai's t r a n s l i t e r a t i o n of "Spanish green." " 25 "Red Hair" was a term the Japanese used to describe the Dutch. 26 Taken from S t a n l e i g h Jones J r . , p. 65. 27 Shen Nanpin (dates unknown) was in Japan f o r only two years between 1731 and 1733. So Shi s e k i was probably i n f l u e n c e d by his many p u p i l s , the most l i k e l y being e i t h e r Yuhi (1712-1777) or So Shigan (dates unknown). 28 The ba s i s f o r t h i s date comes from So" S h i s e k i ' s p a i n t i n g of a l i o n , i l l u s t r a t e d in Hyakusui H i r a f u k u , Nihon yoga no shoko (Tokyo 1930), p. 6. It i s dated 1768 and Tts colo-phon i n d i c a t e s that he derived i t from a book in the pos-s e s s i o n of Gennai. Gennai also recorded that he received the book i n 1768. See S t a n l e i g h Jones J r . , p. 68, fo o t -note 101. 29 It was mentioned above that one of Gennai's a s s o c i a t e s in Edo was Hoseido K i s a n j i . His o f f i c i a l d u t i e s included care of the A k i t a mansion in Edo. Perhaps through t h i s connection Gennai became known to the A k i t a c l a n . 30 According to Masanobu Hosono, Nagasaki P r i n t s and E a r l y Copperplates (Tokyo, 1969), p~ WT] Shasei chlr contai ns quotes from Gennai's B u t s u r u i H i n s h i t su" about pigments, i l l u s t r a t i o n s from Groot Schilderboek (Great P a i n t e r s Book) by Gerard de L a i r e s s e (1641-1711) and a c o l l e c t i o n of European e t c h i n g s . 31 See Hosono, p. 59. 32 I b i d . , p. 60. 33 I b i d . , p . 60. - 57 -34 These are i l l u s t r a t e d in Namban B i j u t s u to YofTJga, V o l . 25 of the s e r i e s Genshoku Ninon no B i j u t s u (To"kyo": Shogakukan, 1970) p l a t e s 60 and 61. 35 According to C a l v i n French, Shi ba Ko"kan, p. 167, Gennai met Naotake in 1773 when he w"al Tn £We A k i t a p r e f e c t u r e . Naotake returned to Edo with Gennai and remained there u n t i l he returned to A k i t a i n 1777 . In 1778 he came to Edo again but returned to A k i t a in 1779. 36 S t a n l e i g h Jones J r . (p. 73) quotes the f o l l o w i n g passage from one of Gennai's l e t t e r s : I obtained the other day two p a i n t i n g s by Takesuke ( i . e . , Odano Naotake) which I had e a r l i e r promised you, and I am having them forwarded. As I t o l d you some time ago, they are in the s t y l e of p a i n t i n g that I have been promoti ng. It i s c l e a r from t h i s passage that Gennai had undertaken an a c t i v e r o l e in the promotion of European-style a r t . It should be noted as well that there i s a p o r t r a i t p a i n t i n g , executed in o i l s , of a European lady that has been a t t r i b u t e d to Gennai. There i s , however, no evidence to support the a t t r i b u t i o n . It i s in the Kobe C i t y Museum c o l l e c t i o n and i s i l l u s t r a t e d in V o l . 25, Genshoku nihon no B i j u t s u , p l a t e 63. 3 7 Kokan's S h u m p a ro H i k k i and SeiytTga Dan contain these r e f e r e n c e ! to his contacts with Gennai. See French, Shiba Kokan, pp. 41, 42, 79, 121. 38 These are i l l u s t r a t e d in French, Shiba-Kokan, p l a t e s 16, 17, and 18. 39 It i s e n t i t l e d "Willow and Waterfowl in Winter" and i t i s in the c o l l e c t i o n of Kimiko and John Powers, New York. See French, Shiba Kokan, p. 101, f o r an i l l u s t r a t i o n . 40 The i n f o r m a t i o n I have concerning t h i s comes from French, Shiba Ko~kan, p. 182, footnote 6, but apparently French's source was an a r t i c l e by Rintaro Takehana and F u j i o Naruse e n t i t l e d "Odano Naotake to Shiba Kokan no kankei ni t s u i t e , B i j u t s u s h1 70, V o l . 18, No. 2 (Septmeber, 1968), pp. 33-5~n A p p a r e n t l y , some documents belonging to the A k i t a c l a n reported that Odano Naotake taught Western-s t y l e p a i n t i n g to Shiba Kokan. The provenance of those documents i s quite complex. For p r e c i s e d e t a i l s please r e f e r to the c i t a t i o n s mentioned here. 41 This l i t t l e - k n o w n f a c t was reported by Robert T. Paine J r . , in the B u l l e t i n of the Museum of Fine Arts (Boston), - 58 -No. 42 (1946), pp. 42-45. The a r t i c l e was t i t l e d "Japanese P r i n t s by So" Sh i s e k i in the L i t e r a r y Man's S t y l e . " He i l l u s t r a t e d and discussed two calendar p r i n t s , one dated 1768 which i s discussed below in t h i s t e x t , and another dated 1770. 42 Another p r i n t of s i m i l a r design i s i l l u s t r a t e d in G e n t l e s , AIC, p l a t e 43. Although t h i s p r i n t i s unsigned (the seal says "Shimpo" and probably belongs to a member of a ky"3karen) i t i s in Harunobu's s t y l e . 43 The dai no t s u k i (long months) and the neng5 (era name) Meiwa 3 (correspondi ng to 1766), are i n s c r i b e d in the c l e a r c i r c l e s of the kimono p a t t e r n . 44 Robert T. Paine, J r . , "Japanese P r i n t s by S"3 S h i s e k i , " B u l l e t i n of the Museum of Fine A r t s , No. 42 (1946), p. 44. 45 Of course there are other Chinese books that had been imported to Japan in the mid 1700's. Any of them could have e a s i l y provided source material f o r Harunobu. Paine a l s o noted that the Boston c o l l e c t i o n has two other u n t i t l e d volumes of So* S h i s e k i ' s books, dated 1771 but prefaced 1769. These too would have to be s c r u t i n i z e d before any s o l i d c o n c l u s i o n s could be reached regarding Harunobu's p r i n t s in the b i r d and flower genre. - 59 -A. The Uki-e Genre In the p r e v i o u s chapter i t was suggested t h a t Harunobu co u l d have had an i n t r o d u c t i o n to We s t e r n - s t y 1e a r t through his a s s o c i a t i o n with Gennai. Although the f r o n t i s p i e c e of the Dodanaeus book has, along with the two p o r t r a i t s , a d e p i c t i o n of a European herb garden rendered in l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , i t would take much convoluted reasoning to make a connection between t h i s source and the a p p l i c a t i o n of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e as seen in Kokan's f o r g e r i e s . Furthermore, as f o r the low h o r i z o n s and d i s t a n t landscapes of Naotake's p a i n t i n g s , although t h e i r genesis l a y in the same environment in which Harunobu met Gennai, they were undoubtedly produced too l a t e to be of any s p e c i f i c importance to Harunobu's a r t . The l i t e r a r y and v i s u a l evidence presented so f a r i s at best c i r c u m s t a n t i a l , and s i n c e the b a s i c i n t e n t of t h i s t h e s i s i s to show tha t Harunobu worked in the Western s t y l e , we must look to other sources f o r more c o n c l u s i v e v e r i f i c a t i o n . Twenty or so years p r i o r to Harunobu's r i s e to prominence, a r t i s t s of the Ukiyo-e t r a d i t i o n had t h e i r f i r s t encounter with European a r t . Sometime in the e a r l y 1740's Okumura Masanobu1 (1686?-1764?) began i s s u i n g p r i n t s known as u k i - e ,2 i n which the a r c h i t e c t u r a l elements of the composition were rendered a c c o r d i n g to the laws of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e . The prototypes on - 60 -which Masanobu and his a s s o c i a t e s based his work have never been c o n v i n c i n g l y i d e n t i f i e d , but most s c h o l a r s acknowledge that his i n t r o d u c t i o n to l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e was through imported books — much the same route by which Gennai and his c i r c l e were introduced to l i g h t , shade, and cast shadow some twenty years l a t e r . The p r i n t s these a r t i s t s issued need to be examined, even i f only b r i e f l y , because they do represent a p o s - s i b l e p r o t o t y p i c a l source on which Harunobu, or his f o r g e r , could have based t h e i r d e s i g n s . Although t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y w i l l seem remote a f t e r the ensuing d i s c u s s i o n , examination of these p r i n t s w i l l s u f f i c e to open up a subsequent d i s c u s s i o n of another very s i m i l a r body of a r t , produced much c l o s e r in date and s t y l e to Kokan's f o r g e r i e s . The uki-e produced in the 1740's can be d i v i d e d into three groups according to subject matter. A l a r g e number of them d e p i c t t h e a t r e i n t e r i o r s , r e l a t i v e l y fewer are of teahouse i n t e r i o r s , and some present s t r e e t scenes. Of these three groups, the teahouse i n t e r i o r s are c l o s e s t in compositional s t r u c t u r e to the Harunobu-style p e r s p e c t i v e p r i n t s . Some of these are s t r i c t l y i n t e r i o r scenes with l i t t l e or no view of any surrounding landscape. There a r e , however, some in which the compositional design i n c l u d e s l a r g e areas of landscape p o s i t i o n e d behind or o f f to e i t h e r side of the s t r u c t u r e . In th a t sense they are qu i t e s i m i l a r to Kokan's f o r g e r i e s , and f o r that reason they w i l l be the focus of t h i s d i s c u s s i o n . A rep-r e s e n t a t i v e example i s i l l u s t r a t e d here in Fig u r e 29. - 61 -T h i s p r i n t by Okumura Masanobu d e p i c t s an evening's r e v e l r y in a teahouse s i t u a t e d on the banks of the Sumida R i v e r . Through the rooms of the teahouse one can see in the background boaters enjoying the cool evening a i r . To the l e f t of the teahouse i s the famous Ry"ogoku Bridge over which people are c r o s s i n g to the opposite shore. In the top l e f t corner one can see a d i s t a n t temple, and in the clouds above i t , the f a i n t o u t l i n e of the moon. In t h i s composition there are a number of c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s common to n e a r l y a l l of the e a r l y u k i - e . Note f i r s t that the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t r u c t u r e i s p o s i t i o n e d d i r e c t l y against the p i c t u r e p l a n e , and that some of i t s supporting members form a frame around the e n t i r e p r i n t . Masanobu used t h i s device in his t h e a t r e i n t e r i o r s and his s t r e e t scenes, the l a t t e r of which were quite often framed by a l a r g e gate. The a r c h i t e c t -ural motif has been rendered according to the laws of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , that i s , most of the p a r a l l e l l i n e s converge on a s i n g l e v a n i s h i n g p o i n t . Note, however, that there are some i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y in the rooms to the r i g h t of the main veranda. The f l o o r board that s e c t i o n s o f f that room from the room on the extreme r i g h t i s not angled c o n s i s t e n t l y with the converging p a r a l l e l l i n e s that d e f i n e the r e s t of the s t r u c t u r e . The balcony behind the f i g u r e of a man holding a fan over h i s head has been rendered in b i r d ' s - e y e p e r s p e c t i v e , and because of t h i s i t appears as i f i t i s f l o a t i n g away from the ground plane d e s c r i b e d by the remainder of t h i s m o t i f . - 62 -Inc o n s i s t e n c y of van i s h i n g p o i n t , e s p e c i a l l y in the a d j o i n i n g rooms of a teahouse, or the rooms behind the stage in a theatre p r i n t , i s a t r a i t common to a l l the e a r l y u k i - e . By f a r the most unusual f e a t u r e of t h i s p r i n t i s the r e l a t i o n s h i p of the s t r u c t u r e , rendered in l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , to the landscape, which has been dep i c t e d from a bird's-eye vantage p o i n t . This j u x t a p o s i t i o n of v i s u a l systems i s common to a l l uki-e produced p r i o r to 1765 , in which the a r t i s t s show some degree of i n t e r e s t in the landscape component of the p r i n t . It i s p r e c i s e l y t h i s j u x t a p o s i t i o n of vantage poin t s that makes these e a r l y u k i - e so d i f f e r e n t from the Ko~kan's f o r g e r i e s , which f e a t u r e a c l e a r l y u n i t e d v i s u a l system with the background landscape depicted from the same vantage point as the a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t r u c t u r e . In other, words, Kb"kan demon-s t r a t e d in h i s f o r g e r i e s a much more s o p h i s t i c a t e d and c o n s i s t -ent understanding of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e than did those a r t i s t s who produced the uki-e p r i n t s . Of co u r s e , the question remains whether or not we are to c r e d i t K"o~kan with these advances he so c l e a r l y demonstrated in his f o r g e r i e s . From what i s known of extant uki-e p r i n t s i t seems that 1740-50 was not only the decade in which the genre became po p u l a r , but i t was also the decade in which that p o p u l a r i t y began to wane. Masanobu and Shigenaga produced the l a r g e s t q u a n t i t y of d e s i g n s , but t h e i r enthusiasm f o r t h i s format d e c l i n e d in the e a r l y 1750's. Between that time and the incep-t i o n of n i s h i k i-e p r o d u c t i o n s , the issuance of u k i-e designs - 63 -was sporadic and choice of subject matter never extended f a r t h e r than those used by the innovators of the genre. In the f i v e years between 1765 and Harunobu's death in 1770, the a r t i s t s and patrons of Ukiyo-e shared a one-pointed f a s c i n a t i o n with the b e a u t i f u l lady p r i n t and as such, u k i - e were not produced. Kokan's f o r g e r i e s represent not only a return to the u k i - e concept, but they are the f i r s t examples of u k i - e in combination with the b e a u t i f u l lady genre. It i s no c o i n c i -dence that they were produced at about the same time as Utagawa Toyoharu (1735-1811) began to r e v i v e the p o p u l a r i t y of the uki-e c o m p o s i t i o n . Toyoharu's d e s i g n s , t h e r e f o r e , warrant some mention in s p i t e of a number of reasons which discount them as source material f o r K"okan's f o r g e r i e s . Toyoharu was unquestionably the most p r o l i f i c of u k i - e designers from any g e n e r a t i o n . His range of subjects i n c l u d e pure l a n d s c a p e s , b a t t l e scenes, theatre i n t e r i o r s , teahouse i n t e r i o r s , scenes of China, scenes of Europe, and d e p i c t i o n s of k a b u k i dramas. A l l his compositions demonstrate the same understanding of p e r s p e c t i v e that i s evident in Kokan's work, but among his one hundred or so u k i - e there are none whose compositions are s i m i l a r enough to be considered prototypes for Kokan's f o r g e r i e s . His landscapes are v i s t a - l i k e . T heir f i e l d of v i s i o n encompasses l a r g e areas in which the human f i g u r e s are comparatively s m a l l . His teahouse i n t e r i o r s and his scenes from kabuki dramas i n c l u d e in t h e i r composition the necessary elements of a r c h i t e c t u r e , l a n dscape, and human f i g u r e s , but - 64 -t h e i r f i e l d of view i s expansive, u n l i k e K'okan's p r i n t s , where the focus i s d e c i d e d l y on the foreground f i g u r e s . Most of Toyoharu's uki-e can be e l i m i n a t e d as p r o t o t y p i c a l m a t e r i a l f o r K'okan's f o r g e r i e s by v i r t u e of t h e i r production d a t e s . Many have been imprinted with a kiwame censor's s e a l , which came i n t o use i n 1789. In most of those that remain, the women have been depicted with b i n s a s h i in t h e i r h a i r , i n d i c a t -ing that they were produced a f t e r 1774. There are a few d e s i g n s , although t h e i r dating i s u n c e r t a i n , that could have been produced at the e a r l i e s t in the l a s t year of Harunobu's l i f e and could t h e r e f o r e have had some bearing on K'okan's work, but as was pointed out above, they are s t r i k i n g l y d i s s i m i l a r in composition to the f o r g e r i e s . In t h i s c o n t e x t , one must also c o n s i d e r Toyoharu's b e a u t i f u l lady p r i n t s . In the l a t e 1760's h i s career had j u s t s t a r t e d , and l i k e the other a r t i s t s of that time, he was busy i s s u i n g p r i n t s c l e a r l y i n f l u e n c e d by Harunobu's s t y l e . F i n a l l y , i t should be noted that there are c l e a r l y d e f i n a b l e prototypes f o r Toyoharu's uki-e which demon-s t r a t e a s o p h i s t i c a t e d understanding of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e . One n a t u r a l l y has to assume that these comprised source m a t e r i a l as a v a i l a b l e to Kokan as they were to Toyoharu. B . Maruyama "Okyo's Megane-e Outside of the e a r l y uki-e experiments of the 1740's, the - 65 -megane-e of the Ky"oto a r t i s t Maruyama "Okyo comprise another l a r g e body of Western-style a r t that predates Harunobu's n i s h i k i - e . Megane-e or "eyeglass p i c t u r e s " r e f e r r e d to wood-block p r i n t s3 designed s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r a device known as an o p t i c a l diagonal machine,^ i l l u s t r a t e d in Figure 30.5 Megane-e were placed on a f l a t surface below t h i s device and t h e i r image would be r e f l e c t e d through the viewing lens by the mirror p o s i -t i o n e d at a f o r t y - f i v e degree angle behind that l e n s . Such devices were imported i n t o Japan in the l a t e 1750's where they soon became a popular novelty.6 From the i n s c r i p t i o n on "Okyo's megane-e, i t i s c l e a r that he produced them f o r a toy and novelty merchant7 i n Kyoto between 1759 and 1763.8 A quick survey of "Okyo's work and the background behind the megane-e phenomenon in g e n e r a l , w i l l be b e n e f i c i a l in understanding l a t e r developments in uki-e p r i n t s . Much of t h i s i n f o r m a t i o n i s r e l e v a n t to Harunobu's art. as w e l l . The o p t i c a l diagonal machine, because of i t s arrangements of lenses and m i r r o r s , enhanced the three-dimensional appear-ance of the p r i n t s and etchings that were viewed through i t . For t h a t r e a s o n , the a r t produced in Europe s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r use in t h i s device most often depicted landscapes in an exag-gerated l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e s t y l e . An example of a European vue d' o p t i q u e, as they were p o p u l a r l y known, i s shown here in F i g u r e 31. This i s an engraving by Edward Rooker (1711-1774) d e p i c t i n g , and t i t l e d a c c o r d i n g l y , The Grand Walk in the Vauxhall Gardens in London. The l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e used in i t - 66 -i s o b v i o u s , but not so obvious are two other f e a t u r e s which i n d i c a t e that i t was made f o r an o p t i c a l diagonal machine. Because of the s i n g l e mirror used in these devices to r e f l e c t the image through the l e n d s , the image the user perceived would appear r e v e r s e d . The a r t i s t , knowing t h i s , would compensate by r e v e r s i n g the image in his design so i t would appear c o r r e c t l y through the viewer. The prototype f o r Rooker's engraving, seen here in Figure 32, i s a p a i n t i n g9 by Giovanni Antonio Canal ( C a n a l e t t o ) (1697-1768), an a r t i s t who e x c e l l e d at t h i s low vantage p o i n t , deep p e r s p e c t i v e s t y l e of com p o s i t i o n . One can see that Rooker's design reversed the o r i g i n a l . Besides the reversed image, b i l i n g u a l t i t l i n g i s also a c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of European vues d'optique. When the o p t i c a l diagonal machine became popular in Europe, the large p u b l i s h i n g houses1*^ th a t produced designs could barely keep up with the demand. To maximize the m a r k e t a b i l i t y of t h e i r designs they were often issued with t i t l e s in more than one language. Sometime in the mid 1700's, o p t i c a l diagonal machines and etching s designed f o r them were brought to China from Europe.** As the device gained p o p u l a r i t y , Chinese a r t i s t s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those in the Suzhou a r e a , began adapting the European designs to Chinese scenes. Figure 33, Trees i n Zhej i ang, i s one example of a woodblock p r i n t e d , I2 Chinese vues d'optique. It has been s p e c u l a t e d *3 that i t i s an adaptation of Rooker's Grand Walk. The f i g u r e s are Chinese and the European b u i l d i n g s have been removed, but the t r e e - l i n e d b o u l e v a r d , complete with - 67 -c a s t shadows, i s s i m i l a r to i t s suggested p r o t o t y p e . There i s no record of which engravings went to China, nor are there any known vues d'optique, European or Chinese, in Chinese c o l l e c -t i o n s . For that reason, European prototypes f o r Chinese designs are d i f f i c u l t to i d e n t i f y c o n c l u s i v e l y . The f a c t that the only c o l l e c t i o n of Chinese vues d'optique are in the Tenri U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y *4 in Nara, provides s u f f i c i e n t cause to suspect that Okyo's megane-e are based on Chinese rather than European models. The v i r t u a l one-to-one correspondence between a number of Chinese scenes d e p i c t e d by "Skyo and the Suzhou prototypes confirms t h i s . Figure 34, View of the Wannian B r i d g e , Gusu, Ch i n a , i s a megane-e of Tjkyo's. It i s based on the Suzhou woodblock i l l u s t r a t e d in Figure 35 which, in t u r n , was based on a Canale t t o e t c h i n g of Westminster B r i d g e , Figure 36. There are other TJkyo designs and Suzhou woodblocks in the Tenri c o l l e c -t i o n which i l l u s t r a t e a s i m i l a r p r o t o t y p i c a l correspondence.*5 The Tenri L i b r a r y also possesses a number of "Okyo's megane-e which d e p i c t Japanese s u b j e c t s . These range from scenes of upper c l a s s l e i s u r e , as depicted in Figure 37, e n t i t l e d The Archery Contest of Sanjusangendo, to genre scenes such as Figure 38, A Theatre i n K y o t o . I n much the same way that Chinese a r t i s t s adapted European compositions to Chinese themes, i t i s presumed that Ukyo made a s i m i l a r switch from Chinese to Japanese m a t e r i a l . Okyo's megane-e l i e somewhat outs i d e the mainstream of the Ukiyo-e t r a d i t i o n , but there - 68 -i s evidence that l i n k s his designs to the woodblock p r i n t s of Toyoharu. This can be e a s i l y demonstrated by Figure 39, Toyoharu's v e r s i o n of the Archery Contest at Sanjusangendo.1 7 The s i g n i f i c a n c e of fJkyo's megane-e to the Ukiyo-e t r a d i -t i o n r e s t s upon the f a c t that he was the f i r s t Japanese a r t i s t to demonstrate a comprehensive understanding of l i n e a r perspec-t i v e . Arguably he obtained his knowledge from the Suzhou a r t i s t s , but that his f i r s t works were copies of Chinese ma t e r i a l does not diminish the s i g n i f i c a n c e of his c o n t r i b u -t i o n . In making the switch from c o p y i s t to c r e a t o r of m a t e r i a l based on Japanese themes, he was able to maintain the i n t e g r i t y of a v i s u a l system u n i f i e d by the p r i n c i p l e s of l i n e a r perspec-t i v e . In none of his work i s there the j u x t a p o s i t i o n of b i r d ' s - e y e and l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e as was seen' in the e a r l y u k i - e p r i n t s . Ko~kan and Toyoharu, and f o r that matter the generations of u k i-e designers that succeeded them, were the d i r e c t b e n e f i c i a r i e s of "Okyo's knowledge. It remains to be seen i f Harunobu can be connected to the megane-e t r a d i t i o n as wel 1 . C. Harunobu's F a m i l i a r i t y with the Megane-e Genre The p o p u l a r i t y of the o p t i c a l diagonal machine in Kyo"to no doubt had i t s c o u n t e r p a r t in Edo. In a p r i n t issued by Harunobu and i l l u s t r a t e d here as Figure 40, he d e p i c t s two people e n j o ying t h i s n o v e l t y . O b v i o u s l y , he knew enough of - 69 -the device to be able to d e p i c t i t so p r e c i s e l y . The t i t l e of t h i s p r i n t , w r i t t e n in the c a r t o u c h e , says Tama River of Mount Koy a, i n d i c a t i n g that i t was part of the popular "Six Tama Riv e r s " theme that Harunobu depicted a number of times. Harunobu never produced pure landscape p r i n t s , and in the themes he d e p i c t e d which a l l u d e d to s p e c i f i c topographical s i t e s , the landscape elements were always subjugated under his o v e r r i d i n g concern with the human form. S i m i l a r l y , the land-scape elements in t h i s p r i n t , which have c o n s i d e r a b l e s i g n i f i -cance to the theme, are present only in the composition of the megane-e under the viewing machine. Although t h i s m iniature landscape has no part of i t s composition rendered in l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , the f a c t that i t i s a landscape i s s i g n i f i c a n t . In the Ukiyo-e t r a d i t i o n , land-scapes comprise a genre unto themselves, but t h e i r genesis occurred a f t e r Harunobu's death. P r i o r to Harunobu's time the c l o s e s t t h i n g to a landscape p r i n t was produced in the 1720's and 1730's by Nishimura S h i g e n a g a .1 8 In two u n t i t l e d s e r i e s he de p i c t e d the Eight Views of Omi and the Eight Views of Lake B i wa, both popular s u b j e c t s f o r the more p a i n t e r l y a r t s . By comparison, these p r i n t s show much more concern with landscape than do the f i g u r e p r i n t s of his c o n t e m p o r i e s .1 9 Nonetheless, there i s in Shigenaga's designs a focus on the human f i g u r e s t h a t e f f e c t i v e l y removes these p r i n t s from c o n s i d e r a t i o n as pure landscapes per se. Toyoharu was the next Ukiyo-e a r t i s t to d e p i c t l a n d s c a p e s , but as was mentioned above, these were - 70 -produced j u s t before Harunobu's death at the e a r l i e s t . In the i n t e r v e n i n g years between Shigenaga's p r i n t s and Toyoharu's, landscapes were depicted p r i m a r i l y f o r use in o p t i c a l diagonal machines. That Harunobu chose a landscape as the subject f o r the image under the viewer he d e p i c t e d in the Tama River at Mt. Koya p r i n t , i n d i c a t e s his f a m i l i a r i t y with the subjects most often chosen f o r megane-e d e s i g n s . Other i n t e r n a l evidence in that p r i n t adds a d d i t i o n a l support f o r t h i s obser-v a t i o n . "Okyo's megane-e, many of the Suzhou p r o t o t y p e s , and Toyoharu's e a r l i e s t uki-e^Q are contained w i t h i n wide, dark borders.21 One reason f o r the use of a dark frame around these designs i s that there were a v a r i e t y of European and Japanese (and p o s s i b l y Chinese) viewing machines in use at that time. Some were a d j u s t a b l e , l i k e the one Harunobu d e p i c t e d , and the m i r r o r and lens assembly could be r a i s e d and lowered to accom-modate d i f f e r e n t - s i z e d p r i n t s . Others, however, had no adjust-ments and t h e r e f o r e were perhaps l i m i t e d in the s i z e of p r i n t they could accommodate. For the convenience of e a s i e r place-ment under d i f f e r e n t types of viewers, the frame was v i t a l in that r e g a r d . T h e i r g e n e r a l l y ample width would allow f o r simpler or no adjustments. Furthermore, a dark frame would help the user focus his v i s i o n on the image by deadening the g l a r e and r e f l e c t i o n s produced by the room l i g h t i n g . Harunobu's f a m i l i a r i t y with the megane-e genre was p r e c i s e enough to have him frame his Mt. Koya landscape in a fashion - 71 -s i m i l a r to what was commonly done in the genre he was i m i t a t i n g . It seems e n t i r e l y p o s s i b l e , then, that he may have experimented with images r e l a t e d in some way to those produced f o r o p t i c a l diagonal viewers. D. New Evidence: A Harunobu P e r s p e c t i v e P r i n t I would l i k e to introduce now a p r i n t from the c o l l e c t i o n of the Oregon Art I n s t i t u t e2 2 i l l u s t r a t e d here as Figure 41. To Harunobu s c h o l a r s , t h i s u n t i t l e d , badly damaged,2 3 and s t r a n g e l y conceived design w i l l no doubt prove c o n t r o v e r s i a l . The f a c t that the p r i n t i s a landscape puts i t o u t s i d e Harunobu's most common choice of s u b j e c t , the human form. Furthermore, that i t d e p i c t s a view of a harbour in China, confirmed by Chinese a t t i r e worn by the people in the scene, makes i t even more unusual. In the face of these o b s e r v a t i o n s , i f one were to remove the s i g n a t u r e from t h i s p r i n t , there would be no reason at a l l to consider i t as Harunobu's. On the other hand, i t i s p r e c i s e l y the c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s and f e a t u r e s of t h i s p r i n t , d e s c r i b e d in the above o b s e r v a t i o n s , that make i t a prime candidate to be a megane-e d e r i v a t i v e . It c o n t a i n s the necessary elements of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , and the f a c t that i t takes as i t s theme a scene of China i s c e r t a i n l y in keeping with Suzhou prototypes upon which (5kyo based his work. Given Harunobu's f a m i l i a r i t y with the megane-e t r a d i -t i o n , t h i s p r i n t i s r e a l l y not that unusual. It would seem - 72 -only natural that an a r t i s t , f a m i l i a r with something as unique as the megane-e, would e v e n t u a l l y experiment with those c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s that made them so unique, that i s , Chinese themes and l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e . Thus, there i s some j u s t i f i c a -t i o n to c o n s i d e r the O.A.I.24 p r i n t as Harunobu's. An i n d i s -putable a u t h e n t i c a t i o n i s , however, not so e a s i l y come by. U n l i k e Harunobu's f i g u r e p r i n t s , of which there are an abundance of designs to which comparisons can be made, the O.A.I, p r i n t , because i t s subject and composition are so unusual, has l i t t l e to which i t can be compared. Scattered throughout Harunobu's n i s h i k i-e , in the b i t s and pieces of landscape that form backgrounds to his f i g u r e s , one can f i n d a l a r g e r e p e r t o i r e of motifs which, in form and s t y l e , resemble what can be seen in the O.A.I, p r i n t . These include t r e e s rendered in the dot s t y l e seen on the r i g h t , the huts in behind those t r e e s , the houses b u i l t on pylons seen in the upper r i g h t c o r n e r , groupings of boats l i k e those at the end of the p i e r , d i s t a n t boats l i k e those on the h o r i z o n , d i s t a n t mountains sketched with the same hatching strokes as those in t h i s p r i n t , and b i r d s soaring in the d i s t a n t s k i e s . These s i m i l a r i t i e s could be i l l u s t r a t e d and d i s c u s s e d at length and s t i l l a c o n c l u s i v e a t t r i b u t i o n of the O.A.I. p r i n t would remain e l u s i v e . They a r e , a f t e r a l l , only secondary motifs in the O.A.I, p r i n t , and i n Harunobu's f i g u r e p r i n t s t h e i r importance to the theme and t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e to the s t r u c t u r e of the composition i s minimal at b e s t . Furthermore, as I have not y e t - 73 -d i s c u s s e d the dating of the O.A.I, p r i n t , comparisons of i t to Harunobu's n i s h i k i-e ( i . e . , p r i n t s made a f t e r 1765 ) may be premature. In regard to the f a c t that the O.A.I, p r i n t takes as i t s s u b j e c t a scene in China, I know of only one other s i m i l a r p r i n t by Harunobu. It i s in the c o l l e c t i o n of the Art I n s t i t u t e of Chicago and i s e n t i t l e d Chinese Scene. It i s i l l u s t r a t e d here in Figure 42. Apart from the thematic s i m i l a r i t i e s between Chinese Scene and the O.A.I, p r i n t , they both u t i l i z e the same motif of a low arched, stone bridge approached by a promenade on e i t h e r s i d e .2 5 A shared motif such as t h i s in no way precludes the a u t h e n t i c i t y of the O.A.I, p r i n t , but the f a c t that i t has in both p r i n t s been rendered in a uniquely s o p h i s t i c a t e d way i s perhaps i n d i c a t i v e of a common source. In the O.A.I, p r i n t , the low vantage p o i n t from which the foreground motifs have been depicted permits a view of both the underside and the top-side of the b r i d g e . The unique " r o l l " or " t w i s t " t h i s motif possesses has been d u p l i c a t e d in reverse in Chinese Scene de s p i t e the f a c t that the vantage point i s c o n s i d e r a b l y higher in that p r i n t . An arched bridge viewed in such a manner was unique to Japanese a r t at the time. One need only compare t h i s view to the b i r d1s - e y e - v i e w of the bridge in Masanobu's teahouse i n t e r i o r ( F i g u r e 29) to see the d i f f e r e n c e . In t h i s small way, Harunobu's Chinese Scene may in part help to a u t h e n t i c a t e the O.A.I. P r i n t . - 74 -In terms of comparative i n t e r n a l e v i d e n c e , the signature on t h i s p r i n t may also help to make i t s a u t h e n t i c a t i o n more c o n c l u s i v e . In Harunobu's short career there seemed to be one major change in form of h i s s i gnature--f rom his f u l l name, "Suzuki Harunobu" to i t s shortened v e r s i o n , "Harunobu."2 6 Apart from t h i s , there are some minor changes in the c a l l i -graphy of i n d i v i d u a l c h a r a c t e r s , but these are more apparent in the shortened v e r s i o n . He wrote the word "Suzuki" f a i r l y c o n s i s t e n t l y and t h i s c o n s i s t e n c y i s most evident in the way he formed the c h a r a c t e r "suzu" ( ) . In the " k i n " or "gold" r a d i c a l on the l e f t , a trademark of his personal c a l l i g r a p h i c s t y l e i s e v i d e n t in the two small strokes that s t r a d d l e the long v e r t i c a l spine of the c h a r a c t e r . In "block s t y l e " w r i t i n g these would both angle down from the o u t s i d e of the r a d i c a l towards the spine ( ii- ' ) . Harunobu u s u a l l y wrote t h i s r a d i c a l in a more c u r s i v e s t y l e , in which these two strokes were connected with a t h i n h o r i z o n t a l l i n e ( £ ) . The stroke on the r i g h t s i d e of the spine would angle opposite to normal d i r e c t i o n . Sometimes, as seen in Figures 43 and 44, d e t a i l s from the O.A.I, p r i n t and one of h i s n i s h i k i - e , the h o r i z o n t a l connecting stroke would be made so q u i c k l y that i t would disappear a l t o g e t h e r . Nonetheless, the f i n a l v e r t i c a l stroke would r e t a i n i t s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y opposite angle. This c a l l i g r a p h i c f e a t u r e and the manner in which the r i g h t side element of that c h a r a c t e r ( % ) encroaches on the ki n r a d i c a l in such a way that i t appears to be tucked underneath i t , - 75 -comprise two c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h a b l e f e a t u r e s of Harunobu's c a l l i g r a p h y which appear c o n s i s t a n t l y in a l l his p r i n t s bearing the f u l l s i g n a t u r e . The "Harunobu" p o r t i o n of his signature on the O.A.I, p r i n t has been p a r t i a l l y obscured by what appears to be water damage. Any c o r r o b o r a t i n g evidence here i s impossible to d i s c e r n . The process by which the O.A.I, p r i n t can be dated in i t s e l f provides f u r t h e r evidence f o r i t s a u t h e n t i c i t y . The f a c t that the O.A.I, p r i n t i s not a n i s h i k i - e ,2 7 argues s t r o n g l y f o r a pre-1765 date. This i s supported by a number of c o r r e l a t i o n s . In the d i s c u s s i o n above i t was sug-gested that the p r i n t , Chinese-Scene, was r e l a t e d to the O.A.I, p r i n t . The manner of d e p i c t i n g the low-arched, stone b r i d g e , common to both p r i n t s , could only have come from a low vantage p o i n t c o m p o s i t i o n . For that reason i t i s p o s s i b l e that Chinese Scene may have been a d e r i v a t i v e of the O.A.I, p r i n t or both p r i n t s may have stemmed from the same p r o t o t y p e . Since the c o l o u r i n g scheme of Chinese Scene i s also p r e - n i s h i k i - e , 2 8 i t i s safe to assume that Harunobu was experimenting with megane-e d e r i v e d , t h e m a t i c a l l y Chinese material sometime before 1765. This assumption seems to f i t well with what l i t t l e we know of Harunobu's formative y e a r s . Before the i n c e p t i o n of n i s h i k i-e p r o d u c t i o n , Harunobu produced a number of p r i n t s which emphasized landscape. One s e r i e s , e n t i t l e d Six S a i n t s of Po e t r y , i s shown here in Figure 45. It was conceived in the same hoso-e format and coloured by the same method as Chinese Scene. It i s evident from - 76 -Harunobu's acto r p r i n t s that at that time in his career he was producing designs s i m i l a r in s t y l e to T o r i i K i yomitsu. It i s no s u r p r i s e that Harunobu's Six S a i n t s o f P o e t r y s e r i e s bears a c l o s e resemblance to the Kiyomitsu hoso-e i l l u s t r a t e d here in F i g u r e 46. Another of Harunobu's pre-ni shi k i - e p r i n t s (Figure 47) demonstrates that his i n t e r e s t in landscape extended to his e a r l y f i g u r e p r i n t s . The s k e t c h - l i k e q u a l i t i e s of i t s middle and d i s t a n t views i s s i m i l a r to the manner in which he depicted the landscape elements of the O.A.I. p r i n t . If these e a r l y p r i n t s are compared to Harunobu's calendar p r i n t s and to the designs of a l l other Ukiyo-e a r t i s t s who worked in the decade p r i o r to 1765, the amount of landscape they contain i s c o n s i -d e r a b l e . In other words, Harunobu seemed to be predisposed to working with landscapes at that time. The O.A.I, p r i n t can be seen as a natural extension of t h i s p r e d i s p o s i t i o n . In the d i s c u s s i o n above i t was noted that the O.A.I, p r i n t d e p i c t s a Chinese scene in a manner i n c o r p o r a t i n g l i n e a r per-s p e c t i v e . This suggests that i t may have been based on a Suzhou vues d'optique, or a Japanese megane-e of a Chinese scene. The low-arched, stone bridge in the O.A.I, p r i n t was shown to be s i m i l a r to that in Harunobu's Chinese Scene by the unique manner in which i t was d e p i c t e d . The signature on the O.A.I, p r i n t was shown to be c o n s i s t e n t with Harunobu's c a l l i -graphic s t y l e . Furthermore the dating of t h i s p r i n t places i t w i t h i n a period in Harunobu's career when he was known to have been experimenting with landscape. - 77 -Although each of these arguments i s i n c o n c l u s i v e in i t s e l f , taken together the evidence provides s o l i d grounds to confirm the a t t r i b u t i o n of the O.A.I, p r i n t to Harunobu. This being a c c e p t e d , an a n a l y s i s of the p r i n t ' s formal and s t y l i s t i c q u a l i t i e s w i l l help to c l a r i f y the context in which Harunobu designed i t . It appears from the way in which the a r t i s t rendered the elements of the O.A.I, design that i t may a c t u a l l y be a composite of s o r t s . The upper p o r t i o n s of the c o m p o s i t i o n , meaning the middle and d i s t a n t landscapes that protrude from the r i g h t border of the p r i n t , have a l o o s e , s k e t c h - l i k e q u a l i t y . The scene has been captured q u i t e a p t l y , but the s t r u c t u r e and form of the d i s t a n t mountains, and the near s h o r e l i n e of the middle ground, are ambiguous due to the r a t h e r haphazard a p p l i c a t i o n of texture s t r o k e s . By c o n t r a s t , in the rendering of the foreground m o t i f s , p a r t i c u l a r l y those that r e q u i r e d a t t e n t i v e n e s s to the r u l e s of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , there i s evidence of a much more systematic meticulousness on the part of the a r t i s t . Great a t t e n t i o n has been paid to the l i n e a r i t y of the m o t i f s . Notice the compara-t i v e l y c l e a n e r look to the image, f a c i l i t a t e d mostly by c r i s p e r l i n e . This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y evident in those a r c h i t e c t u r a l s t r u c t u r e s , l i k e the wall along the promenade, that give the p r i n t i t s p e r s p e c t i v e q u a l i t i e s . Meticulous l i n e a r i t y i s of tantamount importance to p e r s p e c t i v e p r i n t s , a p r e r e q u i s i t e of s o r t s , and that in i t s e l f may be i t s r a i son d' e t r e . But the - 78 -f a c t that the same meticulous l i n e i s used to d e p i c t the boat in the foreground most probably i n d i c a t e s that these parts of the design were c a r e f u l l y copied from another source. The upper part of the image, and perhaps the l e f t bank of the harbour, may have been simply added to balance the d e s i g n . C e r t a i n l y they do not help maintain the i l l u s i o n of a continuous ground plane, unbroken to the h o r i z o n . In terms of what we know of Harunobu's f a m i l i a r i t y with the megane-e genre, a p r i n t l i k e the O.A.I, landscape i s perhaps an example of experimentation on his p a r t , with the l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e he may have encountered in a Chinese vues d'optique or a Japanized d e r i v a t i v e . The i n c o n s i s t e n c y of v a n i s h i n g p o i n t s between the l e f t and r i g h t banks of the harbour, the f a c t t h a t n e i t h e r v a n i s h i n g p o i n t s i t s on the h o r i z o n , and the combination of a s k e t c h - l i k e and m e t i c u l o u s l y l i n e a r s t y l e c h a r a c t e r i z e the experimental q u a l i t y of t h i s p r i n t . Despite the incongruous mix of s t y l e s and despite the i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s in the d e s i g n , in t h i s experimental p r i n t Harunobu has shown c l e a r l y that he was aware of the r e l a t i o n -ship between p e r s p e c t i v e and the view of a d i s t a n t landscape c l u s t e r e d around a low h o r i z o n . A l l of the e s s e n t i a l elements r e q u i r e d to c r e a t e a p e r s p e c t i v e p r i n t are present in the O.A.I, design in crude rudimentary forms. - 79 -NOTES CHAPTER 3 1 Okumura Masanobu i s considered by most sc h o l a r s to be the o r i g i n a t o r of uki-e but t h i s has never been proven conclu-s i v e l y . 2 The o r i g i n of t h i s term i s u n c l e a r , but the e a r l y p r a c t i -t i o n e r s of uki-e used i t from the o u t s e t . 3 Some of the e a r l i e r megane-e were, hand-drawn. The l a t e r ones were p r i n t e d but hand-coloured. 4 " O p t i c a l Diagonal Machine" or "zograscope" are E n g l i s h names; in French, i t i s optique; in German, guckkast, in Dutch, o p t i c a or opti c a - t o e s t e l . The Japanese name was nozoki k a r a k u r i . 5 There are a v a r i e t y of makes and d e s i g n s . The one p i c t u r e d here was popular in France and England. 6 The h i s t o r y of the o p t i c a l diagonal machine in Europe, China, and Japan i s not c l e a r . the most extensive t r e a t -ment I have seen i s J u l i a n Lee, The O r i g i n and Development of J a p a n e s e L a n d s c a p e P r i n t s : A Study i n t h e Synthesi s ~bT Eastern and Western A r t , d i s s . , U~. Washi ngton, 1977 . FTe provides a thorough i n t r o d u c t i o n to the types of machines, the a r t produced f o r them, t h e i r popular appeal in China and Japan, and the e f f e c t they had on Japanese a r t . There are tremendous problems with the dating of everything to do with t h i s t o p i c . For that reason, a l l the dates I have quoted so f a r and w i l l quote in t h i s d i s c u s s i o n of megane-e should be accepted in only the most general sense. 7 Many of Tokyo's works are i n s c r i b e d with "Owariya Kambei" s e a l s . He was the p r o p r i e t e r of the toy s t o r e . 8 These dates seem v e r i f i a b l e . J u l i a n Lee (p. 307) d i s c u s s e s two megane-e d e p i c t i n g the theatre d i s t r i c t s in Kycfto. From the banners and posters in these p r i n t s , which a d v e r t i s e s p e c i f i c plays performed by s p e c i f i c a c t o r s , i t i s p o s s i b l e to determine the dates o f the p r i n t s by c o r r e l a t i n g them to the dates of the perform-ances, provided that one b e l i e v e s the p r i n t was issued at the same time as the performance. 9 Many of Cana l e t t o ' s p a i n t i n g s were made in t o etchings by other a r t i s t s . It i s c o n c e i v a b l e that Rooker based his design on one of these as opposed to the o r i g i n a l p a i n t i n g . - s o -10 According to J u l i a n Lee (p. 263 ) there were four p u b l i s h e r s of vues d'optique, one each in P a r i s , London, Augsberg, and Bassano. 11 E x a c t l y which of the t h i r t e e n European nations t r a d i n g with China at that time brought the o p t i c a l diagonal machine to China i s not known. Nor i s the exact date. 12 Woodblock p r i n t i n g was the only means of mass producing a r t in Asia at that time. 13 By J u l i an Lee, p. 267 . 14 Most of t h i s c o l l e c t i o n i s i l l u s t r a t e d i n J u l i a n Lee. 15 For example, Okyo made three copies of the Chinese vues d'optique, Trees in Z h e j i a n g , i l l u s t r a t e d above as Fi gure TT. 16 According to J u l i a n Lee (p. 286) the production of genre scenes corresponds to a s h i f t in the p o p u l a r i t y of megane-e from the upper to the 1 ower_cl a s s e s . He used t h i s fd~ea to suggest a dating f o r Okyo's designs but f a i l e d to take i n t o account the long h i s t o r y of genre p a i n t i n g p a t r o n i z e d by the upper c l a s s . 17 In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r p r j n t i t i s p o s s i b l e to see a d i r e c t connection between Okyo and Toyoharu, but i t seems apparent from the evidence presented by J u l i a n Lee that two, lesser-known Kyoto a r t i s t s , F u i n s a i and Kokkado, were the f i r s t to copy Okyo's work. They produced s t e n c i l c o l o u r e d v e r s i o n s of many of Okyo's megane-e, and i t i s p o s s i b l e that these may have been the prototypes to which Toyoharu turned f o r h i s u k i-e . 18 These are i l l u s t r a t e d in Howard L i n k , P rim i t i v e Ukiyo-e (Honolulu: U n i v e r s i t y Press of Ha wa i i , 1980), pp. 155-158. 19 E x c l u d i n g , of c o u r s e , the uki-e p r i n t s from that p e r i o d . 20 Not a l l megane-e have b o r d e r s , which may i n d i c a t e that they couTd Be enjoyed without the o p t i c a l diagonal machine. There i s , however, evidence that many of the borders were cropped o f f when some p r i n t s , e s p e c i a l l y those of Okyo, were remounted in other formats. 21 Toyaharu produced a number of very small uki-e in which two scenes, each measuring 11 x 15 cm, were p r i n t e d side-by- side on a s i n g l e hosoban sheet of paper. These have p a r t i c u l a r l y wide borders; t h i s , along with t h e i r small s i z e , i n d i c a t e s that they were made s p e c i f i c a l l y f o r - 81 -viewing machines. J u l i a n Lee (pp. 845, 849) i l l u s t r a t e s some examples. The presence of s i m i l a r borders formed by the a r c h i t e c t u r a l motifs in the e a r l y u k i - e , makes one wonder i f they too were meant f o r viewing machines. This idea has never been explored to my knowledge. 22 In June of 1987, Donald J e n k i n s , the c u r a t o r of Asian Art at the Oregon Art I n s t i t u t e (formerly the P o r t l a n d Museum of A r t ) , c o u r t e o u s l y agreed to spend an afternoon with me l o o k i n g at Harunobu's p r i n t s in that c o l l e c t i o n . This p a r t i c u l a r p r i n t was in the back of Harunobu's f o l d e r and to Mr. J e n k i n s ' knowledge i t had never been e x h i b i t e d nor i l l u s t r a t e d in any s c h o l a r l y p u b l i c a t i o n . 23 The edges of the p r i n t are r a t h e r ragged. It i s very faded and s t a i n e d in some a r e a s . 24 This acronym w i l l be used henceforth when r e f e r r i n g to the Oregon Art I n s t i t u t e . 25 This same type of bridge can be seen in Okyo's megane-e e n t i t l e d Lake Qingcao which i s i l l u s t r a t e d in Figure 101, Genshoku Nihon no B i j u t s u , volume 25. Tokyo: Shogakukan, TWTTT. 26 Donald Jenkins informed me that the longer signature was used more often in the e a r l y years of Harunobu's n i s h i k i - e p r o d u c t i o n . Harunobu's p r e - n i s h i k i - e p r i n t s , however, use both the long and short forms. 27 It was coloured with beni , y e l l o w , and perhaps some b l u e . This combination of pigments i n d i c a t e s that i t i s most l i k e l y a b e n i z u r i-e , the most popular p r i n t p r i o r to 1765 . 28 Chinese Scene i s a mi zu-e. These were popular j u s t p r i o r to the i n t r o d u c t i o n of polychrome p r i n t i n g . - 82 -A. The R e a t t r i b u t i o n of F o r g e r i e s In Chapter 1, I c r i t i c i z e d the long-standing tendency among s c h o l a r s to use the presence of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e in a Harunobu-style p r i n t as the main c r i t e r i o n by which to a t t r i -bute the p r i n t to Shiba K"okan, a sel f-admi t t e d f o r g e r of Harunobu's d e s i g n s . S p e c i f i c a l l y , I c h a l l e n g e d the l o g i c of that s c h o l a r s h i p . I s a i d : If indeed Western-style l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e i s a unique compositional element i n d i c a t i v e of the hand of Shiba Kokan, why would he, a c t i n g with the i n t e n t of f o r g i n g the p r i n t s of Harunobu, introduce to those f o r g e r i e s something t o t a l l y f o r e i g n to Harunobu's s t y l e ? Chapters 2 and 3 introduced evidence and arguments which a f f i r m e d that Harunobu was in some ways s u s c e p t i b l e to the c u r r e n t s of Western-derived i n f l u e n c e s at work in Japanese v i s u a l a r t at that time. Given such an a f f i r m a t i o n , the so-c a l l e d f o r g e r i e s must be r e - e v a l u a t e d . No longer does i t seem so i l l o g i c a l f o r Ko"kan to have added l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e to the composition of a p r i n t he intended to pass o f f as a Harunobu o r i g i n a l . In doing t h i s , he simply extended in his a r t a trend toward W e s t e r n i z a t i o n that Harunobu had begun e a r l i e r in his c a r e e r . If t h i s i s so, then l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e in a Harunobu-s t y l e p r i n t no longer a u t o m a t i c a l l y and e x c l u s i v e l y means that such a p r i n t i s a f o r g e r y . - 83 -In Chapter 1, I analysed four f o r g e r i e s according to v a r i o u s s t y l i s t i c and c a l l i g r a p h i c f e a t u r e s . Even i g n o r i n g the l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e in those p r i n t s , the c r i t e r i a that arose from that a n a l y s i s provided a workable means to support the a t t r i b u t i o n of those p r i n t s to Shiba Kokan. Among t h i s group ( F i g u r e s 5, 9, 11, and 13) none t h e r e f o r e are s u i t a b l e for re-e v a l u a t i o n . There e x i s t three other questionable p r i n t s that warrant s i m i l a r s c r u t i n y - - b u t now with the knowledge that Harunobu was f a m i l i a r with l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e . Of the p r i n t s commonly considered to be Kokan f o r g e r i e s , F i g u r e 48 i s p a r t i c u l a r l y d i f f i c u l t to a s s e s s . The human forms, as they have been dep i c t e d here, show none of the overt anatomical problems so c l e a r l y v i s i b l e in the other f o r g e r i e s , and yet t h e i r faces betray a maturity uncommon to Harunobu's p r i n t s . The s i g n a t u r e , an enlargement of which i s shown in F i g u r e 49, i s most assuredly in the s t y l e of Kokan and as such i s probably the most c o n v i n c i n g evidence to a t t r i b u t e t h i s p r i n t to the f o r g e r . * F i g u r e 50 i s c o m p o s i t i o n a l l y u n l i k e any of the other f o r g e r i e s . The room, c o n t a i n i n g two f i g u r e s seated around a w r i t i n g t a b l e , and i t s a d j o i n i n g veranda have been conceived in b i r d ' s eye p e r s p e c t i v e , and hence the s t r u c t u r e r e t a i n s the strong diagonals and s l o p i n g f l o o r s common to that composition-al s t y l e . The s t r u c t u r e behind those f i g u r e s has been dep i c t e d according to the r u l e s of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , and the back-ground landscape f i t s i n t o that conception a c c o r d i n g l y . From - 84 -the compositional standpoint Figure 50 possesses the j u x t a p o s i -t i o n of v i s u a l systems common to many of Harunobu's p r i n t s i n which he conveyed some concern f o r a l e v e l ground plane and a comparatively deeper r e c e s s i o n i n t o the d i s t a n c e . In that sense, t h i s p r i n t f i t s n i c e l y w i t h i n the co n f i n e s of Harunobu's compositional r e p e r t o i r e . An a n a l y s i s of the f i g u r e s them-se l v e s i n a search f o r anatomical i r r e g u l a r i t i e s i s hampered somewhat by the f a c t that there are no standing f i g u r e s on which to base a comparison. Such being the case, the most that can be s a i d i s that they have the y o u t h f u l robust look common to Harunobu but uncommon in K'okan's p r i n t s . F i n a l l y , the si g n a t u r e i s more in keeping with Harunobu's c a l l i g r a p h i c s t y l e . Among the p r i n t s once assumed to be Kokan's f o r g e r i e s , F i g u r e 51 i n p a r t i c u l a r i s the strongest candidate f o r r e a t t r i -bution to Harunobu. The f i g u r e s d e p i c t e d show none of the anatomical i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s found in Korean's p r i n t s , and in t h e i r f a c i a l f e a t u r e s they are the most Harunobu-1 i ke of the l o t . Furthermore, the sign a t u r e on t h i s p r i n t i s most d e f i n i t e l y Harunobu's.2 B . W e s t e r n - s t y l e A r t in the Context of Harunobu's N i s h i k i - e Of a l l the evidence presented here to demonstrate Harunobu's exposure to the i n f l u e n c e s of concepts and tech-niques d e r i v e d from European a r t , the O.A.I, p r i n t i s the most - 85 -c r u c i a l . It i s the one v e r i f i a b l y a u thentic extant example of Harunobu's e x p l o r a t i o n of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e . Even the r e a t t r i b u t e d f o r g e r i e s , which now seem in a l l p r o b a b i l i t y to be Harunobu's work, would not be a t t r i b u t a b l e to him without the a f f i r m a t i o n provided by the O.A.I, p r i n t that Harunobu was f a m i l i a r with the rudiments of p e r s p e c t i v e compositions.. How-ev e r , by v i r t u e of the d i f f e r e n c e s in theme and composition between i t and the r e a t t r i b u t e d f o r g e r i e s , i t c e r t a i n l y does not c o n s t i t u t e a v i a b l e prototype f o r those l a t e r p r i n t s . The r e a t t r i b u t e d f o r g e r i e s , i f they come to be accepted as a u t h e n t i c Harunobu d e s i g n s , could be considered as prototypes f o r KSkan's f o r g e r i e s . C e r t a i n l y those two groups of p r i n t s are s i m i l a r enough in conception i f not in d e t a i l to be considered in such a r e l a t i o n s h i p . Yet the f a c t remains that a wide g u l f e x i s t s between the O.A.I, p r i n t and the l a t e r m a t e r i a l . Although c l e a r prototypes are not to be found, I b e l i e v e i t i s p o s s i b l e to bridge t h i s gap. The f a c t that Harunobu was working in the Western manner before he rose to p o p u l a r i t y with the i n c e p t i o n of n i s h i k i-e production i s s i g n i f i c a n t f o r a number of reasons, the l e a s t of these being that we now know a l i t t l e more of what he was doing during his formative p e r i o d . This has a profound bearing on our understanding of his n i s h i k i-e i n that i t i s now p o s s i b l e to d e f i n e , in p a r t , the b a s i s of his compositional a e s t h e t i c . F i g u r e 52, e n t i t l e d Courtesan P l a y i n g a Samisen, repre-sents one of f i v e Harunobu p r i n t s3 which are c o m p o s i t i o n a l l y - 86 -unique because of the manner in which the landscape has been d e p i c t e d . It has been pointed out in the previous chapter that l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e r e q u i r e d of the a r t i s t a c e r t a i n degree of understanding of i t s p r i n c i p l e s . In t h i s p r i n t Harunobu has demonstrated such an understanding, f o r his landscape a f f o r d s the viewer a l e v e l , unobstructed view underneath a bridge to a c l e a r l y defined h o r i z o n . Compare t h i s view of the bridge with that in Masanobu's teahouse i n t e r i o r ( F i g u r e 29), and compare t h i s view of the landscape with those in "Okyo's megane-e (F i g u r e s 37 and 38) or K'okan's f o r g e r i e s ( F i g u r e s 5, 9, 11, 13, 4 8 ) . It should be evident that Harunobu i s demonstrating that c l e a r d i f f e r e n c e in understanding possessed by only the l a t e r g eneration of Western-style a r t i s t s . P r i o r to 1765 Harunobu was experimenting with landscape as a backdrop in his f i g u r e p r i n t s . The evidence presented so far i n d i c a t e s that h i s experiments extended i n t o the realm of Western-influenced c o m p o s i t i o n s . With the advent of n i s h i k i - e p r o d u c t i o n , he rose to p o p u l a r i t y p r i m a r i l y as an i l l u s t r a t o r of b e a u t i f u l women and, as such, tended in the e a r l i e s t years of his p o p u l a r i t y to e x p l o i t that aspect of his a b i l i t y . His calendar p r i n t s are the s i m p l e s t of his compositions in that the f i g u r e s are set in a minimal environment.4 S h o r t l y a f t e r Harunobu renewed his f a s c i n a t i o n with the s e t t i n g of his f i g u r e s . Of the compositional types he e x p l o r e d , ten p e r c e n t5 of h i s designs show an i n t e r e s t in middle and d i s t a n t landscape and a l l of these d e p i c t the landscape motifs in a manner that - 87 -i m p l i e s a l e v e l r e c e s s i o n of the ground plane. The "view under a bridge" p r i n t s are by f a r the most s o p h i s t i c a t e d , but there are o t h e r s , l i k e those i l l u s t r a t e d here as Figures 53 and 54, which i n c l u d e d in t h e i r design d i s t a n t views of low horizons.6 The composition of these p r i n t s , unique among the Ukiyo-e produced before, them, represents the a s s i m i l a t i o n i n t o his p r i n t s of landscape as i t was depicted in European-influenced l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e c o m p o s i t i o n s . There i s an i m p l i e d chronology to the s e r i e s of p r i n t s d i s c u s s e d so f a r in t h i s c h a p t e r . The beginning of that chronology i s represented by the O.A.I, p r i n t , with i t s produc-t i o n date being sometime before 1765. The end of the chrono-logy i s anchored by Harunobu's death in 1770. Just p r i o r to t h i s he produced the r e a t t r i b u t e d f o r g e r i e s ( F i g u r e s 50 and 51) and s h o r t l y a f t e r Kokan issued h i s f o r g e r i e s . From the period between 1765 and 1770 we have a number of Harunobu's n i s h i k i-e which c o n t a i n landscape motifs rendered in a manner s i m i l a r to what i s commonly found in p e r s p e c t i v e c o m p o s i t i o n s . His "view under a bridge" p r i n t s c o l l e c t i v e l y represent the most sophis-t i c a t e d of the s o r t of intermediary designs he produced between 1765 and 1770. Although they do not d e p i c t the a r c h i t e c t u r a l m o t i f s i n l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e , the r e n d i t i o n of the landscape elements approaches that which i s seen in the r e a t t r i b u t e d f o r g e r i e s and K'okan's p r i n t s . With these intermediary p r i n t s in the sequence one must also i n c l u d e Harunobu's Tama River of Mt. Koya p r i n t ( F i g u r e 40), since i t i s a n i s h i k i-e and since - 88 -i t c o ntains an accurate i l l u s t r a t i o n of an o p t i c a l diagonal machine. The O.A.I, design i s Chinese in theme, implying that i t s prototype was a Suzhou vues d'optique or a Japanese d e r i v a t i v e of one. As the megane-e genre developed popular a p p e a l , Japanese themes took precedence over Chinese m a t e r i a l . TTkyo r e p l i c a t e d the "view under a bridge" concept in the megane-e dep i c t e d here as Figure 55. It i s c l e a r l y a Chinese scene, but he a l s o used the same concept to i l l u s t r a t e Japanese themes.7 It i s l i k e l y that Harunobu adopted t h i s compositional scheme from one of the Japanese v e r s i o n s because his bridges are of the arched, wooden v a r i e t y found in the d e p i c t i o n s of Japanese topography but not in those of China. The f o r g e r i e s , r e a t t r i -buted or o t h e r w i s e , are s i m i l a r to some of "Okyo's teahouse i n t e r i o r s in that the a r c h i t e c t u r a l motif i s on the r i g h t side of the composition and the p e r s p e c t i v e view of the landscape i s on the l e f t . 8 The a t t e n t i o n given to the foreground f i g u r e s in the f o r g e r i e s i s , however, something quite new, although i t i s c e r t a i n l y in keeping with Harunobu's a e s t h e t i c p r e f e r e n c e s . The evidence c l e a r l y shows that Harunobu's exposure to megane-e r e l a t e d m a t erial was of a continuous nature. The p r i n t s he issued between 1765 and 1770 make reference to d i f f e r e n t aspects of that t r a d i t i o n . There may not now be a c l e a r prototype f o r those p r i n t s once assumed to be K'okan's f o r g e r i e s , but in the context I have r e c r e a t e d above, the p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t they e x i s t e d at one time seems g r e a t . - 89 -C. Concluding Remarks Of the many a r t i s t i c schools and t r a d i t i o n s that f l o u r -ished in the Edo period i t i s a testament to the adventuresome c r e a t i v i t y of the Ukiyo-e a r t i s t s that t h e i r genre maintained over the l o n g e s t period of time the s t r o n g e s t f a s c i n a t i o n with Western-style a r t . From the uki-e of the 1740's through the landscapes of Toyoharu, Hokusai , and K u n i y o s h i , one can per-ceive a c o n t i n u i t y to t h e i r experiments with p e r s p e c t i v e and c h i a r o s c u r o . S i m i l a r i n t e r e s t s can be found here and there in the works of the Okyo-Shijo school and to a l e s s e r extent among Nanga p a i n t i n g s , and although the YofUga a r t i s t s l i k e Odano Naotake, Shiba K"okan, and Aodo Denzen could p o s s i b l y be organized i n t o a continuous t r a d i t i o n , i t would s t i l l be no match f o r the Western-style t r a d i t i o n w i t h i n Ukiyo-e. It i s p o s s i b l e to v i s u a l i z e the c h r o n o l o g i c a l stream of Ukiyo-e being i n t e r s e c t e d at v a r i o u s p o i n t s by c u r r e n t s c a r r y i n g in t h e i r flow i n f l u e n c e s u l t i m a t e l y derived from European a r t . Harunobu's s i g n i f i c a n c e to the Westernization of Ukiyo-e a r i s e s in part because he occupied a p o s i t i o n s i t u a t e d at one such p o i n t of c o n f l u e n c e . It should be c l e a r from the evidence and the arguments presented in t h i s t h e s i s that Harunobu's immediate a r t i s t i c environment c o n d i t i o n e d r e c e p t i v i t y to these c r o s s - c u r r e n t s of o u t s i d e i n f l u e n c e . Through the auspices of the calendar compe-t i t i o n members of the kyokaren brought a new l i t e r a r y element - 9 0 -to Ukiyo-e. Gennai and his c i r c l e of a r t i s t s s t imulated an i n t e r e s t in European a r t and the megane-e of Okyo and his f o l l o w e r s brought a new understanding of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e to the already strong u k i-e t r a d i t i o n . C o l l e c t i v e l y Harunobu's p r i n t s comprise a record of these new c u r r e n t s as they entered Ukiyo-e. Yet his p r i n t s reveal that he was more than someone merely in tune with his times; they reveal a w i l l i n g n e s s on his part to experiment, to understand, and to innovate with the new ma t e r i a l a v a i l a b l e to him. His calendar p r i n t e n t i t l e d Woman Looking at the Shadow of Her Parasol demonstrated the f i r s t use of cast shadow in Japanese a r t . The O.A.I, p r i n t i s perhaps the e a r l i e s t Ukiyo-e p r i n t to approach the realm of pure landscape. His "view under a bridge" p r i n t s demonstrated a unique amalgam of a landscape conceived in a European f a s h i o n and the b i j i n theme. Those p r i n t s once assumed to be Shiba Ko~kan's f o r g e r i e s , represent the i n t r o d u c t i o n of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e to the b i j i n-g a t r a d i -t i o n . S u r e l y , in l i g h t of these i n n o v a t i v e achievements, Harunobu ought to be accorded a p o s i t i o n in the h i s t o r y of Western-style a r t i n Japan. - 91 -NOTES CHAPTER 4 1 C a l v i n French, Shiba Kokan, p. 32 went to great lengths to prove t h i s p r i n t was a f o r g e r y . He spoke about the s t i l l l e f t arm and the posture of the young man seen here ho l d i n g the f a n , c l a i m i n g that t h i s was u n l i k e any of Harunobu's p r i n t s when in f a c t there are numerous Harunobu p r i n t s in which t h i s can be seen. The a u t h e n t i c Harunobu p r i n t to which he made his comparisons was so d i f f e r e n t from t h i s forgery that his a n a l y s i s was akin to comparing apples with oranges. Nonetheless, h i s comments about the mature look of the faces were a p p r o p r i a t e but l i k e Waterhouse and H i l l i e r , he too emphasized the presence of l i n e a r p e r s p e c t i v e in t h i s p r i n t as the prime i n d i c a t o r of Kokan's hand. 2 This was Higuchi's c o n c l u s i o n as w e l l . See H i g u c h i , "Shiba Kokan (Harunobu Gisaku) to Suzuki Harunobu Kokaiki ni t s u i t e no, ni san no mondai," Bunka Shi qaku, #42, 1986 , pp. 23-41. 3 The other four are i l l u s t r a t e d in S e i i c h i r c J Takahashi , Harunobu (Tokyo and Palo A l t o , CA: KUdansha, 1968), p. 90; Jacob P i n s , The J a p a n e s e P i l l a r P' r' i n t , Hashira-e (London: Robert TT. Sawers, 1982) , p~. 123, I l l u s t r a t e d Catalogues of Tokyo" National Museum Uk iy o-e~P r i nts 1 (To*ky*o": 1960) , p l a t e 438; H i l l i e r , Suzuki Harunobu, pi ate 126 . 4 E x a c t l y what r o l e the designers of these p r i n t s had in f o r m u l a t i n g t h e i r compositional s t r u c t u r e i s unknown but perhaps t h i s s i m p l i c i t y somehow r e f l e c t s an a e s t h e t i c f o s t e r e d by hatamoto s e n s i b i l i t y . 5 This f i g u r e i s a r e s u l t of surveys I have conducted of the c o l l e c t i o n s of the Art I n s t i t u t e of Chicago and the Toky~5 Na t i o n a l . Museum. 6 The Tokyo National Museum C o l l e c t i o n has a p r o p o r t i o n a t e l y l a r g e number of p r i n t s which use t h i s type of composition. See II 1 u s t r a t e d Catalogues of the Tokyo National Museum Ukiyo-e P r i n t s 1, i l l u s t r a t i o n s 438, 450, 451, 4b2, 481, 500, 535, 560. 7 OkyoJs megane-e i s e n t i t l e d F e s t i v a l of the -Tamma Shrine in Osaka. F u i n s a i and Kokkado" repl i c a t e d TI as di d Toyoharu. They are i l l u s t r a t e d in J u l i a n Lee, pp. 816, 832, and 849, r e s p e c t i v e l y . 8 The e a r l y uki-e have t h i s c o n f i g u r a t i o n as w e l l , but they do not have the a d j o i n i n g landscape i n t e g r a t e d into the p e r s p e c t i v e system. FIGURE 1. Suzuki Harunobu. G i r l in a Summer Shower. FIGURE 2. Harunobu, Three Sake T a s t e r s . FIGURE 5. Shiba Kokan Snowbal1. (as Harunobu's f o r g e r ) , Making a FIGURE 6 . Harunobu, The Snow Dog. FIGURE 7. Harunobu, i l l u s t r a t i o n from Ehon Haru no n i s h i k i . -94-FIGURE 8. Harushige, Moon in the Gay Quarters of Shinagawa. FIGURE 9. Shiba Kokan (as Harunobu's f o g e r ) , Veranda. Beauty on the -77-FIGURE 10. Harushige, The Archery G a l l e r y . FIGURE 11. Shiba Kokan (as Harunobu's f o r g e r ) , F l y i n g a K i t e . FIGURE 13. Shiba Kokan (as Harunobu's f o r g e r ) , Courtesan Reading a L e t t e r . FIGURE 14. Kokan, Forgery of Harunobu's S i g n a t u r e , d e t a i l of F i g . 9. FIGURE 17. Harunobu, Two Lovers at Yatsuhashi i n Mikawa P r o v i n c e . FIGURE 18. Harunobu, Returning S a i l s at Shinagawa. -/6SL-FIGURE 19. So S h i s e k i , Lion I l l u s t r a t i o n . FIGURE 22 . F r o n t i s p i e c e f r o m R embertus Dodanaeu's K r u y t B o e c k . -/0S--FIGURE 23. Harunobu, p i l l a r p r i n t . FIGURE 24. Harunobu, G i r l Looking at the Shadow of Her P a r a s o l . " " -107-FIGURE 25. So S h i s e k i , F i v e f o l d L o n g l i f e . FIGURE 28 . Shen Nanpin, Deer. -/OP-FIGURE 29. Okumura Masanobu, Evening Cool by Ryo~goku B r i d g e . - / / / -FIGURE 33. Anonymous Suzhou a r t i s t , Trees in Z h e j i a n g . FIGURE 35. Anonymous Suzhou a r t i s t , Wannian Bridge ( d e t a i l ) . FIGURE 37. Okyo, Archery Contest at SanjTJsangendo (megane-e). FIGURE 38. Okyo, Theatre D i s t r i c t i n Kyoto (megane-e). FIGURE 39. Utagawa Toyoharu, Archery Contest at Sanjusangendo . - //$*-FIGURE 41. Harunobu, u n t i t l e d p e r s p e c t i v e view of harbour in C h i n a , Oregon Art I n s t i t u t e . -//7-FIGURE 42. Harunobu, Chinese Scene. FIGURE 43. Harunobu, d e t a i l of Figure 41 FIGURE 44. Long form of Harunobu's sig n a t u r e - //?-Harunobu FIGURE 45. Six S a i n t s of Poetry FIGURE 47. Harunobu, Three Summer Evenings. FIGURE 48. Ko"kan (as Harunobu's f o r g e r ) , Enjoying the Cool A i r . FIGURE 51. Harunobu, r e a t t r i b u t e d f o r g e r y . FIGURE 54. Harunobu, F i d e l i t y : One of the F i v e C a r d i n a l Vi r t u e s . FIGURE 55. 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