UBC Publications

UBC Publications

UBC Publications

The Ubyssey Jul 20, 1983

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Vol. II No. 4
The Summer Ubyssey
July 20-26, 1983
Polish military rule
repressing academics
The controversial Polish professor who was greeted with
rare cries of protest on his
arrival at UBC can be compared to a
character right out of Star Wars.
Like Darth Vader, Jerzy Wiatr
possesses a strange ability to grab
hold of one's emotions. With a sudden rise in his voice or a stern glance
from his eyes, he hammers home his
arguments. He seems to possess the
black cloak of "the force", which
protects him from opposition and
serves him in defence.
In his gaudy pastel green suit,
Wiatr tries to justify martial law in
Poland and is almost able to reduce
it to a level which makes it seem
reasonable and sound. He achieves
this drastic twist in logic through
careful wording — arguments over
semantics are inevitable when taking
to Wiatr.
But with Wiatr's third visit to
UBC, his protective shield has not
halted a wave of protest against his
English professor Andrew Busza
says Wiatr has adopted a confusing
and dual line of defence against the
"The UBC Solidarity Study Group
has been attacking him as a member
of the Polish government," says
"When Wiatr defends himself, he
assumes the role of the independent
scholar and argues that they are trying to prevent from coming here as
one. But at the same time he's using
the occasion to give the official line.
Who is Mr. Wiatr? Is he Mr. Jekyll
or Hyde?"
The most significant clue to Wiatr's
true identity are facts about his role
as director of the Institute of Marxism-
Leninsm in Poland. Stan Persky,
author of At the Lenin Shipyard and
a noted political scientist, says Wiatr
is an apologist for the Jaruzelski
"The institute is part of the ruling
apparatus in Poland and serves as an
ideological front for the party, says
Persky. "Wiatr might say they're
seeking the truth, but in fact everyone in Poland sees the Marxism of
the Polish Communist Party as a
complete farce. All the discussion of
Marxism is merely an apology for
the rule of the party."
Prior to his appointment as head
of the institute which occurred soon
after martial law was declared in
December 1981, Wiatr lived an academic life in Poland. According to
Slavonic studies head Boydan Czaykowski, he wrote textbooks which
became mandatory readings for
compulsory courses in Marxism-
Wiatr's role in the Polish indoctrination process and his refusal to
add his name to the long list of academics who openly protest Polish
academic repression gave him an
unpopular reputation among students
and colleagues, say Czaykowski.
Since the imposition of martial
law, Wiatr has taken a different
stance from that of the communist
party hardliners, he says. "The problem with such moderate stances
taken publicly by people such as
Wiatr is that you cannot be sure to
what extent they are a mere facade,"
says Czaykowski.
"These people, even if unconsciously, are often used to create the
best possible impression that the
government is pursuing a very different policy."
Czaykowski paints a grim picture
of the Polish regime's policy concerning academic freedom. An expert in Eastern European affairs who
left Poland many years ago, Czaykowski looks and speaks like a true
He is well aware the freedom he
has to speak openly on political matters such as Wiatr's appointment is
not present in his native country.
"At the moment the atmosphere is
such (in Poland) that exercising
academic freedom involves a risk of
The chain of events which shook
the Polish academic community
after martial law was imposed is described by Czaykowski in dark terms.
He has no qualms about making
serious charges concerning the regime's policy toward academic free-
Jerzy Wiatr
rhetoric on
life, but
dom. Measures were specifically
taken to frighten the academic community after the declaration of martial laws, says Czaykowski.
Every university, polytechnical
institute and academy was shut down
for several weeks, Czaykowski says.
Protests in the form of sit-ins and
demonstrations took place immediately, he adds. "Some of these were
brutally broken up by riot police at a
number of universities."
After the protests put all the participants in serious jeopardy, internments followed, says Czaykowski.
Well over 150 academics and a large
number of students were interned
and some remained in confinement
for many months.
But perhaps the biggest blow to
students was the banning of independent student's union which had
achieved great strides towards increasing student rights in Poland, Czaykowski says.
Persky says the freedoms students
fought for included the removal of
police from campuses, obtaining
control over curriculums, and getting rid of courses in Marxism which
An hour with Jerzy Wiatr
Visiting professor Jerzy Wiatr would only grant an
interview to The Ubyssey on the basis of some clear-
cut terms he laid out. His terms included printing the
interview in a question and answer format, and showing him a copy of the text before it went to print.
Initially he had requested a written statement which
would have bound us to these agreements. This term
was only brought up in our first discussions with
Wiatr. This is an edited version of the interview that
took place July 15 in his office with Ubyssey staffer
Chris Wong.	
You have been called by the French journalist Bernard Margueritte as well as by others "one of the
principal advisers" of the martial law government in
Poland. Since you are also the director of the Institute
of Marxism-Leninism, an organ of the central committee of the ruling party, does it surprise you that you
are being regarded as a spokesperson for the military
rulers? And to what extent are you able to fulfill the
role as an independent scholar in these circumstances?
Well it does not astonish me at all that I am
regarded as someone closely connected to the govern-
.  ment. I don't deny it, I am proud of my role in Polish
p olitics. I am sure that history will form a more or less
balanced verdict on what's going on in Poland. I shall
have nothing to be ashamed of as far as my contribution is concerned. If I have reservations about using
this term close advisor it is not because I want to play
down my role in Polish politics, but simply because I
don't want to pretend that I am more important than I
actually am.
Now as I understand the term close advisor usually
refers to someone who more or less on a daily basis
functions within the structure of government. If that is
what is meant by this term it does not apply to me. I do
not function in such close contact with the head of the
government albeit it's absolutely true that the kind of
research I do in the institute is topical, it's connected
with politics, and it's taken into consideration. Now
under such circumstances I think I can keep separate
my activities as a normal academic.
As an example I was elected, in fact unanimously,
president of the International Coordinating Committee of Stein Rokkan Archive which is concerned
with local leadership, participation and development.
see page 2:' Wiatr
were "pure propoganda."
"The worst hacks in the world
were the kind of people teaching
these courses," says Persky. "It was
all bullshit from the point of view of
the students. Ever since martial law,
it's gone right back to the bullshit."
Czaykowski says students are
disappointed and apathetic now because
there are no channels through which
they can articulate their strong
feelings against the government.
There is only a boycott against the
officially approved student unions which
support the government, he says.
"They (the students) gained a tremendous freedom in the Solidarity
period. They like the taste of it and
now they are denied it."
Students received only part of the
repression directed toward the academic community. Many university
and polytechnical presidents and
other officials who were elected in
1980-81 were dismissed or forced to
resign, Czaykowski says. The faculty
who retained their positions were
subjected to a vigorous screening
campaign, he says.
Czaykowski interprets the campaign as an attempt to weed out Solidarity supporters and other independently-minded faculty.
"The terms of the review were not
only qualifications but also moral
and ideological standpoint. It implied
that if you did not measure up to
those criteria you could lose your
The academic community put up
a strong resistance against the campaign says Czaykowski. Academics
refused to sit on reviewing committees which were composed principally
of party members and forced the
campaign to peter out, he says.
But according to a recent bulletin
from the Vancouver Committee for
Solidarity with Solidarnistic, a screening campaign for students is being
conducted in Wiatr's own backyard
— Warsaw University,
One article in the bulletin says the
Polish security service regularly
questions soldiers who have enrolled
in university about other students.
Admission requirements were
altered to allow former soldiers
access to universities without passing
chris wong photo
or even sitting entrance examinations, says Czaykowski.
To top a long list of attacks on
academic freedom in Poland, many
students and academics have and
continue to face trials and prison
sentences, Czaykowski says. Their
crimes include the distribution of
leaflets, and participation in the
distribution of bulletins and periodicals.
According to the New York Times
(July 9, 1983), the crackdown on
accademic dissent continues unabated. The article takes note of
several items which appeared in the
Polish Communist Party's daily
newspaper, Trybuna Ludu. These
articles attacked virtually every important Polish writer by name,
according to the N.Y. Times report.
The paper also mentions two recent,
mysterious deaths of academics who
were Solidarity supporters.
The government's initiatives towards reform of its academic policies
are not as liberal as they appear to
be, Czaykowski says. One step the
regime took towards alleged reforms
was a new act on higher education
which was passed in Polish parliament in June of 1982.
Czaykowski calls the act contradictory. It gave the universities a
degree of autonomy but also gave
the education minister far-ranging
powers to exert influence over university affairs, he says. "With the new
higher education act the minister has
ample basis for intervening in university affairs. Since it was passed
the minister has been intervening
whenever he's felt like it."
Czaykowski says the appointment
of Wiatr by the political science
department is insensitive to the state
of freedom in Poland.
Hiring the Polish professor "displayed the worst kind of stupidity"
on the part of the department, says
The entire issue brings up the
question of the existence of solidarity
among academics, says Czaykowski.
"Can we say that freedom is
divisible? Is the freedom that we
have all fight for us, but when it is
denied by another should we close
our eyes?" Page 2
Wednesday, July 20, 1983
Party hack justifies martial law
The imposition of martial law
saved Poland from a crisis of tragic
proportions, a visiting Polish professor said Thursday.
The situation in Poland could
have erupted in "an explosion, civil
war, or foreign intervention," Jerzy
Wiatr told 125 people in Buchanan
But he said Poland has adopted
various laws which restrict freedom.
"Freedom, like many other things
in life, is a question of degrees,"
Wiatr said to a chorus of hisses and
Although censorship exists, the
lifting of martial law will mark a
return to the 'liberal' censorship laws
of 1981, said Wiatr. Censorship is
necessary because state interests
have to be protected, he added.
Wiatr was chastised by one member of the audience for barely mentioning the role of Solidarity in
Poland. Wiatr said Solidarity's
leader Lech Walesa played an im
portant and memorable role as the
trade union head, but he was unfortunately not able to steer the policies
of Solidarity towards compromise.
"I feel frustrated that at the crucial
moment when so much was at stake,
he did not use his tremendous
authority for finding a compromise
Wiatr proud of Polish regime
from page 1
My colleagues from all these
countries evidently believe that my
politics does not impair my ability to
function in my normal academic
role, even in such a high position.
Would it be accurate to say the
role of the Institute of Marxism-
Leninism is that of researching, justifying and providing guidelines for
the policies of the government?
Well, some of these things you say
are correct, some are not. Let me use
my own language and 1 think it will
be very clear. The primary objective
of the institute is to do policy-
oriented research which means
doing research on topics that are
relevant for decision-making in
socio-economic and political affairs
with the understanding that such
research will be taken under consideration by the central committee of
the Polish United Workers Party.
It will have therefore a certain
impact on policy making. I would
not define the institute's function as
justification of any specific policy.
When we do our research, we are
professionally committed to finding
the truth — to present the truth in
whatever direction it may point.
According to Amnesty International reports. Solidarity Support
Group bulletins, and other publications, many students and academics
have been arrested, beaten, tried,
given prison sentences, and in a few
cases killed under the martial law
regime. Why were these actions
necessary to crush dissent?
I do not defend a priori any specific action taken by the government
or the police. If and when for
instance beating of peaceful protestors occurred, I condemn it and I
consider it as illegal. In fact, I think
it is the duty of the government to
take whatever steps are necessary to
prevent such acts from happening.
In as far as various forms of political
restrictions including arrests or
trials for political offenses are concerned, they must be in the context
of specific charges and proofs and I
would consider it unfortunate if
Poland, which did not have political
prisoners in recent history, was
forced back to the situation when
people are in jail for political
offenses. On the other hand however, one must realize that violating
the law, particularly during emergency, has legal consequences and
those who undertake such activity
certainly realize that they are in violation of the law.
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In interviews and in your public
lecture (July 15) you have been
asked whether academic repression
exists in Poland, In answering this
question you have defended the
regime by giving examples of academic freedom such as university
faculty members you know of who
are pro-Solidarity, and books which
are politically controversial in
Poland which have not resulted in
landing their authors in jail. Do
these examples suggest there is absolutely no academic repression? And
what about Adam Michnek, Jacek
Kuron, Jan Josef Lipsk and others
like them? Do the few examples you
give justify the repression of these
imprisoned academics?
Well I never said that there was no
political repression in Poland. I am
not trying to mislead anybody and
everybody knows, no one tries to
conceal it, that there is political
repression of those actions that are
directed to the constitutional order
of Poland. Not when you ask me
about academic repression or academic freedom, my answer is that
academic life is not repressed. However, I do not say that if someone
happens to be a university professor,
teacher, or assistant, such person
has a kind of immunity from political sanctions connected with this
person's behavior in politics, not in
All those people you mentioned, I
don't want to comment specifically
on their cases. They are under investigation, they have not been officially charged with anything, and I
do not know the exact character of
the charges if they finally are
charged. But all these people were
very deeply involved in political
activity. Some of the activities were
outside the limits of the law. They
were therefore seen as political figures rather than as academics. I
think the distinction here is very
Should politics be irrelevant in
regular appointments which are not
part of academic exchanges in Polish universities?
Yes, I believe that politics as such
should be irrelevant. When I was the
dean of the social science faculty at
Warsaw University, we spoke very
strongly to the principle that controversial political opinions of individuals should not constitute reasons for blocking their appointment.
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There are several cases to illustrate
Then why is it that there have been
so many political dismissals in
Poland from universities?
Well I would like to hear the
names because I keep hearing generalities that there are so many dismissals. Now I can give you a very long
list of people who were interned
after the declaration of martial law
and who immediately upon their
release returned to their academic
see page 5
There was no organized protest at
Wiatr's public lecture but another
picket line will take place outside his
class when his second course begins
Fraser Easton, UBC Solidarity
Study Group spokesperson, said he
does not expect the picket to have a
major effect on students taking the
course, since the date for dropping
courses has already passed.
"We recognize the difficulty for
boycotting the class so we'd like to
emphasize to students that they can
show their Solidarity with those in
Poland by not crossing the picket
line for the first half hour."
About 600 posters put up by the
Solidarity Study Group have been
torn down, Easton said.
"We're just wondering whether
the apparent supporters of Wiatr are
aware of the ironic situation they are
in with a complete disregard to our
academic freedom," Easton said in
reference to the posters.
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Page 3
War criminal 'concerns' Pedersen
UBCs administration president says he is
"concerned" that a convicted war criminal is
teaching at the university.
But George Pedersen said the administration
is not in a legal position to fire botany
professor Jacob Luitjens, who was convicted
in absentia of collaborating with the Nazis
during the German occupation of the Netherlands in the Second World War.
The university would encounter "serious
obstacles" in a bid to fire the 64 year old Dutch
professor, Pedersen said. One of these is a
binding agreement between the university and
the faculty association on conditions of
appointment, he said.
And the other is B.C.'s human rights code,
lose appeal
The provincial government has
hammered a few more nails into the
coffin of B.C.'s student assistance
Students who are unable to save
$920 over four months or $57.20 a
week will not be eligible for a federal
loan. Only if students can demonstrate they were too sick to work or a
family emergency arose will they be
able to appeal the education ministry's decision, said Dan Worsley,
UBC's financial assistant awards
"It's pretty stiff. Students' right of
appeal in this case has been eliminated," he said.
Last year, students who demonstrated they had searched extensively
for a job could get their summer
contributions waived. And if they
intended to work part time in the
fall, financial awards officers
would accept part time earnings as
their contribution to the program.
But these exemptions, along with
the ministry's pre-budget proposal
to relax loan guidelines, have died.
A few nails in the coffin are aimed
at students who have money tucked
away. Students must liquidate their
assets before they can receive student
assistance. If they don't, the assets'
value will be deducted from the total
amount for which they are eligible.
which says a reasonable cause must exist for
dismissal. It claims conviction of a criminal
charge is not a reasonable cause unless the
charge relates directly to the person's employment.
Pedersen suggested that in the eyes of
Canadian courts, the Dutch government's
conviction of Luitjens in absentia might not
constitute a reasonable cause, considering it
took place 35 years ago and that Luitjens has
been a "satisfactory employee" of UBC for 20
years and is entering his final year of employment before retirement.
"I don't think the university is in a position
to take action against Luitjens. But I do have
some concerns about the matter," he said.
In 1981 the Dutch government requested
Luitjens' extradition from Canada to serve a
20 year sentence on charges of being armed
with and using a firearm and of assisting
German occupation forces in rounding up
Dutch resistance fighters.
But the Canadian government refused the
request because his offence is not covered
under the extradition treaty between the Netherlands and Canada signed in 1899.
"There isn't a pebble, never mind a tree,
behind which university officials can hide
behind," Rabbi Abraham Cooper, associate
dean of the Simon Wiesenthal centre in Los
Angeles, said in a telephone interview.
"This guy was involved in crimes against
humanity. A responsible university should say
'Mr. Luitjens, unless you clear up your Nazi
past, you can't hide behind us,' " he said.
Luitjens had a fair trial in a democratic
country and his culpability is beyond doubt,
he added.
"The apparent silence at UBC about Luitjens is shocking. The silence is deafening,"
said the centre's dean, Rabbi Marvin Hier,
adding he was appalled that UBC students
had excused Luitjens' past and refused to
boycott his classes.
Associate psychiatry professor Robert Krell
said he is amazed Luitjens is allowed to teach
at UBC and is outraged because only two
UBC professors have protested in writing to
the Dutch consul-general. "There should have
been a flood of letters protesting his presence
at UBC. Their failure to take action is outrageous."
Work study
lives again
UBCs ailing work study program
has been revived by an unexpected
transfer of funds.
After the board of governors said
at its July 7 meeting it was unable to
fund the program, a presidential
committee gave work study $75,000
from unallocated funds, said Lisa
Hebert, Alma Mater Society external affairs co-ordinator.
And $100,000 has been transferred from bursary funds, she said.
But the reallocated funds are not
an adequate replacement for the
$450,000 originally requested by the
AMS, said Hebert.
"There's not half as much money
in the program as we had hoped. The
total funds won't be able to address
what is really needed by the students," she said.
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Students still grappling for jobs
And if a student decides not to
work for two months during the
summer, she or he will only receive
half of the maximum provincial
"There's no free lunch. As a
taxpayer I applaud that decision,"
said Dick Melville, education ministry information services director.
He said this new guideline was
intended for students who can afford
to travel, not for unemployed students.
Married students with no dependents will no longer receive more
provincial grant money than single
students. Previously, they received
$2,400 in grant, but will now only get
"What is the difference between
two married students and two
students living together? I don't think
the latter incur more expenses," said
The nail that will hurt the most
hasn't been driven in yet. The provincial government is likely to set
maximum grant levels, thus limiting
the total amount of non-repayable
funds students can receive, said
Stephen Leary, Canadian Federation
of Students — Pacific region chair.
The government will not make
any decisions about grant ceilings
until it knows the total number of
applicants and the program's cost,
said Melville.
But it will probably limit the
number of years students can receive
grants, Worsley said.
The number of unemployed B.C.
youth dropped slightly in June, but
more than one out of every five
young British Columbians are still
out of work.
A 3.6 per cent decrease in unemployment from May means employment is still up 120 per cent increase
from two years ago, according to
statistics Canada.
But student representatives are
calling the new unemployment statistics "misleading."
The number of young people with
decent jobs is far less than statistics
indicate, said Stephen Learey, Canadian Federation of Students —
Pacific chair.
Even people able to find only
temporary or part-time work are
included in the statistics, said
"The figures don't tell the whole
story," he said. "You only have to
work one week out of a month to be
considered employed."
Although part-time and full-time
breakdowns for June were still
unavailable, Learey said April and
May figures indicated a substantial
increase in the number of students
working part-time.
"Quite a large amount of students
still won't be able to pay for their
education," he said.
Brian Stevenson, Alma Mater
Society president at the University
of Victoria, echoed Learey's concerns.
"To have the statistics come up a
little in June is not going to help
students," he said. "The statistics are
much more conservative than reality."
In an unprecedented move, the
University of Victoria AMS has set
up an emergency food service to help
unemployed students, said Stevenson.
"We felt we had to provide a direct
service to help the real need of
students," he said.
The service is provided with the
co-operation of the university food
service and funded by the AMS, said
Stevenson. Students are eligible for
three meals, for which they sign a
contract agreeing to pay back $3.50
for each meal, when they can afford
"It's not a handout," said Stevenson. "In a sense, it's a loan. We don't
want students to feel they're getting
Students are expected to take
advantage of the service in November
and April when student loans run
out, as well as during the summer,
said Stevenson.
There are no figures available on
the number of students who have
used the service in its first three
weeks of operation because the contracts signed by the students are kept
confidential, Stevenson said.
The work study program was
originally expected to create 500
jobs for UBC students who qualify
for student assistance beyond the
maximum amount available.
The AMS had hoped UBC's contribution would have increased
$200,000 from last year, the first
year of the program.
The provincial government has
pledged $ 181,000 for this year's program, the same amount as last year,
said Hebert.
But work study administrator
Sheila Summers said the government might not come through with
the money.
"We expect the funding to be at
the same level but we have nothing
in writing," she said.
Hebert said the loss of $100,000
from the bursary funds will not
affect needy students.
"On the surface it looks bad
because you're making students
work for what they could get for
free," she said.
But students can use work study
to reduce their debts, said Hebert.
Christians to ignore fringe protest
Christian leaders of all colors will congregate at
UBC starting Sunday to explore global problems and
religious issues.
Mainly Protestant, Eastern and Oriental orthodox
churches will be represented at the sixth assembly of
the World Council of Churches, which will host about
930 delegates from 300 churches around the world
from July 24 to Aug. 10.
Expected to attend are 750 journalists, representatives from other religious traditions, and a
number of noted speakers, including Coretta Scott
King, widow of civil rights activist Martin Luther
King, peace activist Helen Caldicott and Robert
Runcie, the Archbishop of Cantebury.
The council will discuss questions of militarism,
nuclear disarmament, human rights, global unity and
the role of women in the church.
"It's like a congregational picnic." said Tom Dorris,
editor of Ecumen-ical News Service, adding the WCC
only holds such a conference every seven years.
A small fringe of fundamentalists are planning to
protest the assembly. Gordon Hagen, its spokesperson
and pastor of the Lighthouse Baptist church in
Surrey, said the Anti-Christ himself might be among
the 3,500 people attending the conference.
Ulster's Ian Paisley and Bob Jones, a professor
whose university in South Carolina lost its tax exempt
status because of its alleged discriminatory policies
towards blacks, will join the angry group confronting
the WCC.
"I think (the opposition) shows how the bible is read
by some people. It would be unfortunate if WCC
members allow themselves to be diverted by such a
tiny distraction," said WCCs communication director
John Bluck.
The conference is a unique occasion at which many
diverse Christians will get a chance to talk to each
other. "The WCC staff has to make sure that
conversation takes place. That's enough of a job in
itself," Bluck said, adding the council will ignore the
Much of the controversy is centred on grants which
the WCC gives to black guerrilla groups fighting white
supremacy in Southern Africa, Bluck said. "We have a
special fund to combat racism. Money is given each
year to groups ranging from liberation organizations
to anti-apartheid groups." Page 4
Wednesday, July 20, 1983
Action taken
It seems that we just may, albeit ever so slowly, be making our way
out of the dark ages of the '70s. Unfortunately, as people once again
become politically conscious of various issues, the Bennett government is more determined than ever to throw us back to the more
apolitical disco days.
But the more the Socreds attack tenants' rights, human rights, education and health care, the more people they will politicize.
The coming collision between government and people was humorously hinted at during the recent Vancouver Folk Music Festival when
Nancy White sang "Keep the Bennetts at bay/Keep the Bennetts
away" to claps and cheers. It could have served the NDP well as a
campaign slogan.
Politically oriented songs received rousing responses from the folk
festival audience, and so did a few announcements about upcoming
political events such as this Saturday's "duo demos" protesting the
Cruise missile and the provincial budget.
When people can listen to music, and then sing Solidarity Forever
together, it obviously means more than just appreciation for good
As government cutbacks and the depression continue to affect everyone but the very wealthy, people are increasingly recognizing their
common interests and their common power.
Political activity in Vancouver has recently been fairly low-profile, but
at the folk music festival, people displayed considerable political energy
and enthusiasm. If the trend continues Bill Bennett may start looking
forward to his weekly respite at home in the Okanagan.
But it may not do him any good. The shouts of Vancouver demonstrators will hopefully soon be heard even from there.
Editorial misinterpreted by graduate student
It is with surprise and dismay that
I find Mr. (Jack) Gibbons, a graduate student of economics, able to
compare the government of Canada
with that of Poland in his letter last
week (July 13, Boycott UBC). It is
without surprise, but with the same
dismay (alas, long-lived) that I find
the Ubyssey editorialist able to
compare the government of British
Columbia with that of Guatemala.
Gibbons should know better; the
Ubyssey is just following a tradition
of childish rhetoric.
Perhaps the Trudeau government
has abused its power while in office.
Calling the invocation of special
powers granted the government by a
Wednesday, July 20, 1983
The Summer Ubyssey is published Wednesdays during
summer session by the Alma Mater Society of the University of
British Columbia, with the assistance of a grant from the provincial government Youth Employment Program. Editorial
opinions are those of the staff and are not necessarily those of
the AMS, the university administration or the provincial
government. Member, Canadian University Press. The Summer Ubyssey's editorial office is SUB 241k. Editorial departments, 228-2301; Advertising, 228-3977.
Once upon a time, in a castle far, far away, there lived a princess named Sarah Cox.
Sitting on her red velvet throne, she moaned quietly- "Oh, we must stop the power
struggles in the kingdom," she said to her knight in shining armor, Brian Jones. Ever
ready to serve, he quickly dispatched the servants Donna Turcott and Brenda Sweeney to
dispose of the unwanted elements. Court jester Neil Lucante and his jazz-playing monkey
Chris Wong heard the rumblings in the castle and began to get worried.
They stumbled down into the dark hole of a basement where Muriel
Draaisma and Kelley Jo Burke were boiling rats' tails and bats' wings in a cauldron. "Hee,
hee, don't worry, me lads, after a drop of this the wee Princess won't bother us anymore
duly elected parliament criminal is
incorrect, however, and if that government abuses those powers or acts
illegally in other ways, it is subject to
recall by the electorate. The people
of Canada have chosen the Trudeau
government to lead them for more
than a decade.
The recent legislation of the Bennett government is distasteful to
many, and will perhaps be remembered in the next election, and their
mandate will be removed.
The present governments of
Poland and Guatemala are guilty of
acts far more heinous than anything
that either Trudeau or Bennett may
be accused of. Furthermore, the
generals ruling Poland and Guatemala are subject to the pleasures of
their respective military bodies, not
the will of their populations.
Comparing the elected federal
and provincial governments of one
of the western democracies with any
military regime is an insult to
anyone who bothers to take part in
the electoral process.
Even elected governments take
actions contrary to the principles of
freedom and human rights, as the
Bennett government so clearly demonstrates. Only open debate and vigilance can preserve our freedoms.
Foolish radicalism (such as so often
appears in the editorial column of
this paper) and the elevation of
murderous regimes to the level of
Canadian government only under
mines the work of those who seek
constructive change in our political
system. Little wonder those in positions of responsibility so often
ignore the views of the student
Michael Schlax
geophysics graduate studies
*Petty protests tiring}
I feel that I must protest the tactics
used by the Solidarity Study Group,
and in particular Bill Tieleman, to
discredit and embarass professor
Jerzy Wiatr, who is here by invitation to teach two particular courses
during summer session. The Solidarity Group is rapidly taking on the
bad odour of a vigilante group, and
Tieleman's voice in yet another
quarter is becoming tiresome.
Yes, it takes courage to oppose
any oppressive regime, and yes,
Wiatr's appointment is controversial, but this is not justification for
the public hounding and personal
embarrassment the Solidarity Group
is inflicting on an individual human
being who is reputed to be a good
teacher and is therefore an asset to a
university where all ideologies can
(theoretically) come to light and be
examined and discussed in an atmosphere of academic freedom.
Seven detractions, however qualified, are quite a number on a "fact"
sheet, Tieleman. It is my feeling that
you owe an apology to Wiatr for
your oppressive and degrading
Protest the regime, and I'll support you, but rise above this pettiness, which is losing sympathy for
you and your group, if not for the
Sharon Nagata
arts 3
Experienced French
tutor. All levels.
Suzanne, 684-8672
Essays, resumes, letters.
UBC Village location.
Phone 24 hours. 224-6518
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COIN OPS STILL 5* Wednesday, July 20, 1983
Page 5
from page 2
life the next day with the same teaching position, the same teaching obligations and with no consequences
for their academic career. For
instance, we have several people in
my own department at the university, and these are people who are
very active either in the Solidarity
movement or in various political
groups or associations in opposition
to the government. There was no
one in my faculty dismissed for political reasons. So unless I hear specific
names, specific cases, I cannot comment on generalities.
(At this point I handed him a list
of names. He pointed out an error
on my part that the list was of elected
rectors who hod been dismissed, not
of dismissals from appointed positions.)
Now let me say something. Many
Western universities have as heads
of the universities presidents who
are not elected by the university
itself but usually only by the board
of trustees. Now our universities
have since 1982 had the system
under which rectors are elected by
the university but must be approved
by the government. Then once serving in office, they can be dismissed
either by the government or by a
vote of non-confidence passed by
- the senate of the university.
Under this law, the government in
several cases dismissed rectors
whose politics the government
believed incompatible with the interests of the state. But these people
remained university professors and I
would say if the politics of the president of an American or Canadian
university became too controversial
from the point of view of the board
of trustees, such a president would
also be dismissed.
Given all that, why were the
majority of elected university and
polytechnical officials forced to
resign or be dismissed after the imposition of martial law?
No, it's not true that the majority
were forced to resign. Of the 70 institutions of higher learning on the
university level, I am not certain
about the figures but as far as I
remember about one-third of the
rectors either resigned or were dismissed. Over 20 rectors and a certain
number of deputy-associate rectors,
but that certainly wasn't a majority.
Why were those one-third forced
to resign or be dismissed?
I think it's general knowledge that
there is a considerable controversy
over the policies of the government
particularly since the declaration of
martial law. Some university rectors
found it impossible for them to function within the context of martial
law in Poland in the way the government considered acceptable.
What was the rationale behind the
banning of the independent student
union and when will it be reinstated?
The reason for banning the independent student union was the
union got involved openly and
explicitly in political activities which
are incompatible with the constitution. They attacked the foundation
of the constitution and refused to
change their line. In fact activists of
the independent student union formed illegal structures of the union,
and that was the reason of the government decision to ban it.
So far as the independent student
union is concerned, it's role is finished. That does not mean new student associations may not emerge.
In fact one such association was
already formed last year and there is
no provision in the law that prevents
students from forming other associations. They all need recognition
and legalization by the university
authorities if they function within
one university and government legislation if they function nationally.
Is not the reluctance of students to
join the new approved student union
a sign that students want their own
independent organization?
Well it is probably a sign of various things. Now one has to remember that when the independent
student union acted, it's membership constituted a small minority of
the student body. It was not an association of the majority of the students, albeit it was very active on several occasions. It was able to gen
erate much wider support than it's
membership itself. But even at the
peak of the popularity and active-
ness of the student union, it did not
recruit the majority of the students.
I don't want to mislead you, I may
be incorrect about the exact number
but I would say the membership was
around ten per cent, certainly not
anything close to half the student
body. Now that to my way of thinking explains why the majority of
students do not now join unions
albeit I would certainly agree that
those who were members of the
independent student union would
not join now for political reasons.
There are three such organizations
working now amongst university
students which all support the government.
When martial law was declared, a
verification campaign aimed at the
teaching staffs of many institution
was set into motion. What was the
aim of the campign — to ensure that
faculty lived up to certain ideological criteria and to weed out Solidarity supporters?
Well certainly not. Considering
the number of Solidarity supporters
in Polish universities, such action if
successful would have crippled the
university staff, decimated it. Now
that didn't happen and I think even
talking about verification campaigns
is incorrect. As I remember, what
the universities were doing and what
was given this image through the
one-sided reports was a review of
junior faculty not of senior faculty
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from the point of view of academic
performance. This review was not
aimed at firing people for their political positions. In fact this review was
done by faculty themselves, not by
any outside body.
It's for me even strange that a
review conducted by such a body
can be interpreted as a political verification aimed at firing people for
their political opinions. People were
not fired for their political views as a
result of the review. And I would not
call it a campaign. It was a normal
standard procedure that was carried
out in the past regularly. It gave the
universities the possibility to know
better what is the performance of the
junior staff.
You said in your public lecture
censorship was necessary to protect
"state interests." What interests are
these and what does the government
have to hide?
Well it's not a question of what the
government has to hide, if you use
this terminology. There are state
secrets concerned with vital security
interests of the state. That I think is
not unique in Poland. Censorship is
not exclusively this. Also through
censorship the government intends
to exclude from public life the
expressions of total rejection of the
system and in this sense make the
media compatible with the general
guidelines of government policy.
I realize fully speaking in a country that officially does not have censorship, any defense of this institution must be unpopular. But don't
be naive, don't think that mass
media in the western countries are
not controlled by those in power.
And if you have any doubt, look
how selective is the news coverage
for instance in television. I am not
saying this is an ideal state of affairs,
don't misunderstand me about this.
I would certainly prefer to have no
need for censorship, but it should be
accepted within limits established by
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Wednesday, July 20, 1983
Chinese art achieves unity
«hh* l <»•* bad vMwaciani te n»
about me thougha."
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Crouching quickly with legs apart and arms held
steadily over the table, the artist began to stroke black
ink on white rice paper with busy, agilie movements.
"Now you can look at a piece of calligraphy without
fear," said Yim Tse, artist and organizer of a Chinese
calligraphy demonstration, July 16, at the Asian
The statement captured the spirit of the nine-day
show "Rhythm of the Brush: An Exhibition of Chinese
Calligraphy" which the demonstration concluded.
A cultral event for Vancouver in one of the most
scholarly Chinese arts, the show appealed to both the
Chinese and non-Chinese. Eighty people watched the
five participants reveal their different personalities
through a series of brush strokes — light or heavy, wet
or dry.
"When I use a chicken fur brush, I use a technique
like gong fu — very strong," said Eddy Ching, explaining the basics of brush, ink and the use of red seals to
balance a composition. His careful, deliberate strokes
were an illuminating contrast to the busy approach of
Tse and the 44 pieces on the surrounding walls produced by nine Vancouver artists in six different styles.
Taken mostly from classical texts for ease of translation, the range of works from the fluid running style to
the more symmetrical seal script contributed to the
uniqueness of the event. Traditionally a scholarly pursuit, even many Chinese cannot read the archaic seal
and oracle bone scripts, and children who begin learning the art when they are five are not masters until they
are 50.
"In ancient times, scholars could afford to get up at
five o'clock in the morning to grind the ink and meditate. What I do at 7 o'clock — I feed the baby," said Tse
explaining why he buys ink instead of grinding his own.
But the expressiveness of the works on display show
that the practice of quieting the mind to achieve unity of
mind, body, arm, and brush is still a priority.
One of several recent successful shows at the Asian
Centre, Rhythm of the Brush was a year in the works,
said Tse. It was produced with minimal funds, he
The show was one of several recent successes at the
Asian Centre. The photography exhibition, "Portraits
of Yang Family Village" has been acquired by National
Museums of Canada for national and international
tours. Tse hopes to produce an exhibition of equal
calibre that includes both Chinese and Japanese artists
two years from now.
The five demonstrators were Chan Kin; Chen Tieh-
fan; Ching E.; Lau Wai-yin; and Tse Yim. The other
four artists were Chan F.; Chang Ching-ku; Leung
Shek-feng; and Tong Wing-po.
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Dick Smith/Pat Caird: playing the music
of John  Coltrane, July 22-23,  Classical
Joint, 231 Carrall
Coastal Connection: a hot jazz quartet,
July 24, Classical Joint
Questionnaires:  rhythm and blues, July
20-23, Town Pump, 66 Water.
Sheila Davis: blues night. July 22, Hot Jazz,
36 East Broadway
Jon Doe Band/Beelzebub and the Fallen
Angels. Lucifer would be proud, July 21,
Soft Rock Cafe, 1925 W. 4th.
L»o Kottke: the famed guitarist makes a
rare visit, July 22-23, Soft Rock.
Kin Lalat: a five-member Guatemalan band
presently living in exile in Nicaragua, Sat.
July 23 8:00 p.m. Brittania Auditorium,
1661 Napier.
Pacific Cinemetheque (800 Robson, 732-
6119) July 22: Alicia. 7:30 p.m.; Anna
Karenina. 9:30 p.m. July 23; Contemporary Dance. 7:30 p.m.; American Ballet
Theatre: A Close-up In Time, 9:30 p.m.
Ridge Theatre (16th and Arbutus, 738-
6311) Starstruck, 7:30 and 9:30 p.m. Next
show, Lianna.
Savoy Cinema (Main and Kingsway, 872-
2124) July 22-24: The Harder They Come,
7:30 and 11:15 p.m.; Bongo Man, 9:20
p.m. July 25-26: Reggae Sunsplash, 7:30
p.m.; Rockers, 9:30 p.m.
The Memorandum: ground-breaking Cze-
choslovakian play directed by John Cooper,
Frederic Wood Theatre, 8 p.m.. 228-2678
The Norman Conquests — Living Together: the second part of Alan Ayck-
bourn's "marvellously hilarious trilogy," as
described by famed critic Rex Wiesenthal,
Waterfront Theatre, Granville Island, Mon.-
Fri. 8:30 p.m.; Sat. 6:30 and 9:30 p.m.; Mon.
2for1, 685-6217
Luv: another hilarious comedy, Firehall
Theatre, 280 E. Cordova, Tues.-Sat. 8:30
p.m.; Sat. 6 p.m. 2 for 1 and 9 p.m.,
Paper Wheat: here's your chance to take it
out on Toronto's business circles. Studio
58, 100 W. 49th, Tues.-Sat. 8 p.m.,
Human Rights: opening with an exhibit
entitled The Martyrdom of Romero starting
a list of political and progressive events
running until July 30. Call 681-6740 for
more information.
The Copper That Came From Heaven —
Dance Dreams of the Kwakwaka'wakw: the
regalia and parnephalia used in native
dance dramas on display, July 22-April,
Museum of Anthropology, 228-5087.
NEIL YOUNG...Older but not mellow. Yes, you can experience his
soothing sounds by buying my
ticket for his July 30 Coliseum
concert. Price is negotiableforthis
choice set. Phone Chris at 228-
2307 or 263-4538.
6200 University Boulevard
Telephone 228-4741
VOL. 12, No. 3
Hello, and Welcome to Summer Session '83
JULY 20-26
The Summer Session Association is the student organization of Summer
Session; if you have any problems, concerns or suggestions, please drop by
our office — main floor of SUB, opposite the candy counter. We are there
Monday - Friday, 10 a.m. to 3 p.m. Phone 228-4846
Free, noon-hour outdoor concerts. Bring
your lunch and a friend.
Wednesday, July 20    Under-a-Rest — SUB
Thursday, July 21
Friday, July 22
Monday, July 25
Tuesday, July 26
Phoenix Jazzers —
Music Building
Tuba Quartet — SUB
Pacific Brass Guild —
Clock Tower
Hollyburn Ramblers —
Music Building
(In the event of rain, concerts will be held in the
conversation-pit area, main floor of SUB.)
Free films presented at 7:30 p.m. in IRC
Lecture Hall #2.
Wednesday, July 20
PORKY'S: (Restricted) A raunchy comedy
about high school boys in 1954.
Friday, July 22
QUEST FOR FIRE: (Mature) A unique
interpretation of the beginnings of mankind,
and the struggles for possession of fire.
Thursday, July 21
Music for Trumpet and Organ; music by
Torelli, Albinoni, Haydn and Hindemith.
Tuesday, July 26
An all-Brahms concert; music for Soprano,
Violin, Cello and Piano.
These concerts are held in the Music
Building Recital Hall, and are free to the
public. All concerts are co-sponsored by
the S.S.A., Musicians Union Trust Funds,
Extra-Sessional Office, and the Department
of Music.
(Wednesday, July 20 and Thursday, July.
21 the annual Summer Session Blood I
* Donor Clinic will be held in the Lounge f
Area, Scarfe Building. Give the gift of life —k
generously! Your support is urgently I
k needed. '
Summer Session Association information is a service provided
cooperatively by the S.SA. and The Summer Ubyssey.
4 Wednesday, July 20, 1983
Page 7
Festival fills Jericho with sound
Fifteen or so years ago music festivals attracted young people who
leaned toward radical politics, good
music and drugs. Who could ever
forget Woodstock, even if you were
only 10 or 11 years old at the time?
Enjoyable music and festivals are
still popular, as proven by the success of this year's sixth annual Vancouver Folk Music Festival, and so
too are drugs.
But as a famed sixties crooner
once sang, the times a' went and
changed. Politics disappeared out of
most music about the time Watergate was making headlines and while
ex-student radicals bought suits and
moved to the suburbs, people like
Paul McCartney made millions singing adolescent ditties.
Now, current political events are
forcing politics back into music. For
anyone who thought James Taylor
epitomized the politico-folkie, this
year's festival was an encouragement. One of the major themes this
year was Latin American music, and
festival organizers lined up an impressive variety of performers.
Kin Lalat is a group of five Guatemalan musicians currently living
in exile in Nicaragua. Unknown to
each other in Guatemala, they met
and formed their band in Nicaragua.
For a year and a half they have been
performing traditional Guatemalan
folk music, as well as their own original compositions.
Their songs convey the Guatemalan people's hardships and strengths,
and although an interpreter only
gave a short translation of lyrics
before each song, their music succeed in communicating their culture
to the audience.
Storyteller tales
tickle legs and Rigs
Liz Ollis can tell a yarn that will
pull your leg and whip the rug out
from under you.
She's a storyteller, and from the
moment she lets out her deep Southern drawl she grabs the audience's
The friendly mountain woman
begins to tell a story about a hoe
handle "expanding and contracting."
As she speaks, her voice and fingers
weave the old farm story into a mixture of sound and movement.
Gayle Ross, the other half of the
Twelve Moons Storytellers, joins
Ollis' tale about Briar Rabbit, Sandy
the raccoon and their froggy friends.
Guttural noises and frog-like burping sounds emanate from their
throats, creating melodic tunes
which tickle the audience.
Ollis flavors her stories with a
home grown style and spicy tidbits
about her family in the Kentucky
and Tennessee mountains. She
draws out her vowels like a true Southerner and delivers jokes with
deadpan humor.
"What's the most fun is people
don't see the rug until you pull it out
from under them. And a trick indigenous to the mountains is trying to
pull your leg so you walk uneven the
rest of the day," she says after a
performance at the weekend long
Folk Music Festival at Jericho beach.
Her storytelling partner, Ross,
employs her own distinct style and
tradition. A descendant of John
Ross, the great leader of the Cherokee nation, she conveys American
Indian values in mythical tales about
Like Ollis, Ross tells both humorous and serious stories. But although
she is quick to smile, she remembers
the white man's damage to her
Indian heritage.
"My grandmother, who is the reason I became a storyteller, made sure
I had a strong awareness of what it
means to be an Indian," she says.
In the Twelve Moons Storyteller's
second performance Sunday, Ross
told an Indian story about the origin
of fireflies through the love between
a earth man and the moon woman.
She says a Saskatchewan Cree storyteller gave her the story as a gift.
"I was only able to tell the firefly
story because Liz had drawn the
audience into a firm circle and
created the atmosphere for which I
could tell something serious," she
says, referring to Ollis' comical tale
about o!' Jack and his donkey.
The two speak to the audience as
if they are holding a conversation
between friends. Casual and relaxed,
they are highly entertaining and
draw an emotive response from the
The duo admits that selecting stories for a performance take a tremendous amount of time. But they
don't have any problems finding stories because they're "anywhere and
"We find stories in books, from
personal experiences, from people at
gas stations and at Seven-Elevens,"
Ross says.
The stories performed at the festival were only a small sampling of
their repertoire, Ollis says. Along
with Ross' mythical Indian tales,
they mostly perform tales about
animals and childhood experiences.
They decided to form a storytelling pair five years ago on the ride
home from a national storytelling
"We said to each other: 'I will, if
you will.' So we joined hands," Ollis
Ollis thinks storytelling is as natural to humans as breathing. Stories
help people see themselves in perspective and keep their imaginations
fertile, she says.
"Storytelling is powerful. Stories
speak to us on both conscious and
unconscious levels; they enter our
dream space."
She sees storytelling as an important folk art and as a means of
developing compassion for fellow
human beings. "It's an ancient tradition that has been applied to modern
society. And people who think it's
endangered haven't been in bars
Tito Medina says the band members fled Guatemala when the political climate became worse in 1981
and it was impossible for many
musicians to perform in public. "It
got to the point where the police
were coming to close down performances," he says.
Singing traditional folklore is
considered by Guatemalan authorities to be sinful and criminal, says
Medina. "There were times when we
had to arrive by surprise and just
start singing."
Kin Lalat are members of the
Association of Cultural Workers of
Guatemala, which is made up of
progressive Guatemalan artists,
most of whom reside outside their
native country.
"We consider our art to be a
committed art, committed toward
revolutionary success in Guatemala," says Medina. "Our role as a
group is to give out information
about the real situation in Guatemala."
This year's festival marked the
first time Kin Lalat has performed in
North America, but they will soon
perform in the U.S.. Medina says.
These performances are important to Kin Lalat, he says. "It is
really important to feel the solidarity
and support from the Canadian
people. When people understand
what is going on in Guatemala they
will participate in helping us in what
we see as our just struggle."
Kin Lalat was one of the festival's
highlights. They brought the sorrow
and triumph of a culture that has
endured foreign oppression for
more than 400 years. They brought
meaning to solidarity, at a time
when demonstrations and other
activities in Canada seem to have
little effect on Central American
But Tito Medina recognizes and
appreciates the moral and spiritual
"Although we have different languages and cultures, we are all
brothers because of our things in
KIN LALAT... quitarist sings of exile
-brian jones photo
British feminist singer enthralls crowd
Amid the sound of clapping and
music from other stages, Frankie
Armstrong's voice captures her
audience and draws them into the
dramatic power of her music.
Singing mainly solo, Armstrong's
wistful but strong lyrics speak of
issues wreaching deep inside her
selves above the deadening effects of
the kind of industrial, urban society
we live in," says Armstrong, who has
been performing for 26 years.
Her hazel eyes light up as she talks
animatedly about her music and her
involvement in the anti-vietnam war
and the anti-apartheid movements.
Most of her audience are unaware
that this lively woman is blind.
Armstrong has a magical
insight which can bring
a crowd to its feet.
She sings of women's experiences,
of their oppression and strengths.
She grips the audience with the fear
of a nuclear holocaust, and at the
same time, gives them hope to continue their resistance to armaged-
"1 want to move peopie, to inspire
their..'" says Armstrong offstage in
her clear British accent.
She smiles at the people who
throng nearby after a workshop,
taking the lime to talk to her
"For me, singing is one of the
most powerful ways of lifting our-
But Armstrong has a unique and
magical insight which can bring a
crowd to its feet in emotional
In a workshop on women and
unions, Armstrong and her friends,
songwriter Leon Russeldon and singer Roy Bailey, bring cheers and
sympathetic laughter from their listeners as they sing about sexism in
unions and the workplace. The song,
"Get it Together in the Union',
addresses women's participation in
unions, and conveys men's reluctance to take women's work in the
home into consideration when sche
duling union meetings.
"I have always sung about women," says Armstrong. "In 1966, I
helped record an all women's record.
It didn't rock any boats, but we weren't challenging a whole order of
things in the way the women's
movement has grown."
Armstrong's repertoire includes
traditional, heart-rending songs
from Britain and Ireland as well as
songs about contemporary issues.
"They aren't the kind of songs
people looking for number one hits
want," she says with a laugh.
Commercial songs are dismissed
by Armstrong as shallow and unemotional. She prefers to communicate her songs to an audience she
feels she can reach with the depth
and feeling of her voice.
"There's something quite extraordinary about singing alone," she
says. "You can hear the audience
breathing with you. There's something  about  the   involvement   in
what's   being  sung  about."
In a workshop on women around
the world, Armstrong holds her listeners spellbound as she performs a
song British women sing at peace
demonstrations. "It's a song for men
to sing along with and hopefully be
inspired by," she says.
The song asks the question: "Shall
there be womanly times or shall we
all die?"
Armstrong sings of "missiles
asleep in concrete tombs", and of the
imperative reconciliation of science
and nature, before she concludes
that "there will be womanly times
and we will not die.
"Our prime minister (Margaret
Thatcher) seems to have lost touch
with her womanly times." Armstrong
says after the apolause has died
"It's something that's not just attached to your genitals," she adds as
the audience cheers. Page 8
Wednesday, July 20, 1983
such as the national conservative
party, have even joined the growing
opposition to the regime, he said.
But he speaks strongly against the
re-shuffling of the military government quietly supported by the U.S.
"The same forces that are in a position to replace the Chilean dictatorship contain conditions to become
the massacres of the Chilean people
in the future," he warned.
Yanez is critical and bitter toward
American military and economic aid
to Pinochet, and of the U.S. involvement in the overthrow of Allende.
"The U.S. has been the biggest
supporter that the junta has," he
American involvement makes
armed struggle between the people
of Chile and the regime inevitable,
said Yanez. "This is the only alternative that the Latin American countries have to seek their social, economic and political independence."
Chileans protest against 'fascist' regime
Benjamin Cares Yanez bears no
outward signs of his long exile since
a 1973 military Coup overthrew
Chile's thriving democracy.
But when he speaks passionately
of his struggling native country, his
listeners know he is still involved in
the escalating demonstrations slowly
weakening the repressive military
As a union leader under the socialist government of Salvador Allende,
Yanez was thrown in jail without
trial when Augusto Pinochet led the
unexpected and bloody coup.
Yanez's internment drew international protest, and he was finally
exiled to Paris on the request of president Francois Mitterand.
For his fellow Chileans, life has
not been as fortunate.
"During the last ten years, Chi-
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lean people have learned what fascism is," Yanez said Thursday at a
press conference sponsored by the
International Development Educational Resource Association.
"More than 40,000 people were
killed, thousands were arrested and
tortured, and thousands more disappeared in the aftermath of the
coup," said Yanez.
Little has changed over the years,
he said. "The repressive measures
used by the dictatorship to control
the people have not let up at all.
They just continue and continue."
Unemployment has now struck
one a half million Chileans, compared to an unemployment rate of
three per cent before 1973. Foreign
companies continue to drain Chile's
vital copper resources, which were
denationalized after the coup, Yanez
Coupled with increasing poverty,
these unbearable conditions prompted the Chilean people to take to the
streets in massive demonstrations
this year, said Yanez. In recent demonstrations, two 19 year old women
were shot, many people wounded,
and 500 detained, he said.
"All these measures are incapable
of stopping the struggle of our people. They are not afraid anymore."
The corruption of the Pinochet
dictatorship is becoming so apparent that even supporters of military
dictatorships recognize the need for
a change in leadership, Yanez said.
Some former Pinochet supporters,
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