UBC Publications

UBC Publications

UBC Publications

The Ubyssey Dec 4, 1987

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 the Ubyssey
Volume 70, Number 26
Vancouver, B.C., Friday, December 4,1987 CLASSIFIEDS
Rates: AMS Card Holders - 3 lineB, $3:00, additional lines GO cents, commercial
- 3 lines $5.00, additional lines, 75 cents. 00% DISCOUNT ON 25 ISSUES OH
MORE) Classified ads payable in advance. Deadline 4:00 p.m. two days before
publication. Room 266, SUB, UBC, Van., B.C. V6T 2A7.
30 - JOBS
60 - RIDES
AMS ART GALLERY - Mark Classen and
Alison Turner. Dec. 7-11, 10:30-3:30 p.m.
Opening Dec. 7, 7:30 p.m.
P/T SALESPERSON for high fashion
men's boutique on West Broadway.
879-6789, $4.50/hr. Ask for Dennis.
I NEED A RIDE to Edmonton, or Cal.
Leaving between Dec. 22-27. Will share
driving & gas. Call JefT 874-4294 or
Dec. 21-26
Skiing, folk dancing, skating, discussions on
the Christian faith, sports, good food,
celebration of Christmas.
Cost: $140
Contact Ian Elliot: 222-2602. Sponsored by
Inter-Varsity Christian Fellowship.
United and Prmwbyttrian
FEATURING: On Dec, 6 the
Chamber Choir & Brass Ensemble
of Magee Secondary School.
PHONE 224-7011
Individuals with a degree and/or experience in:
el ec tro nics& electrical engineering, TE SOL,linguistics, pharmacy, securities/finance, business
management, real estate, engineering, advertising, telecommunications, education, elementary
education and the travel industry interested in
teaching English for one year in Japan to employees of major corporations/govemment ministries should write to:
International Education Services
Shin Taiso Bldg., 10-7, Dogenzaka 2-chome
Shibuya-ku, Tokyo 150, Japan
Information on the position will be Bent after
receiving a detailed resume and photograph.
get better marks. If your writing is less
than perfect, have your work edited. Call
Katie 737-0575.
35 - LOST
GOLD BRACELET (solid) with a clasp.
Lost in War Memorial Gym Nov. 20. Reward. Sabrena 731-2374.
Ban_ 2 day, midweek (4 sharing) from $109.00 pp.
S day, midweek (4 sharing) from $249.00 pp.
Lake Loiuae 5 day, midweek (4 sharing) from $179.00 pp.
2 day midweek (4 shanng) from $79.00 pp.
Big White      2 night BpcL from $75.00
5 day, n_,d*cek (4 sharing) from $149.00 pp.
Apex Alpine  2 ilay, fi-ij-veek (4 sharing) from $78.00 pp.
C las. _.luVj_t 14 sharji^) frtim $.L j.00 pp.
Edmontui $!*.'.'. ;
YX Spring Si 21...I
Toronto SlPd.^/jld.OO
SFO 5^23.00
LAX $279.00
Venture Travel, 736-8C86
2860 West 4th Ave., Vancouver
via Canadian Airlines. Dec. 19-Jan. 2. Only
$160. Phone 222-0775.
watt speakers. Akai ghetto blaster. Two
Pink Floyd Concert tickets. Dishes. Best
offers. Henri: 737-0512 (eves.).
255-7342. We rent IBM PC and compatible.
All types of printers, daily, weekly, or
monthly rentals.
MATURE UBC GRAD, N/S seeks shared
acconim. call Glen 733-4252 January 1st
POCUES TICKET for sale, Mon. Dec. 7.
Phone 224-4421 (Byron).
20  -  HOUSING
UBC, $250 incl. util. & laundry, scp. entrance. Phone 224-2551.
2 BEDROOM LUXURY California style
apt. to share on UBC Endowment Lands - 2
blocks to SUB - bright, spacious, great for
clean, responsible non-smoker. Rent $335.
Avail. Dec. 1. Darryl 228-1867.
ITR Mobile Sound
228-3017-SUB Rm 233
COACHES for 1988 summer season. Send
resume incl. references, goals, & philoso-
phyto: Blue Devils Swim Club, 266 Alpine,
Comox,BC V9N5T4. Interviews January!
SERVICE, essays & resumes, scripts,
proofreading, writing/research help.
263-0351. Experienced and accurate; student rates available.
W. Broadway (Micom & IBM PC), $2.00
($2.25/pg. for Laser pnn t) dble. spaced text.
Equations & Tables: $16/hr. Photocopying
876-5333. Visa/Master.
Word proc & IBM typewriter. Student
rates. Dorothy Martinson 228-8346.
discounts. Laser & letter quality printers.
10th & Discovery 222-2122.
WORD WEAVERS still on 41st Bus line.
New location #1 01 - 2258 W. 41st Ave. at
YewSt. Excellentstudcnt rates for quality,
custom word processing, aussi cn francais.
Tele. 266-6814.
UsinglBM-XTwith WordPerfect. #1 -1581
E. 10th Ave. Call Kerry 876-2895.
ON-LINE TYPING - Professional Word
Processing at $1.25/dble. spaced pg.,
Dwnton. or Rmd. drop-off. Call Glenna
ACADEMIC & BUSINESS Word Processing Service, days, evenings, 263-4862.
Write, We 1>pe. Theses, resumes, letters,
essays. DayB, Eves., Wknds. 736-1208.
WORDPOWER - Word processing - I.B.M.
& Macintosh laser printouts. Student discounts. 222-2661.
WORD-PROCESSING $2.00/page. IBM or
Apple. DTP also. ComputcrSmiths, 3732
West Broadway (at Alma) 224-5242.
daisy wheel, $1.50/pg draa, thesis rates.
Days/Eves 737-8981.
TYPING? EXPERIENCED & REASONABLE. Spelling & grammar no problem
APA a specialty. Discount rates, min. notice. Kits area-June-738-1378.
Call Alfie 299-3061.
pg, all kinds. Call Rob 228-8989 anytime.
WORD PROCESSING: Thesis/manuscript specialist. Call Nancy at
732-4490 or 263-3029
WP TERM PAPERS, theses, msrrpta., essays, incl. reports, tech. oqua., letters, resumes. Bilingual. Clemy 266 6641.
/Moosehead lh famous "Which
Hi 'Duke and Seamus
Notes "Noon" = 12;30-1;SQ
FRIDAYMusILm Student.1
Friday lecture and prayers. 12:40
p.ro.» International House.
Family and Nutritional I
Exam Ender Bender Party. Dec.
19th, 8;00 pro. SUB 207-209.
International Relations
Students' Association
Bzzr Blowout 4-10 p.m., International House (down from
Faculty Club).
UBC Women's Centre
Meditation Workshop for
Women. 1-3 p.m., StJB 119.
OfBC Karate Ctab
2nd Annual Goodwill Cup
tournament and Demonstration,
t p.m., Osborne Gym B.
Orthodox Christian
Vigil, 5 p.m., St, Andrew's Hall,
S040 Iona Dr.
Orthodox Christian
Divine Liturgy; St- Nicholas of
Myra in Lycia. 9:30 a.m., St.
.Andrew's Hall, 6040 Iona Dr.
Lutheran Student Movement
Communion Service, 10 a.m.,
Lutheran Campus Centre.
Also: Co-Op Supper, *> p.m.;
Fireside, 7:30 p.m., both at
Lutheran Campus Centre.
The Saints Christmas
Door-to-door carolling and
collecting for "The Empty
Stocking Fund." Sun., Dec
p.m., at Dunbar Community
Centre, 4747 Dunbar St.
( l-A/^FC
December 4,1987 Tuition to rise four per cent
Graduate students exempted, athletic fee up
By Corinne Bjorge
The UBC administration
recommended fee increases of as
much as five and a half per cent to
the board of governor's yesterday.
The board will vote in January on the administration's proposal to increase tuition fees for
September 1988, in all faculties,
excluding graduate studies, including a half to one per cent miscellaneous fee to cover such
things as lab fees.
"The government is pushing
the university to provide 20 per
cent of (its) operating budget. It's
currently between 17 and 19 per
cent? student board member
Simon Seshadri said.
"It's probably reasonable on
the face of it as an inflationary in
crease? said Seshadri, "but
you've got to consider over the
past few years there has been a
serious increase, and it really
adds up?
Seshadri said the graduate
students were exempted from
proposed tuition increases because of current inequalities in
the tuition structure.
"We're so out of wack with
the rest of the country that we
can't justify an increase (in
graduate tuitions) at all? said
Seshadri said the miscellaneous fee is a positive step because if it's added on to tuition it
can be subtracted from taxes that
students pay.
The administration's recom
mendation is that the student
acitivity fee should rise at the
same rate as tuition. The activity
fee is administered by the board
and goes towards athletics. The
Alma Mater Society fee is separate.
Seshadri said having the
activity fee tied to tu tion is constrictive. "What al>out years
when tuition goes up
extraordinarily high?" said Seshadri. He said the board can't
know if they will always want the
same rate for athletics and tuition.
The board is also considering
implementing a $100 deposit
requirement to use the new teler-
egistration system, which will
begin  registering  students  for
next winter session this coming
summer. "They (the board) are
afraid people are going to abuse
(the system)? said Seshadri.
Students will pay the money
within two weeks of registering to
weed out Tx>gus' applications,
said Seshadri.
Students are also being
asked to approve a policy of paying their first installment of tuition fees 'in full' the first Wednesday before classes begin.
Seshadri disagreed with the
clause saying it could cause undue hardship. "It eliminates the
late payment fee? said Seshadri.
"People who work an extra week
before (coming into town) will
suffer? he said.
"There definitely is a need for
an appeal process or a way for
examining extenuating circumstances? said Seshadri.
"I don't have a problem with
when we pay it now, but a reasonable compromise (if the board
pushes ahead) would be at the
end of the first week of classes?
said Seshadri.
Students receiving financial
aid will be exempted from paying
fees before classes begin, according to the administration's proposal.
An increase in the late registration fee may also be vcted into
effect in January. The current
$40 fee would be increased to $50
in the proposal.
No form, no cash
for student loan
says Victoria
By Corinne Bjorge
As many as fifty per cent of
the students receiving financial
assistance from the provincial
government will not receive the
second part of their loans next
term if they don't mail their forms
A clause in the new student
loan assistance program requires
students to return a 'Statement of
Personal Responsibility' to Victoria outlining their summer employment before they can receive
the rest of their cash.
First year students who
qualify for equalization payments will have their grants
cancelled if they fail to complete
and return their forms according
to UBC's director of financial aid
and awards Byron Hender.
And second term loans for
other students may be delayed if
the forms are not in by the end of
the academic year.
Students are also in danger
of losing eligibility for the new
loan remission program which
excuses loans over $12,000.
Provincial student loans representative Mary Browning said
she felt the government had done
everything in its power to inform
students about the changes in the
student loan policy.
"We've notified students who
haven't sent in (their forms yet,"
said Browning. "I think we've
done everything possible? she
"By the time we get to next
year it should be okay? she said.
But Canadian Federation of
Students executive Roseanne
Morin said the whole program
was introduced so quickly that
students found it difficult to keep
up with all the changes.
"It's one of the sore points of
the program? said Morin. "It
seems sort of like an afterthought
and possibly comes from a sort of
mistrust of the students? she
The new clause was introduced because a lot of students
apply for their loans in early
summer before they confirm their
summer jobs, said UBC's director
of awards and financial aid Byron
"The government wants to
ensure that the students are
doing the most to contribute towards (the new program)? said
Hender said if students have
misplaced their forms, they can
pick up duplicates in the financial
awards office.
The peace movement, like this doorway in downtown Vancouver, is the victim of techno-fascist culture see
page 20 for more details
AMS president grounded after
collision with unhappy council
By Deanne Fisher
Widespread complaints
pushed student council to take
away the Alma Mater Society
president's lottery ticket sales
bonus Wednesday night.
Rebecca Nevraumont sold
the winning ticket drawn November 20 in the AMS tuition lottery,
and was to be awarded a trip for
two anywhere United Airlines
But council members felt a
member of the AMS executive
winning the prize constituted
conflict of interest.
"I took a real shit-kicking
from students who were outraged. If council gives her the
trip, 111 walk around with my
head in shame? said board of
governors representative Simon
Seshadri at the meeting.
But Lawrence Zucher, a law
representative on students' council, spoke in favour of letting
Nevraumont keep the prize.
"We didn't set the rules before hand? he said, "I don't think
we have the right to make retroactive legislation."
Council members said
Nevraumont used her position as
president to sell tickets. She sold
2,000 of the 3,400 tickets sold.
Many were in the form of donations, sold to corporations and
people associated with UBC.
These non-students were not eligible to win the two $1500 prizes.
Her solicitation for donations "went out on AMS letterhead? said AMS director of finance Don Isaak.
"If you receive that, you're
not buying a ticket luecause it's
Rebecca. It's for the AMS? he
Seshadri advocated reforms
for the running of the lottery. "No
one should fault Rebecca for
selling to people like Peter
Brown", (a member of the board of
governors whose winning ticket,
a $1500 prize, will be donated to
the Awards office.)? said Seshadri.
Though the motio n to rescind
the prize "may have been unfair?
he said, "(the AMS) has got to
have some integrity."
"As soon as (Nevraumont)
found out she won she should
have stepped down. There would
have been no embarrassment in
stepping down? said Seshadri.
Nevraumont, who was not in
attendance when council decided
to veto her prize, simply said,
"C'est la vie."
As for what to do with the trip
Nevraumont would have won,
lottery organizer Tim Bird said
he is in favour a raffle of the tickets left in the box "until we get a
ticket not sold by an executive."
The draw will probably take place
in January.
Bird said he hopes to satisfy
"the ones who've been complaining about this issue?
In the past, said Bird, executives who have won the trip have
turned it down. Bird said he will
make a reccommendation to next
year's organizer so that "no executive member can win the trip."
Parking problems in '88
Tennis courts, a totem
pole and the traffic loop will
be replaced by temporary
parkinglots while a 1000 car
parkade is built West of
Gage Towers. The eight
month construction project
will begin January 8.
The 400 parking places
in the existing gravel lot will
be replaced by the temporary lots, which will cover
the north end of Mclnnes
Field, the adjacent tennis
courts, and the loop.
"Most of the construction will take place over the
summer, and a lot of it is
precast. It shouldn't be that
loud," said physical plant
designer Dennis Haller.
AMS director of administration Tim Bird said
"There will be no place to
drop people off at SUB."
December 4,1987
N       0
"qetz egrt wxotw gaj
qeotrtw gaj hta ic
twxoiagptyei yilnj
xobm zild nibm gaj
(fieag. hgbjiagnj)
The most famous Canadian lets its taste do the talking.
Solve cryptograms by letter substitution (eg. G is really A).
December 4,1987 UBC-military
ties result in
cash for science
By Ross McLaren
UBC scientists may not be
making nuclear bombs in their
labs, but some academics are receiving money from the Canadian
Twenty-two researchers in
the last three years have worked
on projects from titanium alloy
casting to strategic studies with
funds supplied by the Department
of National Defence.
Some of the scientists, such as
mechanical engineering professor
Stanley Hutton, have no qualms
about receiving money from the
Hutton, who studies vibrations in ship structures, says he
applied for money from the military "because the civilian sector
doesn't have the money" to give
him funds.
"I'm thankful they (Defence
Research Establishment) are
choosing to spend their money this
way. It's equivalent to funding
from other government (civilian)
agencies? he says.
Hutton says any civilian research can have military applications and that his studies into
vibration free environments will
lead to "better aircraft, better
ships and better trains."
Canada's defence department
also funds the work of UBC electrical engineering professor Mabo
Ito. His research — setting up a
computer software program to
help clear unexploded mines from
practice ranges —is just "contributing to knowledge," he says.
"If this research was top secret I'd be concerned? says Ito.
But some peace activists
think research for the military,
even for defensive purposes, is
"The problem now with sophisticated weapons is that there
is a grey area between offensive
and defensive weapons? Elizabeth Leach, executive member of
the Unitarian disarmament
committee, says.
"The U.S. promotes star wars
as a defensive weapon, whereas
the planningfor star wars satellite
systems is offensive," Leach adds.
Ito's research, like all research at UBC, is unclassified.
According to vice president research Peter Larkin, UBC can
keep something confidential for 90
days so that the university can
patent the research results.
"We don't do secret research?
Larkin says.
When asked if strategic defense initiative research takes
place at UBC, Larkin said "anything done at universities is likely
to be subcontracted and will concern basic research that may have
some application to SDI."
Scientists, however, who
want to work on classified military
projects can do so by working outside the university.
Professor Derek Paul, physicist at the University of Toronto,
says the "suitcase physicist" is
common to Canadian universities.
"People do outside consulting
or research off campus. This is how
people get around that, (the ban on
classified research) and keep their
hand in military research? he
Paul says scientists work for
the military because there is
"loads and loads of money" in the
military sector.
"There is a kind of scientist
who likes a challenge. It is heartbreaking to do science and not
have the equipment to do it," Paul
Paul worked for a US Air
Force-funded lab doing physics research in the 1950s.
"If you apply for a military
contract you get 100 times the
money. But you pay a price for that
kind of thing? says Paul.
Some peace activists see no
problem with military research for
defensive purposes.
UBC physicist professor
Louis Sabrino, acting president of
Scientists for Peace at UBC, says
scientists asked to do military
research must ask themselves if
the research will benefit society.
"In most countries, military
research is unconstructive and
threatens the security of people.
That research is unethical to do.
But some research is constructive,
^hat is non-provocative research?
,abrino says.
Paul, also a Scientists for
Peace member, says some military
projects are valuable.
"It was logical for Canada in
the 1970's to develop clothing to
protect Canadian soldiers from
chemical weapons? Paul says.
Research assisted by Tim McGrady
The Peace movement exists so that kids like these oan grow up and be hugged
University-industry links threaten
academic freedom, says historian
by Chris Wiesinger
Universities are being turned
into profit orientated operations
rather than institutions fostering
"untrammeled inquiry, bold
judgement, and social criticism?
said controversial author David
Noble last Thursday night at Robson Square Media Centre.
Noble said that academic
freedom in universities across
North America is being undermined through strong ties with
private sector industry and public
sector military. His message, he
said, is one which continues to
cause discomfort in the boardrooms of both universities and corporations.
Noble said government funding cutbacks to universities was a
purposeful move to build an alliance between business and the
academic community. The pursuit
of knowledge has turned into the
pursuit and sale of what he calls
"knowledge capital"
But Noble said that universities were not "hapless victims" in
this process of commercialization
of knowledge.
"The universities have not
been silent partners in all of this,
but have actually been initiators?
This alliance subverts academic freedom because the corporations are now in the position of
dictating the direction of research,
and the military, in a similar
manner, promotes "mission-orientated" research like SDI.   As a
result, according to Noble, academics are no longer free to pursue
their own interests, but must
mould their research interests to
those which can be profitable.
Recently, said Noble, an employee of Fuji Corporation was
admitted to Rochester's School of
Management. Toby Chandler,
Chairman of Kodak, also on the
board of Rochester, demanded the
Fuji employee/student be "disad-
mitted". The student was transferred to MIT.
Noble contends that the links,
sometimes indicated by interlocking directorates, are putting the
university system into peril. The
University of Rochester "is basically a holding company for the
optics industry", he said, mentioning the university's ties with
Kodak and Bausch & Lomb.
Noble, a professor of history
currently tenured at Drexel University, was denied tenure and
fired by MIT several years after
publishing America By Design, a
critical examination of the links
between private industry and universities. One part of the book
details the link between MIT and
DuPont, a corporation which he
calls a "death-dealing arms manufacturer".
In Forces of Production, his
latest work, Noble accused MIT of
stealing the work of the designer of
numerical control systems.
Noble said that members of
his   profession   who   speak   out
against the trend are censured. As
a result, litigation against universities on the basis of the First
Amendment (free speech) has increased dramatically.
"The - are more suits versus
universities (now) on First
Amendment grounds than during
the McCarthy era."
Noble said a Sri Lankan doctorate student in physics who had
spent one and a half years developing his thesis, was told by his
supervisor to change topic. The
student refused and was thus
denied his PhD.
Investigation of this incident
by Noble (and his partners in The
National Coalition for Universities in the Public Interest, Ralph
Nader, Albert Meierhoff, and Leonard Minsky) showed that the
supervisor had fallen behind on
work for the military, and thus
wanted the student to take some of
the pressure off him by doing his
research project.
"[The student! was worried
that if he protested, the university
would appeal to the immigration
office and have him deported...
You have this perverse situation
where a foreign student is being
conscripted into the US military
without his knowledge, and under
"The only thing that's
unusual about this example is that
we know about it. It's happening
all over the country."
vy"w"v WVVM55**
jw ■ w wwe*.w;WW**** W**-'*''
ii  lift	
By Catherine Lu
Canada should take a
more active role within the
North American Treaty Organization, says the president of UBC's student peace
Jim Christian, a longstanding member of Students for Peace and Mutual
Disarmament, said Canada
should work within the organization to balance the
more aggressive foreign policy of the United States.
"NATO is a democratic
alliance of democratic states,
and we have the right to disagree when we want to? he
"Being a part of an alliance doesn't mean that we
have to support every ally's
policies without question.
NATO itself is important
because it... keeps the most
reactionary tendencies in the
United States somewhat
under control."
Christian,   a   zoology
Students push for peace
graduate student, said public
pressure has changed how U.S.
president Ronald Reagan thinks
about the world.
Reagan has gone from saying
"the Russians are evil" to pushing
through the medium-range missile treaty in Europe, Christian
"It's a really important precedent, because it's the first arms
control agreement that's actually
going to dismantle existing weapons rather than simply limiting
the development of new kinds? he
Christian, however, thinks
the superpower's priority should
be limiting new weapon developments.
"What's really needed is restrictions on testing new kinds of
weapons ... It's just not realistic to
expect that the numbers are going
to be decreased below the threshold where they could totally devastate the world," he said.
"The most important thing is
to restructure the arsenals in a
way that makes it less likely that
those weapons are ever going to be
used, and the way to do that is to
put restrictions on the kinds of
weapons deployed, not on the
numbers? Christian said.
He also emphasized the importance for superpowers to adhere to the Anti-Ballistic Missile
Treaty, "the only treaty ever to
restrict deployment of a whole
class of weapons? he said.
"We already have a very significant restriction on the deployment of defensive-type weapons.
What we need now is new agreements on the deployment of new
kinds of offensive weapons."
When questioned about Western Europe's apprehensions of
such an agreement, Christian said
Europeans have "a lot of legitimate fears about Soviet conventional forces."
But the imbalance in non-
nuclear forces in Europe has been
overestimated, he said.
"These missiles were put
there as a political guarantee from
the United States. They don't really serve any military purpose?
Christian said.
"Now, that guarantee isn't
there anymore. What Europeans
are worried about is political support for European defence in the
United States."
Christian said the new medium-range missile treaty will not
reduce the U.S.'s ability to fight a
European war. In addition,
the British and French have
nuclear arsenals and "the
Americans have a lot at sea,"
said Christian, referring to
U.S. submarine-based missiles in the Atlantic.
"The most secure component of the arsenals of the
superpowers in terms of the
other side's ability to knock
it out is the missiles that are
based on submarines."
But both superpowers
keep ships near each other's
submarine ports to be able to
attack quickly if war breaks
out. This activity has been
greatly escalated over the
past few years, he said.
"You can see that even
in Vancouver with the massive increase in the number
of visits of American ships
(in the last couple of years)?
he said.
SPMD will hold a series
of lectures on nuclear issues
next term, Christian said.
December 4,1987
1/2 Price "Sale"
All appetizers
9:00 pm — Closing
Valid in our all
New Restaurant
Come — Join in
the Fun
over looking English Bay
J4appu   flew  IJei
<g= Super
3250 West Broadway
at Blenheim
From 9:00 a.m. to 10:00 p.m.
(Holidays: 10:00 a.m. to 7:00 p.m.)
5Q /   Discount Off Your Grocery Order
/O Ask at the cashiers for your
student discount card!
Merry Christmas
Joyeux Noel
Vesele Vanoce
Prettige Kerstdagen
Hauskaa Joulua
Frohliche Weihnachten (German)
Kellemes Karacsonyt (Hungarian)
BuonNatale (Italian)
Kulisumas Omedeto (Japanese)
God Jul (Norweigan)
S Rozhdestvo Hristovym    (Russian)
Feliz Navidad (Spanish)
Glad Jul (Swedish)
Happy New Year
Joyeux Nouvel An
Gung  Ho Fa Chop
Stastriy Novy Rok
Gelukkig Nieuwjaar
Hyvaa Vutta Vuotta
Ein Frohes Neues Jahr
Boldog uj evet
Felice Anno Nuovo
Oshogatsu Omedeto
Snovym Godom
Feliz Ano Nuevo
Star Trek
continued from page 18
"Oooooooooooooh," replied "Bone" Wiesinger.
"Dammit, I'm a doctor, not a comedian." Just then
chief engineer Laura "Scooty" Busheikin said "I'm
giving it all I've got." No one laughed. "She can't take
much more." Still no one laughed, except a demented
and funnily shaped giant Stephen Hunt, on holidays
from the instellar Al! Mighty Suckhole corporation,
down the hall and through the double doors (on the
right). Dangling from his giant necklace were lan
McLaren, Jennie Mott, Peter McDougall, Tim McGrady
and Florence Louie, singing We Are The World with their
little chubby legs flailing alluringly in the interstellar
wind and space dust. Space. The last frontier.
"We can't violate the Preinsperg directive'make
intellegent conversation to have sex with the natives,'"
wailed Mary Ainslee, Shari Abdullah, and Dan Andrews
in awe-inspiring syncopation. "The Captain said "Go
forth and multiply!'" Rick Hiebert started..."One times
one is ... uh...three? Or four if you're lucky ..."
Just then, blazing out of the Nowhere system,
came the Millenium Falcon; on bored were Dusan
Milotovik Solo, Princess Peter Francis, and Victor
"Chewbacca* Wong. They were board flat "What the
hell are you guys doin' here? Wanna beer? Wanna do
some interstellar surfin' man?" belched First Orficer
Pat Kirkwood. "Where's Darth Lucente?", belched the
Princess. "I wanna boot him in the reproductive zone."
"Don't pay any attention to him," swaggered Ross
"Luke" Ostrom. "Where's Jabba (the Kevin Harris)
"Youse guyzz is in da wrong set." Shouted
Director Sean McLaughlin. "GettafuckoutI" The bouncers, Carol Ann McKenna, Deanne Mould, Nicola
Marin, Mary McAlister, Angle Mclldoon, and Celia
Henslowe, escorted them out the garbage shaft
Meanwhile on board the Ubyssey, Communications Officer Grace Aquino, transferred an erne message to that big thing in the front... uh... the screen. It
read "uhyfgjhgjh kjgkhfxs ksjdgifw uuuugh, and a small
coke.* Steve "Sulu" Chanturnedthe starshipwestand
headed for the golden arches. "Whaaat are ye doooin,
Cap'n?" shrieked a perturbed Scooty Busheikin. Tm a
cleanin the stove pipes and havin meself a wee bit a
scotch... Yah spilled itt"
"Captain, there's too many people aboard. The
ship'll sink if we don't download some of them," said
Weapons Officer Katherine Monkov. "Where'l! we put
them?" asked Captain Ross. "We can beam them into
space ... it won't hurt cuz they'll never hit the ground."
chanted Bob Harris, Kivan Kennedy, and Roger Kanno.
"Well pack 'em in and roll 'em out!" said Ross.
Slowly, people started dematerializing. Gone
were Yaku, Anya Waite, Kathy Young, Chris von Bor-
man, Chris Wong, Tyrone Waite, Ada Wong, SanyZein,
and Teresa de Bou.
"Dammit Jim, they're dead" said Bone Wiesinger sadly, taking a swig from his hypodermic. You
know, the one that goes "Pppphhffffttt" and has no
sharp thingie on it Yeah, that one.
"Not dead ... just resting," said Tom Bode.
"Pining?" asked Rolf Boone. "No. firring," quacked
Melody Cook. "We've only got half-impulse power!"
shouted Scooty Busheikin. "Have yah got a few people
to throw into the furnace so we can get some more
power, Cap'n?*
"Yah," said Cap'n Ross. " Teena Carnegie,
David Chu, Nancy Canning, Greg Davis, Martin Dawes,
Barry Davis.and Stuart Derdeyn ... come on down,
you're the next contestants on The Furnace is Ripe.
Now we've got power. Let's go neutralize that pussy
Hiebert thing on the scumhole planet"
"Ay, ay, cap'n," chortled old hack Robby
Beynon, "Aargh." Chief griddie engineer Lisa Langford
wheezed, pulling her greasy uniform off her skin with a
loud plop, "Where's dem fishsticks? *&A%$<*&AV
Peter Lancaster'
s troller, Stinkyfishfactory, pulled alongside with a
rattle, and beamed abored three tons of wriggling
space cod onto the bridge. Slipping on the entrails,
organs, eggs, ovaries, testes and guts of thousands of
stinking fish, Lana Olson, George Oliver, Alar Olljum,
Malcolm Pearson, Paula Poikone and Elizabeth
Piccola, danced wildly and unpredictably to the strains
of "I'm bad, I'm bad..." sung by Gloria Loree, Hai Le,
Svetozar Kontic, Allison Feiker. Aaron Drake and
Carolyn Diamond rolling amongst the bloody fish.
"Dammit Jim, we've got fish guts seeping
through the floor boards. I don't think we can take any
more. We're full up," said Scooty Busheikin. "Beam
these fish to the horrendous, awful, smellyl, slimepit
planet, c/o the shmehole, beastly realestate broker-
currv+wholesaler-dum-exterminator, the beastly
Hiebert. bane of the twelve galaxies surrounding the
triple planet Scumhole."
"The beamer's broke. Start baiting. Roll down
the windows," said Aiex Johnson frantically. Just then
a troupe of bailers dressed in nothing but hipwaders
and T-bird caps, Susan Morrison, John Merrick, Nancy
Mior, Brent Lymer, John Boeh, Chris Brereton, appeared with a pirouette and a flourish.
"You old fish. Go eat space dust," said Jennifer
Lyall, shovelling furiously, accidentally pushing Franka
Cordura V. Specht into the path of an approaching
space bunny/iguana which ate her at a gulp while
passing Justine Brown and Allison Bell who were flying
in the slow lane.
Admiral and costume designer, Deanne Fisher,
official voice of Klingon's for a free Namibia, hooted:
"booger", across the universe, disturbing Chris Fraser
from a stellar sleep. Stephen Wisenthal. James Young,
David Young, and Jody Woodland cheered from in front
of their three dimensional t.v. in SUB 241k.
Cut. That's a print.
The management and staff of:
Fogg on Fourth     Fogg on the Bay      Fairview Fogg
Kitsilano English Bay Broadway & C ambie
732-3377 683-2337 872-3377
remindyou not to drink & drive this Holiday Season.
K*** *K
The Ubyssey
wishes to thank
the 134
contributors to
this term's
Find your name
in the masthead
and win a trip to
anywhere in the
Air Canada world
Oh yeah...
Have A Happy
December 4,1987 Nuclear subs
Defence minister's plans under attack
By James Young (CUP)
In June 1987, when Canadian defence minister
Perrin Beatty unveiled his fifteen year, $200 billion
plan for the country's armed forces, the most powerful symbol of military commitment was a fleet of 10
to 12 nuclear-powered submarines.
The hunter-killer attack subs would solve a
number of problems for the Canadian navy, or so the
youthful minister thought.
Beatty argued that the fleet, coupled with other
f ••ces, would patrol the Atlantic, Pacific and especially the Arctic, where conventionally powered subs
cannot venture under the ice.
Other analysts object to the
subs' hefty price tag, which has
risen from Department of National Defence estimates of $5
billion in February to a current
$8 billion.
And like the new uniforms awarded in a previous
Conservative defence budget, the subs would give the
navy a new sense of pride and purpose, replacing
older vesels on the verge of "rust-out".
In a single daring move, the Canadian Navy
would move from the embarrassment of owning
fewer submarines than the West Edmonton Mall to
joining the world's five great military powers in an
exclusive nuclear sub club.
While the Canadian vessels would not be nuclear
armed, the plan has drawn sharp, continuing protest. Writing in the fall issue of Peace and Security
magazine, Dalhousie political science professor
James Eayrs calls the fleet "the most bizarre decision
in Canadian weapons policy since (1915, when) the
premier of British Columbia bought two submarines,
originally built in Seattle for Chile."
In the political arena, both the Liberals and the
New Democrats strongly oppose the subs, indicating
the fleet deserves to stand alongside free trade as an
issue in the next federal election.
Liberal defence critic Doug Frith says the subs
could be a destabilizing factor in the continuing
submarine confrontation between the United States
and the Soviet Union, and recommends a combination of underwater sensors, increased air patrols and
surface ships instead.
NDP defence critic Derek Blackburn goes further, accusing Beatty of a "mindless lust for nuclear
submarines." Like some experts, Blackburn believes
the Canadian fleet would become involved in a dangerous U.S. strategy to attack Soviet subs in their
home ports.
And hke the Liberals, Blackburn supports a
range of surveillance equipment, aircraft and surface
ships to meet Canada's legitimate defence needs, as
well as advocating a fleet of cheaper, conventionally
powered subs.
Other critics are numerous. Despite government
claims that nuclear subs have a worry-free operating
record, some opponents fear a Chernobyl-type accident at a base — probably Victoria or Halifax— or in
treacherous Arctic waters.
Arms control specialists such as United Nations
advisor William Epstein say the highly enriched,
weapons-grade uranium used as fuel would violate
the spirit of the Non-Proliferation Treaty, which
Canada signed in 1968. Thus, the fleet would set a
bad example to Third World countries — like Libya
and North Korea— which may be looking for an
excuse and means to develop nuclear weapons programs.
But the two most serious objections deal with
strategy and cost.
Michael Wallace, a political science professor at
the University of British Columbia, is worried the
Canadian subs will become drawn into U.S. nuclear
war fighting plans, in oceans where the Soviets are
challenging U.S. superiority and American forces are
operating at a higher tempo than during the Vietnam
For example, the strategy of forward deployment
directs American hunter-killer subs to penetrate
Soviet submarine sanctuaries in the Barents Sea in
the Arctic and the Sea Okhtosk near Japan.
"As each side deploys more submarines in a given
area, the probability of a chance confrontation increases quite substantially and quickly?says Wallace, who specializes in the study of accidental nuclear war.
In a time of international tension, like the Cuban
missile crisis, the Soviets would send their large
ballistic missile-firing subs from northern home
ports to deep water sanctuaries —usually this would
help stabilize against nuclear war, as the U.S.S.R.
would have a secure retaliatory force and would feel
no immediate need to attack.
But the U.S., depending on its confidence in launching a first strike, could
attack the Soviet subs and ask the new
Canadian fleet to join in. Canada's participation would come from a previously
defined operational plan, like NORAD, or as
a last minute okay from Ottawa.
In these situations, however, the Soviets might feel so nervous they would send
their missiles towards North America first,
rather than waiting for an American attack.
"If we are to buy these subs and operate them in
the way I suspect they will be operated —in conjunction with the American doctrine of escalation dominance— then what we are doing is increasi ng the risk
of strategic nuclear war? says Wallace.
"Therefore this policy is wrong —not just a little
bit wrong, but 180 degrees against the national
interest of Canada? he argues.
While defence analysts, including those at the
Canadian Center for Arms Control and Disarmament in Ottawa and the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington, believe the fleetrisks becoming
involved in strategies undermining the nuclear
balance, the government did not give it a second
thought. In June, Admiral Charles Thomas, chief
of maritime doctrine for the Canadian Navy,
admitted that his department had not done a
single detailed study study on how U.S. strategy
would affect Canadian submarine operations.
Even without Wallace's disaster scenario, other
analysts object to the subs' hefty price tag, which has
risen from Department of National Defence estimates of $5 billion in February, to a current $8 billion.
Independent sources say it will be much more.
Scarcely a week after the white paper was released, British naval experts Roy Corlett and John
Moore scoffed at the Canadian estimates, saying they
grossly underestimated real costs which would include bases, as well as facilities for refueling, communication and training. Corlett put the final bill at
about $16 billion.
Thus, according to many observers, the government is pursuing a Rolls Royce option, when a
Volkswagen would do the job.
"We don't feel that the nuclear-power sd submarines are vital for the naval missions Canada performs? says Dan Hayward, a research assistant at
Ottawa's Center for Arms Control and Disarmament, a think-tank which sees strong armed forces
and arms control as complementary.
Noting that the subs' primary role would be in
the Atlantic and Pacific, Hayward would replace
them with a combination of surface ships, diesel-electric subs, aircraft and sonar devices in Arctic channels, at about one half the subs' estimated cost.
Within the government itself, there is opposition
to the subs from the treasury board, which reportedly
delayed the white paper this spring, worried about
the fleet's deluxe price tag as the national debt slides
toward $300 billion, with yearly interest payments of
about $1000 for every Canadian.
Costs also concern Doug Ross, a political scientist at the University of British Columbia and a long
time advocate of increasing Canada's defence budget
to secure coastal waters and Canadian airspace.
Currently the minister is on a
submarine shopping spree, comparing British Trafalgar class
vessels with the French Rubis
"If we do go down the route of buying those subs,
we are going to postpone buying other equipment
which is needed urgently? he says.
Although Ross believes the armed forces have
suffered 20 years of budgetary neglect, he also believes the government is doing the country a disservice by pursuing the plan without demonstrated support from the public and the opposition parties.
"As a worst-case outcome, well sink a whole lot
of money into this and then the next government will
cancel it,' he says.
With nuclear accidents, the Non-Proliferation
Treaty, destabilizing strategies and backbreaking
costs, Canadians may wonder how the sub fleet got
up enough momentum to sail through the department of national defence in the the first place.
Until 1986, when Beatty became defence minister, the navy was expecting a fleet of conventionally
powered subs.
But now, some Ottawa observers think Beatty is
staking his political career on the nuclear version, in
a move calculated to alleviate public fears about
Arctic sovereignty, while showing Conservatve lead-
see page 17; 'subs'
M/V-Joi *ff
Graphic/Project Ploughshares
Professors at war
over defence issue
By Elynn Richter
- A great debate is raging
over what role Canada should
play in international defence.
Two UBC professors considered leading specialists on
defence issues are at odds over
Canada's defence strategy.
Political science professor
Michael Wallace believes our
defence strategy is "180 degrees opposite" of what it
should be.
Though he's not against a
Western alliance, Wallace believes the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization has a
"dangerous set of doctrines
(which) emphasize early escalation and early first use (of
nuclear weapons)."
The Cold War rhetoric of
the federal government's defence paper, and our continued
support of NATO, whose "action plans and strategy are
destabilizing" are not in our
best interests, says Wallace.
"The only threat to our safety is
a nuclear war between the
United States and the Soviet
But political science professor Douglas Ross believes
our continued membership in
NATO is crucial if we want to be
part of the dialogue with the
Soviet Union.
Though we have a seat at
the negotiating table, "for almost 20 years we haven't had a
voice (in issues of collective
security)," said Ross.
"We don't speak out and
we should. Our government
doesn't speak out for fear of
reprisals because we are not
pulling our share."
Ross believes that Canada
needs to increase its defence-
spending three per cent above
its gross national product in
order to have a larger voice in
But Wallace disagrees. To
think we can increase our say
in collective security issues by
increasing our defence expenditures is "garbage? says Wallace.
"We could spend 15% (of
our GNP) but we're not going to
get a bigger political role? said
Wallace. "They won't pay attention to a little ally?
But Ross maintains that
"the best way to have influence
is to have expertise and information under our direct national control."
Wallace thinks Canada
should withdraw or give notice
to withdraw from Central Europe.
"Any defending we should
be doing should be at home? he
Wallace said he doesn't
think the threat of Soviet attack in Europe is real. He says
it would take weeks, even
months for them to mobilize
their forces, and would be ridiculous to think they would
leave borders such as China,
see page 17; 'defence'
December 4,1987
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Our new 70 page 1987/88 Europe & Britain Concept Camping & Hotel Tours Brochures are now available. With over 20
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Mon.-Fri. 11:30-9:00 p.m.
Sundays and Holidays
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Phone Service Changes
Dec. 7    - Watts Service will be changed to SL-1
Dec. 14 - UBC Centrex switchboard will be
disconnected. Call the UBC Operator
at 2212 for information. Dialing "G"
will not work.
Repair service is now 2101. The entire campus
will be changed over by Dec. 21 so that all
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last 4 digits of any number.
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December 4,1987 Art into action
painter Carl Chaplin dares us to despair, prods us to protest
By Laura Busheikin
In many ways it's just a typical contemporary family scene: father, son
and daughter sitting in front of a sophisticated home entertainment system, watching TV. A teddy bear rests in the girl's lap.
The scene is cozy, insular. But something
is seriously amiss: the daughter is holding
a shotgun to her mouth.
What could drive a young girl to suicide? The answer beams out from the TV
screen: an image of a nuclear bomb exploding. The video cassettes on the shelf bear
titles such as "Dr. Strangelove", "On The
Beach", "Ifyou Love This Planet". And outside the window, life imitates art: a mushroom shaped burst of violent orange flames
signifies the end of the world as we know
The nuclear family meets the nuclear
war—and even children are driven to despair.
A depressing scenario. Perhaps you 11
find it less depressing once you know that
it is art, not life. For now, at least, the
scene exists only in a painting called
Watching World War III on Pay TV, by
Vancouver artist Carl Chaplin. According
to Chaplin, however, art should be no less
disturbing than life.
"Anybody in America
who was white, middle
class and had any brains
about them knew how to
get out of the draft, and
they did."	
"Artists have an obligation to express in
their art a reflection of what's happening'
around them today? says Chaplin, speaking
from his studio-cum-office in Kitsalano,
"And what's happening around us today is
not situation comedy and football games—orj
at least not just that. It is also the deteriorating environment and the threat of nuclear
war, and any artist that does not reflect that}
in his work is missing the significance of) were purchased by one of the advisers to
living in the nuclear age
Despite his political beliefs, Chapman
still believes that "the search for beauty is
the main driving force behind art.
"But you can't express the beauty of the
world with any integrity without express
ing the threat to that beauty? he insists,
"Ifyou have a beautiful rose that has a
bag of cement hanging over its head, and
you take a photograph of just the rose,
without photographing the bag of cement,
you're doing the rose an injustice.
"Any artist who's worth his historical
record is dealing with the subject of the
deteriorating, threatened environment,
and the threat of nuclear war. Hopefully
then the audiences will become motivated
and active to influence the political social
situation around them."
Chaplin makes no bones about the
fact that he wants his paintings to
provoke a reaction. Watching World War
III on Pay TV is just part of a series called
Art Nuko, most of which depict, in lurid
detail, nuclear bombs exploding over
major cities. Sounds frightening? Chaplin wants it to be.
"The Art Nuko show is a warning, a
vision of the future which is a possiblity
or even a probability; it is meant to scare
people, to get them to become active.
"I actually belieive in a Darwinian., biological sense that exposure and fear is one
of our more important hereditary traits. If
we did not have fear, we would tend to
walk over the edges of cliffs and into the
jaws of lions. I think that it's important
that we have fear and that we express
that fear.
"There is a danger, I realize, that you
can scare people and cause them to do
just the opposite, to stick their head in the
sand or become nihilistic. I take that
chance because they're already sticking
their head in the sand."
Asked who he wants to see his
pictures, Chapman answers, "Everyone."
"The list of where it's been shown. ..in
university campuses, in museums in
Nagasaki and Hiroshima, in art galleries
in Vancouver, at peace rallies, represents
only a small proportion of the people who
actually do see them because most people
see them via postcards and posters.
These have a very wide distribution all
around the world. They get mailed off to
politicians, find themselves on bulletin
boards at the headquarters in the Democratic party in Washington, and the White
House itself; several hundred of them
Jimmy Carter, and even hung in people's
living rooms and dens. That way many
more people get to see the show; it's a
much more democratic form of art".
Chaplin hopes that people, having
seen his pictures, "won't be able to hide
from the vision of the
world gone mad, will have
to face it directly, and
deal with it."
Chaplin hopes that
people, having seen his
pictures, "won't be able to
hide from the vision of the
world gone mad, will have
to face it directly, and
deal with it."
Chaplin is convinced
that a collapse of the
economic, ecological,
political, and military
situations is almost
inevitable. "The bomb?
he says, "is only part of a
greater human
problem...even if the
bombs don't come, this
civilisation is collapsing
on all other fronts."
The root of the
world's problems, he says,
is "that there are too
many of us and more
specifically, too many of
us living lifestyles which
degredate our environment, which use up our
support system. We
consume our natural
resources greater that
they can be replaced, and
we're adding new poisons,
new pollutants that have
never been seen before on
the planet, and these are
of such potency and such
longevity that they are posing a tremendous threat to us."
While Chaplin advocates that people
take action to prevent world destruction—
"by writing, by voting for politicians who
take a pro-peace, nuclear disarmament
stance, by forming and joining existing
groups, by getting the attention of the
media, by creating events that make
protest a celebration"—he doesn't have
much hope that such action will actually
"There's not
enough people willing
and able to influence
the situation? he
says, "The overall
course of events and
the momentum of the
political economical
system is going to run
its course, so I advocate that people create
their own back-up
system to prepare
themselves for what
seems inevitable."
Chaplin has a
bomb shelter, "a large
concrete structure
with lots of windows
looking out on one of the most beautiful
views in BC.
"Its most important feature is not
that it's made out of reinforced concrete,
but that it's out of the primary target (the
city)... the political-ecological problems of
the next twenty or thirty years will make
almost every city of the world virtually
The question begs to be asked: with
such pessimistic views, how does Chaplin
get up in the morning? How does he keep
despair at bay? Or does he?
Chaplin seems to expect the question.
"1 get up every morning with enthusiasm—because I sleep well at night, with a
clear conscience, because I'm not contributing to the war or to the deterioration of
the planet, and I'm also trying to do
something about it, and that gives me a
certain relief and a certain self-satisfaction. I look forward to working with other
people in the peace movement, because I
find that many of the people involved in
striving for peace are the most creative,
the most industrious, the most hardworking and most self sacrificing of
people. And yet, I do have despair.
Anybody that doesn't have some degree of
despfcr today is a fool. Despair is a
human emotion to express during depressing times, and these are depresing
"But it's not total despair. There is a
glimmer of hope that we can turn this
thing around, or that we ca minimize this
impact, and it is towards that hope that I
Tlis hope is providing the energy for
a new series of paintings, which Chaplin
says "will balance the doom and gloom
with some bloom". The first painting of
this series portrays 1000 origami cranes
flying high above Vancouver on their way
west to Japan. Chaplin painted it as a
calling card to take on his trip to Japan
with the Art Nuko show.
The cranes have a symbolic significance
rooted in a Japanese tradition which
inspired Chaplin.
"One of the more touching traditions
that has developed out of the atomic
bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki has
been the folding of 1000 origami cranes.
There's a Japanese proverb that says if
you fold 1000 cranes you'll have long life?
explains Chaplin, "There was a young girl
in Hiroshima who, although she wasn't
damaged by the atomic bomb itself, came
down with leukemia as a results of the
lingering radiation. While in her hospital
bed, she took the project to heart and
started to fold 1000 paper cranes. The
young girl eventually died from the
disease and her schoolmates folded the
rest cf the cranes. When the rest of the
kids in Japan heard of this very touching
situa:on, they started folding 1000
Cranes by the millions. Now when you go
to Hiroshima or Nagasaki, you'll see
people coming in from all over Japan,
from around the world, bringing strings of
these Cranes to hang on the monuments.
"When I went to Japan, I wanted to
take with me 1000 cranes, and instead of
folding 1000 cranes I painted a picture of
them. The series is now expanding at
least in my mind so that eventually 111 be
able to paint a picture of 1000 cranes over
each of the cities that I've depicted in the
Art Nuko show?
Chaplin grew up in
the United States, and
his experiences there,
both as a child and an
adult during the
Vietnam war, channeled
him into an acute
awareness of the
dangers of war.
"As I got into college
the Vietnam war was
accelerating...I was
peripherally attending
meetings of some
groups, but the biggest
movement of all was the
peace movement. It
didn't have a membership, it didn't have a
Chaplin shows that he's ready for WWIII   committee or a president or a chairman. We were members of
the peace movement and our aim was to
stop the war?
Asked how he avoided the draft,
Chaplin's response carries a weight of
implied criticism: "Anybody in America
who was white, middle class and had any
brains about them knew how to get out of
the draft, and they did. It was only the
poor slobs, the blacks, those that didn't
have enough knowlege of how the system
worked and those gung-ho-ers who went."
His sensitivity to the war/peace issue
(Chaplin says that the two issues are "one
and the same, two sides of one coin")
began well before the Vietnam war.
"I can remember being in grade
school having air raid drills. They'd make
us go down into the basement and cower
down around the furnace in the building.
What we were doing was practicing to
avoid having an atomic bomb dropped on
us, and that always conjured up great
visions of war and destruction.
"All the boys played cowboys and
Indians, and war games, on Saturday
afternoons, and once a month the/s turn
on the air raid sirens around the city as a
test so our games of cowboys and Indians
soon deteriorated into games of World
War Three? explains Chaplin.
Perhaps it was these early experiences that gave Chaplin the strength to
not only contemplate the imminent
demise of the world, but also to create
graphic images of global destruction. Yet
he finds in others a marked reluctance to
consider the topic.
"Anybody that doesn't
have some degree of
despair today is a fool."
"The most important question? he
says, "is how long have we got. It's the one
question that everyone avoids asking, and
when I reverse the question, inevitably
people hesitate, and 98% of the people refuse to answer.
"Given the real situation? he says
with a challenging stare, turning the
interview situation around, "not what
you'd like to see, but as an alien anthropologist having just arrived here on earth
in a flying saucer, or having been circling
the earth for the last ten-thousand years,
having no interest in this what would you
report back to home base the chances are?
...How long?"
It's an uncomfortable question.
Perhaps it's too uncomfortable to face
when it's stated so plainly. But it's the
question that is silently raised by each of
Chaplin's Art Nuko paintings. And while
one can avoid answering his direct
question, it's not so easy to avoid reacting
to his paintings. And that's what Carl
Chaplin wants.
December 4,1987
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Kay'88 bring
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alt If ye, lis®.
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November 23 -
December 18,1987
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>**^,      A  /   _   International
Arts &
December 4,1987 Edgar Hilsenrath
West-Germany's Cult crusader
By Katherine Monk
..."sit down there," the woman said to the child.
"Next to the man?"
"Between the man and Daddy," the woman said.
"Is that Daddy?" the child asked, pointing at the
wet package on the ground.
"Yes, that's Daddy," the woman said.
- Excerpt from "Night"
'••f  p f all my books, I am
\_7 most proud of Night.
You see, Night is my personal
story," says Edgar Hilsenrath as
he lights up another unfiltered
Camel cigarette in the deserted
basement of the Faculty Club.
"Night" explores the reduction of
man in a world gone insane: life
in a Jewish ghetto in the Ukraine
during the second world war.
Hilsenrath has fought for personal
freedom his whole life. At the age of
thirteen, he and his family were shipped
to the Mogilev ghetto in the Ukraine,
after spending three years in the Roumanian Bukowina in an effort to escape the
Nazi effort to purge Germany of Jews.
After the Russian liberation in 1944, he
was arrested, and sent to another forced
labour camp, this one in Russia. Hilsenrath, however, managed to escape and
made his way to Palestine with one of the
first convoys of refugees. In 1947,
Hilsenrath was reunited with his family
in Prance and they picked up their
emigration visas for the United States
which they had intended to get ten years
The industrial refrigerator hums to
life as Hilsenrath tells me about how he
had recently tried to find the house where
his family had lived in Halle, now a part
of the East-Germany, before they were
forced out by the Nazi relocation of the
"I went to school in Halle, and I was
trying to find the house where my parents
lived. I knew we had a backyard with
three trees, and there was a grocery store
nearby. My friend and I were simply
walking around. The next day, my friend
was questioned by the Volkspolizei (the
East-German police). In such a state there
is no freedom, people must work, or else
risk imprisonment. I have nothing
against communism, but not at the price
of personal freedom?
"We aire both good and bad. We know
war is possible, now we must see if peace
is possible? said Hilsenrath with a
challenging smile beginning to appear
under his moustache.
"I look at the young people who surround
me, and I see they are bored. They don't
know what they want to do, what to
believe in - so they join the Neo-Nazis
because it means action."
Hilsenrath says he has tried to show
a world where the system took hold and
perverted the masses, and reduced man to
a terrible state, but without making
intellectual comments - simply from the
stance of the victim.
"I think the reason why Hilsenrath's
books have become underground classics
is that he gets across what happened in
the Holocaust from a different approach.
German writers have been unable to deal
with the Holocaust in a fictional way - it's
usually permeated with guilt. Hilsenrath
uses such tools as black comedy which
German novelists have never used in
relation to the Holocaust - but underneath
the grotesquerie you find out what
happened in Germany during the second
world war? said UBC Germanic studies
professor Peter Stenberg, organizer of
Hilsenrath's visit.
"Most German writers are very bad
because they write with their head, not,
not," Hilsenrath clutches his stomach,'
not aus dem Bauch.' I write because I
have to get something out of my system,
and because I think I have had a lot of
interesting experiences which I can share
- a message - yes, but the real reason I
write is because I feel I can do something
in the field of art?
Although Hilsenrath has proven
successful in Europe, selling over eighty-
thousand copies of Night alone, his
American publishers went bankrupt,
leaving the English translations out of
print. And no one, as yet, has been bold
enough to pick up the English rights.
In Bronskys Gestandnis (Bronskys
Confession), Hilsenrath relates his
experiences in New York. "The Prologue,
or FUCK AMERICA" is the title of the
opening chapter, and sets the tone for the
rest of the novel. "Bronsk>
is a stoiy about an European
trying to fit into the Amencar
way of life - an outsider's, \ie\s of
America. Bronsky has been
labelled as a Hippie book    it's ver>
anti-establishment? sa\*» the
long-haired sextetgenanan
from under his beret.
But contrary to
some of the European press,
Hilsenrath is no
Woody Allen
He acquired
the misnomer
after th
tion of
"Zibulsky", a collection of what Hilsenrath calls "short satires".   "I don't have
anything to do with Woody Allen? after
all, when was the last time Woody Allen
embraced the topic of the Holocaust with
his "O.K,-I'm-a-wimp" wit?
Hilsenrath's satirical style has won
him one of the best seats in the arena of
the publishing world: staring the lions in
the face. The Germans don't like satire,
especially when it comes to the Holocaust,
said Hilsenrath.
"My best known book in Germany is "Nazi
and the Barber", and because it is a
satire, I am called a "Satyriker", but
whether I am a satyriker (satirist) or not,
I don't know."
Nazi and the Barber tells the story of Max
Schultz, self-admitted mass murderer,
and death camp commander. After
surviving the allied invasion Max as
sumes the identity of his childhood friend,
and Jewish barber's son, Itzig Finkelstein.
Max absorbs the character of Itzig and
becomes what he calls "a good Jew", up to
the point of becoming a rabid Zionist who
takes pride in rejecting the reparations
paid out by the German government.
"In Night, I used the grotesque, but in
Nazi and the Barber, I explored the
grotesque in every way" - right up to the
thousands of gold teeth which Max stole
from his victims and exchanges for a place
in the post-war black market. "The story
is told from a crazy man's viewpoint, but
the whole world is crazy? said Hilsenrath.
The Library of Congress can't really
decide if Hilsenrath is a German, American, or Jewish writer, so his books lie
isolated in a section unto themselves.
see page 14; 'Black'
Biko film cries for inspiration
By Carolyn Sale
Cry Freedom. It's probably the most
talked about film of the year. In
bringing the story of South African
black activist Stephen Biko to the screen,
producer-director Richard Attenborough
is working with an emotionally charged
and politically timely subject. With
sensitive handling, Attenborough would
have had a sure winner, and arguably the
decade's greatest film.
Cry Freedom
Oakridge Theatre
To say that Attenborough fails, one
would have to overlook Cry Freedom's
finer aspects, notably Denzel
Washington's portrayal of Biko. Stephen
Biko was regarded by many as the man
who would succeed Nelson Mandela as
South Africa's black leader. His line was
moderate. He focussed on the raising of
black consciousness rather than the destruction of the white system. Washington captures Biko's soft-spoken manner
and his articulateness, rendering a charismatic portrayal that lingers long after he
disappears (far too soon) from the movie.
The action builds too quickly to Biko's
arrest. This gives Washington and Kevin
Kline too little time to develop and portray
the friendship between Biko and newspaper editor Donald Woods, a white liberal'
who is introduced to Biko after he writes
an inflammatory editorial lambasting
Biko's work towards
black liberation.
Biko educates
Woods to the true state
of the black in South
Africa through conversation that involves
weighty statements
from Biko and a lot of
eyebrow-raising from
Woods. Unfortunately,
Woods's 'conversion' to
the black cause is too
facile. He offers little
counter-argument to
Biko's stance which
prevents any revelation
of the white South African mindset. The
only othar type of white South African the
film presents is that of the vicious
policeman, at its most deceitful and
hypocritical in the figure of Kruger, the
Minister of Police. That means that a
movie that is ostensibly upholding the
sanctity of the individual and condemning
the typing of people by group, class or
skin colour relies itself upon crudely
drawn characters and a
blunt dichotomy between good and bad.
The movie reaches
an unnaturally early
climax with the arrest
and murder of Biko well
before the halfway point.
The film then changes
pace, tone and focus and
becomes the story of
Donald Woods's attempt
to get out or South Africa
with his manuscript
about Biko. By no
stretch of the imagination can Woods's
predicament be equated with Biko's
murder at the hands of the South African
police. The movie's second half is consequently anti-climactic. What should be
merely the sub-plot becomes the main
plot, and the movie loses momentum and
(dare I say it) integrity because of it, and
degenerates into the stuff of Holly wood
suspense, manipulative soundtrack
Mine's performance is uninspired
(and uninspiring) and Penelope Wilton's
(Wendy Woods) is flat. Attenborough
reputedly has a nasty habit of treating
actors as little more than animated parts
of his film set and the film suffers as a
result. Dialogue takes a backseat to fancy
camera angles.
Woods's flight becomes a drawn out
epilogue intercut with flashbacks to
scenes with Biko. It's hard to rejoice
when the plane carrying Woods and his
family makes it safely out of South
African airspace. You're left with the
leaden feeling that some terrible wrong is
being done in this world and that Cry
Freedom has done nothing to alleviate it.
December 4,1987
THE UBYSSEY/11 Five of the catchiest words
in the English language
Now they're everywhere.
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Contact the Canadian Public
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They'll tell you that about
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December 4,1987 ItiJS
and almost beyond belief
If Leslie Cockburn's Out of Control is one of the
year's more important books, it's not because of the
startling revelations it contains about the Reagan
administration's "secret" war in Nicaragua, the arms
pipeline to central america and Iran, and the financing of
contra terrorism through massive drug sales.
Cockburn turns up little to surprise any dedicated
reader of the alternative press. Much of her story, too, is
summerized in a lawsuit filed last year by the Washington-based Christie Institute. That lawsuit charges key
figures in "contragate" with direct involvement in drug
smuggling, and complicity in a 1984 bomb attack against
renegade contra leader Eden Pastora that killed eight
people. It also claims that top Reagan Administration
figures, including superpatriot Ollie North, were involved in plans to suspend the US constitution and
imprison 400,000 latin american residents of the US in
the event of a direct American invasion of central america.
What's really significant about Out of Control is that
this is no cheaply-marketed, limited-printing effort by a
small radical publishing house. Instead, the book comes
to us from a veteran CBS news reporter; its release by
Atlantic Monthly Press was accompanied by at least two
full-page advertisements in the New York Times.
That doesn't mean that the Times, or any other
mainstream publication, is more likely to pick up on the
story. As Cockburn comments, noting the reluctance of
nearly all investigating authorities to move beyond the
barest superficialities of the Iran-contra scandal:
"Perhaps the truth is so shocking that it produces a collective refusal to accept it."
If there's one thing Cockburn establishes
beyond doubt, it's that the recently-released
congressional report on the
Iran-contra "affair" is a cheap
whitewash. The congressional investigation centered on very
kay, okay, I
know I reviewed
a Noam Chomsky book a month and a
halfback. But be honest: how many of
you paid attention? It was the second week of
classes or thereabouts, mostly chaos on campus,
and to top it all off the book in question was subtitled,
"International Terrorism in the Real World." When
school's just a mess, who wants to hear about the real
world, right?
So here we are again, thanks to the extraordinarily
prolific ways of the continent's foremost radical commentator. Scarcely a month goes by without a Chomsky
essay appearing in one of the better-known "alternative"
publications. If it's not an essay, it's a new book. On
Power and Ideology will shortly share Canadian shelves
with The Chomsky Reader, a long-awaited compendium
of twenty years of matchless political commentary. With
Pirates and Emporors, the subject of the Ubyssey review
I mentioned, that makes three books for 1987. So far.
Clearly, he's driven. That's a rare thing these days -
kind of inspiring - and it's one reason why you should
consider picking up On Power and Ideology, which fits a
broad spectrum into a slim (140 pages) volume. The
other reason is, as a classmate of mine recently put it,
"central? That is, he's pretty much indispensable to an
understanding of what goes on under the political and
cultural veneer of this world.
In brief, if we can look forward to the Chomsky
Reader, with On Power and Privilege we have a
Chomsky primer.
For the uninitiated, it covers many of the dominant
themes in his work: the role of the elite "New Mandarin"
intellectuals in bolstering the state structure of western
(particularly U.S.) society; the global framework of
superpower geopolitics; media hypocrisy and distortion;
and "the genius of the incomparable U.S. system of indoctrination, with 'doves' and "hawks' competing to determine who can be more abject in their service to state
elements like president Reagan's senile "management
style" and the refusal of the aides to properly inform
congress of their actions.
The real story, as Cockburn presents it in her vivid
narrative, is a perverse and deadly blend of "All the
President's Men" and "Miami Vice." According to Cockburn, when congressional restrictions were imposed on
aid to the contras, sympathizers at the highest levels of
the Reagan administration quickly established an
extensive network of arms and drug-running to siphon
funds to the "freedom fighters" in the field.
To manage the arms side of the operation, two
veterans of the opium-funded CIA campaign in Laos in
the mid-1960s — Richard Secord and Theodore Shackley
— were hired on. As CBC's Sunday Morning confirmed
in a recent special report, Florida drug-smugglers were
contracted to supply planes for arms shipments to the
contras. To reciprocate, the smugglers were given top-
level CIA immunity on the return leg of their flights:
immunity that enabled their planes to ignore US radar
systems, land at US Air Force bases in the southern
states, bypass customs, and import thousands of kilos of
What's more, the office of the attcrrney-general
Edwin Meese consistently intervened in district-level
prosecutions that threatened to blow the operation, ensuring that investigations were stopped, charges
dropped. Given this degree of high-level cooperation,
south american drug barons were eas:ly convinced to
contribute millions of dollars for the contra cause - all at
a time when Nancy Reagan was piously urging the youth
of America to "Just say no" to drugs.
Then there's the assassination a.^empt againsst
Pastora, who was resisting incorporation into an artificially "unified" contra force. The C3A operatives
and administration officials involved in the
bombing of a Pastora press conference also
had something more imaginative
up their sleeve: a plan to blow up
Lewis Tambs, the US
ambassador to Costa
Rica, and
blame the
killing on the Sandinistas. That could have provided the
rationale for a direct US military intervention in Nicaragua.
Clearly, arms shipments to Iran were a very minor
part of the overall operation. But Cockburn presents
convincing evidence that these overtures actually began
much earlier than the administration has conceded. The
original incentive for the sales was not to gain the
release of American hostages, but the exact opposite.
During the 1980 US elections, Reagan staffers allegedly
pledged that if Khomeini would hold on to the US
embassy hostages until after the November vote,
thereby denying Jimmy Carter a much-needed preelection boost, the Reagan team would ensure the
Iranians received the American arms and spare parts
they so desperately needed for their war against Iraq.
These are stunning charges, and they have been
easily dismissed in mainstream circles as a paranoid
fantasy - until now. Given the complex tangle of names
and plots, Cockburn does an admirable job in setting out
her case.
Those interested in digging a little deeper will want
to consult the new Black Rose release on The Iran-
Contra Connection. Jonathan Marshall and his collaborators aren't able to match Cockburn's up-to-the-
minute reportage. But they offer an in-depth and
extensively documented analysis of the CIA's
global terrorist network, stretching back
thirty years or more, which the Reagan
team tapped into for its central american
campaign. Included are detailed discussions of the "covert" operations in
Laos, Cuba, and Vietnam during the
1096s, as well as the little-studied
role of Israel as third w
orld arms merchant and devoted
US proxy in central
america, the middle
east, and
deception and violence?
There's plenty that's of
interest, too, for those of us who have
hung on every word for years.
The subtitle, "The Managua Lectures? tells
you something about both cont ent and format.
First, this is the text of five lectures, delivered at
the University of Central America in Nicaragua last
year. They're as accessible as they are devastating, and
accessibility can be an important factor with Chomsky.
Most of his political works run around 300-400 pages,
with a daunting array of documentation and footnotes
(sometimes running to a hundred pages or more) at the
What's more, in his major works Chomsky has a
tendency to translate his mind's "tightly packed conceptual coils" (as Norman Mailer put it, reporting on a day
he passed with Chomsky in a prison cell back in 1967)
into elaborate and discursive prose that can take a
couple of readings to figure out. Lecturing, like the rest
of us, he's limited by his lung capacity. Thus the pieces
here are notable for their terseness and informal "feel".
"On Power and Ideology" slides down smoothly, stylistically at least. You can read it on the bus.
Then there's the nature of the audience. Chomsky is
here addressing a mixed bag of central americans,
mostly Nicaraguans, and that - as he notes a number of
times - lends a special immediacy and poignancy to his
treatment of familiar themes.
That visit last year clearly had a. powerful impact on
Chomsky; he alludes to some of his discoveries in an
eloquent introduction. (As he wrote shortly after the trip,
"I was frankly much surprised with how impressed I was
(by Nicaragua). One can see why it has to be destroyed."
It's not surprising then, that the most powerful lecture in
"On Power and Ideology", titled 'Our Little Region Over
Here', is a superb, furious indictment of U.S. policy in
central america and the Caribbean.
Afficionados of Chomsky will be interested to read
his comments on some of the more obscure dungeons in
the region, .particularly Haiti and the Dominican Republic. For the newcomer, Chomsky recites a litany of
Another bonus in "On Power and Ideology" is the
question-and-answer sessions that accompany most of
the lectures. It's fascinating to see Chomsky explaining
aspects of North American society and political culture to
an audience that seems, frankly, a bit perplexed by the
vapid illusions that are paraded in the west as holy
Which is not to say that some in the audience don't
have illusions of their own. One revealing exchange
occurs at the end of Chomsky's lecture on global U.S.
policy. In passing, he has made several statements
highly critical of Soviet behaviour. Clearly, Nicaragua is
a country where a significant degree of naivete exists
with regard to the junior superpower (not surprising,
given how Soviet treatment of the Nicaraguan revolution
compares with the official U.S. response). So the criticisms touch a nerve in a member of the audience, who
asks pointedly whether Chomsky isn't merely parrotting
the "reactionary" line of Peruvian Author Mario Vargas
Llosa and others.
Chomsky's response is a model of straightforwardness. "I have been accused of everything and that
therefore includes being a reactionary? I*e says, then
explains: "One of the truths about the world is that there
are two superpowers, one a huge power which happens
to have its boot on your (Nicaragua's) neck, another, a
smaller power which happens to have its boot on other
people's necks...1 think that anyone in the Third World
would be making a grave error if they succumbed to
illusions about these matters?
We have no way of knowing whether that Nicaraguan questioner found Chomsky's explanation instructive. But it's unquestionably of interest to anyone in
north america, of whatever political stripe, prepared to
lay aside a few preconceptions. The same is true of the
rest of "On Power and Ideology", and for that matter of
almost anything Chomsky writes. Check it out.
December 4,1987
THE UBYSSEY/13 Spielberg grows up
By Katherine Monk
// -|- learned a new word
I today: Atomic Bomb.
-*-1 saw a white flash in
the sky, like God taking a
photograph," says the British
brat turned sage Jim Graham
(Christian Bale) in Steven
Spielberg's latest, and best film
to date, Empire of the Sun.
Empire of the Sun
Directed by Steven Spielberg
The sunbathing empire of
the title is the expanding
Japanese empire of the nineteen-
thirties and forties. Little Jim's
family has found itself in the
most unpleasant of situations:
filthy rich through the exploits of
English colonialism in the
middle of Shanghai during a
Japanese invasion. As this fine
kettle-of-fish progresses, tiny
Jim loses his mummy and daddy,
in perhaps one of the most
effective mob scenes ever filmed.
From the minute Jim finds
himself alone he is forced to view
the world in a different way. The
co lfovting walls of the country
club lifestyle have crumbled
around him as quickly at a
powdercake hit by a sledgehammer.
After a few Oliver Twist-'.ike
adventures, Jim finds himself in
a Japanese-run internment
camp, where the majority of the
film takes place. The camp is
home to British, American, and
Japanese prisoners and the
heirarchies are quickly established among them as the quest
for the potato-a-day rations
slowly turns the inmates into
emaciated animals.
But Jim is a survivor, and in
a feat of acting ability, Christian
Bale manages to combine the
qualities of a greasy street kid
with the pathos of a poet.
Spielberg has kept the
promise of "rediscovering the
word" which he made two years
ago at the Academy Awards, and
pulled out one of the biggest
guns in the modern literary
world to write the screenplay:
Tom Stoppard.
The magic of the words and
the screaming artistic expression
of the cinematography fuse
together to make celluloid
poetry. Spielberg was obviously
intending to weave this kind of
magic, and at times the film's
self-consciousness was distracting: "It was just tooo pretty" said
one of the viewers as they
walked out of the theater wiping
the tears from their glasses.
So, it was a little too long at
close to three hours, and there
were some comic book scenes
which little boy Stevie Spielberg
can't seem to get from, but you
know what? I didn't care.
Watching Empire of the Sun
was kind of like eating a big
piece of butter cream chocolate
cake: it was rich, full of texture,
thoroughly enjoyable, and I got a
lot out of it.
Black comedy
from page 9.
"I don't know who
decides these things, but I
am a German writer, I write
in German. I don't believe in
Judaism. I never believed in
religion, and Fm too small to
know if I believe in God. Ifs
all such a miracle to me?
says Hilsenrath with a
boyish twinkle in his eye.
"What the Bible tells us
is a good idea, but it's all
man-made. People have to
live according to what they
believe in, and try to make a
perfect life for themselves in
order to be happy. Once the
individual is happy, then
they can share that happiness with others, it is only in
this way that man can come
closer to some sort of ideal
state? said Hilsenrath,
although he doesn't believe
such a state could ever exist.
Now living in Berlin, to
get back in touch with the
language he writes in,
Hilsenrath sees himself as an
outsider living on an island
of outsiders. "I have no
home. Heimat ist wo man
wohl fuhlt, home is where
one feels ... at home? he says
as he looks off beyond the
dart board and the wood
panelling into space.
Dec. 9
Dec. 16
Cameron Chu, Jazz Piano
Kira Van Deusen, Bluegrass
Doug Schmidt, Latin American
Wednesdays at 8:30 pm
The Grad Centre
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December 4,1987 Gasps from the past
Anarchy is a
hair colour
Old hacks cough and
sputter back to life
American humorist P.J. O'Rourke
says Generation X has a "crabbed
outlook" on life. I say 18 to 25
year-olds alive today are the most
maligned generation ever.
If I may speak for myself, and not
necessarily for my generation, I would
like to say it is time for baby boomers to
give peace, and us, a chance.
People my age have been called
boring, apathetic, the blank generation
and yuppies-in-training. Give us a
We stand in the shadow of the supposedly glorious sixties, some of us
dance in the footsteps of the free-loving
flower children, but mostly we are
trying to do our own thing in our own
The tail end of the baby boom, and
those that follow us, are tired of being
sat and shat on by the generation that
has entered middle age. Let us define
ourselves without your labels and put-
downs, please.
CRourke's comments appear in the
current issue of Rolling Stone magazine,
a special twentieth anniversary edition
which contains his interview with
Gonzo journalist Hunter S. Thompson.
O'Rourke doesn't use the term Generation X, but I think that's what he
means when he refers to those of us
coming of age. It's an appropriate term
for the group of people born, as opposed
to being of university age, in the sixties
because X implies mystery and potential.
(X-people is actually a term invented by literary critic Paul Fussell to
describe independent minded people
who dislike being assigned to categories).
In the interview, O'Rourke asks Thompson why he calls college kids a "generation of swine." Says Thompson:
"You call them fruit bags, that doesn't
work. You call them yuppies, that
doesn't work either. I found that
'generation of swine' makes them jump."
C'mon! Keep your anti-youth
insults to yourself, Mr. Duke. We're not
conservative pigs any more than the
baby boomers are capitalist dogs.
Not all of us are boring, uncreative
drones, in the same way that not all of
you are boring, money-crazed sellouts.
Not all of us lack imagination, wit and a
sense of social concern. Some of us beg
to be different.
And believe it or not, some of us
still dream of changing the world. In
the so-called dreary eighties, that
means trying to dismantle the rotting
houses that Mulroney, Reagan and
Thatcher have built, among other
If we have learned anything from
your experiences, besides what a great
lot of fun we missed, we have learned
that social change takes much time and
effort and often requires being involved
in the establishment. More is needed to
offset power structures than a hip
counter-cul tur e.
The point is, you may sneer at us
all you like, but not all young people
today fit into your snug and smug generalizations.
It's true that a vast majority of us
don't march in the streets for peace and
justice as you did. It's true that many of
us don't turn on, tune in and drop out of
It's also
true that for
some, radical
hair, dyed blue,
purple, pink,
red, black, has
radical politics.
You know,
anarchy is a
hair colour, not
a political
philosophy. It's become more of a set of
clothes, more of a circled capital A on a
tattered leather jacket, than a movement
to liberate the human spirit from governments everywhere.
Some of the shifts in trends among
the young in the past 20 years are
significant and disturbing. I completely
agree. But our generation isn't all to
blame for apathy in the world, for the
replacing of ideology with fashion.
It is the money system, primarily,
that has made both generations, you and
us, what we are today. It has cheapened
your ideals and seduced us into scrambling for jobs instead of fighting for
freedom. It has sedated both of us.
Unfortunately, it's a system that not
only many of us support, but also an overwhelming number of you.
So, the second point is, some of the
criticisms levelled at youth these days are
justified, but I don't think baby boomers
are in any position to start throwing
Tell me, what did all your talk of
revolution amount to? Sure, the ideas
have filtered down through the past two
decades and changed some people's lives.
But is the world really that different?
When you can answer these questions, I will take your criticisms of my
generation seriously.
I used to think that I was born 20
years too late. I was born in time to be
part of the tail end of the baby boom,
roughly designated as between the years
1946 and 1964, but there was no doubt in
my mind that I missed the action.
Whenever anyone asked me, what
were you doing when JFK was assassinated, I could only say, I dunno, I was 17
days old.
I went to Berkeley and San Francisco
when I was 21 years of age to see where
the student movement in North America
all began. It was a time when I believed a
massive student uprising for a better
world was possible. Instead of student
radicals, I saw cheerleaders on the
Berkeley campus. Instead of propaganda
tables, I saw frozen yogurt stands on
Haight Street.
Needless to say, it wasn't what I expected.
Now I think the sixties was then, the
eighties is now. As French philosopher
Michel Eyquem de Montaigne put it:
"The thing of it is, we must live with the
As for Generation X, not the blank
but the misunderstood generation, repeat
after me:
I don't want your psychedelic revival... I don't want your hippie nostalgia... I don't want to hear about your glory
days no more, no more, no_more... Let us
be, man, let us be.
Muriel Draaisma is a member of the
Fresian Liberation Movement and former
Ubyssey City Desk editor.
98 lb. Peaceling
JL i
ou're okay, man? grunts the
former karate champ. Daniel,
also known as The Karate Kid,
has won the goon's respect by kicking
him in the face. The audience, of
course, cheers.
Our society, perhaps like all other
societies, prizes strength and abhores
weakness. A man must be able to "fight
for himself? How many little boys have
come home from school crying, the
victim of a bully, to be told to "fight
your own battles" by a parent embaras-
sed by his child's lack of manliness?
In the Karate Kid, Daniel is emba-
rassed because he keeps getting beat up
by five goons who are karate experts.
He is so embarassed he will not tell
anyone what has happened to him. His
only recourse is to win the respect of
the goons by becoming strong and
skilled, like them, and then demonstrating his ability by hurting one of
Myagi explains one
learns karate so one
won't have to fight—so
that everyone will be so
intimidated by you, they
won't consider starting a
fight. We have just entered the mind of Ronald
"When are you going to teach me
how to punch?" Daniel asks his karate
instructor, Myagi, (played with endearing charm by Pat Morita). Myagi responds that the primary use of karate is
not to fight, but... (here we expect the
part about learning self-discipline, the
control of the body, but, no...). Myagi
explains one learns karate so one won't
have to fight—so that everyone will be
so intimidated by you, they won't
consider starting a fight. We have just
entered the mind of Ronald Reagan.
But Mr. Reagan is not alone. All
over the world people must unlearn the
lessons of what is strength, what is
shame. Jimmy Carter lost the American
presidency to Reagan in the midst of the
Iran hostage affair. Carter was perceived as weak, as an embarassment.
Reagan .said he would have handled the
crisis differently, though he never
offered much detail of that.
It is instructive that Carter's action
saved the lives of all those hostages, but
he was publicly condemned for having
shown America to be "weak". The
American public read Carter as the
father reads his victimized little boy.
Conceivably, had Carter bombed Iran,
killed all the hostages, killed hundreds
of Iranians, and secured control of
Iran, Carter would have shot up in
popularity and won re-election. The
Falklands took Margaret Thatcher to
the top of the polls.
One problem for Reagan's argument for arms build-up is that to
establish his strength, he will have to
destroy the world. Hence the need for
public concern. For Reagan, and many
others, a refusal to fight a war, a
unilateral disarmament, is a sign of
lack of masculinity. Reagan would be
ridiculed—his sexual prowess questioned at the country club. Men fight,
wimps get beat up.
Do we attack the weak in our
society? It appears to be the basis of
the capitalist system. The strong
survive. Yet the world still looks with        j
awe at the non-violence practiced by j
Ghandi and the American civil rights        i
movement in the 60's. The non- |
violence practiced in India probably I
meant independence took longer than       j
had an armed revolt been prepared.
But the dismissal of violence means
that there is strength in refusing to
Might Daniel have refused to
fight the bullies? Might he have
talked to the bullies, called the police,
told his mother or his principal? No.
Given our international mind-set, he
would have been laughed at by all of
these people, perceived as weak and
deserving mistreatment. For the
characters in The Karate Kid's ugly
picture of America, the only route to
dignity is brute force.
The current peace movement, as
a reaction to the nuclear arms buildup, suffers from the neccessary fact
that the movement is based on the
refusal to fight with all the means at
our disposal. The men of the world
have grown up knowing that men
fight, will fight for what they believe
in, and don't walk away from a fight.
Not fighting is the action of a wimp:
something less than a man.
And as long as our society values
physical strength and violence above
peace and a refusal to fight, as long
as peace continues to bruise the male
ego, bullies will be empowered, and
peace will be perceived as the pursuit
of the weak.    	
Michael Groberman is a former Ubyssey
Entertainment editor who thinks violence
is bad.
December 4,1987
(Graduate Management
Admission Test)
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University of British Columbia
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Political apathy hurts
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by Mary Ainslie
W   Ioes a mouse P'ck a fight with a bear?"
JmmmJ asks Sverre at the beginning of Orion's
Belt. He is defending the Norwegian's neutral position in the power struggle between the United
States and Russia for a strategic area in Norway,
known as the Orion's Belt. He might well be
referring to the Norwegian film industry making a
commercial thriller to compete with American
Orion's Belt is the first film funded by private
investors in Norway. This new entrepreneurial
spirit in the industry is reflected in the style of
this comparatively big budget (it cost all of 2.2
million dollars) film.
Orion's Belt
Van East- Dec 4 -10
Tom, Larse, and Sverre own a small boat
which they use to take tourists around the district.
There is no money in this harmless enterprise, and
they accept an opportunity to make a bit of money
illegally. On the way back from this furtive
excursion they are caught in rough weather, and
find themselves stranded on a supposedly deserted
side of Svalbard Island in the Orion's Belt. But
the island is not deserted- on the contrary, it is
host to a secret Russian listening post. Once the
three men discover the Russians, the action never
stops as they try to escape their pursuers.
The attitude of the victims is indicative of the
times in which we all live. What do three guys
trying to keep their business going care about Cold
War politics? The men are ignorant until they are
thrust into the middle of the situation. This is
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what makes the movie all the more politically
stimulating; Tom learns that in the '80's there is
no such thing as political indifference.
When he escapes the Russians and returns to
Oslo, Tom discovers that the government does not
want to cause any furor over the incident. Both
Tom and the viewer are shocked to discover that
the little men, and their boat, mean nothing in the
greater scheme of things. Tom's earlier apolitical
sentiments must be reevaluated, and the message
is clear: political apathy can be dangerous.
This movie is a commercial venture in the
style of American fast-paced thrillers. But it has
a refreshing difference: the captivating style,
charming innocence, and a startling conclusion.
The end of this small Norwegian film successfully
challenges a Hollywood "formula". Finally, a new
approach to an old American genre.
Will a dubbed Norwegian film have much
success with viewers
that value star-studded
casts, and recognizably
glamorous settings for
its thrillers? This movie
may be a mouse in the
greater scheme of movie
releases, but let's hope
the bear is in hibernation.
Xmas album rocks
By Deanne Fisher
Now here's a breakthrough for hurtin'
Christmas Parties! No longer do
yuletide D.J.'s have to resort to Bing Crosby's
Family Christmas or Band Aid for holiday
sing alongs. It's called A Very Special Christmas and apparently, it's the fastest selling
album in stores right now.
Partyers can now chug eggnog with the
tackiest women in entertainment - The
Pointer Sisters. The Eurythmics, unfortunately, don't liven up the festivities with their
really dull version of "Walking in a Winter
Wonderland", but Whitney Houston's "Do You
Hear What I Hear?" is utterly heart wrenching.
The real fun starts with Bruce
Springsteen's "Merry Christmas Baby". I'm
assuming this is an original - who else would
come up with classic lyrics like "lotsa nice
little presents for my baby and me?
You can almost hear Chrissie Hynde
learning to smile during The Pretenders'
"Have Yourself a Merry Little Christmas". It
reeks with sincerity.
A Very Special Christmas
Various Artists
A&M Records
John Cougar Mellencamp catches his
mom kissing Santa in what is probably the
coolest tune on the album. This one is
actually getting radio play. (LG73 anyways.)
You can always count on Sting to bring
gloom to Christmas — and he does with his
choir-like, eerie, echoing track. This one is a
real downer - bypass it at the party.
But no party would be a hit without Run
DMC's Christmas in Hollis. A typical line is
"The time is now, the place is here. And the
whole wide world is full of cheer." Don't
expect to be able to sing along but even a
mormon would dance to this.
And what mainstream album would be
truly commercial (in the spirit of Christmas)
without U2? It's not even political or religious - holy turkey! It's called "Christmas
Baby Please Come Home". (It was probably
co-written by Springsteen.)
Madonna will seduce anything. She
makes a play for a large bearded man in a red
suit with "Santa baby". She sounds like a
cross between Bernadette Peters and Shirley
Temple, twenties style.
Fast forward through Bob Seger, Bryan
Adams and Bon Jovi.
The party's final slow dance just has to be
Stevie Nicks' "Silent Night". It's tear-jerking
and drags on forever so you can extend
yuletide smooching. Or torture yourself
watching from the sidelines.
Don't buy this album for hours of listening enjoyment. Buy it for those party tracks
to put to use once or twice a year. It's a hilarious collector's item.
The real reason to buy this album is that
proceeds go to the Special Olympics. (Get it -
A Very Special Christmas?) Let's face it -
Christmas is peace, peace is harmony,
harmony is sharing, sharing is giving, and
giving is buying this album.
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borrks. and recjords
December 4,1987 UBC voices against
the arms race
By Kent Hill
Three UBC scientists involved in the peace movement are
concerned over the escalation in
the arms race, a build-up they fear
could end the human race.
Dr. Louis Sabrino, Physics
professor and member of Scientists for Peace, calls the threat of
nuclear war "the biggest problem
humanity faces". Sabrino says
testing cruise missiles increases
the problem further. The federal
government argued that the tests
are part of the NATO agreement,
but Sabrino says the agreement is
for land missiles and not air projectiles.
He questions why Canada is
still testing the cruise missile,
noting that if the Soviet-initiated
Intermediate Forces Treaty is
ratified the missiles will be dismantled.
Chris Fraser, of Physicians
for the Prevention of Nuclear War,
says it took public pressure by the
peace movement for the US government to even consider the INF
treaty. Fraser says "the INF treaty
only reduces the nuclear stockhold
by 4 per cent. " The treaty is more
a political statement than anything else, so Reagan can go down
in history as the negotiator of a
peace plan ... but it is a step in the
right direction."
Fraser recently visited the
Soviet Union. He says "there is a
sincere effort to reduce nuclear
build up." He applauds the Soviets' attempt at a unilateral test
moratorium, and although the
U.S. didn't agree to the moratorium, PPNW hopes for a comprehensive test ban treaty one day.
Fraser says the main threats
to peace in society today stem from
scientists being willing to con
tinue to develop nuclear weapons
for personal financial gain, and
the government's unwillingness to
reveal clear defensive and offensive objectives to the public.
Every day money is going to designing and building new and better bombs.Many people think the
money could be spent
in better ways,Dr. Sabrino said it
is estimated that what is spent in
a few days on defense could cure
small pox.From this figure,does
the financial and technological
gains of the scientists justify the
suffering of others?
The scientists who design the
defense technology come from
universities. Dr.Sabrino,of Scientists for Peace, said the motivation
to accept government money to
design defense technology is encouraged within the university
institutions. "The university
structure is organized for the student to get grants wherever possible, and then they are evaluated
on how many grants they recieve.
The university does not reward
knowledge for uniting society?
Dr. Sabrino said the scientists
who are involved in defense design
"believe it is the right thing to do",
but the decision remains one of the
personal ethics of the scientists.
Jim Christian,of Students for
Peace and Mutual Disarmament,
said the reason the government
spends so much on defense technology is from their "nonobjective
view of reality".He called the military "logically inconsistent, not
scientifically sound, and without
clear public objectives." He maintains that science has an objective
reality,it is governed by laws of
nature, and it can't produce what
we want just by throwing money at
Defence of the realm
from page 7
"I'm tired of Europeans telling
us about their insecurities when
there is no real prospect of invasion? said Wallace. "Europe must
engage in their own defence.
"Our role in Europe is very
peripheral...we can't make a
useful contribution to the battlefield? he added.
Ross, on the other hand, believes our "airbase contribution is
signifiant? and instead of pulling
troops out of Europe we should
have "20,000 troops,  an armed
division, ready to roll."
"It's no time to be backing out,
it's the time to be plunging in?
Ross thinks NATO "should
remain a security community indefinitely and would like to see it
grow to include Japan, Australia,
and New Zealand?
But Wallace believes that economic problems in the United
States and other factors are pushing Europe into an independent
stance, and that the only influence
Canada has is to make the world
climate less confrontational.
AMS executives
on Peace
Rebecca Nevraumont, President
As far as Canadians are concerned, the INF agreement, or any
reduction in nuclear weapons is a
positive step. I hope the trend
continues and that the Russians
and the Americans continue to
reduce the number of nuclear
I am vehemently opposed to
the testing of U.S. cruise missiles
in Canada. They should test their
own cruise missiles on their own
I like the the idea of Vancouver being a nuclear weapons free
zone, but I think that it would be
more legitimate if U.S. warships
carrying nuclear weapons were
not allowed into our harbour.
As the AMS president, I am
responsible to my constituents for
educational issues. I would personally support something like a
peace symposium on campus but
organizational and financial support would have to come for SAC or
Jody Woodland, Vice-President
The government should be-
doing what it was set up for doing
- spending money on building
roads and hospitals and educating
students. I don't think that they
should be spending all that money
for F-18 fighter planes andnuclear
powered submarines. Even if we
armed every Canadian citizen, we
still couldn't stop the Russians or
even the Americans from invading
us. An extra few billion dollars in
defence spending wouldn't make
any difference.
I don't know why the U.S.
can't test the cruise missile in
their own country, but it's going to
be tested anyway so it's not such a
big deal for us to let them test it
here in Canada.
The AMS could support the
peace movement's activities depending on the circumstances, but
I don't feel that peace is a burning
issue for most students so I think
that some students might not
approve of this.
Don Isaak, Director of Finance
Peace is a good thing, but it's
no way to keep the economy going.
We owe it to NATO and the
U.S. to allow testing of the cruise
missile in Canada. After all,
they're the ones who are looking
after us. We've been gettingmore
than our bang for the buck out of
NATO. It's time we started pulling our own weight. Infact,Iagree
with the White Paper on increasing defence spending. I read the
pamphlet on it.
The idea of Vancouver being
a nuclear weapons free zone is a
waste of time and money. The
referendum and the signs saying
that ifs a nuclear weapons free
zone don't mean a thing.
We also have to watch out for
that Gorbachev guy. He's lulling
us into a false sense of security
with his slick, westcoast style. We
have to remember that he's a
commie first and a nice guy second.
Sub option criticized by experts
from page 7
ership on defence issues.
Currently, the minister is on a
submarine shipping spree, comparing British Trafalgar class
vessels with the French Rubis design.
But since the final contracts
will not be signed until late 1989-
90, and the Conservatives must go
to the polls by September 1989, the
Canadian public could still cancel
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Beatty's line of credit.
As with cruise missile testing,
which the government supports,
and the declaring the country a
nuclear-weapons free zone, which
it opposes, the sub purchase draws
a clear line between the Conservatives, on the one hand, and the
Liberals and NDP on the other.
While the next election would
appear to be dominated by free
trade and questions of economic
and cultural survival, there is a
good case to be made that the defence policy of a nation sandwiched between the superpowers
could affect survival itself. Polls
conducted soon after the subs were
announced showed about 50 per
cent of Canadians supporting the
purchase, but it seems possible
that a better educated public will
torpedo the fleet.
wm^'&&smr<&my -._. .. ,.,,.,.„■$;-•..   ..^mmyy^^m^m^:
6200 University Boulevard • Vancouver • 228-4741
Open Monday to Saturday and Wednesday evenings.
Closed December 24, 25, 26, 1987 and January 1, 1988.
December 4,1987
THE UBYSSEY/17 J?l$ 'Am' ft MEAT
Peace of
World peace is a topic which often
comes up at beauty pageants and
summit meetings. And on Canadian campuses. Students have traditionally questioned and acted against conflicts that
threaten humanity's survival.
The Ubyssey hopes our special issue focussing on peace will make the reader
think about those who wake to unrest and
terror. By writing and rallying, learning
and teaching, by doing whatever we can to
avert nuclear disaster, we will ensure that
the planet is here for future generations.
Enjoy the holidays, and may peace be
with you.
Ho Ho Ho
We're makin' a list, checkin' it twice...
It is time for The Ubyssey to
play Santa again, and dole out presents to
the naughty and nice.
The Absentminded Muddlers Society
tops the list. In a cunning financial move,
we give director of finance Don Isaak some
Chernobyl real estate, and assistance in
choosing sensible footwear. Vice president
Jody Woodland gets a new Scaphoid bone.
Director of administration Tim Bird gets
the office next door. To president Rebecca
Nevraumont we give a trip for two out to
Surrey on the skytrain. One-way. To Caroline Rigg we give a twenty dollar food
voucher. Blair Longley, for being extra
good this year, gets his long-sought year in
jail. To Simon Seshadri, a life-time job
with the dairy marketing board. Moo. To
Kurt Preinsperg, black textured condoms,
and a home AIDS test kit. To Dr. David
Strangway, all our best, and Stan Persky
as Chancellor. To The Competition - writers. To UBC Reports, our best - hot paper.
To Frank Smith we give Eric Putoto. To
premier Vander Zalm - time to grow tulips, lots and lots of time.   And to the disabled students, an accessible campus.
Happy new year.
December 4,1987
The Ubyssey is published Tuesdays & Fridays throughout the academic year by the Alma Mater Society of the
University of British Columbia. Editorial opinions are
those of the staff and not necessarily those of the university administration, or of the sponsor. The Ubyssey is a
member of Canadian University Press. The editorial
office is Rm. 241k of the Student Union Building. Editorial Department, phone 228-2301/228-2305; advertising, 228-3977.
da da daaah daah daahdah.
Space. The final mind blower. These are the continuing voyages of the starship
Ubyssey; its five year mission, to meet newsworthy people, to meet powerful people,
to meet boring people and make them all look like shit-
Captain's log: stardate 1248.9. We are circling the Scumhole planet, locked in
space. "Who's the fuckin* captain," screeched a Sailen Black. "Put the planet on the
screen." shouted first officer, second officer, third officer, fourth officer, sub-officer to
the second officer alternating for the third officer, Alex Bradley, spinning wildly on the
science console. There were Steven Chess, Norm Keevil. Tim Pearson, Kinga Kriston,
Kenneth Kam, Noel Delahunt, Lisa Doyte, and Wanda Chow.
The Starship Collective couldn't collect themselves, among the millions of
tribbles (the fucking little white furry things, for those dinks who don't know what we're
talking about). Jeremy Fraser, Judy Mah, Rona Oger (from the pianet Oooooooooog),
Adam Jones, Cathy Chung, Michael Bryant, Dale Enns, and Cathy Lu. appeared on the
screen, munching human limbs.
This was the planet Scumhole. home of the evil, ferocious, tifnetravelling, scum-
bucket real estate broker Hiebert. "They're putting terrible things through our ears,"
snivelled Frank Nezil, Mantel Ngan, Allan Nichols, and Myron Neville. "And dangling us
dangerously from dangle city."
Michael Groberman, Mike Gordon, Robert Groberman, Oran (the onan) Michael
Gostinik. Panos Grames fell over like skittles, or dominoes, or ten pins, or mah Jong
tiles., .come to think of it. "Dammit, Ross, they're dead," said Chris "Bone" Wiesinger.
"Can you save them," shouted first officer Corrine the Borg "Dammit, Corrine, I'm a doctor not a sump pump." "Ooooh."
Michael Smart, Carolyn Sale, Lydia Schymansky, Tanis Sawkias, Randy Shore,
Bob Snowdon, Steven Scrimshaw, looking on in awe and drivelling, with dried puke on
their nifty starship tunics. "Ooooooh," they mumbled together.
see page 6 Star Treck
The Ubyssey welcomes letters on any issue. Letters must be typed and are not to exceed 300 words in length. Content
which is judged to be libellous, homophobic, sexist, or racist will not be published. Please be concise. Letters may be
edited for brevity, but it is standard Ubyssey policy not to edit letters for spelling or grammatical mistakes. Please bring
them, with identification, to SUB 241k.   Letters must include name, faculty, and signature.  _
Fire Chief hoses hooligans
The Fire Department has read with interest the
letter questioning the tactics of Student Housing Administration when dealing with persons causing false
We have reviewed our responses to Totem Park and
the Student Union Building for the calendar year to
date in 1987. The calls can be broken down as follows:
Totem Park
Deliberate Malicious False Alarms 39
Fires 01
Ambulance 16
Faulty Equipment 01
Special Service 11
Student Union Building
Deliberate Malicious False Alarms       14
Fires 05
Ambulance 12
On December 1, 1987 at approximately 1:11 a.m.
six persons riding in a Volkswagen Beetle crashed into
a tree on Chancellor Boulevard. All occupants of the
vehicle were residents at Salish House in Totem Park.
The Fire Department responded to the incident and
utilized the Jaws-of-Life and every available firefighter
on shift. Trapped occupants had to be extricated from
the vehicle. Additionally, two Emergency Health Services ambulances were summoned to assist in transporting the injured students to hospital.
One student did not require hospital treatment
while the other students had a variety of injuries. Included were broken wrists, legs, collar bone, numerous
cuts and bruises; one student had his spleen removed.
Every firefighter was fully committed to the rescue
and to providing medical aid. Fortunately there was no
malicious false alarm in any of the residences that
Last year at Totem Park, a student fell six stories
down a stairwell to his death. Our ambulance was involved in a nuisance call at the Student Union Building
at that time.
In November 1985 our crews responded to t .vo deliberate, simultaneous false alarms at Totem Park.
While checking out these false alarms, the Fire Department was also called upon to respond to a motor vehicle
accident with four injured patients; and also to respond
to an ambulance call at the Student Union Building.
We insist that Student Housing take action against
any student identified as causing a malicious false
alarm. The minimum punishment is eviction from
Student Residences. If neccessary we will press for
criminal charges.
I am certain that the responsible students in the
residences are fed up with being forced out of the residences in the middle of the night.
The current number of malicious false alarms is
completely unacceptable. We will be involving all campus agencies in stopping them.
Students, be warned. Charges will be laid against
anyone responsible for a malicious false alarm.
W.J. Ferguson
Fire Chief
AMS lottery
As a student new to
UBC and Canada, I have
until now been a silent observer of UBC life to acquire
some knowledge of what
this place is all about.
However, every now and
then I encounter events that
seem to overstress my mental capacity to absorb and I
have to raise my voice to
timidly inquire if somebody
could explain them to me.
This happened again on
Tuesday, Dec.l when reading the Ubyssey's front page
article on the AMS tuition
I find the fact remarkable that the AMS president
walks away with a grand
prize for selling the winning
ticket of the lottery. Stating
that "some of the people I
sold tickets to had nothing
to do with my position" (as
AMS president), she implies
that most of the people she
sold tickets to had something to do with her position.
But, I guess I'm a bit
unfair for after all she said
that she "saved the lottery
from going broke" and she
didn't even claim anything
for the tickets she sold like
"some clubs and organizations were entitled to".
That's jolly decent of the
"Nevraumont organization"
(or is she a club?), I must
say. But then she accepts a
free airfare for two anywhere United Airlines flies
as a small recognition for
her selfless labour, a prize
that is worth a multiple of
the 20 cents per ticket that
"her organization" could
have claimed (or could it
not?). And all (sorry, most)
of this just because she has
the right connections as
AMS president?
Well, back home in politics everybody would be up
on the barricades shouting
scandal and corruption. A
president personally
enriching herself due to her
position would be regarded
as a disgrace for the society
that elected her.    In Ger
many, there would be no
choice but to resign from
office. What do corrupt
presidents do over here?
Ludger Basten
Geography 3
Talk about the height of
AMS runs a tuition lottery and a substantial number of tickets are sold to non-
students. Yet by some inconceivable thought process,
the problem of non-student
winners was not anticipated
(?!). To top it off, the AMS
president reaps a mighty
reward due to her "commendable" ticket sales.
Cozy coincidence that she
didn't foresee the potential
problem ....ormaybethey're
not so stupid after all.
What about a recount to
determine who won the
ticket sales for the most
individual student purchasers? Or wasn't that who it
was for?
Y.S. Mehmet
Law 1
...& explained
This year's A.M.S. Tuition Lottery has landed me a
lot of complaints in the past
week - and rightly so.
As coordinator of this
lottery I am legally bound to
the rules that were laid out
at the begining of the lottery. Why fix something if
it's not broken? Well now
it's broken. But it was never
"fixed" (pun intended).
As a student council
member, I am not bound by
these rules. Student council
can overrule an A.M.S. executive from winning the
prize for being the seller of
the winning ticket; and did
so on Wednesday night.
At the next council
meeting I will recommend
that another draw take
place (AMS Executive excluded) to give the trip
Tim Bird
Director of Administration,
December 4,1987 Editorial on
The editorial in the
November 24 issue of The
Ubyssey (Debunking the
Popular Myth os Press Objectivity) fills white space
better than it demonstrates
a valid argument. It is
riddled with holes and
vague generalities.
It begins by asserting
the obvious; "Objectivity is
the first myth of journalism? Anyone ignorant
enough to believe that the
press is objective has probably never read a newspaper.
Budding journalists learn
very early in their reporting
careers that as humans we
are all subject to our biases.
The editorial elaborates on these words of wisdom by revealing that "the
choice of news topics and the
decision of where to place
items in the paper reflects
the biases of the editors and
sometimes the publisher."
This is a banal statement
considering that it is merely
the logical extension of the
first "fallacy" that was cunningly exposed.
And, stating the obvious ultimately becomes detrimental to the argument
put forth. The gist of it is as
follows; since "the commercial press is usually run by
middle age, middle class,
white men", (who if they
work for Southam or Thompson, are influenced by
money), their selection of
news and its placement not
only reflects their middle
class status but also demonstrates a neglect of the
"other issues".  "The role of
the alternative press, then,
is to recognize that a bias
exists in the mainstream
press, and to recognize the
need to give fair play to the
'other issues' .
Weekly community
newspapers may not fall
into the category of mainstream commercial press
but they do come under the
heading of commercial
press, which the editorial
implies are one and the
same. I sucessfully ran two
Alberta weeklies. I am not
middle aged. Strike one. I
am not middle class. Strike
two. I am white. A hit, but
one that is way out in left
field. Fm sure there are
many other weekly newspapers being run by people like
myself, who do not ignore
the "other issues".
When the editorial
mentions the "other issues",
I believe it is referring to the
concerns of minority interest groups such as farmers,
labour unions, women's
rights activists, and church
groups. Unlike what the
editorial asserts, the commercial press does not ignore the voices of such
groups. Stories about the
struggles of farmers,
women's rights activitists,
labor unions and other
small interest groups can be
located simply by reading
the dailies regularly.
While these stories may
not always make page one,
or page five even, they can
usually be found elsewhere.
And smaller interest groups
can air their views in the
letter to the editor sections
of newspapers if perhaps
the press deems their stories not newsworthy. Recent studies indicate "that
more people read letters to
the editor than any other
section of most newspapers", according to author
Peter Elbow.
Ubyssey editors would
benefit by examining their
own editorial pages before
hastily condemning the
commercial press as "pablum".
Brian Braaksma
Losers game
I am intrigued by the
recent phobia regarding
"losers? On one hand, the
UBC Losers' Club suggesting that people like myself,
who strive for total success
are losers. I wonder how
someone who tries to be all
that he/she can be can possibly be a loser. In order to
reach the sky, you have to
shoot for the stars. On the
other hand, Colin Erb suggests that anyone who isn't
destined to reach the sky is a
loser. Mr. Erb, I ask you,
when will you become prime
minister'' Or premier? Despite your statement that
you are not loserphobic, I'd
have to say that you are.
What are you afraid of?
Furthermore, you suggest
that "the world does need
more garbagemen." Fine,
but we also need middle
level office staff, which
many of these self-proclaimed losers" may end up
to be.
Td like to suggest alternative definitions. I suggest
that a loser is someone who
Dear Santa,
I don't want G.I. Joe
and I don't want a Rambo
doll. I want an explanation. Ever since I was
small you've spread propaganda concerning your alleged activities around the
end of December every
year. "Spreading good will
to all the good little boys
and girls" is a common
theme. Children are apparently intended to believe that when they go to
bed on Christmas Eve,
every other little child on
earth is also anticipating
the joy of waking up in the
morning to presents and
good cheer.
This just isn't so. A
very large number of children know nothing of
these joys.   Children still
old enough to believe in
you are being trained for
combat in Iran and Iraq.
Give them wisdom. Children in South Africa who
are too young to understand are waking up to
discrimination and oppression. Give them hope.
Children in Cambodia fall
asleep with visions of
automatic rifles and
bombs dancing in their
heads. Give them tenderness. Children in Ethiopia
dream of getting enough
food the next day. Give
them a future.
And for the children
of Canada, give them
awareness and compassion. 1 know it's a lot to
ask, but Ive been good.
Sean Kelly
does not strive to do the best
she/he can; or, someone who
tries to be better than can be
reasonably expected. Mr.
Erb, how would you classify
yourself? And to the Losers'
Club: are you losers by these
definitions? If so, aren't you
trying to be losers? Remember, it's not whether you win
or lose, but how you play the
Ken Armstrong
Snack bar in
Sedge baffles
Alas, it's true! There
really are still some smokers among us- quite a few, in
fact- and contrary to popular belief, some of them really do care about the majority; the non-smokers. It is
because these smokers respect the rights of their nonsmoking peers that they are
faced with two choices when
studying; either to study in
the privacy of their own
homes (if those they live
with are sympathetic to
their addiction), or to seek
out the smoking sections at
their local campus libraries.
Needless to say, these latter
areas are a real rarity...
I am a smoker. The
people I live with are not
sympathetic to my addiction
- certainly not the the extent
that they will allow it to
adversely affect the air that
they breathe. Fair enough I
figure, and thus I am left
with no choice, save quitting: I must study in the
smoking sections of the
UBC libraries. The only
section I have found where
smoking is permitted and
safety is relatively assured
during evening hours are at
the four rectangular tables
to the west of the vending
machine area at Sedgewick.
True, this area is far from
ideal; the noise level is exceedingly high, and the
tables get grabbed up really
quickly. But hey, that's
O.K.- I wear ear plugs and
either get to the library
right when it opens or during "down." times.
Last Saturday morning
(Nov.28), I arrived at Sedge
at 10 a.m. sharp, ear plugs,
cigarettes and books in
hand, all ready to settle in
for a long day of studying.
Imagine my alarm when I
saw, instead of those four
smoking tables, a construction site. "Expect
disruptions...we're building
a SNACK BAR" said the
signs liberally plastered all
over the area. Bloody hell, I
immediately thought, what
about the smokers? And
what about the already ridiculously high noise levels?
On further thought,
more questions sprang to
mind: Questions like who
decided to build this snack
bar? Why is it being built?
Who is paying for it? A
snack bar in a library?
Construction starting just
as final exams are fast approaching? Yet more money
being dwindled away on
stupid, superfluous little
projects when no one seems
to be able to cough up the
scones for crucial new
daycare facilities, or new
sports facilities, or any one
of a number of necessary
things...? Only at UBC, I
sigh, as I decide to pull out
my smokes anyway, pop in
the old ear plugs, and get on
with the studying...
Robin Hunter
Arts 3
David Li (Dec.l) attempted to refute my philosophical arguement in favor
of liberalizing marijuana
use. However, I found Mr.
Li's arguments were as cogent as a three dollar bill.
Mr. Li did raise a few practical questions. I feel they
have solutions that follow
from the theoretical argument I offered earlier. Let
me address his questions.
Mr. Li asked, "Why
should others have to justify
the maintenance of the
law?" Mr. Li wants to know
why the onus of proof is on
him to defend the status quo
marijuana laws. But unless
a coercive law that seeks to
prohibit an action can be
defended, that law is unjust
and should be abolished. We
accept Mill's principle that
unless an action can justifiably be limited, on the
grounds that it causes harm
to others, that action must
be permitted in the greater
interest of individual liberty. Marijuana use does
not cause harm to others if it
is used in the home or at
advertised social functions,
and so we must permit its
use in those circumstances.
Mr. Li is quite right
that the context of debate
should be rational argument when he says, "It
should be people like Randy
who should provide rational
arguments for why the law
should be changed." I did.
The ball is in your court, Mr.
Next in his letter, Mr. Li
asked me how I intend to
keep marijuana away from
minors, as I had argued that
marijuana should have the
same legal age restrictions
as acohol.  But my liberali
zation plan would deglam-
orize the use of marijuana,
and thus reduce teenage
peer pressure. And I would
condone laws that prohibit
the trafficking in marijuana
to minors, with reasonable
punishment, similar to such
laws regarding alcohol.
Mr. Li's strongest concern was regarding the
health effects of marijuana
consumption. But we allow
each person to choose regarding alcohol and tobacco,
despite their bad health effects. Why not let people
have a fair choice about
marijuana use? Can such a
paternalistic attitude to
restrict the behavior of
adults be justified?
Mr. Li asked a strange
question regarding individual rights. I said marijuana
use should be allowed in the
home. He asked, "...if a
member of a family uses it,
but others do not, does that
not infringe on those
people's rights?" But dope
smokers, like cigarette
smokers, have aresponsibil-
ity to respect the rights of
others, but do not have to
refrain from marijuana consumption entirely. The
home dope smoker must
come to some agreement
with his or her roomates just
as a cigarette smoker would
have to.
Mr. Li offered an invalid "slippery slope" argument.' He thought that the
legalization of marijuana
would lead to a decrease in
the price, and thus greater
consumption. But the legalization of marijuana
could lead to it being sold in
government liquor stores,
heavily taxed to provide
revenue for the government.
Longley's legacy
Dope opponent smoked
There would be no decrease
in price due to taxation and
government regulation to
control supply would not
necessarily lead to a great
social health hazard.
Thus I would like to
thank Mr. Li for having the
courage of his misguided
convictions to respond to my
challenge to defend the
status quo. Unfortunately,
theoretical principles of social justice and particularily
utilitarian concerns provide
a solid foundation for the
view that our present marijuana laws are unjust and
should be abolished.
Randy Reiffer
Philosophy 4
I would like to address
in the Dec. 1 Ubyssey. Mr.
Li finds fault with many
arguments against legalizing marijuana, but fails to
consider many far reaching
effects of keeping marijuana
To say that legalizing
marijuana would cause an
immediate and correspond-
ingincrease in the consumption of the drug is completely unfounded and irresponsible. The fact is, by
keeping marijuana illegal,
keeping track of the number
of people who use it now
would be limited to nothing
more than an educated
guess. At least, if it was
legal, we would have some
way to keep track of how
many do use the drug.
And, as is common with
many, the witer has an undying concern for the cost of
legalizing marijuana. Unfortunately, the scope of
these economic considerations is very limited.
The writer ignores the
fact that, legal or not, the
drug will still be used. So, in
my way of thinking, it would
be better to legalize the drug
and have the government of
Canada responsible for the
sale and distribution of the
drug. This way the government could charge enough
tax tokeep the price at about
the sane level. Then, with
the tax revenue, the government could possibly put
more money into health care
or into a system of educating
the public as to the possible
hazards of marujuana.
Also I would ask the
writer to consider where the
revenue from present "pot"
sales is going. It sure as hell
isn't going to you and me.
And the people who are receiving this money surely
are not donating it to build
new hospitals. The underworld, organized crime
groups, who control the distribution and sale of most
illegal drugs, use the revenue from "pot" sales to finance other illegal activi-
tites, such as hard-core
porn, weapons smuggling
and also to finance the import of the harder drugs
such as heroin and cocaine.
Unfortunately, the writer
and many others, refuse to
recognize this fact. They
have the attitude that ifyou
can't see it then it must not
be there.
I grant you, the opponents to the legalization of
marijuana, that the use and
possible abuse of "pot",
along with alcohol and tobacco, may be a problem in
our society. But, I ask you,
^vould it not be better to put
control of the sale and distri-
1 bution of the drug into the
hands of the government.
Since, by doing so, we could
get a good grasp of the
number and types of people
who use it. Then, armed,
with this information we
could set about to educate
the users of the drug as to
the health hazards instead
instead of making criminals
of these people (which I
might add is a huge financial burden on the police,
judicial, and corrections
branches of the government).
I would suggest to the
writer that instead of arguing on the basis of sentiment
he should try using some
logical and rational
thought. I propose that,
instead of bringing this debate down to a question of
"for" or "against" pot, we
should consider what would
be the best way to deal with
the issue while safeguarding the health and happiness of Canadians.
Darryl Boon
Arts 2
David Li's defence of
Canada's marijuana laws in
the latest issue of the Ubyssey was rather pathetic and
in fact nothing more than an
uninformed defence of the
status quo.
I was not surprised to
read Mr. Li's ignorant question, "Why should others
have to justify the maintenance of the law?" Mr. Li is
obviously implying that because a law exists it is justified and therefore it is up to
those who oppose it to convince others it is wrong.
If we are to have an informed debate on the marijuana laws both sides
should give sound arguments as to why marujuana
should be legal or illegal.
People like Randy Reiffer
and Blair Longley make a
very good case for the legali-
zation of marijuana,
whereas David Li is totally
Mr. Li's most problematic argument runs something like, "Society should
collectively stop anything
that is damaging to a
person's health and therefore marijuana should be
illegal because it causes
health problems." Aside
from the health argument,
there is a more serious fallacy in Mr. Li's reasoning.
For Mr. Li's information,
our society does not hold
that we should stop people
from harming themselves
with drugs, as can be witnessed by our tobacco and
alcohol laws. Mr. Li should
realize that his interpretation of Canada's health
regulations is incorrect.
We must conclude that
since Mr. Li and others like
him are not arguing from a
sound basis, they are attempting to enforce their
groundless beliefs on the
rest of us.
John Richmond
Philosophy 3
December 4,1987
THE UBYSSEY/19 and the corporate media culture
In a large, old auditorium
seething with tradition, a
throng of bright, cheery, multiracial
faces, clad in the 'uniform' of individuality — brand new Levi jeans,
and shiny new white sneakers —
anxiously await their leader.
In what could be described as a
youth rally for the 18 to 20 year-old
ad market, the hall echoes eerily as
they clang the trademark aluminum cans above their heads in
unison, chanting his name.
Finally, a single TV screen blips
to life. The crowd roars, as the
blond, blue-eyed,, computer-
chiseled face chirps on screen. They
laugh, on cue, and follow his command with utmost enthusiasm:
drink Coke.
Nowhere is the myth of the benevolent corporate state, using and
producing technology for the public
good, more prevalent than in the
While Max Headroom's chipper
delivery of "Catch the Wave" makes
it seem hip to be part of the collec
tive "we," it does more than capture
the "tradition' of drinking Coke. He
is the cartoon spirit of the computer age, a popular and likeable
character that puts a happy face on
one of the world's most criminal
In promoting the idea that
technology and progress are inseparable, corporations become
part of a twisted cultural logic that
paints them as 'progressive' institutions.
That shows, across the mass
media landscape. The computer age
has spawned a legacy of 'technocul-
ture,' from the Bionic Man to Go-
Bots, to Westworld and Knightrider.
In fact, US president Reagan
starred in a late 1950s movie called
Murder in the Air, as a US pilot
sent to destroy an enemy plane
carrying a device which could
destroy aircraft using a powerful
electronic beam of energy— not
unlike the Strategic Defense
Initiative or 'Star Wars.'
Technology is made seductive,
and despite its global threats, it is
readily accepted as a natural
extension of industrial, consumer
capitalist economies. "Business as
Usual" is the phrase applied to
what former US president Eisenhower and Lewis Mumford termed
the "military-industrial-complex,"
the interconnecting economy of defense contractors and government
agencies that gives society its
corporate structure.
Both as consumers and citizens, the public is hooked into that
complex for a technological 'fix.'
"Security" for example, is a key
word in many ad campaigns. On a
personal level, you might not make
it through the day without the right
Gordon (CUP)
underarm deodorant. On a national
level, your country might be open to
attack ifyou don't have the latest in
nuclear weapons.
James Macintosh, a graduate
student in communications at
Simon Fraser University in
Burnaby, B.C., is researching the
concept of technology as a cultural
'fetish' for his thesis.
Macintosh says technology has
become a subject in itself, usurping
traditional fantasy and folklore, and
limiting our cultural landscape.
The result, he says, is a greater
popular acceptance for a technocratic' society, and the notion of a
corporate (vs. social) welfare state.
Technology evades being labelled a 'fetish', says Macintosh.
'Fetishism' is usually seen as dark,
primitive and feminine, leaving the
'rational' as male and logical.
Technolo'gy has a male face,"
he says, adding that since culture
tends to reinforce male figures of
authority, it also reinforces the
importance of technology in society.
In doing so, it also covers how
technology causes social suffering,
as when used by the military. "We
are covering over irrationality with
Todd Gitlin, a professor of sociology and communications
at University of California, Berkeley,
is outspoken in his analysis of how
the mainstream media frames
images to reinforce the systems of
power and privilege on which it is
In Watching Television: A Pantheon Guide to Popular Culture
(Pantheon, 1986), a collection of
essays he edited, Gitlin supports
the notion that cultural devices can
be used to mask corporate motives,
and garner endorsement for technocratic values.
For example, he explains how
by creating a mythical, surreal
landscape of appearances, a corporation can sell anything from cars
to law enforcement.
"We build excitement," is not
only Pontiac's newest commercial
slogan for cars, says Gitlin, "But
about the current incarnations of
America's perennial dreams: freedom, power, technology."
Gitlin says this style is a
current through popular television
and film like Miami Vice, which rely
more on show than substance to
create a false image of reality for
From the simplistic legal forum
of People's Courts to the comic book
battle-scenes of the A-Team, in
order to succeed, TV must come as
close to the line of simulation as
possible, without going over it, says
Michael Sorkin in Watching Television.
This, in turn, puts news in the
context of entertainment. By giving
equal priority to images, writes
Sorkin, "that makes a can of pop as
consequential as a murder, that
allows the cut from commercial to
carnage, from starving babies in
Ethiopia to Morris the Finicky
Not surprisinglyfUen, he
extends the analogy io America's
top figurehead: "We all know that
Reagan is only 'acting', but he's so
damn good that we can't quite be
In this sense, it becomes
very easy for corporations
like Pepsi, or politicians to co-opt
popular or traditional themes and
figures (like black musicians) to
sell their image.
Pepsi's real operations behind
their public spokesperson for the
'Pepsi Generation," Michael
Jackson, reveals a less innocuous
Take, for instance, Pepsi
president, Donald Kendall.
Kendall was instrumental in
securing Richard Nixon's first Job
on Wall Street. With Pepsi's
extensive bottling plants in Chile,
he later chaired a council of 40
multinational corporations that
helped finance the CIA-backed
1973 coup that overthrew democratically-elected socialist president, Salvador Allende, and imposed the current fascist dictator-
shop of Gen. Augusto Pinochet.
"They don't want you to know
that when you're drinking Pepsi
you're helping a corporation that
has set up a fascist regime," said
long-time Canadian peace activist,
Ken Hancock.
Reagan was elected by 'selling'
his own patriotic vision of America. Using charm, rhetoric, and a
nostalgic, inaccurate recounting
of history, he is able to maintain a
popular image despite policies
that might otherwise be seen as
disasterous and inhumane.
It is this kind of "fantasy of
innocent power," says Gitlin, that
led to the slaughter of three
million Vietnamese, and 60,000
Americans in the Vietnam war.
Reagan's Star Wars vision
comes from the "wishful premise"
that whatever problems technology has caused, no matter how
devestating, it can solve.
This, however, is not a point
the commercial media is wont to
stress, being owned and controlled by a few conglomerates. As
part of the corporate system, the
seeming dissldence of mainstream
news is only aimed at deflecting
any structural criticism against
itself. Even the most 'credible'
sources, such as TV network
news, only give the public the impression they've made informed
conclusions on their own.
he same irony is employed
from TV news to advertisements, says Mark Crispin Miller in
Watching Television, to preserve
the status quo. "These corporations too pretend to take our side
(while taking sides against us), defusing our rebelliousness by
seeming to mimic it.
"AT&T advises us, through the
soft-spoken Cliff Robertson, to
reject its big, impersonal competitors, as if AT&T were a plucky
little mom-and-pop enterprise;
Apple likens IBM to a totalitarian
state,as if Apple Computer Inc.
were a cell of anarchists; GE
depicts a world of regimented
silence, its citizens oppressed and
robotized, until the place is gloriously liberated by a hip quartet
bearing powerful GE tape players,
as if that corporation were a
hedonistic set and not a major
manufacturer of microwave ovens,
refrigerators and — primarily —
weapons systems."
The same comment applies to
'satirical' film produced by major
corporations. After all, Columbia
Pictures is owned by Coke, and
Paramount by Gulf & Western
which, among other things, owns
enormous amounts of land in
Latin America and Western Africa.
Robocop, now grossing millions across North American
theatres, is being touted as 'satirical' entertainment, poking at the
military corporate state, and the
role of news media as mere entertainment.
But Sorkin's earlier comment
about Reagan also fits here:
Robocop is just an act, but it's so
darn good we just can't be sure.
Films repeat the same deceptive 'subversions' as TV, says
Miller. They debunk the macho
heroism of the past by parodying
genres such as the Western or
spy-thriller, "yet preserving and
intensifying the most hostile
impulses of that defunct heroism:
xenophobia, misogyny, paranoid
anti-communism, each enacted
graphically, and yet with a wink
that tells us not to take it too seriously, however we might like it."
Robocop was shown for a mid
term in Hissey's SFU course,
asking, "Is Robocop a movie of the
Right or of the Left?"
"Students were split right
down the middle," she says.
"Some thought it was satire— at
least open to subversive readings.
Others though it endorses the
status quo, the worst elements of
technism and scientism in society."
Hissey sees valid points in
both interpretations. She
says the film does question the
notion that technology and
progress are inseparable, but also
puts violence on a more mundane
level of entertainment, endorsing a
world without values or morals.
She believes there is room
within the mainstream industry
for clearly "oppositional" films, like
Terry Gilliam's Brazil.
"It's a technowestem," says
Macintosh. "It's entertainment
first. The violence business is an
aesthetic thing...That's the
ideology of Hollywood."
Macintosh says despite
satirical moments, the film reinforces the notion that technocratic
goals override social ones. "It's the
technocrats that win in the end,
the corporation still has control of
the military."
What Gitlin, Hissey and
others stress is the crucial need
for 'media literacy' — to educate
the next generation of media 'consumers' to use critical analysis
and see through the  ideological
role of the media.
But in recognizing Cold
Warortechnocratic ideology in
culture also comes a responsibility— the need to expose the roots
of that ideology, and refuse
consent for corporations and
governments that threaten our
very survival.
December 4, 1987


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