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The Ubyssey Oct 25, 1974

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Special B.C. politics issue today
CHEATING IN INTRAMURALS is shown in this football action shot.
Two blockers in centre deliver obvious clip on pass rusher while
blocker to the right holds on to the ankle of another rusher. Play
action pass, caught by Ubyssey photog Peter Cummings, went for
naught as expectant receiver
football touched his fingers.
was dumped to the ground just as
Court OKs pool vote,
date to AMS council
The pool referendum will return
to the Alma Ma,ter Society council
for final approval which will decide
a date for the referendum, student
court ruled Thursday.
AMS council voted two weeks
ago to send the referendum to
student court to rule on alleged
ambiguities in the wording of the
question of the referendum.
Council members at the time
expressed fear that the AMS could
possibly be open for legal action if
the referendum passed with ambiguous wording.
Student court Thursday altered
the wording of the original
document which was signed by
more than 500 students.
The referendum now reads: "Be
it resolved that:
(1) From (date of referendum)
no further monies shall be committed to the proposed Aquatic
Centre out of funds by levy from
(2) Students shall no longer be
levied $5 each year for the purpose
of constructing a swimming pool;
(3) The Alma Mater Society
shall not take steps to use the
uncommitted pool fund for any
purpose without prior approval by
referendum of the society.
Students will answer the
question by indicating yes or no on
the ballot.
If student council approves the
referendum in its current form, a
date will be set for holding the
This date should be either Nov. 6
or 7 if council deals with the
referendum at next Wednesday's
Once council has approved the
down on pool
referendum a vote must be held
within 10 days.
The main area of contention for
court was part three of the
The original referendum wording allowed for a shift of the funds
currently collected from the pool
trust fund to another fund.
In the opinion of the court, this or
any other use of the monies would
have left the trustees open for legal
By law, if a trustee diverts funds
in a charitable trust from the
original purpose, in this case to
finance a pool, to another purpose,
the trustee is then responsible for
the money.
In the court's opinion, the pool
trust fund is a designated
charitable trust.
The other two possible
designations are a private fund or
a fund collected by a fee increase.
If the fund is one of these two,
students would have to pay income
tax on interest earned on the levies
collected to date.
As a charitable fund, the income
tax department does not collect
any capital gains tax on money in
the fund.
If the referendum passes, the
trustees will first have to settle
with the architect.
Pool committee member Doug
Aldridge told the court the total
amount of architects' fees to date
is $35,000.
Aldridge told council Wednesday
architects' fees amounted to
$20,000 but did not explain the
discrepancy to student court.
He said the contract with the
architect with the architect calle
for payment for work done if pool
work is discontinued.
Council was also told by Aldridge
that total expenditures to date are
$56,000 of which $20,000 made up
architects' fees already paid for
the schematic drawings.
After settling financial
problems, the trustees should hold
another referendum to determine
what students want done with the
The trustees will have to take the
matter to provincial courts in
order to protect themselves from
legal action on the use of the
money, the court said.
Court clerk Daryl Keeling, law 4,
said the judges would tend to go
along with the trustees on use of
the money provided they had a
sensible alternative to spending
the money on the pool.
There are some members of
council who think the referendum
is a waste of time since they
predict there will not be enough
students voting to provide a
The long-range effects, however,
may not be felt until 1976.
If the pool completion date is
pushed back more than one month
the construction workers' contract
will be up for re-negotiation before
the pool is completed.
Under the original planning a
strike by construction workers
would not have affected the pool
Now, with the delay while
students fuss over the referendum,
the architect has been told to stop
work until further notice.
Vol. LVI, No. 20
OCTOBER 25, 1974
Bremer sues Barrett
John Bremer, former commissioner of a B.C. education task force, is
suing Premier Dave Barrett for libel and slander.
In a writ filed before the B.C. supreme court Wednesday, Bremer
charged Barrett with making libelous and slanderous comments about
him on a CBC television program last January.
The same writ also charges education minister Eileen Dailly with
On the television program, Barrett referred to Bremer's performance
on the B.C. education commission as "a bit of a flop." Shortly after the
program, Bremer was fired from his job by Dailly.
When contacted in Victoria Thursday, Bremer refused comment on
the case. Barrett and Dailly were unavailable for comment.
Dailly appointed Bremer education commissioner in February, 1973.
At that time, the provincial government saw problems existing between the universities and the government — Bremer was interested in
mediating the position of the two groups without causing a confrontation
between them.
Bremer wanted to develop an intermediate body which would be a
buffer area between the two. He hoped such a group might insure public
monies were being reasonably accounted for and at the same time
preserve the universities' freedom in carrying out research and conducting teaching. Page 2
Friday, October 25, 1974
Want a witch, find some water!
It wasn't hard to identify a witch
in England several hundred years
You see, you just subjected
suspects to the water ordeal —
wrap them up and throw them into
a convenient body of water.
"If they floated, they were
witches and if they sank they were
innocent," witchcraft authority
Rossell Hope Robbins told about
100 persons in Buchanan 104
However, almost all of 200,000
witches burned during the 16th and
17th centuries were French or
German, Robbins said. He said
about two per cent of witches were
Robbins,   a   medievalist   from
New York State University at
Albany, lectured on the heresy of
Originally, persons accused as
witches were unpopular neighbors
blamed for commonplace accidents or misfortunes harming
others, said Robbins.
But to be a real witch, one has to
have a pact with the devil, he said.-
Performing  malicious   actions
Soviet Union seeks prestige
Soviet Union's government
hierarchy is more attracted to
"prestigious scientific projects
with propaganda value" that cause
other scientific projects to suffer,
an exiled Soviet scientist said
And, Z. A. Medvedev said,
although Russia needs to make use
of discoveries in other countries,
the bureaucratic machine makes
communication with foreign
scientists difficult.
Medvedev said that although
one-third of the 3.5 million scientists registered with the United
Nations are Soviet citizens, the fact
does not necessarily  mean  that
Soviet science is more advanced
than the west.
i Much of this lack of scientific
excellence can be attributed to the
communication problem, Medvedev said.
Until quite recently foreign
scientific journals were not freely
available, Medvedev said.
Although the situation has greatly
improved in the last decade, he
said many journals, especially
those of the social sciences, are
still not available.
Medvedev said lack of support
for scientific fields without
propaganda value is especially
harmful for the study of
However, Medvedev who was
recently exiled from the Soviet
Union for his attacks on Soviet
heirarchy, said he things the
current detente situation will help
co-operation between Soviet
scientists and their western
Medvedev said he also envisages
a growth in the political influence
of scientists in the Soviet Union.
Medvedev, a gerontologist, is
known for his work in genetics and
molecular biology and is currently
at the national institute for medical
research in London, England.
As part of his current North
American tour, he will speak again
today at 3 p.m. in IRC 4.
Senator quits
Arthur Hilliker, student senator-
at-large, says he resigned from
senate last week because it's a
waste of time.
"I felt there was no point in
continuing," Hilliker said in an
interview Thursday. "It was a
waste of time.
"I don't think anybody cared or
listened to debate," he said. "It
was just a rubber stamp. It's a
waste of time.
"I've got the impression I was
condescended to," said Hilliker.
"It's hard to describe, but
regardless of your viewpoint or
argument you get the feeling your
opinion isn't wanted because
your're a student.
"You are resented simply
because you're a student," he said.
alone is sorcery; withcraft means
one has plotted with the devil to
overthrow Christian religion. This
becomes heresy, Robbins said.
"Witchcraft equals sorcery plus
heresy," he said. "You're burned
as a hertic not as a witch."
"It's an instrument of terror,"
Robbins said. The threat of being
burned as a witch blanks the mind
and intellect with terror," he said.
Robbins said such tactics effectively silenced objections and
gained obedience among the
public. He noted that American
McCarthyism used similar
However, Robbins said much of
the terror several hundred years
ago came from fear of torture.
People   claiming   they   were   in
nocent were tortured until they
"freely and voluntarily confessed"
they were witches, he said.
Free confessions' were made
later with the threat of further
torture should a voluntary confession be refused.
Once having confessed to witchcraft, a person was told to reveal
the names of other witches. Victims were tortured once again if
they claimed not to know other
witches, said Robbins.
"The whole pattern was almost
formalized," Robbins said. He said
the record of witchcraft is horrible.
"Today, witchcraft is a fun affair," Robbins said. He said it
surfaces today at Hallowe'en when
children dress up as witches and
other figures "that never existed."
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CORNER OF BROADWAY AT MACDONALD - 2803 W. Broadway, Vancouver
SUNNY LOVE or some such crap takes place under the tuning fork in
courtyard between old auditorium and music building.
Lutheran Campus Centre
5885 University Blvd.
Sunday 10:30—Reformation Service
Tues. 6:00—Supper and Panel on Evangelism A special
issue of
The Ubyssey
786 days later
A new wind swept through British
Columbia on Aug. 30, 1972, taking with it 20
years of Social Credit government and
dumping 38 members of a new government
on the steps of the Victoria legislature.
For the 39.6 per cent of the province's
voters who picked the New Democratic
Party, it was a breath of fresh air.
For others, the atmosphere had become
British Columbians became charged with
anticipation, the denigrators no less than the
supporters of the new government.
There would be a new vision for the
province   that   had   for   20   years   been
Canada's profitable, if eccentric, cluster of
trees and mountains beyond the Rockies.
There was a new political order arranging
itself around the province to help carry out
that vision. Government was suddenly to be
conducted for "the people" — the business
of the province would have a human side.
With the old guard of the Social Credit
party all but wiped out and with the Liberals
and Conservatives simply holding their own,
the opposition was in total disarray.
The new Party was ready to begin.
It is now two years and 56 days since the
heady night in 1972 when the returns came
in. As politicians prepare for a new
legislative session Nov. 1, the new govern
ment has found its feet; a new opposition
has coalesced.
Politics in the province have undergone a
change unparalleled since the rise of Social
Credit in the early 1950s. But they retain the
characteristics of a province isolated on all
sides — nowhere but in B.C. could they be
played out in quite the same way.
The government has shown itself by turns
sensible, clumsy, paranoic, expedient — and
above all, pragmatic.
The style of the government has been in
many ways as unexpected as its election
The right wing opposition, meanwhile, has
See page 2: OPPOSITION Special 2
Friday, October 25, 1974
Inside this special issue
you will find that:
• Education policies are
not changing
. . . page 3
• The government is
alienating the party
. . . page 5
• Natural resource policy
caused contention
. . . page 6
• Social welfare is
cornerstone of
NDP philosophy
. . . page 8
• Labor is the key to
NDP   support
. . . page 9
• Labor relations
board decodes
. . . page 10
• Barrett inherits a
hardware store and
a civil service
. . . page 11
• Newspapers, business
and political parties
unite against NDP
. . . page 12
• Housing task too big
. . . page 14
• Consumer services
make no waves
. . . page 15
• Municipalities get more
financial power
. . .page 16
• Northwest
development is
dynamic but patchy
. . . page 21
• **
—graphics by sean rossiter
Opposition chases The Formula
while government withdraws
From page 1
embarked on a search for The Formula,
some sure-fire means of beating the NDP to
its knees.
Though considerably stronger now than
after the election the Social Credit party still
has not effected the transformation its
leaders want to see.
The Liberals and Conservatives remain
nonentities in B.C.'s political scheme of
The government's clumsiest action came
when it introduced the Land Commission
Act in the spring of 1973. The act had been
made necessary by an ill-thought-out
remark by agriculture minister Dave
Stupich promising a major bill governing
agricultural land usage.
The furore was immediate.
The government was attempting nothing
less than the takeover of all land in the
province, the opposition charged. No one's
home would be safe if the bill was passed.
It was significant that the organized opposition included more than the MLAs in the
non-government parties. B.C. Federation of
Agriculture farmers and real estate
speculators in fact led the condemnation of
the bill.
The bill passed, but not before major
amendments limiting the scope of the new
land commission had been added.
The government had given in to severe
criticism of the moment. It was a perhaps
predictable irony that a year later the B.C.
Federation of Agriculture rejected a
resolution recommending redress to farmers for effects of the bill.
The Land Commission Act furore was
followed by others of similar magnitude,
although the government weathered them
The Mineral Royalties Act, levying high
royalties on resource extraction, provoked a
massive campaign by mining companies
which resulted in the structure of the
"super-royalty" being altered in the
companies' favor.
The province's insurance industry
mounted a similar campaign when the NDP
decided to bring in a government car insurance system excluding private business.
The government fielded further furious
opposition with its Public Officials
Disclosure Act and its eight per cent rent
increase ceiling, although this was not
opposition the public could be said to be fully
As controversy followed controversy, the
cabinet began to perceptibly withdraw.
Members' public statements were fewer,
their replies to questions more guarded.
Barrett- and others have said the government was too busy pulling the province out
of the Socred neanderthal years to get out
and sell its policies.
But it was clear, too, that the government
was on the defensive, feeling itself under
seige. Barrett's outbursts against the opposition and the media became more
It was a strange attitude for a government
with 38 of 55 seats to take. It was also a
strange attitude for a pragmatic government to take. ,
For despite the gloom and doom howlings'
of various sectors of the opposition, this is a
government   quite   unlike   other   governments.
As Dave Barrett frequently proclaims,
this is a social democratic government, not
a socialist one. It does not seek to eliminate
the status quo, merely to rearrange it
The province continues to rest on a
resource extraction base that is undertaken
by private companies, with some government compeition for profit.
In other sectors private enterprise
remains unchallenged. It's a little more
expensive, but the profits continue.
The government is simply making
capitalism more habitable.
It is within that framework that the NDP
government has developed without doubt
the most progressive social legislation on
the continent.
Norm Levi's human resources ministry
has done much to dignify the state of
recipients of all types of help for the
It is worth mentioning in passing that it is
through human resources also that a new
kind of political network has sprung up. In
creating the system of community resource
boards a new level of local politics has also
been created.
The boards, which will begin funded
operations early next year, will open
communities to localized debates over
welfare issues.
While the powers of the local boards,
remain limited, they may well provide
revealing insights into the benevolence, or
lack of it, of local citizenry.
It is Levi's department, too, that has born
the brunt of continuing opposition criticism
for the largesse of welfare payments.
But Levi is perhaps the first welfare
minister to have succeeded in cracking the
W.A.C. .. .
son lacks his flamboyance.
opposition's nut of the lazy bum welfare
recipient theory. He has consistently shown
the "single employable" to be a negligible
factor in welfare spending — most of the
money is going to those who need it.
The right wing opposition led by Socred
leader Bill Bennett finds it convenient to fall
back on ciriticisms of the growing welfare
bureaucracy rather than the amounts of
money going to individuals.
It typifies a problem in some areas for the
opposition — it must tread carefully around
popular government programs while attempting to remain consistent in its condemnation of "socialist" government.
Nevertheless, Bennett's Socreds are
growing in membership, if statements by
party president Grace McCarthy are to be
believed. The membership is now at the
highest level in the party's history, she says.
Bennett's strategy has been to attempt to
change the image of the party from one of a
group of aging former cabinet ministers
with no new ideas to offer to one of a party of
younger, sound-management types with a
small-c conservative ideology with modern
Bennett has taken a sick party flung into
disarray by its defeat and built an
aggressive machine that is currently
mounting what he says is an "election
campaign" of constituency organizing and
The rise of the Socreds has, more or less
coincidentally, paralleled the growing turn
inward of the government, allowing Bennett
more offensive room than he might ordinarily get.
Bennett has also managed to skillfully
reduce any thought of a combined opposition
"unity" party to outright fantasy.
He refused to cooperate with Conservative
leader Scott Wallace in his attempts, backed
by Liberals Pat McGeer and Allan Williams,
to set up a single private enterprise party.
The Socreds emerged stronger from the
unity bid and the growing effectiveness of
Bennett's opposition has simply further
dramatized the bankruptcy, in one case
literal, of the other two parties.
Wallace's Tories actually had to float a
$5,000 loan two months ago to remain in
business. With his only MLA colleague Hugh
Curtis talking ruminatively of leaving the
Conservatives, there seems little likelihood
of Wallace's shrinking base reversing its
Despite David Anderson's conviction that
his Liberals are the real private enterprise
threat to the NDP, his party has been
squeezed from the middle almost to the
sidelines in the battle between left and right.
The Liberals filled in as de facto opposition during the early days of the Socred
demise, but were never able to regain their
position once the Socreds regrouped.
Anderson's personality is not one that
appeals to the populist base the Socreds and
NDP have. Whether the people would be
intrigued by a moderate party under
another leader is a moot point.
It is an eccentricity of B.C. politics that
voters keep electing flamboyant leaders and
like them all the more when they hold a W.
A. C. Bennett-style bond burning or a
Barrett-style organic bullshit-throwing
There is a tremendous response to personalities in the B.C. political make-up that
keeps its verbal politics as volatile as its
ideological conflicts.
This remains Barrett's political trump
card over the lacklustre Bill Bennett as the
premier's talents on the hustings are
legendary. He demonstrated them again in
a recent public relations tour of the B.C.
hinterland and his performance shook more
than one observer predicting doom for the
NDP at the next election.
It remains a fundamental part of B.C.
politics that it is nearly impossible to gauge
the political mood of the people.
It was a gilt-edged cliche during the
Socred years that no one ever knew a person
who voted Social Credit. With the name
changed, it could well become the
touchstone of the NDP reign as well.
If Barrett can fully exploit his public
relations talents in boosting pragmatic
social democracy come next election,
there's a good chance B.C.'s new wind will
keep on blowing.
OCTOBER 25,1974
Published Tuesdays, Thursdays and Fridays throughout the university year by
the Alma Mater Society of the University of B.C. Editorial opinions are those of
the writer and not of the AMS or the university administration. Member,
Canadian University Press. The Ubyssey publishes Page Friday, a weekly
commentary and review. The Ubyssey's editorial offices are located in room
241K of the Student Union Building.
Editorial departments, 228-2301; Sports, 228-2305; advertising, 228-3977.
Editor: Lesley Krueger
The mass descended on the newsroom, shuffling the entire operation into a semblance
of disorder. Leaning slightly to the left, speaking warily out of the right side of their mouths
and nervously scratching the mid portions of thier decaying bodies, Ken Dodd, Gary Coull,
Mike Sasges, Jan O'Brien, Marise Savaria, Kini McDonald, Mark Buckshon, Denise Chong,
Kim Pollock, Jake van der Kamp and Lesley Krueger assembled at the hub. Surrounded by
Dick Betts, Tom Rossiter and Doug Rushton, the masses proceeded to rally, cry, shout,
demand copious quantities of spirits and spew forth with utterances comprehensible only to
those equipped with IBM machines. "Ah fuck it," said Tom Barnes, Ralph Maurer, Carl
Vesterback, Cedric Tetzel, Terry Donaldson, Sue Vohanka, Bernie Bischoff, Reed Clarke,
Dan Miller and Peter Cummings, "This is a case for Michael Hansard." Contacted in his
secluded office buried deep in the bowels of his island recluse, Hansard said only, "The
answer lies within the interpretation." Everyone went home. Friday, October 25, 1974
Special 3
Radical education changes
lost in mediocrity, pragmatism
" "You can be accused, and I have been, of
moving too fast and the other people say
you're not moving fast enough.
"So a minister of education has to try and
find that fine balance."
What education minister Eileen Dailly
was talking about in a recent Ubyssey interview was mediocrity. And as everybody
knows, mediocrity is no way to forge ahead
with radical change.
But then that's probably the situation the
NDP government wants at the moment
anyway — no change.
Sure, there have been some token reforms
such as a new Universities Act and am-
mendments to the Public Schools Act. But
where are all the radical shifts in the
philosophical outlook towards education
that were hoped for when the B.C. electorate
gave the NDP its first mandate back in
August 1972?
Well, it's a long story .. . but it boils down
to a delicate mix of pragmatism and indecision.
There are millions of ideas about how
education should be reformed, some of
which are progressive and some of which
are regressive. The one thing both have in
common is the diehard fanaticism with
which proponents of each insist theirs is the
correct move.
Parents, teachers, administrators and
just about everyone vaguley associated with
children have some opinion about the
educational process.
That makes forcing one particular idea on
everyone extremely tricky, if not impossible, without experiencing severe
political repercussions at the ballot box.
To this end Dailly and her cabinet
colleagues have been reluctant to rock the
educated boat fearing a backlash.
Here's where the indecision comes in.
What to do in place of concrete action but
still appear to be earning the taxpayers
How far can the NDP go without fear of
catching flack over new education policies?
Is it possible to do anything meaningful
without getting thumped at the polls under
accusations of putting politics into the
Apparently they don't think they can get
away easily with much so a task force
system has evolved over the past two years
allowing the government to study ad infinitum every conceivable aspect of
education over and over again.
When asked when changes will be forthcoming, a simple sensible answer pops
out: "We're waiting for another commission
Dailly and her department never seem to
know what to do with the reports once they
get them except appoint new task forces to
look in recommendations made.
As Barbara McClintock of the Vancouver
Province once pointed out in a column,
Dailly appears to be suffering under a
"perpetual preparation" syndrome as
outlined in The Peter Principle, Laurence
Peter, in his famous study of organizations,
described a type of person who could simply
not make concrete decisions — a situation
which resulted in "occupational incompetence."
Observers in Victoria are currently
ama?ed at the lack of any action in the
education department.
The road to this hiatus has been extremely
rocky at times for the Barrett government
and is one of the sadder points of his young
Things began relatively optimistically in
1972 when Dave Barrett appointed Eileen
Dailly, one of the party's chief education
critics, as the new education, minister
succeeding Socred Donald Brothers.
At 46, Dailly joined the cabinet after six
years as an MLA, 10 years as a school
trustee in Burnaby and 12 years as an
elementary school teacher.
She had been a constant critic of Socred
education policies which she said left
schooling in B.C. in a state of shambles.
Dailly was born and raised in Vancouver,
graduating from grade 13 at John Oliver
High School into a one-year teacher-training
program at the old Vancouver Normal
School. She has never been to university.
There was initial talk from the new
minister about developing a public school
system whose graduates would be self-
thinking individuals able to cope with
working in the real world.
"I want every child to realize that if they
fail a subject it doesn't mean they are
failures. I think that if we're going to
produce a new generation to take over from
all of us, we'll have to produce people with a
good self-concept, coupled with an ability to
think for themselves," Dailly told a Vancouver newspaper shortly after joining the
An honest, frank statement of ideals,
Dailly continued to make a number of such
progressive statements during speeches in
which she went to great lengths telling
people how much she wanted to listen to
And among all those initial ideas was the
When Dailly announced formation of
separate commissions to investigate public
schools and post-secondary education, party
members were alarmed that decisionmaking was now twice removed from the
True, Dailly had the final decision on what
to take to cabinet, but she was relying on a
sort of double filter through which the
public's viewpoint would arrive on her
Victoria desk. She herself never sat on the
commissions, although some of her senior
department advisors did.
Within the framework of Bremer's
commissions, there were two advisory
boards; one composed of community
members responsible for public feedback
and the other a special group of people with
some expertise in various educational
The people appointed by the government
to work on the commissions led some observers, especially more radical party
members, to believe nothing progressive
would happen.
a   disciple
of Peter
from    the
concept of B.C.'s first ever education
commissioner, a person to lead a number of
task forces in plotting reform for the
In February 1973 Dailly appointed the now
infamous Englishman John Bremer as
commissioner for a three-year term at
$28,000 per year.
He was never supposed to be a "one-man"
commission, yet as time went on people
began to see him, and not Dailly, as
government education spokesman.
Bremer was suggesting things like reassessing the very roots of the learning
process in B.C. and developing ways to
either amend the system to keep up with
changing times, or do away with it completely.
Sources within the NDP say the party was
miffed at Dailly's investing what seemed to
be a powerful reform position in someone
unfamiliar with the B.C. situation and
outside the control of the government.
Bremer's vague mandate was to
stimulate discussion and recommend
reforms to the minister on the basis of public
hearings conducted by the various commissions.
Most of those appointed to the commissions, particularly the one on post-'
secondary education, were supporters of the
status quo. Why would such members want
reform? Right, they wouldn't.
Among these commission members were
William Armstrong, then UBC's deputy
administration president and now chairman
of the new Universities Council; Walter
Young, head of the University of Victoria's
political science department and student
Bonnie Long, a member of the traditionally
conservative Students Coalition group of
UBC politicians.
The first working paper on university
reform contained one capsulized statement
which summarized the rather reactionary
nature of it:
"The operational premise of the com
mittee is that the political relationships that
exist between the elements of a university
community are... unlikely to be modified in
any major way by statutory means."
While hinting that some sort of major
upheaval was necessary to change the
universities, the report ignored the notion
and played simple arithmetic with the
composition of various decision-making
bodies in the universities.
There was growing dissatisfaction in
many quarters with Bremer and his ideas —
some thinking he was far too radical and
others thinking just the opposite.
In December, 1973 Dailly announced
formation of yet another committee to
advise her on legislative changes and other
issues affecting education reform.
This committee would report to Dailly
directly, bypassing Bremer, although the
committee's mandate partially overlapped
with that of his commission.
It became increasingly clear by Christmas that something was up. Here it was
about 1-1/2 years into the Barrett government's term and nothing was done.
Then suddenly in January, Barrett virtually fired Bremer on a television show
calling the commissioner "a bit of a failure"
and his programs "a bit of a flop."
The state of reform quickly came to a
standstill; what was the status of the
commissions and who would lead the
As it turned out the various groups
finished their studies under new chairmanships (Young took over the post-
secondary one) and submitted recommendations to Dailly.
On the basis of the reports, some changes
were made to the Public Schools Act and a
new Universities Act was hastily introduced
in the dying days of the legislature's spring
Now nearly two years into its term, the
Barrett government wanted desperately to
pass the Universities Act and finally
rammed it through with minor am-
mendments and virtually no public
It had taken all that time talking to end up
having to rush the final draft through. And
to top it off the reforms made weren't
radical at all but bandaid in nature — an
expanded board of governors with token
student representation, a realligned senate
with more students but an unaltered power
structure, and a long-needed universities
council to coordinate university budgetting
■ and act as a liaison between the government
and the universities.
And as promised, Dailly gave the
legislature the long-awaited white-paper on
government education policy.
But that's about all we got — blank, white
paper. The vacuous five-page document
contained no new policy at all but rather a
redefinition of areas at which the government might like to look in reforming
In other words, she was saying that the
See page 4: MORE Special 4
Friday, October 25, 1974
More and more commissions
appointed but no real action
From page 3
commissions would need new commissions
to look into their findings. Dailly was apparently unable to decide from the advice
she received what she wanted to do in the
way of reform.
Her cabinet colleagues were concerned
about their relations to the electorate and
recognized they highly contentious issue
with which they were dealing. The more
powerful cabinet ministers, such as
agriculture minister Dave Stupich and
resources minister Bob Williams, were
primarily concerned with economic matters, not considering education reform as a
So the pragmaticism of the cabinet
combined with Dailly's somewhat indecisive nature brought any hope of major
reform to a virtual standstill as the spring
session ended.
More committees have been appointed to
look into new areas for community colleges,
to investigate collective bargaining
processes for teachers and to examine a
variety of other educational areas.
The reasons behind Bremer's firing help
to illustrate the lack of desire for change.
For despite the government's constant
claims that the commissioner failed to
suggest any concrete changes, Bremer in
fact said he presented Dailly with his
proposal for change several months before
he was fired.
In late March, Bremer made public his
own proposal for reform, based on four
natural stages of human development.
The first stage of education, from five or
six years to 13 or 14, would focus on giving
the child basic skills it needs, particularly in
communications. It would be governed by a
Primary Education Act.
In a second stage, the 14-year-old would
move on to a college-type institution where
he or she takes on more responsibility for
their own decisions than currently is the
case in high school.
The student would stay in the college,
possibly branching into vocational training,
until about 18 when he or she could move
into the third area.
The third stage would be divided into
three areas — universities, continuing
education and teacher training, each
governed by a board with some elected and
some appointed members.
There are some drawbacks to Bremer's
plan, especially that universities would
continue to function as degree factories
churning out professionals into the money
But at least Bremer had something to
show after his abbreviated term as commissioner. When you compare Bremer's
proposal with Dailly's white paper, there is
little question the government has intentionally failed to act.
There is no reason to disbelieve Bremer's
assertion that he broached the minister with
his plans but never heard the government's
feelings about them.
The former commissioner obviously had
some plan but the government — motivated
likely by a combination of pragmatism and
paralyzing indecision — declined to put
Bremer's proposals before the people to
This is not to say Bremer was beyond
reproach for his methodology and handling
of the job. NDP party members charge that
he neglected briefs, held meetings in secret
and was generally non-responsive to the
public input.
The point is the government was apparently presented with an opportunity to
work with a plan for philosophical change
but it declined to do so.
One has a sense that no one really knows
what's going on in the education department
especially in terms of policy implementation.
For example, a number of government
appointees to various positions in the B.C.
education system have been informed by the
media of their appointments days after the
-Or how about former UBC board member
Les Bewley and senate-elected board
member Chuck Connaghan voting on board
business long after their terms expired.
(In Bewley's case, his term was not
renewed by the Socreds in August, 1972 —
leaving a gap of seven months until labor
man Clive Lytle was appointed to replace
him. Connaghon was reappointed to senate
and re-elected to the board.)
While the Universities Act was
proclaimed during the summer establishing
the universities council, its 10 members
were not appointed until several weeks ago,
delaying some business matters.
The government committed itself to
reducing student-teacher ratios in B.C. from
It is with little doubt the clearest and most
decisive step Dailly has made during her
The NDP government has also pushed the
community college concept, agreeing to
fund capital costs. While 1974-75 budget
increases to school districts and universities
remained at about 10 per cent, budgets for
colleges and vocational and technical institutes jumped 46.5 and 37.5 per cent
(It should be noted the universities later
got an additional $10 million to divide after
complaining that things would have to be
eliminated without more money. UBC later
picked up another $4.1  million for corn-
districts are rather upset about education
Association president Pat Walsh, a Fort
St. John lawyer, recently said the trustees
have lost faith in Dailly over a number of
issues, although he stopped short of calling
for her resignation. There was some opposition in the association ranks to Walsh's
statement, but the feeling of growing
animosity is there.
As for B.C.'s 23,000-odd teachers, a
driving force behind the NDP's election in
1972, they still apparently see the New
Democrats as the only possible party for
sound reform despite the progress to date.
If Dailly really wants  to  reform  B.C.
INDECISION. .. will leave this classroom the same as the government studies education ad infinitum
marise savaria photo
21.5 to 17 in three years. The ratio cited by
Dailly included non-teaching staff such as
principals and councillors making the actual ratio somewhere around 30 students per
teacher, according to the B.C. Teachers
But somehow the government didn't
check with the education departments at the
universities to see it that many new teachers
would be available this fall. It turned out
there wouldn't be enough, so the government was forced to undertake a frantic
$500,000 campaign of publicity and special
grants to encourage people to become
Dailly also granted $21 million to school
districts to pay for the teachers while the
B.C. School Trustees Association insisted
that $40 million would be needed to hire the
necessary teachers to meet the government's student-teacher ratio reduction this
There are undoubtedly other examples of
delay and indecision about what to do with a
situation or who to appoint, indicating again
some fault with Dailly and her department.
Yet despite all she deserves to be,
criticized for, the minister has moved
progressively in at least a few areas — the
most contentious of which was banning the
strap in public schools.
Many sectors of the B.C. public, both
teachers, administrators and parents,
wildly objected to the ban, but for one of the
few times the government weathered the
It has taken the more authoritarian types
some time to realize that you can't beat
children into submission over the long term.
munity-oriented programs.)
Unfortunately, a multi-level task force
system is still studying the question of
overall concepts for colleges and until the
recommendations are in nothing significant
can be expected.
Victoria observers feel a new Colleges Act
might be one of the few education policies to
be brought forward in the next major
legislative sessions set for next spring.
The government has indicated major
changes in all areas of education will be
forthcoming at that time, but skeptics are
still waiting for the long-promised policy
Both Barrett and Dailly have told the
universities to institute bold, new programs
if they want more money and indications are
new Simon Fraser University president
Pauline Jewett and UBC president-
designate Doug Kenny are responding to the
Kenny and Jewett have both spoken
recently on the need for changes in
university education including a call for
greater involvement in the community.
Yet here again a progressive government
"half-policy" is almost usurped by a new act
which fails to change the system to
guarantee implementation of the NDP's
The government has given more
autonomy to local school boards in terms of
designing elective courses to supplement a
core curriculm set by Victoria. Again, a
small step in the right direction.
Dailly's current relationship with the
trustees association is rather dubious as
administrators   in   the   province's   school
education she will undoubtedly have to
abandon her "middle-of-the-road approach"
of striking a balance and lead the way
through discussion and examples with
concerned groups.
"When I was an opposition MLA," the
minister said recently, "I pushed for quick
changes. As minister for nearly a year, I've
come to realize you have to move the public
with you, and bring into the process all the
established groups around the province."
The chances of reconciling groups with
strongly held opinions on education is slim.
There is a group which calls for a more
open, progressive type of system. Another
fast-growing group wants just the opposite
— a return to the three R's set-up of slog-it-
out education.
People want some sort of change and it is
the government's responsibility, once
having listened to the public as they have
through Bremer, to put forward a wide-
ranging proposal for consideration.
Admittedly it's a risk, perhaps too much
of a liability for the New Democrats who are
looking to secure another four-year
manadate. Perhaps then, there will either
be a new minister or a cabinet with enough
concern to demand action of its education
But what happens if the government fails
to get re-elected? There's a good possibility
of back-sliding and reinstitution of the
Socreds tight-money policies which have
hurt education in B.C. for more than 20
If the government doesn't act soon, it
could be too late. Friday, October 25, 1974
Special 5
Grass root rot eats at NDP base
It has always been a truism of Canadian
politics that the NDP could win an election
on the strength of its party organization, all
other things being equal.
This has been due to the relatively strong
commitment of party workers, as well as
the solidarity of constituency organizations.
Liberals and Conservatives have often said
"wistfully, if somewhat patronizingly, "I sure
wish our workers were as committed as the
In British Columbia, hpwever, there are
some signs that this may no longer be
completely true. In recent months
especially (and indeed since the NDP
government assumed power in August 1972)
there have been indications that all is not so
warm and friendly between government and
Within the party there has been a series of
resignations of policy committee chairpersons, as well as of party members in
general. The reasons usually advanced are
significant: frustration with the tendency of
government legislation, and with the attitude of the government towards party
to assume responsibility for all people in the
province. The government represents not
only the members of its own party, but
I his conflict between the government and
the party touches the very essence of the
NDP, questioning its reason to be, its objectives, and the direction in which it is
moving. At the root is a basic division within
the NDP as to the party's role in society and
the sorts of things which it can hope to accomplish through forming a government.
The issue can be viewed as having two
contending "factions" within the party,
although these groups are never so strictly
On one side is the majority of the New
Democrat MLAs, especially cabinet
ministers. The attitude of this group (and
probably of the majority of party members)
is that the government, in being elected, has
a^lllthough the government's "bias" will be
in favour of its traditional supporters —
workers, the labour movement, in short, the
"little guy" vote — there remain other
groups and interests which must be kept
happy (or at least not unhappy).
Chief among these are the corporations
which control the large part of industry in
B.C. Even though the government will
continue to implement social reforms, these
must be kept moderate. Some party policies
are just plain "impolitic" in that they attempt to move too quickly and would cause a
wide-spread alienation of voters.
Against this view can be contrasted that of
those who see the party as being most importantly a "social movement" whose chief
importance is to be found in its being a
democratic party. This group comprises a
significant minority of party members. It
includes both those who f undamentaly agree
with the government's policies but are
concerned with the question of its accountability to the party, and those who see
the party as a "socialist party which should
strive to overthrow, or change the power
relationships within, the capitalist system
through legislation."
This group sees the government as being
responsible and accountable to the party
and believes that is should implement only
party policy as legislation. The government,
in its view, has failed repreatedly to implement important party policies despite
repreated promises of fidelity.
What are some of the sources of this
conflict? One is to be found in the structure
of legislative government. There are no
formal provisions for party involvement in
the framing of laws within the parliamentary system. There is however a great deal
of room for elected members, especially
cabinet members, to use their own
discretion concerning what can "get
through the House."
This discretion relates closely to the
position in which any government is
typically cast in a liberal democracy: that
of "managers" of the economy and society
and gives rise to the sort of "all the people"
mentality the government evokes.
As well, there is the necessity of cooperation with others who are involved in
managerial capacities — corporations,
other levels of government, the
bureaucracy. The government must act in
many cases as a creater of compromises,
rather than as an initiator of social change.
This makes the implementation of some
party policies very difficult.
.T^nother reason for conflict is the loose and
open nature of the party, especially of its
committees. Anyone who wishes to may sit
on party policy committees, and this makes
them somewhat unwieldly, slow-moving
bodies. Because the committees meet
rather infrequently and irregularly, communication between them and the government is sometimes difficult.
In the legislature bills must be prepared
and altered quite quickly. For this reason, it
is often easier for a member to respond to
the changing mood of the house rather than
to a pre-formulated party policy in
presenting or amending a bill.
Party policy might also not be implemented because of the nature of the party
itself. The NDP in B.C. is, despite the claims
of members to the contrary, a coalition of
fairly diverse groups.
Within its membership one finds "liberal"
types who see its role as being involvement
in such concerns as consumer affairs, health
care, workers' compensation, and other
reform measures. At the same time, there
are also radical trade unionists who see the
party in terms of its commitment to labor
and workers' control of the economy. Other
large factions include Trotskyites and
radical feminists.
Thus any party policy may have a history
of contentiousness inside the party. This
could cause MLA to back off from it because
taking a wrong side could mean the loss of
support needed for re-election.
this dissention within the party has
manifested itself particularly in relation to a
number of key issues. These include:
• Bill 11, the Labour Code. Labour
members of the party criticized this bill
quite severely, and some MLAs voted
against it in the house.
• The questions of a women's ministry,
which has been an antide of party policy
since 1972, and which the premier proposed
as a priority during the election campaign
but has since shied away from.
• The new Universities Act, which has
been criticized especially by members of the
Young New Democrats. This bill was put
through without consultation with the
party's education policy committee, according to provincial executive member
Svend Robinson.
• The Essential Services Act, which put
striking firemen back to work in August of
this year. Many labor members again
decried the legislation. MLA Harold Steeves
left the house in anger during the
emergency session debate on the bill, and
James MacFarlane, president of the B.C.
Teacher's Federation, resigned from the
party as a result of it.
At the August party convention in
Kamloops the party-government controversy came to the floor in a report by the
party executive. This report was brought
forward by an executive which Robinson
says had been elected in 1973 with a man-
See page 23: PARTY
Political tales never before revealed
A quick glance at the parliamentary guide can tell you
there are 55 MLAs in Victoria: 38 NDP, 10 Social Credit,
five Libe.al and two trying desperately to be a Conservative party.
A reading of the newspapers or listening to the occasional open line show can reveal a few of the things
these people believe in. But the public, perhaps unfortunately, meets only the opportunistic politician, the
$24,000 to $52,000 journeyman legislator whose future
employment depends on convincing us all that he or she
is good for us.
This is a look at a few of the events that never made
the newspapers. Some of them may tell something, good
or bad, about the people involved.
* * *
Premier Dave Barrett was approaching Enderby, a
town noted largely for its massive hepatitis outbreak a
few years ago, during one of his recent Interior tours.
The rain was pelting the roof of the government car,
sounding like a thousand panicking feet, and Barrett
remarked with some relief that he could go directly to
the civic luncheon because the police escort, school kids
lining the street and the marching band on the town hall
steps would surely be cancelled. Harvey Beech, the
premier's shrewd advisor and political gunman, nodded
as the car entered the town.
But, lo, there was a police car, light flashing. "The
assholes," Barrett groaned, face in hands. "They must
be kidding. They have to be kidding." They were not
kidding and 200 school children, none wearing coats,
stood like so many drowned gerbils along the road. A
band cranked into action in the distance. As Barrett,
himself without coat, left the car in his George Straith
blazer, Beech hollered out the window: "You fucking
buffoon. What are you doing out there. You'll die. They
can't even vote." Barrett spoke with the kids for 20
minutes and spent the rest of the day sopping wet.
Before being elected, Barrett had never travelled to
Toronto, Ottawa, Montreal or points east. When he went
to visit Pierre Trudeau, he was baffled by the staid
Ottawa press gallery, which insisted he stand on a white
line for television interviews and generally looked
aghast as he swore and threw jibes at Canada's press
cream. Richard Jackson, an ancient reporter for the
Ottawa Journal, who writes right-wing copy for several
Canadian papers, asked Barrett a question. Barrett
peered at Jackson's hand painted bow tie, of which he
has dozens and is very proud, chucked the elderly scribe
under the chin, and said: "And who are you, president of
the Lester Pearson fan club?" Jackson was nearly
apoplectic and it is said he isn't yet fully recovered.
Alex Macdonald is the only NDP MLA who belongs to
the posh Union Club and often prefers the company of
Liberal lawyers like Garde Gardom for lunch. They say
he keeps his good clothes in the trunk of his car and
changes like Superman when out of NDP company. His
quick and witty ad libs are generally thought out and
written down beforehand.
* * *
Labor minister Bill King once became rather annoyed
to emerge from his office to find a half dozen reporters,
awaiting a statement, doing impersonations of him.
("Well, we had a very fruitful discussion and I think we
are making some progress. I appreciate any input
(pronounced in-putt) these people can give into the
situation (pronounced sitchy-ation.")
* * *
Highways minister Graham Lea once left a state
dinner and complained that the "vitchy-choice" was
cold . . . Norm Levi, who generally looks like he slept in
a storm sewer, sometimes wears his old school tie to
work. It's from grammar school and is about five inches
long . . .Ask Bob Williams a pointed question and his
reply is sometimes, "Kiss my ass, daddy". . . .
* * *
Speaker Gordon Dowding gets so wrapped up in his
parliamentary procedure ("Now, it says in May 17th
edition, page 756, that members may wear trousers with
or without cuffs. However, in Beauchesne, page 899
. . ,") that members fear he will eventually rule himself
out of order and resign in disgrace. Barrett, watching
Dowding walk down the hall in his tricorne, remarked,
" I think h is job has gone to his three-cornered head.''
#    *    #
Jim Gorst (NDP-Esquimalt) was so sure he would be
appointed to the cabinet last year he sought out an
executive assistant and attended the press conference at
which the appointments were announced. He became
known as the minister without. Recently, he tried to
button-hole Barrett in the parliament buildings and the
premier said, "I'm not talking to you. You're the chief
lunatic around here." Replied Gorst, "Well, it's about
time I was the chief something."
Socred leader Bill Bennett is such a male chauvinist
that he severely berated a reporter for losing an arm-
wrestling match to the Sun's Marjorie Nichols on the
night Billy Jean King beat Bobby Riggs ... Ed
["Dead"] Smith (SC-North Peace River) gets annoyed
when his resemblance to Mao Tse-tung is pointed
Pat ["Jugs"] Jordan (SC-North Okanagan) has
three attributes, the other one being her ability to
destroy the English language. She once remarked that
W. A. C. Bennett was "as a politician supreme in his
ability to walk a straight fence and keep both ears to the
ground." She's proud of the other two, once calling
herself Playtex Pat. When she arrived, a former beauty
contest winner, in Victoria, a reporter noted: "That's no
beauty queen, that's a dairy queen."
Liberal leader David Anderson once tried to deliver a
press release to the press gallery on a Friday afternoon
while the inmates were playing poker and was told to
bring it back Monday. He did. ... It is said that if Allan
Williams were to fall down, his suit would break. It is
also said he sleeps in a Birks box. . . . Pat McGeer, the
UBC brain researcher, is sometimes known as The Man
in the Grey Matter Suit.
These stories were collected from the Legislature press
gallery and other provincial pundits. Special 6
Friday, October 25,  1974
Socred sellout made
The toughest opposition to the government
Management of the province's natural
resources was the most difficult job facing
the New Democratic government following
years of lax Social Credit rule.
And when they set out to preserve
agricultural land, impose mineral royalties
and increase the forest stumpage rates the *
NDP encountered the greatest controversy
and opposition of their first two years in
Zoning farmland and taking on the land
promoters and real estate sharks, in what
many believed was a test of how far socialist
policies could go, they ran into impassioned,
but generally uninformed resistance from
conservative farmers.
When the NDP decided to introduce
mineral royalties a different more
sophisticated kind of campaign, often
centred in the daily newspapers' business
pages, was encountered.
Raising the stumpage fees surprisingly
enough was much easier, the timber barons
seemed to have accepted the inevitability
and put up a more genteel though tough
Bill 42, the Land Commission Act,
generally acknowledged to be the NDP's
sloppiest public relations job, got off to a bad
start when agriculture minister Dave
Stupich let it slip early in the first term that
the government planned to introduce
legislation to zone farmland.
Widespread speculation buying of prime
farmland in the Fraser Valley resulted and
consequently the cabinet, in December,
1972, froze the sale of farmland for non-
agricultural use.
Bill 42, introduced in February, 1973,
proposed to set up a five-member provincial
land commission with the powers to
preserve agricultural land for farm use,
greenbelt land around cities, land bank land
for urban and industrial use and parkland
for recreational use.
The preservation of the land was to be
carried out through the designation of four
different reserve areas.
Opposition immediately mounted because
many people feared property rights they
had hitherto held would be taken away.
The B.C. Federation of Agriculture was
one of the first groups to react. The
executive which had threatened civil
disobedience by its membership over the
initial freeze now urged the 10,000 members
to cease working on their land.
The farmers' main complaint was that the
legislation did not compensate them for
tying land into farming when it could be
worth more as housing property.
Legislative opposition branded the
proposed legislation "totalitarian,
autocratic and dictatorial" and in an
editorial The Vancouver Sun described it as
"the North American continent's most
flamboyant piece of socialism."
But it was noted that the Fraser Valley
was losing 3,000 acres per year to developers
and an immediate halt was no less than self-
preservation. Supporters also pointed out
that the Social Credit predecessors had
failed to call the halt and therefore abdicated all land-use responsibility. Thus the
Socreds had poor credentials as critics
along with the over-permissive regional
districts and municipalities.
The land bill opposition climaxed in a
demonstration of 2,500 people before the
Legislature in Victoria.
Premier Dave Barrett maintained that
the Land Commission Act would stay,
saying that the preservation of farmland
had always been a gut issue within the NDP.
And less than a year later even the most
vociferous opponents were resigned to the
provincial government's policy. In a
reversal of previous policy, the B.C. Fruit
Growers Association at their annual
meeting in January 1974, rejected a
resolution urging the provincial government
to compensate farmers for the loss in value
due to the freezing of land in agricultural
Others charged that the developers had
been the main land act opponents all along.
And even more people saw Bill 42 as a
recognition of the role and responsibility of
the provincial government to establish a
basic planning framework for the province.
In fact the act warmed the heart of conservationists throughout the country.
The legislation went into effect with
amendments to cover the right to appeal
decisions of the proposed land commission,
to clarify the section empowering the
commission to zone land into four different
categories, to include municipalities and
regional districts in the zoning process, and
to deny expropriation rights to the commission.
Most of the oppositions fears were allayed
because it became clear that the land
commission would not have overiding
powers to control private property.
As amended Bill 42 gives the government
through   the   appointed   commission   the
success of the land commission. Lane, he
says, is a person with a good reputation in
municipal affairs who tried to involve the
regional districts as much as possible.
Lane admits the land commission has
kept a fairly low profile. He attributes part
of the acceptance of the land act to the fact
that the value of agricultural land had not
plummetted as predicted by the opposition.
He also believes the land commission in
concert with provincial farmer income
insurance measures has done a lot for the
career farmer.
"The land commission assisted the
practicing farmer because it stopped the
breakdown of agricultural land into small
pieces which in turn cuts down vandalism by
young kids as well as access problems,"
Lane said.
"In other words subdivision works against
agriculture," he said. "Some heroic
measures have been taken to put the brakes
Agriculture minister
Dave Stupich ...
powerful minister
and architect
of Bill 42.
power to designate land as agricultural
reserve and set aside land it has purchase as
greenbelt, land bank or park reserve. Local
government was also assured a role in the
zoning process.
To many it was a significant compromise
by the cabinet and a shifting of its attention
to agricultural land problems only.
But according to land commission
chairman Bill Lane this was always the
intention of the act and the amendments
only clarified the fact.
"You can zone agricultural land but how
can you designate other land without purchasing it," he asked in a recent interview.
Lane said the commission anticipates
zoning four per cent of B.C.'s 366,225 square
miles as farmland. This is a significant
amount, he adds, when you consider that out
of the total B.C. area only 15 per cent is
The commission began the biggest zoning
job the government has ever done by sending Canada land inventory maps, which
were classified by soil capacity, to each
regional district. The district's were
required to draw up an agricultural land
reserve plan within 90 days of the bill
becoming law.
The commission, comprised of Dr. Vernon
Brink, a UBC plant science professor;
Arthur Garrish, an Oliver tree fruit grower
and Mary Rawson, along with a full-time
member and Vancouver planning specialist,
examined the proposed land use pllans put
forward by the districts and municipalities
and decided whether to accept or reject
To date all seven of the 28 regional
districts' plans have been forwarded to the
cabinet to replace the land freeze imposed in
December, 1972.
Bob Collier, UBC community and regional
planning prof, credits Lane with much of the
on the subdivision business and at the same
time the commission has tried to be as
flexible as possible."
He says the commission is also researching the viability of farming on the edge of
metropolitan areas such as Vancouver and
is now working with communities that have
suburban aspirations and that border on
agriculture reserves.
"We've been given authority to recommend purchases of green belt and
recreational land in each regional district
and we're working on a number of these
right now," Lane adds.
"The land commission has had one of the
greatest impacts on planning, more than
any other act," says planner Collier.
"It forced regional districts to come to
grips with what land was needed and
available," said Collier, one of the bill's
supporters when it was first introduced.
He adds that the only unfortunate thing
was that some of the regional districts were
not equipped to make this major decision.
Lane believes that acceptance of the act
has led to talk "that the idea is good but
should be administered by the regional
He warns against regional district
autonomy saying although they have zoning
ability they have a limited staff and it is
sometimes difficult to resist local pressure.
Lane also says that it makes more sense to
have a province-wide comprehensive
Collier agrees and says that the act is not
as comprehensive as it could have been. He
regrets the fact that the commission does
not have the power to designate greenbelt,
land bank or recreational land without first
purchasing it.
Collier said it does not appear that one can
make the direct conclusion that the withdrawal of agricultural land has increased
housing costs although it may have had
some effect.
"The reason housing is cheaper on
agricultural land is because we don't add in
the increased cost of agriculture produce
grown further away," he said.
As well as giving planning a boost in B.C.,
the act has given people elsewhere in North
America a shot in the arm, Collier said.
"People say we know it's right (to
preserve farmland) but you can't do
anything about it socially. But it did show
people that we have the right to make this
decision about zoning," he said.
A radical critic of the land commission,
Michael Hurst, a Simon Fraser University
urban geography professor, says the bill did
not far enough when it was first introduced.
Hurst still believes this and terms it "a
weak act once it was emasculated" by
"What I was hoping for was a social
democratic act that had teeth in it," he said,
adding that he personally would like to see
an act that would put all private property in
public ownership.
"The great weakness of the act is that did
nothing about land already developed and it
is being used Hurst said by developers as a
whipping boy to blame the housing shortage
Collier said the discouraging thing to him
was to hear Socred leader Bill Bennett
single out Bill 42 as one he would repeal if his
party was elected to power.
"The government unintentionally got
involved in a clumsy approach," he said. "If
it had more time to percolate it would likely
have been accepted more calmly and
reported more dispassionately."
Although the government had time to
percolate the Mineral Royalties Act, it was
bound to cause repercussions. The government was up against the powerful corporations involved in the province's second
largest industry, not just land promoters
and land hustling farmers.
The act was introduced in the Legislature
in February with Mines minister Leo
Nimsick saying it would result in at least $20
million in royalties to the B.C. people, giving
them a proper return for the depletion of
their wealth. He recently revised the figure
to $30 million.
Under the Social Credit government a
provincial mining tax of 15 per cent had
been assessed. But the effective rate after
allowing deductions for income tax and
processing was substantially less.
The new B.C. royalties were proclaimed
Sept. 27 but are retoactive to Jan. 1, 1974.
They operate on two levels and affect only
Crown land.
First, a producer will pay 2-1/2 per cent on
the net value of his production for 1974 with
this rising to five per cent in 1975. Reductions are applied when the prices of the
minerals fall sharply.
Secondly, a "super royalty" will be ap
plied if the net value of the production
passes a level 20 per cent higher than a basic
price set by the government. The government will then collect 50 per cent of any
Initially the basic price was to be based on
the average gross price of a mineral over
the past five years but when the act was
proclaimed it was amended to tie the basic
value of the minerals to an inflation index,
the wholesale price index compiled monthly
by Statistics Canada.
The cabinet also made another compromise, softening the blow of the super
royalty on new mines by giving them a
three-year concession. So now a super
royalty will be taken only if net smelter
returns increase more than 35 per cent
above basic value in the first year, 30 per
cent in the second year and 25 per cent in the
third year.
The mining industry mounted a campaign
against the act taking out full page
newspaper advertisements and dramatic
radio spots to predict dire consequences if
Bill 31 became law.
Price,   Waterhouse  and   Co.,   chartered
*•>■•? ##*.^.* * *
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Special 7
resource control hard
came when it tried to  legislate B.C.'s resources
accountants, recently completed an
examination of tax increases for mining.
Their findings showed that out of each $1 of
additional revenue where the gross value of
a company's mineral production exceeds
the level at which the super royalty cuts in
(120 per cent of basic value) the producer
will be left with only two cents.
Five cents would be basic royalty, 50 cents
super royalty and six cents mining tax to the
province and federal and provincial corporation income taxes will take a further 37
But the Price, Waterhouse study was
compiled in August and fails to take into
account the amendments tying the super
royalty to an inflation index.
This means the super royalty would come
into effect only if the price were to shoot up
dramatically. Over the long run, companies
would rarely encounter the super royalty
and when they do they should be able to
afford it.
The basic royalty will have the most effect
on the B.C. mining industry and the B.C.Yukon Chamber of Mines has presented a
brief which suggested that a royalty on ore
could cut the life of a typical mine in half.
It is not the best time for mining companies to claim they cannot afford to pay for
the minerals they take out of the ground.
High prices, especially for copper boosted
profits here last year. For example, Placer
Development Ltd. revenues increased to
$131 million from $56 million; Lornex
Mining Corp. Ltd. went up to $96 million
from $10.6 million from a new mine; and
Cominco Ltd. revenues were up to $518
million from $304 million.
The chamber of mines rationale is that a
mine contains ore of varying grades, unlike
coal seams or oil pools which are relatively
uniform throughout and are assessed a
recently-increased royalty.
Therefore, the chamber argues, with no
royalty on ore, a mining company, acting in
its own self-interest will extract everything
on which it can make a profit.
But with a royalty on the ore, the mining
company must cover the charge, so it will
stop mining when it can only just cover the
royalty. To charge the same royalty for low-
grade and high-grade ore must raise the
cutoff point of the mine and turn low-grade
ore into worthless rock, the chamber
UBC mineral engineering department
head John Evans suggests that taxing excess profits would be better than taxing ore
which has relatively little value. A profit tax
would hit the process where the value is
added, which Ontario recently did in increasing mining taxes to as high as 40 per
However, opponents of excess profit taxes
point out that this will simply increase the
search for loopholes in the tax laws, cause
economic distortion and involve the federal
government because income taxes are
primarily under its jurisdiction.
Vancouver Sun reporter Neale Adams
recently suggested an alternative — a more
sophisticated resource tax similar to the
provincial stumpage charge formula which
takes into account the differences, between
harvesting rich and poor stands of timber
and consequently charing higher or lower
stumpage fees.
But the government persevered with the
new royalty legislation initially designating
copper, gold, silver and molybdenum. Other
minerals such as lead, zinc and asbestos
were hit under the Mineral Land Act, for
privately owned land, when the NDP raised
During his recent provincial tour,
Premier Dave Barrett said that despite
their gloomy predictions, B.C. mining
companies are still raking in profits
although they are being charged mineral
Barrett released figures from the mines
department which showed that Noranda's
Brenda copper and molybdenum mine near
Peachland had made a profit of $8 million
during the first six months of 1974 after
paying $2.5 million in royalties.
The mining industry also criticized the
government for not conducting a task force
million, the net result to the province is $31
The change in taxation of logging profits
will reduce the amount paid by $7 million
and the lower profit to the companies will in
turn reduce income tax paid by $12 million.
Industry does not meet the whole bill
though. Under the new tax formula, about
$16 million of it is simply shifted from the
federal take to the province.
Resources minister Bob Williams admits
it appears that the province is trying to take
money in wood charges before the federal
government can take it in taxes.
the tax rate to about the same as the royalty
.  The mining industry calls the royalties
confiscatory stating that mining exploration
will dry up and ultimately the provincial
mining industry will die.
On the day following proclamation of the
royalties act, Max Fleming, vice-president
of the Vancouver Stock Exchange, warned
that Vancouver would likely to continue to
be a poor capital market for mining exploration and development funds.
He said mining is generally moving out of
the province and added that unless
something more positive is done the market
Will continue to be poor.
Mining minister Leo Nimsick has said
fears that the mining industry will be
destroyed are unfounded. He cites royalties
on oil and gas, which are also non-
replenishable resources, and stumpage
rates on timber, saying these industries
have not been ruined.
'MB living with NDP'
Despite the general outcry among
businessmen about the policies of the NDP
government, the head of B.C.'s largest
company says he can live with the socialists.
Dennis Timmis.. president of lumber giant
MacMillan Bloedel says B.C. businesses and
the government have adjusted to each other,
although outside investors continue to be
wary of the Barrett government.
"I'm optimistic that when it comes to
differences of any magnitude vvc can reason
with each other," he said recently in an
"We had better learn how to live with
them and they had better learn how to live
with the industry because one must accept
tire fact thai Ihis-mduslry is the lifehlood of
this province," he said.
Timmis said (he government learned
something ol the forest business running the
Ocean Falls mill they purchased from
Crown Zellerhach "I think the government
recognizes ver> well the role that industry
must play in the overall scene and impact on
the ccononu and Ihe ups and downs the
industry has."
But he has never been able to speak to
Barrett hinuself.
"I think it's a pity because after aU this is
where the action is and it seems beneficial to
have a fairly close rapport between industry
heads and the heads of the government "'
Tunmis said that as a result, "*I don't
suppure the> would become expert 'on the
industry! but I think they certainly would
and should lake expert advice on the subject."
on mining before revising the taxation
fly stem.
But a government task force on forestry,
mounted before charges were raised on
timber cuts, did not make the corporate
giants of the forest industry any happier.
The first report of the task force, headed
by UBC forest economist Peter Pearse,
recommended the government do three
s Abolish the old schedule of fixed
royalties set out for the pre-1907 timber
leases and charge "stumpage" rates based
on the appraised value of the timber cut, as
is done now on all other Crown timber.
The task force estimated the higher rate
would bring in $54.2 million, compared to the
$5.26 million now received.
a Reduce ..the special tax on logging
profits to 10 per cent from 15 per cent, and
increase the provincial income tax credit on
this special tax to 33 per cent from 24 per
This would affect all logging companies in
B.C. and amount to a net loss in provincial
revenue of about $7 million.
9 Remove the forest land tax, a type of
property tax, from the old leases, which now
brings in only $391,000 per year.
Enabling legislation introduced in June
was passed this spring bringing the task
force recommendations into effect.
The legislation, intended to trim the fat
from the coastal "dinosaurs", affects
timber leases covering only 1.8 million acres
of B.Cl's 134 million forest acres. However,
these areas include much of B.C. best
timber and account for 15.6 per cent of all
wood harvested in the province.
About 80 per cent of the pre-1907 leases are
held by five of the largest B.C. forest
companies: MacMillan Bloedel (which
holds about 40 per cent), Crown Zellerbach,
B.C. Forest Products, Canadian Forest
Products and Rayonier.
Although the higher stumpage royalty will
increase the gross revenue tenfold to $50
Williams says it is the government's
opinion that the forests are a commodity
owned by the people of the province and B.C.
will simply be trying to get a fair return for
the wood.
A second report deals with the whole issue
of appraising timber and setting stumpage
charges on all Crown forest land in B.C.
It recommends that the existing approach
of estimating the residual value of each
forest tract to be harvested through
stumpage appraisals be retained in principle.
The task force advocated a reorganization
and strengthening of the personnel and
administrative arrangements for appraisals
and related functions within the Forest
Service noting that accurate evaluation
depends heavily on the expertise of appraisal officers.
Most of the task force recommendations
can be implemented without legislative
change, though some — particularly the
proposed Timber Authority and Appraisal
Board — would require new legislation: For
the most part the proposals can be adopted
without significant delays other than the
normal bureaucratic red tape.
Legislation, when it is brought in, will
undoubtedly create considerable debate
because the treatment of natural resources
is a highly-charged public issue with
significant economic implications as the
NDP has learned.
But it is clear that the NDP has stuck close
to their campaign promise of bringing a fair
share of the return on the province's non-
replenishable resources back to the people.
The legislation has been progressive but
not radical and the opposition for the most
part has been uninformed and alarmist.
And in the end not one opposition party
would likely repeal the principles behind
natural resources legislation. Although they
might change the name of the acts and add
more- bureaucracy, the broad policy the
NDP has established would remain. Special 8
Friday, October 25,  1974
Government task to impose order
on chaos of welfare programs
By JAKE van der KAMP
If there is a cornerstone to the philosophy
of the New Democrats it is social welfare.
Leaving aside whether the NDP is a truly
socialist party or not the fact remains that
proper care of all those who need*assistance
in B.C. is one of the provincial government's
main priorities, if not the top priority.
To a large extent it has succeeded in
achieving that goal but the task which the
departments of human resources and health
face are enormous.
For the first time in B.C.'s history the
government is not dedicated to helping free
enterprise make bigger bucks than ever
And for the first time in B.C.'s history the
government is trying to impose some order
on the various programs and institutions it
The change in philosophy is an important
one. By its nature the free enterprise
philosophy insists that social welfare is best
left to volunteer groups.
That philosophy, which the Social Credit
party professes and has proven itself to
follow, dictates that government should
involve itself only with the proper regulation
of society so that the system does not fall
Social welfare, according to free enterprise stalwarts, should be left to community groups. "Lazy bums" of course are
given nothing and expected to find their own
way out of their problems.
But the Socreds found that the true free
enterprise system could not be fully adhered
to. Some of those "lazy bums" proved not to*
be as lazy as previously thought and the
number of people needing social assistance
proved to be much higher than the party
hacks conceived was possible.
Basically, what happened is that the
government found it could not ignore the
demands of those the system deprived of
their needs. It had to fund welfare programs
and it had to provide counselling.
But that did not stop it from providing
these programs in a grudging manner.
Rehabilitation minister Phil Gaglardi, the
last of a long line of Socred ministers faced
with the unsavory task of providing social
assistance, demanded that the final say in
every program remain in his own hands.
Money was scarce and programs were
funded in various ways with the main
responsibility for providing welfare
payments falling in the hands of the
GaglardYs own competence was called
into question when opposition parties
charged he had used government funds for
trips he made on non-government business.
And the importance the Socreds attached
to the portfolio can be seen in that Gaglardi
was fired as highway minister and after
spending some time as minister without
portfolio and still in disgrace, he was given
the rehabilitation job.
With the change of government, the
department's role changed almost immediately. Norman Levi, the new minister
and a social worker himself, began by
disbanding Social Credit institutions such as
the Provincial Alliance of Businessmen, a
job-finding organization.
Levi called PAB "a Social Credit pork
barrel," and refused to pay any attention to
Socred pleas to save PAB.
Within a few months of coming into office
Levi had raised the minimum income of,
pensioners to $200 a month and increased
services for children.
The increased service was reflected in the
budget. In the 1971-72 fiscal year, the
department spent $148 million. In the 1973
calendar year the bill was approximately
$232 million.
And only four per cent of the money in 1973
was spent on administration of the funds,
according to the department's annual
To emphasize that he was branching out
radically from Socr'ed policies, Levi decided'
to change the name of the department to
human resources in March 1973.
But despite humanitarian changes in the
department Levi, himself retains the
reputation of an authoritarian. He is known
as "Norman the foreman" to many of his
subordinates and leaves them in no doubt
that he is in command.
The biggest single piece of legislation to
come out of the department so far has been
the establishment of the community
resource boards.
Four of these boards, which are supposed
to administer the department's programs,
have been elected in Vancouver so far and
nine more throughout B.C. will be elected
some time next year.
The boards, consisting of 10 to 15 members
each will be given their own budgets and will
be responsible to a regional board which is
in turn responsible to the minister.
The guiding principle behind the creation
of these boards is diversification. The New
Democrats want to see the community
directly involved in the administration of
To some degree this gets rid of a central
bureaucracy but the government also hopes
it will cure prejudices against those needing
social assistance. Once people see that the
needs to exist, the charges of "lazy bums"
will vanish.
While regionalizing the administration of
the department, the government is also
incorporating many programs formerly left
to volunteer agencies.
So far it has taken over the Children's Aid
Society, the Catholic Family and Children's
Foundation and the Vancouver city social
services department.
And municipalities will soon find their
welfare administration taken over by the
department, in what Levi calls a move to
save the municipalities $300,000 annually.
But the new government's record in social
programs has nevertheless been criticized.
Spokesmen for the Federated Anti-
Poverty Groups in Vancouver have complained that the elections of the community
resource boards prevented any poor people
from getting a position on the boards.
It is indeed what has happened. The board
members tend to be middle class citizens
with little knowledge of the workings of
government and very little familiarity with
poverty in B.C.
Levi has also run into trouble with the
Kitsilano community resource board, most
of whom are members of the conservation-
minded West Broadway Citizens Committee
and who insist on treating housing as one of
their main priorities.
Conceivably, the boards may soon learn
how to function and may soon contain some
welfare recipients but the initial results
have not been too promising.
Levi has also run into budgetary
problems, particularly with his famed $100
million overrun, first attributed to clerical
error, but finally to miscalculation of the
cost of various programs the department
had instituted.
The error is understandable when taking
into consideration that there was no exact
means of knowing exactly what the new
programs would cost.
But it is still an error which could have
been brought to public attention sooner than
it was and which is causing the
municipalities great problems in trying to
find their share of the overrun in their
Another cause of recent complaint about
the department has been Levi's announcement that physically fit, employable
See page 19: COCKE
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Special 9
NDP support still lies in labor
When the NDP government swept into
power in 1972, the media knew where to go
for reaction and comment.
Big business executives, corporate
managers and stockbrokers were sought
out, quoted and splashed over the front
Always go after the losers, right?
But what about the supposed winners? It
was blatant, even excusable assumption
that the working man, the labor movement,
were the big winners when the "working
man's party" swept into power.
Nobody bothered to seek out labor leaders
in those first triumphant moments when the
sudden realization hit that 20 years of
decaying, reactionary power politics had
crumpled into well-earned insignificance.
Labor had worked long and hard in the
period prior to the election to get the NDP
into power. And, despite subdued rumblings
of discontent from a few labor leaders, the
labor movement currently does and will
continue to work to keep the NDP in power.
Why? "There's no alternative," says Len
Guy,  secretary-treasurer of  the  B.C.
"There's no alternative. Labor
is married to the
Federation of Labor. "Labor is married to
the NDP."
It's no revelation. The courtship began in
1932 when the New Democratic Party's
forerunner, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, was formed. The
1972 B.C. election result wasn't a consummation, simply a reaffirmation of a
mutually rewarding relationship.
But in the two years that led. up to the '72
election, the NDP members holding office in
B.C., not the party itself, began to take a
close look at their affiliation with labor.
The reasons were partly philosophical,
partly pragmatic. The party was still
smarting from the late 1969 election when
Premier W. A. C. Bennett had once again
wiped out the NDP's strongest and most
optimistic election struggle to date.
And Bennett hadn't done it alone with his
knee-jerk "keep the socialists out" rally
cry. With about 200,000 organized workers in
the province, and most of them eligible to
vote, it was clear that at least some had
swallowed Bennett's line.
In response the party's poor showing in
the 1969 election, the membership passed a
unanimous resolution declaring that the
party was "solidly in support of the trade
unions and workers of B.C. now being attacked or victimized by the unfair and
punitive labor laws and power-hungry
The same convention also unanimously
condemned the Socred's anti-labor policy
and called for a moratorium "on all law
suits or legal procedures that classify or
convict honest men as criminals because of
their fundamental support of the individual
and collective rights of workers."
But also at the convention, the legislative
caucus, made up of the 12 NDP MLAs, indicated they were having second thoughts
about, as Dave Barrett put it, "a deliberate
misinterpretation of the party's political
The caucus, whose links with workers and
the labor movement was tenuous at best,
presented a policy statement placing
"public interest" before allegiance to
organized labor.
The policy statement never made it to a
vote — caucus members maintained they
never intended it to — and received rough
criticism from convention delegates.
But it stood then, and still stands, as an
indication of the NDP government's outlook
toward labor: philosophical because social
worker and leader Barrett believes in a
government for all the people, not just a
segment, no matter how valiant and just
labor's struggle is, and pragmatic because
without labor's support, the NDP can kiss
real political power goodbye.
However, tied in with Barrett's
"philosophical" outlook as contended
above, remember that labor was waging a
heated battle with the Social Credit
government over the Socreds' controversial
Bill 33, complete with its compulsory arbitration of labor disputes, search warrants
and arbitrary back-to-work orders.
The 1970 NDP convention remembered: it
passed a resolution that "welcomes the
labor movement as a partner in a joint
enterprise to create a democratic socialist
society in Canada and invites further affiliations from the labor movement and
other progressive organizations."
Whether that "democratic socialist
society" has been achieved in B.C. is dealt
with elsewhere in today's paper, but in
fairness to the Barrett of 1970, he and his
caucus colleagues were probably thinking
ahead to the next election when they hinted
at their broader interests.
In thinking ahead, Barrett couldn't help
but realize what a dog's breakfast of labor
legislation his government would inherit if
and when it took power.
Throwing out the Socreds' legislation
would be easy. The problem was what to
replace it with. The dilemma Barrett would
face is how could he bring in labor
legislation that would:
• Satisfy his desire (idealistic, realistic or
otherwise) to make it benefit all the people
of B.C., and;
• Preserve the image of the NDP as a
working-class party.
In other words, he had to decide whether
the NDP was to be a socialist party or a
labor party. He chose the former. He didn't
make the decision then, of course, and
neither did the party. The problem was to
make it clear to the unions that an NDP
government was dedicated to socialism and
not just the labor movement.
The party was certainly dedicated to
socialism, but would labor buy it?
Many political observers vehemently
maintain the NDP government is neither
socialistic nor labor-oriented
philosophically, but rather a collection of
well-intentioned left of centre politicos.
Labor bought it. It had to. The long NDP
courtship of the working class finally paid
off in the 1972 election
As Guy of the B.C. Federation of Labor
says, the NDP doesn't have to be much
better than the previous government to
improve labor's lot. But, he adds: "No party
is in favor of the labor platform as much as
the NDP is."
One of the first orders of business, as far
as labor was concerned, was to throw out the
Socred labor legislation it had fought and
hated for so long.
The NDP came through. All one has to do
to see just how well labor and the NDP get
along is to examine the most important
piece of labor legislation the government
has enacted, the B.C. Labor Code.
The code repealed the Labor Relations
Act, the Mediation Services Act and the
Trade-Unions Act, all made law by the
The code contains 153 sections which
completely changed the legal relationship
between organized labor and employers.
It includes sections that:
Allows unions to make application for
certification with 35 per cent employee
Require the inclusion in all collective
agreements of a technological change
Remove from the courts the authority to
grant injunctions and give jurisdiction to the
new Labor Relations Board to deal with
illegal strikes, lockouts and picketing;
Place   the   onus   on   the   employer   to
disprove charges of unfair labor practices
levelled by employees;
Created Canada's first provincial labor
Allow for the certification of unions as
joint councils in the same way as employer
groups are now accredited;
Outlaw the hiring by employers of
professional strikebreakers and give
authority to the LRB to identify such persons ;
Establish two types of picketting— strike
picketting and information picketting—with
new ground rules for each, giving expanded
rights to pickets;
Give police, firefighters and hospital
workers unions the right to strike or opt for
binding arbitration whether the employer
wants it or not;
Give the LRB authority to execute a first
agreement where union and employer fail to
do so;
Require secret-ballot voting for strike
action by employees and lockouts by employers; and, curiously,
Enables workers to apply for exemption
from compulsory union membership on
religious grounds.
The most significant feature of the act,
See page 18: WORKERS
alienated by
the NDP
to power
and will
to  work
to  keep
wm Special 10
Friday, October 25,  1974
Labor decoders seek harmony
A look at labor and NDP would
not be complete without a look at
the people who head the powerful
labor relations board.
The board is the NDP's quasi-
judicial body created to administer
the labor code, legislation designed
to smooth the relationship between
labor and management in B.C.
The Barrett government, besides
being accused of political
patronage in choosing its minor
and major administrators, has also
been careful in selecting appointees to its various offices.
The problem has been to try to
pick persons who are not obvious
party hacks seeking their reward
but    who    at    least    have    a
philosophical outlook towards their
new jobs that approaches that of
the New Democratic Party.
Chairman of the board (the irony
on the title has no doubt been felt
by management) is former
Osgoode Hall law professor Paul
Weiler. He came to the job with
credentials that can only be
described as impeccable.
Weiler didn't arrive at the job
unprepared . . . the day after his
appointment was announced in
Victoria he spoke of the objective
of the new labor code as being to
"achieve a degree of harmony" in
B.C. labor relations.
"I think it is apparent the thrust
of the legislation tries to do that by
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getting at causes of some of the
breaches of the rules," he said.
"The legislation tells the board
to go behind the scene and explore
the causes; see what to do about
underlying friction."
Weiler had been in Vancouver
for a year preceeding his appointment writing a book entitled
Labor Arbitration and Industrial
He studied at the Lakehead
University in Thunder Bay, the
University of Toronto and earned
his master's degree at Harvard
law school.
Weiler maintains the board is not
a judicial tribunal even though it
has the power to impose first
settlements, define labor-
management relationships and
decide on the scope and legality of
lockouts and picketing.
"It is an administrative agency,
an independent body. It will listen
to arguments for each side and
reach decisions on the appropriate
reasons." he says.
He describes the labor code as
"very innovative" and says B.C.
has picked up the best parts of
Canadian labor law reform and in
some respects gone further on its
Vice-chairmen of the board are
provincial court judge Nancy
Morrison, Ed Peck, former
president of the Towboat Industrial
Relations Association and Jack
Moore, former regional president
of the International Woodworkers
of America.
Morrison can easily avoid the
charge of being a political appointee . . . her first job on
graduating from law school was
working for the law firm of Liberal
MP Judy LaMarsh.
Morrison's experience in labor
relations was practically nil and
her appointment can't help but
make one wonder whether she isn't
the token woman all political
parties are fond of having around.
But Morrison does insist on being
addressed  in  correspondence  as
Ms., has criticized the press for its
prejudice against women's
liberation and is obviously more in
touch with the women's movement
than former premier Bennett's
cabinet versions of women —
liberated or otherwise.
Peck, a former representative of
management in labor disputes,
said after his appointment he
didn't regard himself as a
representative of management on
the board. "I'm not representing
any party. The additional members appointed will take car of
Peck may have been referring to
Jack Moore. Moore quit his $15,800
per year job just over a month
before he was appointed to the
board saying that in his then undisclosed better-paying position he
would still be "working for the
working man."
At $33,000 per year, he's still at it.
His first three decisions reported in
the press have all been in favor of
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You don't blow an extraordinary idea
on an ordinary shoe.
By now you're probably
aware that Roots are not
like other kinds of footwear.
The heel is lower to give
you the natural kind of
walk you'd get by going
barefoot in sand. The arch
is supported, so if you
spend much time on your
feet you'll now spend it in
much greater comfort. The
rocker sole helps spring
you off on each footstep,
so walking becomes a little
less work than it ever was
But a big part of Roots'
success lies in not how
766 Robson St.
they're made, but how
well. Only the finest grade
Canadian hides are
selected. These are handcrafted into Roots, simply
because, for much of our
production, the most
efficient machine is still the
human hand.
This is why. of all the
reasons we could give you
for trying Roots, none
would fit quite so well as the
shoe itself. Friday, October 25, 1974
Special 11
And bureaucracy grows
Barrett inherits hardware store
The legislature cleaning boy flipped over
the calendar page. August 31, 1972.
Inside the parliament buildings, defeated
Socreds shuffled about, collecting up their
pencils and paper clip paraphenalia to
make way for the fledgling New Democrats.
Behind the parliament buildings, the
bureaucratic moving van unloaded the new
Barrett & Co. smack on top of the Bennett
Hardware Store.
In a reorganization of the offices of "the
premier and his boys", the Barrett
government took inventory, discarded some
old stock and turned a pennies and dimes
hardware store into a million dollar
How did they do it?
A few sly but obvious internal horizontal
shifts, some order-in-council manoeuvres, a
cascade of commissions and a little money-
waving on the side attracted enough
newcomers to superimpose the Barrett
brand of government on the old Scored
Dave Barrett and his eager-beaver
bureaucrats are a sharp contrast to the bad
old days of Social Credit, when the good king
W. A. C. Bennett never emerged from his
counting house without what Allan
Fotheringham calls "his bridal train of
flacks, touts, drummers and sycophants".
There was deputy travel minister Ron
Worley, who, after shooting and then carting
the film 'Twenty Great Years' around the
province, tried to market 'The Wonderful
World of W. A. C. Bennett', a book which
almost won him, unentered, the Stephen
Leacock Memorial Award for humor.
And then there was Al Williamson who
ended up in jail for forging Bennett's
signature, and Bill Clancey who enraged
reporters by holding all those fake press
conferences for industrialists by promising
the premier's presence.
But Wacky Bennett's entourage of
bureaucrats kept in step with chorus-line
precision, all in shades of navy-blue-Bennett
and covered in dust from 20 years pf entrenchment in a civil service basement run
by small-town standards, where it was an
exercise of privilege to place an out-of-
province phone call.
Barrett, opposition leader at the time,
accused the government of treating its civil
servants like "second class citizens and
mere serfs".
During the Bennett era, in many departments, the servant of the Crown more often
than not inhabited a dingy, worm-like office
crammed with desks and files and boxes.
For two decades he dutifully manned his
cog-like   position   in   the   administrative
machinery of government, with little real
input into policy-making decisions.
At federal-provincial conferences B.C.
rarely made a strong well-documented
impact, said to be the case because of the
bureaucratic vacuum of expertise that
accompanied Bennett.
This creaky bureaucratic structure
inherited by the incoming government was
one unaccustomed to an input role. It suffered from a serious lack of skilled personnel, largely as a result of penny-pinching
policies of the Social Crediters who indulged
in the false economies of staff freezes.
"Bennett, as they say in the late night
movies, had set up his successor for the big
hit," wrote Marjorie Nichols of The Vancouver Sun. "No successive government,
regardless of political stripe, could have
been expected to maintain the abysmal
status quo."
True, but in this case the incoming
government campaigned on a left-wing
platform of change, all the more reason for
it to be suspicious and distrustful of a civil
service molded by two decades of right-wing
Socred rule.
"The theory of civil service neutrality
breaks down when the total goals of the state
change," writes Seymour Lipsett in his book
'Agrarian Socialism', a book about the CCF
government in Saskatchewan.
"The socialist state, which has its goal a
reintegration of societal values . . . may fail
in its objectives if it leaves administrative
power in the hands of men whose social
background and previous training prevent a
sympathetic appreciation of the objectives
of the new government."
Despite Lipsett's basic premise that a
socialist government can't function effectively without a socialist bureaucracy,
there is no sense of political stacking in the
new elite of super-bureaucrats brought in by
the NDP.
The premier has in fact parcelled out
work to grateful political enemies on the
other side of the party line, including former
provincial Conservative leader John de
Wolfe, recruited as a senior consultant in a
number of key economic studies including
northwest development, defeated Liberal
MLA Barrie Clark as the new Rentalsman
intermediary between landlords and
tenants, and UBC economics prof Peter
Pearse, another Liberal, as head of the
forestry task force.
Two bureaucrats cast from the old die still
remain, deputy finance minister Gerry
Bryson and deputy provincial secretary
Laurie Wallace. But it's humbly
acknowledged that Wallace is the table-
setting, flower-in-the-lapel protocol expert
while Bryson is the only one in the province
who knows where the provincial treasury is.
Granted, many of the new breed of
bureaucrats hired as part of the overhaul of
the Socred structure have open affinity with
the socialist philosophy, raising from the
doldrums of the opposition the usual cry of
protest against an NDP governmental
'purge' of civil servants to make room for
'party hacks, card-holders and freeloading
In fact the NDP cleared out deadwood
from the vital deputy minister level.
Regarded as first class choices at deputy
government payroll, a net increase of close
to 12 per cent in personnel, plus an additional 350 order-in-council (cabinet-
directed) appointments, both new all-time
records for civil service hiring and order-in-
council appointments.
The numbers look extravagant but are
readily sucked into the employment vacuum
inherited by the NDP and home grown on
Socred soil. Appointees in bulk are rapidly
filling the ranks of various commissions and
task forces, constituting a whole new level of
But it is the ministerial brain trust of
'Barrett bunch lacked skilled
bureaucrats in Socred civil service'.
minister are the successful appointments of
"young, bright and eager" Jim Matkin and
David Vickers to the departments of labor
and the attorney-general, respectively.
These two appointments were part of a
top-level reorganization of the provincial
civil service. The long-expected shuffle in
the senior ranks came one year after the
NDP took office, involving a reclassification
of nine deputy ministers to associate deputy
status and the appointments of full-deputies
above them.
A harmless downpour of feigned surprise
and criticism again rained down on the
NDP, but Barrett pointed only to increased
pay scales for associate deputies and full
deputy ministers in reply to charges that
deputy ministers were being either fired or
Yet no one reprimanded the government
for playing checkers and pretending to
houseclean at the same time. Rather than
conduct a wholesale housecleaning, Barrett
shuffled the old deputy ministers under the
carpet, enticing them there with more
money. From that vantage point, the new
position of 'associate deputy minister' could
hardly be considered anything but a
These top-level undisguised horizontal
shifts are only a small part of the pied-piper
parade of bureaucrats and civil servants to
Victoria, from executive assistants to
secretarial and clerical staff.
In 1973, 3,600 people were added to the
GOVERNMENT BUSINESS TAKEOVERS,... means bureaucracy grows
executive assistants who work within name-
dropping proximity of the ministers and the
premier. Appointments are carefully
considered and positions go only to those
within easy reach, patronage a mere arm's
length away.
In Barrett's office there is the seen and
unseen presence of Harvey Beech, Barrett's
campaign manager and longtime personal
friend, who wears the chauffeur cap, packs
the bags and carries the wallet. He is also
Barrett's prime political operative in the
party, often acting as a hatchet man.
Also in the premier's executive assistant
huddle are former Vancouver Sun reporter
John Twigg, described in Maclean's
magazine as "a well-meaning but inexperienced young man" and by Newsweek as
a "former anarchist"; and former Vancouver Province reporter Peter McNelly,
a former American citizen "with an
obvious lack of experience in the
parliamentary form of government."
All the 25 or so other executive assistants
are assigned by the minister to various
tasks, from babysitting the minister's home
constituency to taking care of the mail or
issuing statements to the press. An $18-
$19,000 annual salary is the reward for their
While these "babes in the backroom"
keep appearing with unblushing frequency
from the politician's network of old friends,
contacts and acquaintances, the brains
where the money really counts are rarely
B.C. born and raised.
"There's the fact that the dean of Osgoode
Law School in Toronto is still livid at Victoria for practically stripping him of the up-
and-coming brains on his staff," writes
Nichols in the Vancouver Sun.
The imported brains include the likes of
Paul Weiler, head of the B.C. Labor
Relations Board, Bill Nielson, who is
coaxing the consumer affairs department
out of its infancy and John Hogarth, who
runs the new B.C. Police Commission.
One of the more recent NDP appointments
with far-reaching policy implications is the
acquisition of Marc Eleisen, a key man
stolen from Ed Schreyer's front office.
Before that he was director of research for
the federal NDP caucus, from there he went
on to Manitoba as head of a 50-man interdisciplinary group of engineers and
economists that aimed to tie together all the
myriad arms of government.
Now Eleisen is in B.C., hailed as the
NDP's 'exorcist' but more officially known
as policy advisor to the cabinet. For Barrett
he's putting together a group of six advisors
in an attempt to draw together the loose
strands of NDP policy, an attempt to bring
some order into the rather helter-skelter
government planning.
"It's simply a matter of someone keeping
track of all the strings to prevent
duplication, cross-purposes and opposing
aims," Eleisen said at the time of his appointment.
"The B.C. government has not as yet had
See page 22: ELIESEN Special 12
Friday, October 25, 1974
Newspapers, business
political parties key
to opposition process
"VICTORIA — The latest NDP government move will drive business from the
province, Liberal party leader David Anderson told the legislature Tuesday.
"Anderson said the move will make
businesses want to 'get the hell out' of B.C.
and relocate either in the Yukon or Barbados.
"Their policy is an unmitigated disaster,"
Anderson said.
"He was joined in his criticism later
outside the house by MacMillan Bloedel
director Denis Timmis, who said the move
makes any investment 'a risky proposition' .
The four paragraphs above form a
prototype newspaper story. Any number of
variations on the theme appear daily in the
four major provincial newspapers in
Most readers would see in the story
another example of Anderson shooting off
his mouth or of the NDP blowing another
business deal, depending on their political
But behind the story lies another story,
more interesting than the first, of the actual
process of opposition.
The process is determined by three major
opposition bodies indicated in the prototype
First of all, there's the opposition party,
represented here by Anderson.
Second, there's the unofficial opposition
constituted by business, here represented by
Timmis of MacMillan Bloedel.
Finally, there's the opposition offered by
the newspaper itself, which in allowing that
story to appear and perhaps putting it on
page one is determining which charges the
government is going to have to publicly
It's important to note the opposition
groups are closely connected. Opposition
political parties in this province are all
funded by business and corporate interests.
In return, the parties support these interests
in the legislature by creating public demand
for amendments to or rejection of bills
which could cut profits.
Newspapers these days are themselves
big business. With budgets — and profits —
extending into the millions, they are aligned
with equally successful corporate structures
like MacMillan Bloedel. They are also
supported by other business interests
through advertising revenue.
So newspapers return support granted by
other businesses through a sophisticated
process which results in business viewpoint
getting repeated and prominent display in
the papers.
At its most elementary, the process can
come down to businessmen putting personal
pressure on a newspaperman. Province
editor Bob McConnell said in an interview
with The Ubyssey pressure was put on
provincial newspapers, including his own,
immediately after the last provincial
election by corporate executives who said
they thought the paper was going too easy on
the NDP.
But generally the relationship is much
more subtle than the type of pressure
described by McConnell — largely because
such pressure is unneccessary. The sharing
of economic interests leads quite naturally
to the sharing of a certain philosophical
bent. In this case, all three opposition
groups are ardently in favor of a capitalist,
private enterprise system.
And so the type of news story drawn above
appears repeatedly in all four provincial
The process leading to the story starts in
the offices of the three opposition parties.
The Liberal and the Progressive Conservative party are each allowed to hire
with government money one research officer, to investigate anything members of
their party caucuses choose. As the official
opposition, the Social Credit Party is
allowed to hire two researchers.
The important question here is how the
party caucuses decide which items to assign
for research — thereby determining which
will become issues when brought up either
in the legislature or through the
Liberal MLA Alan Williams says that the
Liberal party research officer was used in
two main ways.
He said in an interview that during the
legislative session, the researcher is
assigned topics as they arise on the House
"It's bird-dogging really. What we assign
to the researcher depends on those actions
in which the government can be seen to be
faltering," he said.
"For instance, it was brought out a while
ago that there's been a major increase in the
number of public servants. So several weeks
ago I asked for a study on exactly how much
each section of the government staff has
expanded, how many task forces there are
attached and so on.
It's a continuing job for him, having to
phone each government department and
find out the figures.
"Then there's also ICBC (the Insurance
Corporation of B.C.). We try to do research
into that. When the $100 million welfare
budget overrun came up we asked him to
track down where things had gone wrong."
This leads to a situation where party
members are doing little else besides
reacting to government moves during the
session, he said.
"It's an old truism that the government
makes the news while the opposition reacts
to it," he said. "During the session we're
principally reacting."
Williams said the second part of the
researcher's — and the Liberal politicians'
— job comes into play before the annual
provincial budget debate. During that time
the opposition parties can raise their own
policy positions and platforms in response to
government moves.
Small minds, big times
The Social Credit party has always been a
populist party composed of small
businessmen and people who call themselves "employees" rather than "workers."
At the head of the party sat William Andrew Cecil Bennett, a small businessman
made good who epitomized the ideal of
many of his party's constituents.
But Bennett the elder is gone now and in
hi-, place al Iln> lop --its sun Bill Bennett, a
millionaire whose background would or
dinarily cunni-cl him mure closely lo either
the Liberal or Conservative establishment
parties than to the populist one he inherited
Under Hennett the joungcr Ihe party is
moving in triple time In catch up with Ihe
new-fangled policy concepts that eluded his
lather during Social Credit's 20-year reign.
In a recent interview Bennett articulated
the.se policy changes in a manner mure
reminiscent of the backroom boys of
He is nnt a gutsy, charismatic leader like
either his father or Premier Dave Barrett.
But he has a good gratp of the ideology he
professes and can expound" on it at length
One wonders how this will sit with Keremeos
hankers or Cariboo ranchers.
Bennett sa.vs, the popular base needed in
any election already exists.
"Our party is unique among other parties
in that in lWi9 it separated from the federal
rvirli   min in 'niliinnmniN ntvii infi'il ii'irM
So some federal Conservatives or Liberals
are Socreds provincially.
"This means we have a broad-ranging
membership and for want of a better word
we have our own left and right. But
basically, wfe have a populist base. This is
our one  similarity  to  fee  NDP."  The
essential difference between the parties
according to Bennett is clashing economic
"Basically we believe in governing
through the traditional way pf encouraging
initiative through the government in corporate and private citizens."
"We believe in government allowing a
free functioning of the economy, and
through <axe> collected by the government
administering social measures
"But any socialist government believes in
governing through equity investment in
business. As far as we are concerned,
having government in business means just
giving the government the right to lose
This policy is illustrated by Bennett's
opposition to what he calls the "government
intrusion in the forest industry" in buying
Plateau Mills and other Interior forest
"The government already owns 95 per
cent of the resources. Those they don't own
they control through Crown grants to other
companies," he said.
"Then when a forest company gets a
licence, it gets il through the pleasure of the
government. The government decrees
where they cut. how they cut, puts on a
logging tax. The government gets more
mone\ i hrough taxes as their prices go up It
demands utilization, it gets a fi\e per cent
sales tax and a share of the income tax of
both management and labor.
"The government makes money out of
private industry as it is. The only thing
equity government ownership gives is the
right to lose money when the. market
But exemptions Bennett calls "natural
monopolies" occur in this philosophy. He
said he thinks the government should
control things which seem to naturally call
for government ownership.
Define "natural monopoly" please.
"B.C. Hydro" answers Bennett quickly.
Because it has been a government-owned
resource, he says
Like the forest industry''
Bennel t's definition is unclear, hut seems
lo boil down to precedent. II an industry has
not been previously operated by Ihe private
sector, or only by one company, it is a
natural monopoly Industries where smaller
companies proliferate — remember Sot-reds
favor small business — are exempt So
'Bennett says B.C. Tel is a natural monopoly
and could see a takeover, although he said it
is not a priority.
Finally, what would Bennett do if put in
government tomorrow"' He would -
• Strike a new land commission act to
destroy what he calls a "super-
bureaucracv" existing outside the
legislature and make the commission
responsible lo the House.
• Sell back government-nought companies to other B C. firms - smaller firms
preferably, mlargeones won't dominate the
economy. " '
• Renegotiate. Interior stumpage rates.
It only remains to be seen what the
proverbial "little guy" thinks not of these
platforms, but of Bennett himself.
Lesley Krueger
"Research respecting policy positions
during the budget debate is dictated by the
leader. We indicate subjects at the beginning of a normal session that we want to
highlight in this way," he said.
Liberal leader Anderson is nothing if not
clear on how to dictate subjects to be
researched for the budget debate.
"The first requirement is that it has to be
a newsworthy item," he says. "It might be
great to analyze a minor hospital problem,
but if newspapers aren't going to be interested then why bother? We feel we have
to get something everyone can get their
teeth into.
"Second, we look for areas where Liberal
policy is consistent. Maybe the NDP is doing
some damn-fool thing, but if we've been
saying the same damn-fool thing at six
policy conventions we're going to think
twice before bringing it out.
"We've also got to consider if it's a public
issue — something people will be interested
in. Of course, that's closely tied to the
newspapers, but the distinction must always
be clear to us when we're going into
something like that."
But throughout, the Liberals always have
to remember they are playing a "two-
handed game" as one of the minor opposition parties, Anderson said.
"We can go into a situation where we
disagree with both the NDP and the Socreds.
Or we can hit an issue where we agree with
the NDP and disagree with the Socreds.
"If we do agree with the NDP, we do
research allowing us to rub the noses of the
Socreds in their past policy.
"This is particularly important because in
the last two years the NDP'has ignored the
Socreds. I personally feel that's because the
NDP are sure they can beat the Socreds but
they're not sure of the Liberals if it came
down to a two-party race.
"So they don't attack the Socreds and
often it's up to us to point out how crummy
the Socreds were."
But he said the tactical problem the
Liberals must consider here is whether,
when they attack the Socreds, the small '1'
liberal voters will turn to the NDP.
"That was a problem in the 1972 campaign. Phil Gagliardi (former Social Credit
highways minister) said on a hot line — and
its on tape so you can check it — he said
nobody in 20 years had done as much
damage to him as I did.
"And all I did was make people vote NDP
instead. I also run the risk, when I attack the
NDP, people run to the Socreds."
So he said ideally the researcher looks for
facts damaging to both the NDP and the
And according to Williams, the researcher
goes into his job with a Liberal political bias
continually in mind.
"It's unbelievable to me to choose
someone of an opposite philosophy to ours.
We need someDody sympathetic to our point
of view or we'd be in conflict all the time.
"When we ask for research, we expect
research on our own point of view. We want
to uncover facts relating to this point of
This, if nothing else, puts the Liberal
party in direct opposition to the Conservative party philosophy.
MLA Hugh Curtis says the Conservative
researcher takes on specific problems and
attacks them from all angles.
"Our research man takes on assignments
of a non-partisan nature — pretty well pure
research. It's as pure as you could have in
any party," said Curtis, MLA for Saanich —
The Islands.
"He's always been a fact-finder, not
comparable to the research officer of the
Liberal party, which I find significant."
In this job, Curtis said, the Conservative
researcher, like Liberal party researcher,
mainly investigates issues as they arise. But
he said the researcher also handles constituents' problems — either as a favor to
the particular constituent or for use as a
springboard in tackling a larger policy
"I received a complaint from a lady not
happy with a government institution — I
won't identify it any more closely than that.
It wasn't a problem of gross misconduct but
just of general sloppiness. There might or
might not be a political issue involved here,
but we're investigating.
"Another instance that comes to mind
immediately is the slow payment of
government accounts to suppliers. Again
there was a complaint and we got the
researcher involved in checking out a
statement, then we took it from there. It
resulted in a response indicating new
problems, further problems, and started the
snowball going." Friday, October 25, 1974
Special 13
the largest opposition party and the
il opposition, Social Credit has the
;t research staff. Party leader Bill
tt is quick to point out that the party
ys   more   than   the   two   full-time
•chers paid by the government,
'o people can't possibly do all the
ig needed," he says.
e traditional role of the official op-
Hi is not just to be reactive, but to take
;a and actively investigate it.
is year  we'll  be  taking a  slightly
2nt approach in that we'll be ad-
ng alternatives. In spring we'll come
;h with some major changes in the
through  workshops   forwarding
ic changes on the party platform to
ajor convention," Bennett said,
r party having been the government
many years put us in an awkward
>n at the first.
ople were continually saying why did
) that when you were in government,
I didn't you do that. We were caught in
its, or the lack of acts. We lacked a
st year I see as primarily a holding
. There was some advocacy of
sals, but mainly we reacted
imes in a disorganized fashion."
he said the past two years have helped
irty define its position as the official
; have a responsibility in opposition —
er one, not just to oppose but through
; oppose government to the full extent
y will be forced to reveal their full
in doing something and we can make
fully account for their true intent," he
en if we agree with them, we can't let
;. We have to expose their true intent.''
three opposition parties are con-
y garnering information for use
»t the NDP government. The Liberals
researched a party line and come up
facts supporting that line, the Con-
.ives have researched issues arising in
iuse or their constituencies and from
etermined policy and the Socreds have
•ched the issue and alternatives,
his point, the politicians will make a
lent in the House or issue a release to
•ess gallery revealing the story. The
is  written  and  forwarded  to  the
newspaper's city desk, which is responsible
for editing. The story is then given to news
desk for placement in the paper and writing
of headlines.
We'll freeze that particular story at news
desk and return to it later, and start investigating a slightly different type of news
story. This is one initiated from the
newspaper rather than the politicians involved. It's referred to as a "reaction story"
or "follow" and comes hard on the heels of a
government announcement.
A reporter is assigned to actively seek out
parties interested in the particular announcement. If a future bill involving
transportation of oil down the coastline was
announced, the reporter would contact
opposition leaders and oil company
executives, along with environmentalists,
for their reaction.
Politicians concede this type of instant
reaction to late-breaking stories is the most
difficult to field. They often have no
background in the area under discussion
and sometimes find the first they've heard
of the proposal is from the reporter.
Conservative Curtis said he finds the
situation "generally speaking, a little
"The press understandably wants an
immediate response and is quite insistent
that they must have your reaction right now.
If it's a subject with which you are familiar
then you might handle it particularly well.
"If not, you have to be cautious and
guarded. If it happens during the day you
can quite often get the researcher on it right
away. If not, you're stuck and you have to
handle it the best you can."
Businessmen placed in this situation
rarely find themselves stuck. The corporate
executives are the second group of people
contacted by reporters doing reaction
stories. Because of intimate involvement
with the subject under discussion, they can
dominate the conversation — and later, the
news story — through judicious droppings of
facts and figures the reporter may not have
time to check out.
But again, the story is written and
processed through to news desk.
The two stories are now sitting at a
position where the decisions are made that
have in the past infuriated Premier Dave
Barrett. Barrett's complaints have centred
around his feeling that the newspapers
make too much of minor NDP goofs and
play down the positive achievements. He
also says the goofs are sensationalized
through misleading headlines.
News desk staffers make decisions on
placement of copy and write headlines.
They are primarily senior staffers who have
worked on the papers in desk rather than
reporting capacities for many years.
They tend to be politically to the right and
generally admit strong suspicions of the
NDP. This leads to situations such as the one
made the butt of NDP jokes in the Vancouver Sun the day following the 1972
election when the banner headline read
"NDP, Barrett slay Socreds; business takes
news calmly," followed by a story on the
stock market.
The New Democrats point out that in the
past, the Sun ran no headline reading
"Socreds destroy NDP; labor takes news
calmly." Nor were union leaders quoted.
But Sun publisher Stuart Keate discounts
criticism that his paper has been rougher on
the NDP than on the previous Socred administration.
"There is some truth in the fact that we do
act as opposition to the government. The
relationship of the press to the government
is an adversary position.
"It's accentuated when the party in power
has a strong mandate such as this one does,
and when the opposition is fragmented. The
opposition members in the House have told
me, by the way, that they learned more in
reading (former Victoria bureau chief)
Marj Nichols' columns than many research
"But I wouldn't think we treated them
more harshly than the Socreds at all. We
were constantly at war with the Socreds.
There was the Sommers case, when we put a
cabinet minister into jail. And there was the
time we were sued by the Bennett boys. We
lost, as you remember.
"But no, Al Fotheringham has just been
writing about Dave Barrett, saying how
when Dave gets up on a platform, there's
none better."
Instead, Keate attributed criticism from
Barrett to Barrett's own insecurity in office.
"Barrett phoned me once and chewed me
out over a headline. Something about
'Barrett to turn off tap to Point Roberts'
about a water shortage there.
"There was something in the phrasing of
the headline that infuriated him.
"I think he's just thin-skinned. It's all a lot
of nonsense."
Province editor McConnell also said he
doesn't think his paper has treated the NDP
government more harshly than the Socreds
— although he said it could appear so oc-
cassionally because of the nature of the two
"We do play a role of unofficial opposition
to any government in power. We are almost
forced into that position because we report
not only what is done but try to go beyond
that and explore why. Any good newspaper
goes beyond the immediate to try to fill out
what the impact of the bill or proposal will
be," he said.
"But I don't think there's any significant
difference between our approach to this
government and the previous government.
In the past we might have appeared less
critical of the Bennett government, but
that's partly because although it didn't have
any more public vote than the NDP does, it
did have a broader consensus of the people.
"The policies of the Socred government
antagonized few people as deeply as some of
"There is some truth
in the fact that we do
act as opposition to
the government. The
relationship of the
press to the government is an adversary
the things the Barrett government is doing. I
would say that while Bennett got 40 per cent
of the vote, another 30 per cent would, if the
chips were down, vote for his party in a two-
party system. That's not true with the NDP.
There are more people strongly against
"This in itself is because Bennett's
government was the more reactive one. He
waited for problems to develop until they
were almost intolerable, then he'd act. But
the NDP is more conscientious about reform
and go ahead with it. This is more unpopular."
He said he feels Barrett is "confusing the
messenger with the message," adding he
feels the NDP politicians "are babes in the
wood" as far as understanding this
newspaper process.
He also said he considers reaction stories
an integral part of the news gathering
process since they do reflect the opinions of
people directly involved with the news. But
he said by their very nature, reaction stories
could distort real public opinion.
"The public bystander gets missed in
these reaction stories, which tend only to
reflect those immediately involved. This
government has been acting in such a way
that it antagonizes politicians and officials
but not necessarily the great mass of people.
"Perhaps we are subconsciously distorting
the reaction, but that's hypothetical, and we
won't really know until the next election."
But Keate said he thinks it's important to
present both sides of the issue. He said his
See page 20: CRITICISM
Wenther SmmT *°d *
tt earner hnte „,„,„
Friday.  Low:
mid-M-   High:
Index iS- J
Brides SO Sport 3§
Cornrn 50 Theatre.. 48. ts
CMHSuord S! TV 40
Flnanr* $4 Va!«v New, 24
rjsrdenj, 5tj Wanjprman   41
rlSSSSr :.::::::■ lUlill      ■> pa013     Vancouver, British Columbia, Thursday, aug. 3i, 1972
***C     ' PRICE  15 CENTS "TyllSS
NDP, Barrett slay Socreds;
Business takes news calmly
Some stocks
record losses
20-year Bennett
regime ends Special 14
Friday, October 25, 1974
Housing dept* doomed to fail
The main problem with the
provincial housing department is
that it is doomed to failure simply
by the magnitude of the task facing
The central goal of the department, of course, is to provide
enough housing to ease the current.
shortage in B.C. — a shortage that
has basically turned a short-term
epidemic into an endemic disease
we'll have to somehow live with.
The government would need to
provide 10,000 rental units in the
metropolitan Vancouver area
alone and 5,000 throughout the rest
of the province for many, many
years to ease the shortage. And at
an average cost of $30,000 per unit
that amounts to $450 million a year
just for rental housing.
The department's total allotted
budget for 1974 totals $115 million.
The department really can only
offer bandaid solutions to the
housing crisis.
Rather, the main beneficial
purpose the housing department
can serve is on a more
philosophical level — changing the
homebuyer's housing ideal from a
single family home with a big yard
to a condominium or co-operative
housing scheme, featuring higher
density living and more communal
With empty land in the urban
area becoming ever more scarce,
obviously such high density
housing concepts are inevitable —
the housing department can certainly hurry the process along
Also the denser housing types
proposed by the provincial
government are cheaper than most
forms of housing constructed
today. And rental housing is an!
exceedingly rare commodity being
constructed in B.C. today.
However, as yet little cooperative
or zero-lot housing, the prime high-
density models proposed by the
government have been built.
The zero lot line's main advantage is that nine instead of four
or five houses can be accommodated per acre. The increased density is achieved by
having more communal space,
such as yards and parking areas.
The co-operative housing
scheme is more individualistic in
scope, less suited to large-scale
Under this scheme the government has made available loans and
mortgages for people to build their
own homes.
The building of senior citizens'
housing and condominium
development have been the other
building types stressed by the
housing department, only in
existence since November 1973.
Building single family homes has
not been a high priority item.
Housing minister Lome Nicolson
said in fact that the concept of
single family homes is outdated.
Despite being ridiculed in the
daily press for avoiding any particular stress on providing substantially more single family
dwellings, Nicolson and his staff
have been consistent in trying to
promote the newer types of
housing as more practical both
from space and financial standpoints.
Obviously since the housing
department, even with any help
from the Central Mortgage and
Housing Corporation and related
federal housing programs, cannot
solve the problem alone — the
cooperation of private industry
must be sought.
The progress here has not been
dramatic but does definitely seem
to be improving.
The main program initiated to
include private developers has
been the so-called "proposal"
program, whereby the private
developer proposes  a  housing
scheme to the housing department.
If accepted the developer receives
low interest loans and financial
assistance to buy materials in
building the development.
The most common arrangement
under this scheme allows the
builder these low-interest advantages along with a five per cent
profit after taxes.
Well received by the building
industry, the scheme is primarily
meant to stimulate smaller
housing contractors, who usually
encounter far more financing
problems . than do larger
The returns on the scheme are
increasing with the surprise being
the positive response by larger
developers like Daon Developments Ltd. and Block Brothers
However, private developers are
still largely building strata title
suites, the rationale being that
since they are sold rather than
rented the return is quicker.
Precious little low-rental housing
is being built for the general
Originally the housing department was seen as a hope in this
area but most rental housing
developments it has sponsored or
built through the development
company, Dunhill Developments,
that it purchased, has been rented
at the going market prices.
The building of rental suites was
almost completely halted by 1972
when the federal government
brought in a capital gains tax. It
inadvertently seems to have
discouraged rental suite construction by stopping builders from
the tax shelter practice of using a
paper loss from depreciation of
apartments to reduce personal
income taxes.
However, a large part of the
problem has certainly just been the
greed motive on the part of
developers, seeing the strata titles
as quicker returns.
The provincial government thus
far has refused to offer any sort of
direct subsidy to developers to
build desired rental housing
seeking to try to dent the market
from their own building and
In the age of the corporate
welfare bum this is a gutsy and
admirable policy which hopefully
will work.
So far certainly none of the
policies other than the rent freeze
have had the effect of holding
prices down. While admirable and
a help to tenants, it is being successfully ignored by many landlords and is having a deleterious
effect of also holding back rental
The provincial government here
has good intentions then but the
magnitude of the problem again
becomes apparent.
Certainly 1975 is a key year for
the housing department if they are
to make an impact.
Housing officials are quick to
point out that 11,740 housing units
are either under way or planned
under provincial sponsorship as of
Aug. 1. However, the figure of
10,000 housing starts predicted at
the beginning of the year by
Nicolson will not be reached and
the co-operative program and the
loan program for persons wanting
to convert single dwellings into
multi-family homes have not been
as successful as hoped.
Only in senior citizens' housing
have expectations been achieved
and even exceeded.
Yet Nicolson's figures were
partly wishful thinking without
doubt. In their first year of
operation, while still building an
operating staff ihe department has
really done quite well.
Unfortunately even when in high
gear next year the magnitude of
the problem may well doom the
department to a brave but hopeless
exercise in futility against the
forces of a very powerful market.
Expose Yourself to CBC Radio
Dr. Bundolo's Pandemonium
Medicine Show
Fridays on "As it Happens," 7:30 p.m.
The Royal Canadian Air Farce
Sundays on "The Entertainers", 1:00 p.m.
Inside from the Outside
Saturday, 11:30 a.m.
There are more laughs on CBC RADIO than news,
weather, and sports. There's humour and satire
about Canadians, for Canadians, by Canadians.
Check your local schedule for the proper prqnunci
ation of "schedule." And remember. . .
the only difference between a flasher and a streaker
is a university education.
CBU 690
VANCOUVER Friday, October 25, 1974
Spetiai IS
Consumer services expanded
but controversy didn't follow
The Consumer Services Department so
far is one of the NDP government's most
successful ministries.
Its activities have seldom been opposed by
the legislative opposition, consumer activists and "reputable businesses." Yet, so
far the department has not done anything
that would attract any opposition.
The department headed by Phyllis
Young as minister, was set up in October,
1973 to replace a minor Social Credit consumer office set up in 1970. That office had
one officer, Mike Hanson, and a secretary
who administered a consumer protection
act that lacked real enforcement power.
Young's department currently is
responsible for two major acts and a few
other minor ones. The Trade Practices Act
was passed six months ago without
legislative opposition after deputy minister
Army brat
moves up (?)
to minister
Consumer services minister Phyllis
Young is an army brat made good.
And becoming consumer affairs minister
is not her first career success.
Born in Michigan 49 years ago of
Canadian and American parents, Young
later became a staff sergeant in both the
U.S. army and navy, and a stewardess with
United Airlines while living in the U.S.
Since permanently moving to Canada in
1965 she has been a researcher with both the
Canadian Air Line Flight Attendents
Association and the B.C. Federation of
Labor. She has also been an executive board
member of the Office and Technical Em
ployees Union.
Educated in both Canada and the U.S.
Young's early life centred around the armed
services, starting with her father's activity
with the Canadian army in both the First
and Second World Wars, to her own service
in the armed forces in the mid '40s and early
While a stewardess with United, Young
was instrumental in organizing the Seattle
flight attendent local.
While her labor ties continued in Van
couver as a researcher for the B.C. Fed she
was also an executive member of the Status
of Women Council.
Elected to political office on her first try,
Young and running mate Roy Cummings
pulled off one of the larger upsets of the 1972
election, knocking off Social Credit attorney-general Leslie Peterson and
minister-without-portfolio Grace McCarthy
in the two-member Vancouver-Little
Mountain riding.
She became a cabinet minister in May
1973, heading the newly-created consumer
services department.
Bill Neilson researched ways of setting up
and enforcing consumer legislation for
several months.
The act is the strongest consumer rights
legislation in Canada.
It has provisions against a wide range of
"misleading" and "unconsciable" business
practices and provides several methods of
Companies' assets can be frdzen by the
minister when it is clear the managers plan
to flee to Brazil with customer's cash.
Crooks can't hide behind directorships of
limited liability companies because, while
the companies themselves can be fined
thousands of dollars for violating the act, the
directors also may get two years in the
"Unconsciable" sets are defined broadly
in the act but are backed up by specific
clauses against practices like bait-and-
switch selling and exploitation of consumers
who don't understand English.
The Debtors' Assistance Act helps consumers stuck in credit rip-offs by providing
free counselling services and sometimes
financial aid to beleaguered borrowers.
In addition, the department has required
credit bureaus to open their records to the
people whose negative files sometimes close
off job opportunities and chances for
legitimate credit.
So far, Young, Neilson and the department's investigators have not threatened
the "big money" of large department stores
and manufacturers. They've concentrated
on T.V. dealers, mobile home dealers,
health spas, dance clubs and tax discounting
The territory the department has staked
out is one of obvious and blatent abuse. It
has, possibly wisely, avoided the less clear
area of questionable but not clearly
deceptive business practices where, in total,
more substantial abuse may really occur.
The department has given financial
support to three consumer protection
organizations which help enforce the acts.
These organizations have been assigned
special responsibilities to deal with consumer "class actions" in which the
organizations can take shady businesses to
court after receiving collections of individual consumer complaints.
The Better Business Bureau serves as a
liason between the department and
"establishment" businesses, and its
director Vince Forbes has joined investigations looking into mobile home rip-
offs and long term dance club contracts.
The Consumers' Association of Canada
shadows the Trade Practices Act while the
Consumers Action League keeps its eyes on
offences related to the Debtors Assistance
Both organizations have received $10,000-
$15,000 per year grants from the provincial
government, and their executives are
regularily in contact with the ministry officials. The groups are politically independent of the government. Their
members and leaders won't remain silent if
they think the department is doing
something wrong.
Neilson seems eager to "play it cool" and
avoids rash statements and actions. He
received his law degree at UBC before
moving to Harvard for a Master of Laws
degrees and a position in the Ontario Consumer Affairs Ministry.
His competence there resulted in a strong
consumer protection law being passed, but
the Ontario act is still substantially weaker
than the B.C. one. Neilson, like most of the
investigators and officers of the department, probably could earn substantially
higher salaries if he worked for the corporations he sometimes opposes.
Young leads
the way with the
consumer services
legislation in
Young appears to be a moderately
competent minister who wisely chose extremely capable deputies. She has a
"folksy" manner and sometimes seems to
act like a typical housewife concerned with
the price of groceries and magazine
salesmen posing as eager students trying to
get through university.
Her power in the cabinet room appears
limited. She has had fights with the
agriculture minister David Stupich about
opening the B.C. Egg Marketing Board to
consumer representation and appears to
have failed to convince the rest of the
cabinet of her arguments' merits.
Stupich did provide something of a
compromise however. He promised to set up
a marketing  "superboard" which would
"reputable" businesses that occassionally
behave in ways that may be acceptable
because "everyone" acts in the same way,
but really are unacceptable. Eatons, for
example, moved a lot of new merchandise
into its old store while it was holding a
"close out" sale before moving to the
Pacific Center.
It's dangerous to fight the big stores and
national companies, which have quality
control and warranty policies that are often
extremely questionable. The Trade Practices Act gives Young power to act against
these large scale problems, but she has not
yet tried to do anything against the big
Currently, her department is acting like a
"motherhood"   organization.   Woodwards
The department requires credit
bureaus to open up the records to
those people on file.
oversee all B.C. marketing boards
and include consumer representatives
among its members.
Young gut reactions, which can make
her a responsive minister, have gotten her
into trouble in ways which may reveal a
fundamental weakness in her department.
When she held a news conference after
getting the new portfolio last year, she attacked what she called shoddy goods and
practices at Eatons.
She retracted her statements against the
major department store the next day after
opposition '"members blasted her. The
reaction received five times as much space
as the original statement in Vancouver's
daily newspapers.
Since then, Young has been silent about
doesn't mind if T.V. World is put out of
Consumer activists remain steadfastly in
support of Young, saying she has not acted
more forcefully against "big business"
because her department has not had time to
get organized. After all, they say, the
department has only been around for a little
more than a year and its basic legislation
has existed for only six months.
That may well be the case. It will be
another year before Young's department
can really be judged. Is it going to be a
bureaucratic better business bureau
respecting traditions of Mothers Day and fat
kids sucking lollypops or will Young and her
aides get to the real roots of consumer exploitation and abuse? Special 16
Friday, October 25,  1974
As government wrestles
AAunicipalities flex financial
"The central problem facing our cities is
their chronic inability to pay for the services
people need.
The results are obvious. Developers and
speculators are given a free hand to carve
up our cities for their own profit, often with
the lure of tax and other concessions. Lost
revenue is picked up by placing an even
greater tax burden on homeowners."
"Under an NDP government, only services to property will be paid from taxes on
property. Services to people will be financed
by sharing the province's resource revenues
and general revenues with municipalities
and regional districts.
—From New Democratic Party election
pamphlet dealing with municipal affairs,
August, 1972.
"The city is people, a conglomerate of
people. It is not the cars and the buildings
and the streets that are the most important
things. The needs of people is what we will
be doing our best to solve.
—NDP municipal affairs minister Jim
Lorimer, fall, 1972.
In the scope of urban problems the NDP
thrust after their August, 1972, victory
appeared to be twofold: 1) give the
municipalities more financial muscle and
thus to an extent more decision-making
power, and 2) making a profit on services
was seen as secondary to making sure such
services contributed to a better quality of
urban life.
Under the British North America Act of
1867, which set the division of responsibilities between the federal, provincial and
local levels of government, the local
governments were to fund services such as
welfare, legal proceedings, education,
transit, health and other services that involved little capital expenditure then, but
which together constitute tremendous
public expenditures today.
The result has been local governments
have long been chronically poor, lacking the
resources within their narrow boundaries to
generate enough income to. properly supply
their constitutional services.
So, as the NDP pamphlet indicates, the
municipalities have been virtually forced
into accommodating developers, business
and industry at the latters' terms — terms
based on making a profit, not on providing
quality urban living.
Social Credit, closely tied financially and
philosophically to business interests, did
little to alter this scheme of things during
their 20 years of power, a time that saw
record increases in population and
production in B.C. By the time the Socreds
were defeated the municipalities were
poorer than ever with the situation worsening.
And the local taxpayer felt the brunt of the
financial squeeze, facing ever-increasing
property taxes, because property taxes
have been the prime source of generating
revenue the municipalities have had at their
Thus one main task of the NDP has been to
take over the cost of many of the municipal
services and to legislate effective revenue-
sharing programs that will give local
governments more financial freedom, and
in so doing ease the burden of the
The other main urban task in municipal
affairs has been of the "living quality" to
help establish and subsidize an effective
rapid transit system in the Lower Mainland
to relieve the traffic congestion in the urban
core and cut down the attendant pollution.
How far then have the NDP and Lorimer's
department in particular come in coming to
grips with these problems?
Unlike many NDP policies such as the
land act and mineral royalties, the revenue-
sharing goals and transit policy are physical
more than ideological issues and could have
been enacted in similar form by either a
Conservative or Liberal government.
Since the per capita grant is the largest
revenue of local governments, other than
the property tax, there is no doubt that the
tiny increases from $30 to $34 per head
legislated by the NDP have been inadequate
in themselves.
Probably the most beneficial things the
provincial government has done for the
municipalities so far is notably taking over
the complete cost of welfare, the courts,
ambulances and diking programs, along
with providing increased transit subsidies.
But while these moves are a step in the
right direction it does seem arrogant and
naive of Lorimer to state in the legislature
as he did in the legislature during the debate
over his department's estimates this spring,
that the municipalities are in "good shape"
... the best shape they ever have been in."
Lorimer quite naturally would defend his
department's programs, but to state
municipalities are in "good shape" is
ridiculous. Ironically Lorimer, in making
such statements, sounds much like his
Socred predecessor Dan Campbell.
As regular as the March rains Campbell
would stand up in the legislature each spring
and splendiferously produce yards of
statistics mainly meant to discredit in the
public eye the complaints of municipal
officials. Apparently it worked — for 20
Lorimer, as NDP municipal affairs critic
often led the charge each year in trying to
battle through Campbell's statistical
smokescreen and point out the sad truth of
the situation.
So it is a sad statement on Lorimer as a
person and as a cabinet minister that he can
turn around and hand out the same
malarky, when it is obvious that the major
reforms contemplated in his department are
barely starting to have any significant effect.
As the NDP 1972 election pamphlet said
the major action to be undertaken was a_
redesigning of the property tax structure.
The situation is a mess. Not only are
property owners getting socked but the tax
formulas throughout the province vary
considerably, which makes the process of
reform an especially onerous and complex
Trying to make the tax formulas as
uniform as possible across the province is
the obvious goal.
In simplest terms, property taxes are
determined by two variables — the
assessment rate and the mill rate.
Much of the overhaul of the assessment
system was done by legislation this spring.
Under the Assessment Equalization Act,
assessments are to be made at a standard
rate of 100 per cent of the true market value
of property.
The new legislation would not see much of
an increase in taxes in areas such as Vancouver which has been operating on a rate of
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such increases will not be allowed to take
place. However backing up that promise is a
complex and time-consuming process.
The strategy will likely become obvious
soon, since Barrett and provincial secretary
Ernie Hall have announced that the fall
session, to begin next week, will likely deal
only with property taxation.
Many municipal officials, the B.C,
chamber of commerce and others have
urged the government to hold back on any
great changes in 1975, believing the whole
situation needs more thorough study than
has been given. Provincial assessment
commissioner Percy Wright, probably the
key planning force behind any changes, also
holds this opinion.
The NDP would be politically unwise to allow widespread tax
changes to take place in 1976, because 1976 is likely an election
100 per cent of market value on land on 75
per cent on improvements. But Vancouver
is one of the few areas which has been
operating at this high a rate.
For most municipalities, gigantic tax
increases would occur if this 100 per cent
rate was applied without any compensation.
Premier Dave Barrett has promised that
However that would mean the change in
the tax structure will take place in 1976. And
since the changes will not mean significant
decreases for any and eventually large
initial increases for many, which means a
lot of dissatisfaction, the NDP would be
politically unwise to allow the tax changes to
take place in 1976, because 1976 is likely an
election year.
So if there is any possibility the system
can be altered to affect 1975 taxes, the
government is likely to go ahead and implement wide-ranging changes in this fall's
A legislative committee has been touring
the province this month receiving submissions on property tax changes and will
be making recommendations to the cabinet
in the next few days. Determining the
feasibility of making well-informed changes
for 1975 is the committee's main task.
However, whether the tax changes occur
next year or sometime after that, the
likelihood is that the government will by
some formula phase in the new assessment
regulations gradually by putting a ceiling on
the annual raise of persons whose taxes
must be hiked.
Also a likelihood is that different mill
rates will be established for different
classes of property, which essentially will
mean that the homeowner will be given a bit
of a break while commercial and industrial
taxpayers will have to pay more.
This likelihood is heightened by the fact
that under Bill 71, passed in 1973, the NDP
wiped out the 10 per cent annual assessment
increase limit levied by the Socreds in 1971,
in an attempt to get more taxes out of big
business and speculators who were making
profits by the value of their land increasing
by more than the 10 per cent annual tax
increase allowed.
The main problem with Bill 71 though has
been some small folk such as couples buying
land to eventually retire on and small
businessmen have also been hit hard by the
assessment limit being lifted.
No matter what the eventual timetable,
setting uniform standards for the property
■MMaMfci Friday, October 25, 1974
Special 17
city from developers
muscle under new NDPpolicy
tax throughout the province is essential in
the long run for an effective program of
provincial aid to municipal services to be
implemented. Right now the whole matter is
still too fragmented.
And the government's view appears to be
that any great changes in the disbursement
of the per capita grant cannot effectively
take place until the whole matter of the
property tax is cleared up.
Then a system of differential grants,
according to the varying needs of an area
seems logical to a variety of observers,
though the government has so far made
little indication of preference in this area.
In the meantime the government has been
making headway in fulfilling its promise of
taking off the property tax municipal services not directly related to property.
It is by doing this that the effect of higher
assessment and mill rates is compensated.
The most notable service to be dropped
from the property tax is education, which
has been a most crippling load on municipal
purse strings.
During the 1974 spring session, a five-year
plan was passed in the legislature, by which
the education tax will be gradually taken off
the property tax over that period by means
of an annual homeowners' grant that will
compensate for education taxes.
In the first year, 20 per cent of education
costs will be covered in the grant, in the
second year, 40 per cent and so on until after
five years the provincial government has
absorbed the entire education cost.
The main advantage of the financial
restructuring, and especially relieving the
municipalities of the cost of education, will
be to give local government's more financial
And the main advantage of the flexibility
is that it will cut down on the red tape for
which municipal councils are notorious.
Speeding up the bureaucratic process will
be a huge advantage in planning and quickly
executing new development — especially
housing — which has become greatly
hampered especially during the tight
housing situation of the past few years.
Indeed it has partly caused the tight housing
The government has also undoubtedly
helped the municipalities by getting rid of
corporate tax concessions imposed by the
Socreds, which has brought in about $1.5
million in increased taxes province wide.
Also giving the municipalities wider
borrowing powers and the right to buy
shares in corporations — this move obviously consonant with the social
democratic view of a mixed economy — can
help local governments attain a healthier
financial situation.
However both moves will not be of much
help until the new tax structure is complete
and the removal of the education tax has
progressed further.
So in the field of revenue-sharing and
property tax reform the government seems
to be moving in a promising direction but it
will take time for the long-overdue changes
to have their desired effect.
Another area where the Socreds stagnated
is the field of rapid transit. The Socreds
supported a third automobile crossing of
Burrard Inlet. One of the first things the
NDP did in power was withdraw provincial
support of the project and channel $27
million earmarked for the crossing into the
development of rapid transit.
Inroads have undoubtedly already been
made in improving the public transit
system, especially in the Lower Mainland
and Greater Victoria areas, by improved
bus service.
The theory that people will leave their car
at home if public transit is convenient
enough is bearing up. Figures compiled in
July indicate use of public transit has risen
11 per cent over the total system.
About 300 new buses have been bought and
more purchases are planned, with most of
the new buses serving either Victoria or
Vancouver. Soon after assuming office
Lorimer said improving service to suburban
areas, especially to the south and east of
Vancouver was to be the main priority.
Many of the new buses have been put in
use to this end. Regular bus service has been
extended to Port Moody, Coquitlam, Surrey
and Delta for the first time.
These areas are the key to a shift in rider
attitude toward public transit because,
unlike Vancouver which expanded along
streetcar lines, residents in the outlying
areas have had to be virtually totally reliant
on their private cars to get in, out and
around the city.
However figures indicate a shift is
beginning to take place in these areas which
will continue to shoulder the lion's share of
Vancouver's rapid growth.
The growth of the public transit ridership
must chiefly be attributed to the NDP's
policy of abandoning the Socred credo,
carried out by then B.C. Hydro boss Gordon
Shrum, of trying — albeit unsuccessfully —
to make the Hydro-operated transit service
break even.
In trying however, cutbacks in routes and
bus frequency occurred during the Socreds'
last years. By 1971 public transit ridership in
Vancouver was beginning to dip sharply.
However in that year a change in thinking
toward public transit by Vancouver city
council began to be translated into policy
and after much lobbying many routes and
Tom's just an
old-fangled guy
Mayor Tom Reid of North Vancouver city
describes himself as old fashioned.
And old fashioned to Reid means that
"when a man gives his word, that's it. You
shouldn't have to worry."
But worrying was what Reid had to do
recently when he was involved in one of the
biggest squabbles yet to ensue between the
municipalities and municipal affairs
minister Jim Lorimer.
North Van city council wanted to see it's
waterfront developed in a "people-oriented"
way and at first this seemed to have the
blessings of the municipal affairs department.
But then the department's bureau of
transit services started hinting that it
wouldn't mind if North Van dragged it's
heels a little about its intention.
And when council refused to do so, it found
itself saddled with an expropriation order
allowing the government to use some of that
land as a terminal for a proposed ferry
system between the North Shore and
"In my opinion I was asked to violate my
code of ethics," says Reid of the heel
dragging request.
Lorimer himself, Reid finds to be "a man
of his words" though he still faults Lorimer
for not keeping his staff's methods sufficiently in check.
And how does Lorimer compare with
Socred municipal affairs minister Dan
Reid says he doesn't like to make comparisons but admits Campbell was "a horse
of a different color"
With the old ministry it was a flat yes or a
flat no to any request, he said.
"In my first meeting with Campbell I said
to him "It's no use my wasting time talking.
I might as well go."
And why?
"It was a flat no," laughs Reid.
schedules were restored. The process
escalated with the switch of provincial and
then civic government in 1972.
New routes inside the city have been
added, the highly successful park-and-ride
service expanded, more express buses used
in peak hours, and downtown routes altered
so buses serve the burgeoning office area
west of Granville instead of just following
the standard Granville and Hastings routes
which had not been changed since streetcar
However improved bus service is only the
first step in providing an effective public
transit network with light rail service
widely accepted as an essential complement.
Both the city of Vancouver and the
Greater Vancouver Regional District have
provided Lorimer and his staff with detailed
staff reports on rapid transit. Indications
are that decisions on rapid transit for
Greater Vancouver will come within the
next several weeks.
The major rail priority is a line running to
the east of the city, along the old inter-urban
railway line along Kingsway, through the
Central Park area of Burnaby and out to
New Westminster. Eventually this line will
be stretched as far as Langley.
Another line will go along the existing
Arbutus tracks and across the Fraser River
into Richmond. Still another line will go to
the North Shore, likely via a tunnel. These
two lines are of lower immediate priority
The whole rapid transit topic has caused
much tension and angry words between
Lorimer and GVRD municipalities,
primarily Vancouver city council and
Mayor Art Phillips.
The problems have been about cost, how
much of the route should be surface and
underground and where and how much
control should the provincial government
have and how much should be in the hands of
the GVRD.
Plans drawn up by city of Vancouver staff
indicate a $240 million price tag. Lorimer
has said his government is only willing to
spend $140 million.
The Vancouver plans call for some underground sections downtown. Lorimer at
first rejected the immediate need for underground service downtown, though indications are he has changed his mind to an
Some of the route will likely be underground with some surface on rail on the
periphery of downtown near the'waterfront
and in the warehouse area near Beatty
Street according to insiders, with the initial
price tag being somewhere between $140
million and $240 million.
However the main bone of contention is
over who will administrate the transit
authority. The provincial government has
passed legislation setting up a B.C. Transit
Authority which is given the powers to
administrate such services on a province-
wide basis.
The legislation has been widely attacked
from all sides. The political right as usual
has attacked the government for trying to
centralize power in their own hands.
In this case the left seems to agree, noting
the government has seemingly abandoned
stated goals of increasing community
power. Vancouver Aid. Harry Rankin has
attacked the legislation, saying the transit
system should be regionally run. Rankin
said when the legislation was introduced
this spring that he "has lost confidence" in
Lorimer's understanding of transit.
Rankin, sticking to the theory of
democratic centralism that informs much of
the NDP legislation as well, believes such a
provincial body should coordinate transit,
setting some broad policy guidelines but
leaving the day-to-day administration to the
regional district who are closer to the scene.
Aid. Walter Hardwick recently told The
Ubyssey the B.C. Transit Authority issue
indicates a paranoic attitude toward
municipal officials by the NDP.
"The view from Victoria is that most
municipal governments are full of Socreds,
while the view in the Bennett days was the
Harry faces
If there's one thing that bothers
Vancouver alderman Harry Rankin
about the municipal affairs department,
it's a lack of communication.
Municipal affairs minister James
Lorimer is often difficult to contact, says
Rankin, but frequent talks with him are
necessary because Vancouver is in the
middle of planning a rapid transit system
under the auspices of Lorimer's
Even harder to approach than Lorimer
is Vic Parker, head of the department's
bureau of transit services, said Rankin.
He said Parker will always talk about
transit, but that doesn't necessarily
mean he will discuss it.
"It may be his stumbling block that's
between us and the minister," he said.
Stumbling block or not, Rankin still
finds Lorimer much better than his
predecessor Dan Campbell, who, Rankin
claims, was not interested in transit at
"At least Lorimer got his new buses,
and that's a start," Rankin said. Outside
of Vancouver, Rankin criticizes
Lorimer's handling of the Kamloops
Indian band whose reserve was recently
included in Kamloops city for tax purposes.
He admits the Indians are still spared
paying taxes but white lessees on their
property now pay taxes to the city instead of to the band.
The Indians were never consulted
about this move and Lorimer should not
have approved it, says Rankin.
councils were full of NDPers. I don't think
either are right," he said.
Hardwick qualified his statement saying
he believes Lorimer's much publicized
threats toward municipal officials to
maintain a certain veil of secrecy over
provincial-municipal discussions on transit
is understandable since many municipal
officials have been notorious for leaking
such information as routes to speculators,
who then reap a windfall.
However Hardwick believes Lorimer is
overreacting in entertaining thoughts to
have the province rather than the GVRD
administer local transit. In the long run
Hardwick sees such a move as just creating
more strain between province and local
Lorimer's decision on this issue certainly
bears watching as an indicator of where his
mind is at in any case.
But while political tension between
provincial and municipal officials seems to
have carried over from the Socred days
certainly the cooperation on a staff level has
increased dramatically, with much information being exchanged.
SO while Lorimer may act like Dan
Campbell once in a while, the municipal
affairs department under his guidance
appears to be producing something much
more tangible than a yearly flurry of empty
*m Special 18
Friday, October 25,  1974
Workers' criticism hits new code
From page 9
however,  was the new  Labor  Relations
Board. The board is the final judge of all
matters of dispute under the terms of the
It didn't take long for labor to react to the
new labor code, and especially the LRB —
two days.
Bill Stewart, then vice-president of the
B.C. Federation of Labor, described the
code as "detrimental to the interests of
Stewart also attacked the LRB, saying:
"This is very dangerous because it appears
professionals are going to determine our
Jack Phillips of the Canadian Union of
Public Employees went even further in his
criticism. "We now have to fight like we've
never fought before, and let the government
know they've got to stop taking us for
"Otherwise, they're courting their own
defeat in the next election. This government
has been listening too much to big business
and the powerful monopolies of this
The main critic of the code when it was
introduced in 1973, and currently still the
main critic, was the B.C. Fed., representing
almost a quarter million organized workers
in B.C.
Less surprising that labor's criticism of
the code was management's. Chuck Connaghan, president of the Construction Labor
Relations Association, said the code would
create "nothing but chaos" in the construction industry and termed it a "gigantic
step backward".
But generally, employers reacted to the
code as they do to almost everything else
that isn't causing them to lose money at the
immediate moment — with conservative
However, three unions counter-attacked
the Fed's criticism, hitting the Fed for
reacting hastily to the new legislation.
Sam Brown, Teamsters' provincial
council research director, put it best. "If the
Federation expected the new labor code
would give them the key to the department
of labor, that was to me an unreasonable
The federation ignored the pleas to hold
back on its criticism and sent a delegation to
Victoria to demand code amendments from
labor minister Bill King.
King listened, thanked the federation for
visiting him and made no concessions.
The labor minister did make 30 minor
amendments to the code but, with no major
changes made, it proceeded through the
legislature and received final reading in
November, 1973.
The federation continued to hit the code,
while slowly realizing that, like it or not, the
code was the best piece of labor legislation
B.C. had seen since the coming of the
neanderthals in 1952. Accordingly, criticism
of the code was considerably toned down in
last March's federation presentation to the
"Any government has to represent all
segments of society," federation spokesman
Len Guy now says.
The campaign to effect changes in the
code will continue, Guy says, but it will be a
quiet one and it won't involve wholesale
attacks on the NDP.
The federation still wants to see:
•Agricultural workers, fishermen and
domestic workers included in the code;
•Employers prevented from changing pay
rates or altering conditions of employment
during a union's application for certification ;
•Sections allowing the labor board to
impose first agreements removed;
•Restrictions on strikes and lockouts
during the term of a mediator removed or at
least removal of the labor minister's power
to extend mediator's terms;
•Picketing to disseminate information,
carry out consumer boycotts and help
organize workers in non-union firms
•Restoration of the rights of striking
unionists to picket the employer's place or
places of business wherever they are in B.C.
So far, the new labor code has worked
relatively well, with only one major exception: the granting of the right to strike to
workers in essential services — police,
firefighters and hospital workers.
In August, 285 firemen in four Lower
Mainland municipalities walked off the job.
In the weeks that followed, a major chunk of
the labor code, and the NDP philosophy that
went into its writing, were made
Besides giving workers in essential services the right to strike, the code also gave
the workers the right to apply for binding
arbitration, whether the employers liked it
or not.
In this case, the firefighters decided not to
opt for binding arbitration because they
feared the results wouldn't be to their liking.
Binding arbitration would probably have
given them the same settlement Vancouver
firemen had already approved.
Firemen in the four municipalities feared
that if they accepted this settlement, they
would effectively be left out of the senior pay
levels. The Vancouver settlement required
at least 10 years' senioi' ■ > to achieve these
levels and most municipal firemen are
lucky if they have more than five years.
The firemen went on strike but returned to
the job 24 hours later when faced with a
special session of the legislature forcing
them back to work. They returned on the
condition King would apply political
pressure to the municipalities for direct
bargaining in their disputes.
King didn't intervene, the firemen walked
out again and the special session was called
forcing them to return to work and accept
the Vancouver firefighters' settlement.
The effect of all this is that the essential
workers' right to strike doesn't mean
anything. The special session made an
amendment to the labor code giving the
cabinet power to impose a 21-day cooling-off
period which would force essential services
workers back to work while negotiations
But at the end of the cooling-off period, the
government has only two choices: let the
workers strike and hope for a super-quick
settlement or call a special session and force
them back.
Not unexpectedly, the federation reacted
with criticism to the government move. But
the criticism was about as vehement as a
Robert Stanfield speech. The federation said
the government had "erred in its handling"
of the dispute and said the compulsory back-
to-work order was "unjustified".
Not exactly a call for a general strike. And
the soft line approach reflects the current
position of labor to the NDP government.
Labor knows it can't have everything its
own way. Labor knows it has no other choice
but to support the NDP and work for what it
wants in a low-key manner.
And when the next provincial election
rolls around both Barrett and labor know the
marriage will continue.
"If the public gives them (the NDP) a
chance over the long haul they will bring
about prosperity unequalled in history in
any part of the world," Guy says.
Labor wants a chunk of that prosperity
and knows who better than anyone else can
help them get it.
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Kindly visit your PLACEMENT OFFICE for more complete information about
individual job opportunities and how to make application. Friday, October 25,  1974
Special 19
Cocke twixt docs and Foulkes
From page 8
welfare recipients will be cut off the welfare
rolls when the department takes over administration of welfare.
Spokesmen for welfare groups have
claimed this forces people to take jobs they
don't want and provides the department
with an excuse for cutting off many
recipients who really cannot work.
But the move in itself is not particularly
new. Municipalities have always
discouraged single employable adults from
receiving welfare.
Levi's record is generally approved of by
the teaching staff at UBC's School of Social
Social work professor Richard Splane
says he likes the idea of bringing welfare
administration into the community but that
some of the resource board legislation has
been carried out inefficiently. Splane, a
former assistant deputy minister in the
department of national health and welfare,
said Levi has moved too hastily in implementing the boards when not enough of
his intentions have been fully understood in
the community.
The government's social assistance
policies have generally gotten bad press, he
said, and the administration of programs
has failed to achieve all that the legislation
.set out to do.
But Splane said he feels the resource
boards will succeed in giving the service
they're designed to give within two or three
And all the mistakes Levi has made are
small as far as Splane is concerned when
compared to Gaglardi's fumblings and lack
of concern for the poor.
"We've got rid of the big cloud hanging
over us," he said. "There's some little ones
now but the big one is gone."
But though the resource boards currently
seem no more than one arm of one department in the government, they form the
nucleus for a planned regionalization of all
social services.
The New Democrats appear to want the
province divided into regions and each of
these regions further divided. B.C. residents
needing assistance can then go directly to a
known centre in their area and the Victoria
bureaucracy can involve itself in over-all
administration while still keeping some
control over the various regions.
The regional boards would, ideally, incorporate health services as well.
This is one of the recommendations
contained in a large study of the province's
health needs commissioned by the department of health. The report, produced by
special consultant Dr. Richard Foulkes and
completed last December, calls for the
integration of the human resources and
health departments.
But the Foulkes report has met great
opposition from doctors whom it proposes to
put on a salary basis and link more closely
with the government.
Doctors being a highly trained and touchy
group, health minister Dennis Cocke has to
tread carefully if he wishes to implement
the recommendations of the Foulkes report
and at the same time maintain the current
level of health services in B.C.
And he certainly appears to be moving
slowly. Foulkes already complains that
some of the recent administrative
procedures set up by the department will
make it more difficult to implement the
report's recommendations. >-
But those 264 recommendations can, of
course, only be implemented over a long
period of time.
The report calls for a complete revamping
of the health care system and of the roles of
doctors, hospitals and mental institutions.
The current system is a "patchwork of
services", the report states.
"The decision making process is
dominated by the medical profession and
the bureaucrats. It is they, rather than the
consumer who decide where, when, how and
by whom patients will be treated.
"Programs are variously funded. The use
of long-range planning and research is
minimal. Manpower development, by
contemporary standards is almost nonexistent in the civil service."
The report also says that power is firmly
in the hands of men though women form 80
per cent of the work force.
Basically the report recommends making
health care available to all those who need
it. It defines health "as the state of complete, physical, mental and social well being
and not merely the absence of disease and
To that end the report recommends:
• Provincial government funding of all
capital construction and equipment costs.
• Setting up a province-wide ambulance
system controlled by the provincial
government until various regions are
capable of handling ambulance systems
• improved medical training to provide
200 doctors a year by 1981, up from the
current level of 80 doctors a year.
• centralizing all environmental health
services in a special Environmental Control
• setting up a review of housing standards
from the point of view of potential health
Health minister Dennis Cocke
• demolishing large mental health  in-
• stitutions and involving the community with
mental health through smaller centres.
• providing all health services for native
Indians through the provincial government.
• co-ordinating all services to alcoholics.
,   • more access to family planning, free
contraceptives and pressure by the
provincial government toamendthe Canada
Criminal Code on therapeutic abortions.
• mandatory fluoridation of water.
To administer all the new and revamped
programs the report recommends restructuring the health department into three
branches: standards, services, and coordination, finance and administration.
The standards branch would develop
minimum and maximum standards for
service and provide research and advice.
Finance and administration would take
care of accounting and budgetary control
and public relations and would provide
central services.
The seven main regions will consist of
Victoria, upper Vancouver Island, Greater
Vancouver, the Fraser Valley, the Interior,
the Kootenays and northern B.C.
Foulkes recognized that his proposed
system would not necessarily save money
but said his major goal is to decentralize
health services and involve B.C. residents
directly in planning those services.
He admitted such re-organization will
ensure a power struggle within the department but said such a struggle cannot be
avoided if the system is eventually to be
managed well.
"The secret of our success will lie in the
MANAGEMENT (Foulkes' capitals) or
power. It is this that dictates our priorities."
Foulkes has proposed some very radical
changes but their implementation is still far
in the future. Reform remains at the idea
stage at this moment.
But if the government ever decides to act
fully on the proposed changes, if it incorporates health and human resources in
one ministry and if it carries out its program
of decentraization, B.C. will have one of the
most up-to-date social care systems in the Special 20
Friday, October 25,  1974
"I object to the stupidity of the New
Democratic Party government more than I
object to their socialism."
Liberal leader David Anderson was
speaking in a recent interview on the issues
of opposition.
"Their main problem is that they're so
damn dumb."
Anderson is one of those in opposition, who
unlike his Liberal collegue, MLA Allan
Williams, says he doesn't see the NDP as a
hard-line socialist party. But he places them
outside this catagory not neccessary
because of intent, but because of what he
calls their "clumsiness."
"It's true they are socialists of some pale,
Anderson objects fo NDP stupidity
more than government socialism
but the main fact is that they're clumsy
socialists," he says.
"They got into auto insurance merely for
the sake of involvement and have done so
If the NDP has done badly, what would the
Liberals do to change policy just supposing
they were catapulted into office torn-
morrow? It's obvious even on the other end
of the telephone Anderson's eyes have lit up.
"First of all, we'd try to strip the government of the various companies the NDP
government has taken over. We'd try hard
to get private company involvement.
"In stumpage rates, we'd make quick
temporary changes to help the Interior mills
Criticism  fielded
From page 13
only major personal criticism of the Sun is
that it doesn't present enough investigative
"We have two excellent investigative
reporters in Neale Adams and Jes Odam,"
he said, but more emphasis should be placed
in this area.
"However, people are critical of the Sun
— (Jack) Webster is critical of the Sun. But
we have a newsroom staff of 150 people and
spend $3.5 million annually as our news
budget. Our reporters are out beating the
bushes — and if not for that, why Webster
would be tongue-tied."
McConnell said the Province fielded
criticism from business interests after the
last election.
"After the election they were puzzled and
upset — they couldn't figure out what the
government would do. There was a reluctance in the initial stages to say anything,
yet while they retained a discrete silence,
they were mad at the newspapers for not
speaking up for them. So, they told me."
The newspapers have always been the
weak link in the opposition troika, since with
good reporting they do criticize the other
opposition members.
But a hierarchy system similar to the
university's — where only those agreeing
with those in charge are promoted — is in
effect. No flaming radicals will screech to
the top at the four newspapers any more
than at MacMillan Bloedel in or the Liberal
Party. So the David Andersons keep
repeating their statements to the papers,
which keep printing them regularly.
And business, on the whole, takes the news
which are in such a bad state. We'd temporarily adjust their stumpage rates to
allow quick recovery.
"Housing — well, the rental ceiling
concept is crazy. I can see keeping it on for a
while if the government builds apartments,
but they're not building apartments.
"The rentalsman position was created by
the NDP government because it entirely
gave into (Vancouver Tenants Council
president) Bruce Yorke.
"We'd help the housing situation by
helping municipal governments service
their lots."
Anderson says, by the way, the slump in
the apartment-building rates is entirely
attributable to provincial policy. High
mortgage rates, instituted by the federal
Liberal government, are of "marginal
He also said a Liberal government would
scrap the Mining Royalties Act and instead
re-institute collection of revenue through
"Royalties are anti-conservationist, since
they encourage companies to mine only the
high-grade ore rather than all grades. It's a
PANGO PANGO (UNS) — King Lordie
Beerstein said Thursday he felt picked upon
by the island kingdom's only newspaper,
The Daily Blah.
"You guys are always picking on me,"
whined the philosopher king. "Why don't
you write something about what a bunch of
donuts all these other guys I work with are?
"Why don't you guys do something on
Duncanphouma Souvannathompsonbum? I
don't think you have ever written anything
on him." said Beerstein.
dumb way of taxing. Royalties are just
goddam stupid."
But Anderson had a few kind words for the
provincial Land Commission Act, saying the
Liberals would maintain the act in principle
but make civil libertarian changes.
And he said a Liberal government would
make no changes in social services
legislation, other than attempting to further
raise Mincome payments.
"In welfare we'd pursue (human
resources minister Norm) Levi's announced
policy of cutting off young people who refuse
to work. Welfare is needed for the people
and the only way to be sure it will continue is
through stopping abuses."
As he talks, Anderson is almost as difficult
to stop as he perceives welfare abuse to be.
But politicians' pipedreams are easy to
come by while the power isn't.
Anderson is probably one of the few people
in the province who sees any possibility of
Liberals in power because he says Liberals
pose more of a real threat to the NDP than
the Socreds ever could.
But the provincial Liberal party is a party
of the upper-middle class, appealing to its
constituency with a dab of social democracy
here, a piece of civil libertarianism there,
permeated throughot with belief in free
corporate enterprise. The party has no
populist base, nor does it carry the potential
power of the Social Credit or New
Democratic party in their appeals to the
"little guy."
Anderson is all pragmatic politics and
social reform. The combination has failed to
make any impact beyond the confines of
Lesley Krueger
new & used records
4430 W.10 th      224 0232
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I'LL FAKE IT.' Friday, October 25,  1974
Special 21
Northern policy ambitious, patchy
Northwest development in B.C. currently
rides in confused wads in the hip pocket of
the honourable Bob Williams, provincial
resources minister.
His approach is ambitious but patchy. It
includes rhetorical bits and pieces like the
expenditure of $500 million, the creation of
25,000 jobs and the development of new and
improved port facilities, a transportation
network, pulp and paper, mining and
lumbering establishments, all of which spell
boom conditions in capital letters.
On the other hand the shit still flies in
beautiful B.C. Although there isn't space to
go into it here, the story on northern
development has more than one seamy side,
some corporate strong-arming and some
fairly disappointed locals who thought they
might have something to do with the
development of the areas in which they live.
About all your reporter can do at this point
is to sigh and get on with it; tell as much as
Prince Rupert are serviced by either the
British Columbia Railway or the Canadian
National Railway.
Having sketched out our terrain we
proceed to what is supposed to happen to
this hinterland area where courageous
people or alcoholics or both have managed
to stay alive for almost 150 years.
The resources of the area are vast and
virtually untapped.
Former premier W. A. C. Bennett, for all
his grandiose schemes and cosmic hookup to
God, would only sell enough of the province
at a time to float a new issue of B.C.
government savings bonds. Small towns
with one industry remained that way. That
industry was usually extractive and left the
town with no room to expand either
economically or culturally.
Williams, unlike Bennett, has a planned-
economy outlook along with his self-
confessed indebtedness to Scandinavian
"socialism" (you know, "Danish Modern"
A new "socialist" tactic: don't expropriate the sonofabitch, buy him
can be told of a story guaranteed to drive a
researcher nuts.
We are, in geographic term's, talking
about the area on the B.C. coast stretching
north to Dease Lake, east to Takla Landing
and Burns Lake, west to the Pacific coast
and south to Howe Sound.
All of these centres of population, as well
as Hazelton, Houston, Terrace, Kitimat and
furniture, squeaky clean condominiums and
outrageous prices for beer and cigarettes).
Williams wants to see the north's
economic potential at least on a par with
that of the Lower Mainland. In short, he
would like to see cities, possibly even
Vancouvers, in the northwest.
Williams' strategy for all this (some call it
madness, others vision) is to use a "mixed
economy" or a coexistence between
publicly-owned and privately-owned
companies. The workability of this strategy
can be judged in two examples in which the
government comes out clean in one instance
and tarnished in the other.
In April of 1973 the government through
Bob Williams paid $1 million for what looked
like a lemon, a total fuck-up and an accountants' night-mare — Columbia
The Cellanese Corporation-owned pulp
and paper mills had been losing money for
years and faced imminent closure when the
province picked them up. Today Columbia
Cellulose has changed its name to B.C.
Cellulose and is doing just fine.
In November, 1973 "Business in B.C."
reported that the company's growth had
shot up 664%, the largest growth rate of any
company in the province.
As far as the 3,000 employees of the firm
are concerned their jobs are safe. As far as
environmentalists   are   concerned   the
province and not a private company now has
control of 9.1 million acres of tree farm
licenses which went along with the Colcel
purchase.    And   as    far    as    northwest
development freaks are concerned:
"The purchase of the Colcel operations
is part of a total package   that  the
government is developing for the northwest section of B.C., where operations
of several big forestry firms have been
in financial difficulty in recent years."
—Province, April 3,1973
But B.C. Cellulose is a tiny part of the toal
package. It was bought for a song but not
expropriated. A new "socialist" tactic:
don't expropriate the sonofabitch, buy him
In this instance the government scored
$1 million
turned to
billion dollar
well in that it got the better of the deal but
bigger stakes were placed on the Sukunka
coalfields game and here's roughly how it
came out.
The Sukunka coal fields are located 35
miles south of Chetwynd. In July of 1969
Brameda Resources Ltd. began exploration
of the area and uncovered three huge seams
of coal estimated at 60 million tons.
Upon analysis the coal turned out to be the
next best thing to gold, a top grade coking
See page 22: BCR
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The number of microvolts off FM signal
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that program peaks heard
will be 30dB louder than
any background noise and
distortion. The lower this
figure, the better the tuner.
That's only the beginning. You'll want to examine each of the other
Natural Sound specifications as well.
556 Seymour St. Van., 682-6144
Friday, October 25, 1974
BCR chugging to mines profits
From page 22
variety of the utmost importance
and   value   for   molten   steel
production or smelting.
Brameda needed extra finances
and got them through a deal with
Mikas Oil, a wholly owned subsidiary of the Canadian giant
Brascan. Brascan has long been
regarded by Latin American
countries where it has considerable holdings as somewhat of
a terror and up there in the same
league with ITT and the United
Fruit Company.
Brascan and Brameda's partnership eventually settled on a 60-
40 split in favour of Brascan.
At some point while all this was
going on Dave Barrett and Bob
Williams — both good old boys
from east Van. — drove their
hordes straight into the provincial
legislature. Barrett found himself
as premier, minister of finance and
also president of B.C. Railway.
The BCR under Bennett's hardware merchant economics was
already tied into Sukunka through
transportation. Barrett levered
away and got much the same as
what Bennett had shot for — a 20-
year, $250 million contract to
transport the coal from the fields to
whatever port he and the federal
government could agree to.
(The feds wanted Prince Rupert
Eliesen at quarterback
in superbureaucracy
From page 11
to set priorities," he said, as a
statement of fact, not criticism.
No, at least not until the federal
election produced results in B.C.
warning Victoria of something
seriously wrong. Fumbles made by
administrative bungling, least of
all the hastiness with which ICBC
was rushed in, were becoming
more difficult to recover.
The NDP bureaucracy betrayed
signs of wrinkling around the
middle, and the premier got the
Until the appointment of Eleisen,
an NDP paranoia of isolationism
from big business produced a
sterile 'no-man's land' around the
premier's office.
"It's the old socialist belief that
$1 ^rm'^^fM * 'H'*
everyone in business is a crook and
out to get them," an NDP veteran
"They've stood off so far, it's one
of the reasons they're out of
Eleisen, with the backup of a
strong superbureaucrat offensive
lineup, might be just the man to
arouse Barrett's rugby instincts to
go back out to the playing field and
keep the Socreds in the penalty box
just a little longer.
where they had the National
Harbours Board and Barrett
wanted Howe Sound. Things
became quite heated over the
dispute and Barrett eventually
blew up in his office one day and
said "Fuck it! The goddam port's
going into Howe Sound").
This time, however, BCR's role
was not to be simply that of a
public utility chugging around the
province meeting corporate needs
and barely paying for itself.
Whether by coincidence or by
design BCR found itself in a
position to acquire Brameda
Resources' 40 per cent interest for
a cool $7 million as Brameda was
going broke.
All BCR had to do was cough up
the dough and then fulfill its
agreement to Brascan, ship the
coal by putting out an initial $24
million in tracks, locomotives and
boxcars and spending endless
hours hassling with Ottawa over
port locations and additional
railway equipment.
Brascan, in the meantime, sat on
its 60 per cent of 60 million tons of
coal valued conservatively at $22 a
ton or worth at least $1.43 billion.
Incidentally, Brascan laid out a
total of $10 million, much of it loans
on the project to be recovered
If all this sounds like
bureaucratic maneuvering and
corporate decision-making over
the   heads   of   everyone   in   the
province it's because that's exactly
what it is.
Brascan's activities in Brazil
where it has controlled the
hydroelectric system of that
■ country since the turn of the
century have included everything
from political fixing to actually
keeping reactionary governments
in power. A peoples' government,
as the NDP purports to be,
shouldn't be keeping such company nor helping it get richer.
But mixed economies can't be
fussy about who mixes where.
Brascans will accept a social
democratic government as a
partner as long as that government
plays by the rules of the game, a
game they invented.
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Special 23
Public ICBC is public service
By JAKE van der KAMP
"A multimillion dollar mistake that's
going to sipljon the money out of our
pockets," say free enterprise addicts.
"Unfair government intervention in
private business," say the executives of
insurance firms.
"Icky-bicky," say those who believe the
critics but don't know why.
What they're talking about is ICBC, the
Insurance Corporation of British Columbia,
the result of one of the more effective pieces
of legislation yet to come out of Victoria.
The New Democrats had promised to take
over auto insurance for along time and it
came as no real surprise when they finally
lived up to their promise.
But still, the takeover stirred heated
Insurance companies were annoyed that
they would lose their business even though
they had complained for years that auto
insurance was a low-profit business.
Corporate executives throughout B.C.
made the usual charges that creeping
socialism is destroying B.C.'s economy and
the   major   newspapers   preserved   their
Party-go v't
From page 5
date to "examine the problem of
government accountability". It
expressed the executive's belief
that party membership and
organization had stagnated.
"The principal responsibility for
the current state of the party", it
stated, "rests with the attitude of
the government and its actions —
and not only what it has said and.
done in the last ten months, but in
what if has consistently done with
regard to party-government
relations since its election".
Although the report was rejected
by the convention, the narrowness
of the vote approximately (320-250)
brings to light the degree to which
this is a very real problem for the
membership. The convention also
saw heated debate on the womens'
ministry question, and on the issue
of nationalization of B.C. Tel,
another pre-election policy which
has since been pushed down the
government's list or priorities by
Premier Dave Barrett.
On the issue of accountability,
Robinson said that although he is
generally supports the government's legislation to date, "there is
a definite problem". Despite a
number of meetings between the
government caucus and the
provincial executive, at which the
government expressed a
"positive" attitude towards party
policy, very little has actually been
done in this vein.
Although dismissing the
possibility of a large-scale split in
the party, Robinson said that
"there is "growing frustration"
amongst party activists, ex-
pecially those involved with the
policy committees. He cited a
recent article in the party
newspaper, the Democrat, which
attributed a growing stagnation of
party membership to the government's policy of extending civil-
service positions to key party
Robinson said that if the
situation does not improve the
party membership's only recourse
will be to "change the people in the
government by refusing to
renominate irresponsible members". The government has come
under constant attack in its first
two years in office. It would be a
serious error to add to the list of
critics — which includes corporations, opposition parties and
much of the media — its own party.
traditional right wing image with stories
attacking the NDP.
That's not to say all their charges are
invalid but the government's mistakes in
setting up ICBC have been more in administrative details than in the scheme as a
whole. The basic theory is sound.
Car insurance is a public service needed
by all drivers and private insurance corporations should not be allowed to make
large profits from captive clientele.
Following this premise, the NDP decided
that car insurance should be treated the
same way as medicare and welfare — as a
government-operated service.
And there can be no doubt about the
results of the takeover. Car insurance is
lower for many people than it was under
private corporations and claims are quickly
processed and paid.
Those claims are so quickly processed in
fact that police have complained they
haven't time to investigate doubtful claims
before the money is paid out.
But more important than lower rates and
quick service is that the money we, the
people of B.C., pay into Autoplan is invested
right here at home.
The old insurance Companies, most of
them directly or indirectly American-
owned, were free to invest their money
wherever they wished.
Even if the insurance companies invested
in B.C., they could send their profits abroad
and could threaten to leave B.C. if the
government passed legislation which didn't
help profits grow.
But now with the funds invested at home
and under government control we have
moved a step toward economic independence.
But while ICBC has generally been successful, in some aspects it has failed
ICBC officials have been callous and
sometimes dictatorially arrogant in their
dealings with the public.
A secret report outlining 1975 insurance
rates was recently leaked to the Vancouver
Sun, and the report showed that corporation
officials treated public reaction as
something to manipulate, ^ not as
something" trom which to learn.
Any tactic that made ICBC look rosy was
sanctioned. Truth was something to play up
or down, not to make public in its own right.
Sun reporter Jes Odam, who made the
report public, is normally a dispenser of
right wing nonsense but he successfully
made his point by showing the official
callousness and disregard for public opinion
ICBC officials exhibited.
The $10 drivers' certificate has been
another sore point with many B.C. car
As an indirect levy confusing ICBC
finances, it has been troublesome enough,
but as a direct nuisance in requiring still
another piece of paper that has to be carried
around, it is hardly tolerable.
And it's the driver's certificate that brings
out the authoritarian aspects of ICBC.
If a driver caught speeding does not have
a driver's certificate, he is still liable for a
maximum $250 fine for not having proper
insurance, although he has completely paid
his insurance premium.
But no matter how annoying these
mistakes are, the fact remains that the NDP
has succeeded in a difficult task.
It set out to put car insurance in public
ownership and lower the insurance rates
and that's exactly what they've done.
ad die a
0 m
MA 6406 — J.S. Boch — The Well-Tempered Clavier, Book I, Preludes & Fugues
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9-16 — Glenn Gould, Pianist
MS 6776 — J.S. Bach — The Well-Tempered Clavier, Book. I, Preludes & Fugues
17-24 — Glenn Gould, Pianist
MS 6834 — Rodriao: Concierto de Aran-
jeuz: Castelnuovo Tedeso: Concerto in D—
John Williams, Guitar
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MS 7288 — On The Beautiful Blue Danube
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MS 7504 — Beethoven's Greatest Hits —
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M 30447 - Tchaikovsky: 1812 Overture;
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17-24 — Glenn Gould, Pianist
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M 31801 — Greig: Piano Concerto; Rachmaninoff: Rhapsody; Entremont, Pianist
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M 31805 — Beethoven: Violin Concerto;
Isaac Stern, Violin
M 30607 — Beethoven: Piano Concerto
No. 5 (Emperor) — Rudolf Serkin, Pianist
M 30810 — Beethoven: Symph. No. 5 —
Bernstein, cond.
IM 30820 — J.S. Bach: The Goldberg
I Variations —- Glenn Gould, Pianist
JM 31829 — Richard Strauss: Also
| Sprach Zarathustra — Ormandy, cond.
M 31835 — Tchaikovsky: Violin Concerto;
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M 32342 — Beethoven: Moonlight Sonata;
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M 32351 — Wagner Piano Transcriptions
S Glenn Gould '
32495 — E. Power Biggs Plays Scott Joplin On The Pedal Horpsichord
KM 32659 — Switched on Bach 2 — Walter Carios
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List 9
I f\ 556 Seymour St.
I W phone 682-6144
Open Thursday & Friday Until ° r >n Special 24
Friday, October 25,  1974
"Like my old man Sam useta say, ya gotta take
'em for all you can get. So we got Williams to
steal J. V. Clyne's hubcaps, Leo to rip off some
chromium, Graham to lay us out a nice straight
quarter-mile  with  new  blacktop,  and now
we 're goin' to get big A lex Macdonald to tell
I the cops to cheese it. With Jim Gorst as the
timer, the People's Dream Machine is gonna
set a all-time record.  Only thing we gotta
worry about is those god damn radicals. I
hear  they're  entering a Armed Struggle
Special with dual overhead cams and a fuel
injection.   Guess  we're gonna  hafta get
Ernie an' his friends out to roll 'em. Make
good fill for the Iona Island ferry terminal,
heh heh
PANGO PANGO (UNS) — Wetbacks invaded this tiny island
kingdom by land sea and polluted
air Friday afternoon, said
authorities of the Puce blorg
Minister of disintegration
Roberto Undress, said the blorg
cabinet had better act fast to curb
the rising tide of illegal Mexican
immigrants coming across the
border in broken down vans "or
else the island will be submerged
under the weight of trashy
Residents on the main street of
the monsoon-drenched island were
asked what they thought of their
new friends sharing the sun with
"Leave them alone and they'll
leave. I think the border guards of
the Holy Roman Watergate were
taking a convenient little siesta
and shoved them across the border
to stop the mango strikes in
One illegal immigrant said that
the blorg was partly right, but that
he was in Pango to "further the
growth of the empire of Tijuana,
which now includes all of the Holy
Roman Watergate, Australia and
He then ran into the puce sunset,
leaving a trail of smog and
shouting "Viva, viva la Junta."
Youthful minister of sports and
recreation Phil Lackabraincells,
who is 18 going on 32, said the
problem will be cleared up by
dumping strychnine in the island's
mescalito supply.
12:30 P.M.
a CBC production
OCT. 28th
CBU 690
Friday - 7:30 P.M. - CBC-AM 690 KC
Saturday - 11:30 A.M. - CBC-FM 105.7 MC
SAT., NOV. 2nd - 8:00 A.M. - 9:00 P.M.
$4.00 per team — No experience necessary
WED., NOV. 6th - NOV. 27th
7:30 P.M.-9:00 P.M. SUB
(Re-Entry or New Entries)
MON., NOV. 4th - NOV. 25th
EVERYONE WELCOME Friday, October 25, 1974
Page 27
In South America
Students turn to Marxism
University students in Latin
America have turned to Marxism
in large numbers because the
democratic West has not been able
to provide a coherent world view, a
South American educator and
church worker said Thursday.
Samuel Escobar, Argentinian
director of inter-varsity Christian
fellowship, a student organization,
said that unlike North Americans,
who tend to be pragmatic and
empirical, Latin Americans want a
theoretical framework for their
In the first 250 years of their
existence, the universities, which
were run by the Catholic church,
were - oriented around the
Aristotelian thinking of Thomas
Aquinas, the 'official' philosophy of
the church, he said.
After the liberation of Latin
America from Spanish domination
in the early 1800's and the resultant
liberation of the universities from
the church there was a vacuum in
the university.
The vacuum was first filled by
positivism, and later when this
failed to deal with social reforms,
by Marxism.
The university has long been a
part of social change, he said.
"Even in 1918, the university
reform movement at Cordoba
(Argentina) was sounding the
same theme that we heard in Paris
in 1968 — 'the university should
belong to the people rather than to
the elite, it should take part in
understanding and promoting
outside change'."
Escobar said Marxism is attractive for three reasons. First it
offers a hope. "The West is not
offering hope. Toffler's solutions to
the problems caused by technology
that he describes in Future Shock
is more technology. Marxism
offers a description of the problem
and a solution," he said.
Secondly, Escobar said Marxism
offers a sense that history is
meaningful and that people can
participate in its process. As a
third reason, he said that Marxism
offers a rationale for sacrifice.
Speaking to 70 theology students
from Vancouver School of
Theology and Regent College,
Escobar challenged them to spend
more time thinking about political
and social issues.
"Christians need to learn to
relate their faith to the social
problems that we face," he said.
In a question period Escobar was
critical of Marxism in Russia
which he described as starting as a
revolutionary movement that
wanted to change the world, but is
now an ideology that "justifies the
status quo".
Hot flashes
to be shown
Two films, one shot illegally in
South Africa, the other shot in a
liberated area of Mozambique,
will be shown Saturday as part of
the socialist film series.
Both flicks will be shown
beginning at 8:30 p.m. in the Rio
Hall, 3325 Kingsway.
Non 'alignment
The university — being always
interested in hearing everyone's
point of view provided he or she
has the  proper  credentials  —  is
Tween classes
Weekend film: Man for all seasons,
centre retreat.
Boogie  to  blind  eye  9  p.m.,  SUB
General   meeting,   noon,  Angus 24
Ken  Hielbert  speaks about Canada
and   economic   depression,   8  p.m.,
1208 Granville.
Two one-act plays, free admission,
1:30     p.m.,     Dorothy     Somerset
Meeting,   bring   ideas   and   money,
noon, SUB 105B.
Entry   deadlines:   volleyball   league,
bowling, soccer, curling bonspiel, 4
p.m., War Memorial Gym 202. Also
unit  managers meeting, noon, gym
General   meeting,   noon,   IH   upper
Theology  vs Autobiography, noon,
Lutheran Campus Centre.
General   meeting   to discuss  party,
noon, SUB 215.
Halloween  party and dance to Jale,
8   p.m., education building lounge,
Mussoc has hired a rehearsal pianist
and   anyone   wanting   to   audition
with   mussoc may phone 277-6630
for an appointment.
Practice, 10 a.m., gym E, winter
sports centre and Monday 7 p.m.,
SUB party room. •
Jazz and booze dancing party, $1
admission, 8 p.m., grad studies
centre ballroom.
Party for members and some guests,
8:30 p.m., SUB party room.
Film: Man for all seasons, centre.
Reformation service, 10:30 a.m.,
Lutheran campus centre.
General election,  noon,  St. Mark's
Dan O'Brian speaks, Clive Quigley
and Dave Jiles cook, 4:30 p.m.,
Lutheran campus centre. Also
theology prof Joe Richardson
speaks, 7:30 p.m. Same place.
Law students give free legal advice
to any students staff and faculty in
need of it, noon, SUB 234.
General  meeting,  noon, St. Mark's
Conversation 31 German, 7 p.m., IH
Supper     meeting    and     panel    on
evangalism,     6     p.m.,     Lutheran
campus centre.
Weekly fellowship, noon, Lutheran
campus centre conference room.
Rabbi   Solomon   on   what  Judaism
says   about   homosexuality,   noon,
Hillel house.
General meeting, noon, SUB 215.
pleased to present, via the
institute of Asian and Slavonic
research, a lecture by the former
Yugoslav ambassador to Canada.
The man, known as "D"
Belovski, is a member of the
Yugoslav presidium and foreign
relations committee. Belovski will
be conducting a seminar on the
policy of non-alignment as seen
from Yugoslavia.
To see and participate in this
seminar, go to the location where
the policy of decadence as seen by
administration architects is
practiced, Buchanan penthouse, at
3:30 p.m. today.
Getting sued?
Suing someone? Getting sued?
Have the thought police showed
up at your front door lately with
pages and pages of legal jargon
which seem to suggest that if you
don't appear in a certain
courtroom at a certain time your
life, liberty and pet goldfish will
be thrown out the window?
Don't worry. A group of law
students who will charge
enormous inflated fees when they
graduate will be offering legal
advice free in SUB 234 Tuesday.
Catch them at noon, it's a chance
of a lifetime.
Sub film soc proudly
"Best Canadian
Film of 1973"
Oct. 24-27
Thu. & Sun. 7:00 p.m.
Fri — Sat. 7 & 9:30 p.m.
Admission 75c
Please show AMS card
• •  • • •]
Vw   Ma0MkmWjm^mWA&ylWmmWyL.c*a','e jLI
TIMES     *|
*     *     *i
in WIfflfm j
We will be on campus November 8, 12, 13 and 14 to interview 1975
graduates interested in pursuing a career as Chartered Accountants.
B. Comm. (A.M.I.S.) M.B.A., Licentiate in Accounting and M.Sc.
(Bus. Admin.) candidates are ideally suited for these positions. It
would expedite the interview process if those from other faculties or
divisions furnished the interviewer with an ICABC evaluation of
your C.A. student course requirements upon graduation (guidelines
on educational requirements are available in the Placement Office).
Detailed information on the Firm, its objectives, training
programmes, etc. are available in the reading room of the Placement
Office. Interviews should be arranged with the Placement Office.
ig mi
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[g PLEASANT SURROUNDINGS                                   01
IS SUPERB CUISINE                                                    M
[g NIGHTLY ENTERTAINMENT                          El
hjj For reservations call 224-3711                      El
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ig 4444 West 10th Avenue, Vancouver                 BI
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RATES;   Campus - 3 lines, 1 day $1.00; additional lines 25c.
Commercial - 3 lines, 1 day $1.80; additional lines
40c. Additional days $1.50 & 35c.
Classified ads are not accepted by telephone and are payable in
advance. Deadline is 11:30 a.m., the day before publication.
Publications Office, Room 241, S. U.S., UBC, Van. 8, B.C.
5 — Coming Events
6ARACE SALE Sunday, 27 Oct., 10-3.
Many bargains, sports equipment, roof
racks, household miscellany. 3568
SERVICE in love for mankind is unity
with God — Baha'u'll'ah Baha" Fireside Friday 8:00 p.m. 5619 Agronomy
Road,  Tel.   224-7257.
TRADITIONAL Jazz, Sat.. Oct. 28, 8-1
p.m. $100. 2 bands. Everyone welcome.  Grad.  Student  Centre. UBC.
10—'For Sale — Commercial
OCT. 24—NOV. 2nd
10%   discount   on   all   Squash,   Badminton   &   Tennis   Racquets.   Further
$1.00 reduction to registered students.
3616   W.   4th   Avenue
Open 4-9 p.m. Thursday, Friday
9-6 p.m.   Saturday
FOR SALE—The CBC. Apply to Dr.
Bundolo, Mon., Oct. 28 in SfUB Theatre,  12:30 p.m.  It's Free.
11 — For Sale — Private
SUPER BARGAIN $389.00. Speakers for
$145.00. a pair. Brand New Quasar.
Phone  873-1423.
2 CEORGE HARRISON tickets, call
Martin after 6 p.m. 980-4152.
15 —Found
FEMALE   WATCH   near   bookstore   on
Thursday morning.  Call 733-8369.
HOUSE PARENTS—Challenging and rewarding opportunity for young to
middle-aged couple as house parents
for group care home. As part of the
staff team the house parents are
expected to provide warm & considerate child care for up to five children In Agency home. Qualifications,
preferably with child care experienca-
energy & maturity. Husband may
hold outside employment. Apply in
writing to: Personnel Services, 2008
W.  10th Avenue, Vancouver, B.C.
35 - Lost
LOST ON CAMPUS Saturday. Brown
leather purse. $25 reward. No questions.  Call 228-3977.
50 — Rentals
COSTUMES — Reserve your Halloween
costume now & avoid the last minute
rush. Dunbar Costumes. 5848 Dunbar,
60 - Rides
FROM NANAIMO and Wall to arrive
between 8-9 a.m. Monday to Friday.
Call Judy, 253-3053.
65 — Scandals
AM-FM stereo receiver, 2 speakers,
base, cover, cartridge, list $200, your
cost $125. AM-FM digital clock-radio,
$35. 8-digit calculator AC-DC functions (+, —, X, -f-) list $79, your cost
$49. Also Corry, Akai, Sony. Call
325-0366 after 6 p.m.
discounts. Restaurants, niteclubs, pizzas, etc. Reg. $6.95, now $1 50 Hurry!
Limited offer. Co-op Bookstore, SUB
Bsmt.   8:30-4:30.
ATTENTION Richmond area students!
Boogie and beer with rock group
"flair"—this Sat. nite, Oct. 26 at the
West Richmond Rec. Center (next to
Boyd Gym).  9-1.  Beer and wine bar.
BUNDOLO'S BACKII More live radio
comedy. This Mon., Oct. 28th, 12:30
p.m.  in SUB Theatre.  It's Free.
85 — Typing
EXCELLENT TYPING by freelance secretary. Available now for thesis,
papers, reports, tetters, resumes —
IBM Selectric. Phone: 437-1384 or
etc Surrey Delta area. Phone Mrs.
Brown  594-5925.
ESSAYS AND THESIS TYPED. Experienced typist Mrs. Freeman, 731-8098.
Negative Ion Generators and Indoor
Electronic Air Purifiers on campus
and immediate area. Ideal for technical person with background in biology,
chemistry and or with interest in air
pollution. Interested parties send
resume to Montair Enterprises. Boz
58252, Vancouver, B.C. V6P 6E3.
99 — Miscellaneous
FOR SALE: Nordica-Pro ski boots, size
8 med., one season old; Lift jacket
down filled (Jones) med. brand new.
Phone 224-7132.
IF YOU missed the terminal issue of
The Hardy Boys In Nazi Germany in
3c pulp, write Box 8806, Stn. H, Van.
WANT TO trade 2 Nov. 2 Freddie Wood
tickets for 2'on Nov.  1. 325-3744. Page 28
Friday, October 25, 1974
Hockey 'Birds feel
like winning team
Cautious optimism prevails
around the UBC Thunderbird
hockey locker room these days.
"We're stronger this year than
we were last year," says Arnie
Pederson, assistant captain of the
team. "The new players are fitting
in well, and there seems to be a
better spirit this year than in
previous years."
Tonight's season opener against
University of Alberta Golden
Bears, who eliminated the 'Birds
from the playoffs last year, will
show whether improved spirit is
The 'Birds have lost all but 12
players to graduation, including
their most valuable player,
goaltender Fred Masuch. But
Pederson remains confident.
"Our new players are as good as
or better than those we lost. But the
important thing is spirit. We play
well together," he said.
Although the team has been
practising since Sept. 15, there has
been little opportunity to see them
play. Evidently, arranging
exhibition games has been a
"The local pro teams are too
busy to play us," Pederson said.
"We gave some thought to playing
some games in the Richmond
intermediate league, but the
competition just wouldn't be good
enough. The only games we've
played so far have been against a
senior team in Powell River."
The Birds won those games 4-1
and 8-2.
Physically, the 'Birds are only of
average size and will have to rely
on hustle and close checking to
make their breaks. Passing will
become a bigger part of the game
than in the past.
"Our assistant coach Bert
Halliwell is introducing an approach combining the philosophies
of the Russians and Howie
Meeker," said Pederson. "It involves a lot of passing. We try to hit
certain spots on the ice, assuming
a player will already be there."
He admits such a system is
vulnerable to close checking,
adding the 'Birds are still experimenting.
"Our power play has had trouble
scoring in the exhibition games,
and our penalty killing team isn't
set, but I still think that, despite the
inexperience of many players, we
are a more cohesive team."
Brave words but it takes more
than courage to beat the Golden
Bears of the University of Alberta.
The two games in which the
Bears defeated the 'Birds and
brought subsequent elimination
from the playoffs were important
because UBC only needed one
victory to clinch second spot, but
dropped both games.
This time round any change in
that Alberta team should only be to
make it stronger.
'Bird coach Bob Hindmarch,
following the traditions of head
coaches everywhere, was full of
compliments for the other teams in
the Canada West circuit.
"The 'Bears didn't lose as many
players to graduation as we did,
and put more players on the
Student National Team.
"Saskatchewan has some excellent new players and looks
tough, but Calgary is the team to
beat. On the whole, the league
looks to be very strong."
Hindmarch had less to say about
his team, but he clearly indicates
he expects a playoff contender.
Pederson was more specific —
he wants first place.
To get right down to it, the
season opens with two games
tonight and Saturday against those
tough Golden Bears. Game times
are 8 p.m. at the Thunderbird
Winter Sports Centre. Good size
Rowing help
The UBC rowing club needs
No experience is necessary.
Anyone interested in joining the
navy and seeing the world should
contact rowing coach Rod Bell-
Irving after 6 p.m. at 926-2146.
We give
discount to U.B.C. students!
We carry skis by Rossignol, Dynaster, Blizzard, Fischer,
Kneissl, Hexel, plus a full range of ski boots such as Nordica,
Hanson, Trappeur, Kastinger, Tyrol & Dolomite, ski clothing
and accessories.
^M SHOP t«
336 W. Pender St. 681-2004 or 681-8423
crowds are expected and what they
see is anyone's guess.
Pederson put it this way, "We
remember what happened last
year. We'll be ready."
Now and Used Skates and Bicycles. Complete selection of
brand name Hockey Equipment, Bicycles and Accessories.
Expert Repairs, Trades Welcome.
Student and Team Discounts.
4385 W. TENTH
jeans oui/ner s
the right size
and model
for your needs
Levi's XX tough denim jenas now come in
three fav-
o r i t e
the sport
ft] b e I I s ,
The trim
compact boot cut,
sticker price 15.95.
And everyone's favorite, corduroy flares,
sticker price 16.95.
Each comes in your
choice of waist size (a
compact 26" to a big
roomy 38") and
length (30" to 36").
Smart jean buyers
know that all jeans
will shrink after washing,   even   pre-shrunk
S a nforized deni m
jeans. You can expect
jeans that aren't Sanforized to a shrink
about 1" in the waist
and 2" in the length.
Sanforized denim can
be expected to shrink
2% to 3%. And, if the
seams pucker after
washing, ironing will
straighten them out,
adding length.
selecting your
personal shade
of blue denim
Denim can be faded
by years of wear, or
more quickly, by
bleaching. Don't
throw your jeans and
some bleach into an
automatic washer
though. Instead, fill a
bathtub with about
8" of water, mix in
about a quart of
bleach. -Add jeans,
turn often, check for
color after 30 minutes, remove and
wash in soapy water.
San dpapering t he
knees, seat and seam
edges also gives a well-
worn look.
Levi's offers the folio w i n g optional
equipment: belts
(5.00 to 8.50), hats
(9.95), shirts (9.00 to
18.00) and jackets
(16.00 to 30.00).
You'can take a stock
pair   and
are water soluble and
easily mixed. They
won't wash out after
they dry, will even
stand hot water and
detergent. Needlepoint and embroidery
can be used on pure
decoration or a functional coverups for
worn areas. Jeans can
be sparked with rhine-
stones, metal studs,
sequins or rich rock,
easily sewn or glued
on. Ready made
patches are easy, too,
especially iron-ons,
but be careful to get
the wash-proof type if
you want them permanently.
For the first several
washings, launder
your new jeans separately or you'll end up
with    blue    under-
S t r o n g
patches should be applied to any worn
areas. After the knees
finally pop out, you
can cut them off,
make a duffle bag or
keep them for^patches
for your new jeans.
your levis
You'll find the Bus
Stop Levi's shop at
606 Robson St. It's
the store that sells
Levi's, just Levi's and
only Levi's, for everyone   in   your   family.
606 Robson St.
Other Bus Stop stores:
861 Granville —687-6608
162 W. Hastings — 685-0305
760 Columbia, N. Westr —521-2435
1316 Douglas, Victoria — 388-9424


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