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The Ubyssey Mar 3, 1978

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Array UBC job cutbacks slammed
By BILL TIELEMAN
The provincial government has
slashed 350 jobs from a summer
work program for students at UBC
in a "blatantly political" move to
save money, a UBC administrator
said Thursday.
"It looks blatantly political to me
and I think it's really shitty'for the
students to have to suffer. I'm
pissed off," said UBC research administrator Richard Spratley,
responsible for operating the
program with funds provided by
the labor ministry.
The move to reduce funding of
the universities section "of the youth
employment program will cut the
number of students employed at
UBC to about 300 from 650 last
year, he said.
The program was designed to
provide funds for students involved
in summer research projects coordinated by their department or
faculty at the university.
Spratley said the same funding
cuts are taking place for programs
at Simon Fraser University and
the University of Victoria.
"Basically the programs for
students have been slashed," he
said.
THE UBYSSEY
Vol. LX, No. 57
VANCOUVER, B.C., FRIDAY, MARCH 3, 1978
228-2301
Administration president Doug
Kenny said the government
decision to cut the jobs will be a
great loss to students.
"I think we did have an excellent
program out here and it's tragic
and unfortunate that the program
will suffer," he said. "It seems to
be a semi-political decision."
Last year the program had about
a $1.5 million budget at UBC but
this year it will be about $700,000,
Spratley said.
And the salaries for students
have not increased since 1975.
First- and second-year students
are paid $550 a month, third- and
fourth-year students $650 a month
and graduate students and
professional school students $750 a
month.
Spratley said the government is
making the cuts because university jobs are more expensive to
create than jobs in business and
farm sections of the youth employment program. In those
programs the government subsidizes employers who hire
students in the summer.
The government can get more
political mileage out of cutting the
university jobs and creating more
farm and business jobs with the
money saved, Spratley said.
A labor ministry official admitted Thursday that the government made cuts in the program to
save money.
"We have attempted to put
money this year into programs
where employers have maximized
the number of jobs for the amount
of money involved," Bob Plecas,
executive director of the ministry's
manpower planning and policy
division.
"Obviously the cost of creating
jobs is less in the farm and
business programs," he said. "We
feel that the number of jobs for
students (over-all) will not be cut."
But Plecas refused to say if the
over-all funding level for the
program will be increased from
last year or if the cuts in the
universities section will amount to
an identical increase in other areas
of the program.
"You'll have to wait until the
budget speech comes out," he said.
Spratley said he sees no hope of
the government changing its mind
on the issue.
But student board of governors
member Paul Sandhu said
Thursday he will probably bring
the matter up at Tuesday's board
meeting.
"I would like to see the board
take a position on this and approach the ministry of labor on this
question," he said.
Kenny agreed that the board
could take a stand on the job
cutback and express their views to
the ministry if they desired.
Sandhu said last year's program
at UBC was not sufficient and that
the massive cut will put students
trying to find work this summer
into an even worse position.
"The Alma Mater Society felt the
program last year was grossly
inadequate and with this cut it's
going to mean students are going to
be in a real financial bind trying to
come back next year," he said.
Student board member Basil
Peters also condemned the government action as "extremely unfortunate" for students in the
present poor employment
situation.
C'tee decides
election valid,
no new vote
By MIKE BOCKING
Alma Mater Society president John DeMarco is angry
over a senate committee's decision Thursday to declare the
Jan. 18 election of students to the board of governors and
senate valid.
In a prepared statement the committee's chairman J. L.
Stager says the election results will stand because of insufficient grounds for calling a new election.
The election review was called after charges of improper
voting procedures at the polling station in the civil and
mechanical engineering building. Students were said to
have illegally given their proxy votes away.
DeMarco said the senate has lost face because they
originally asked the AMS to conduct an investigation and
deal with the scandal.
The AMS conducted an investigation and decided at an
emergency meeting to call a new election.
But the senate decided to take the matter out of the
society's hands and deal with the matter themselves.
The senate ad-hoc committee to investigate the recent
student elections "determined the allegations of
irregularities were not confined to a single poll, that direct
evidence indicated that an irregularity did take place
during the election and that indirect evidence indicated
there may have been further irregularities."
"On the basis of all the evidence and personal testimony,
the committee concluded that in accordance with the
principle of the provincial statute, there were insufficient
grounds for calling a new election," said Stager.
Student board member Basil Peters said he was happy
with the committee's decision and added it was better that
the final decision was made by the committee rather than
the AMS.
And student board member Paul Sandhu said in a
telephone interview, interrupting a lasagna dinner at the
Olympia Pizza restaurant Thursday that he is still unhappy
with the whole investigation procedure but that the committee's decision is one he can live with.
Paul Sandhu and Basil Peters were elected to the board in
the January election.
Bank campaign
runs into trouble
A coalition of groups advocating the withdrawal of funds
from banks with questionable investments is having
problems with its campaign at UBC, according to UBC
Lutheran chaplain Don Johnson.
Johnson said Thursday the Taskforce on Corporate
Responsibility is beginning to have difficulty convincing
people at UBC to withdraw their money from banks, such as
the Bank of Montreal, with investments in South Africa and
other repressive nations.
"Students are pooping out because they're really uptight
about marks, and we're just not sure how to keep raising
the issues," he said.
The taskforce has set a March 21 target date for individuals and institutions to withdraw money from banks
with investments in South Africa.
'jMr*
—geof wheelwright photo
MAD SCIENTIST Paul Hendrick, biochemistry 3, tinkers with basic building blocks of life as he attempts to create
ideal professor in test tube. Hendrick failed at attempt to form a prof who would always give As when DNA molecules
went on sabatical and catalysts were too bored to function.
BoG feelings mixed on Chile
By CHRIS ELENIAK
Members of UBC's board of governors have varied
feelings about taking a stand against the university's investments in Chile, a survey of several members indicated
Thursday.
"I hope the decision will be to pull out of these investments. I am opposed to investing in Chile," said board
member Ken Andrews. "This year looks better than the
past. Hopefully change will come this year."
UBC owns 8,000 shares worth $260,000 in Noranda Mines,
which invests heavily in Chile.
"The board is more aware (of the issue) due to the
greater degree of publicity and also because the organizers
are better prepared," said Andrews, president of the
Canadian Union of Public Employees, local 116, on campus.
Opposition to the university's investment in Noranda and
calls for UBC to protest Noranda's involvement with the
repressive Chilean military junta have come to a head in
the Chile Week this week.
Board chairman George Morfitt said Thursday the
question of opposing Noranda's involvement in Chile will be
difficult for the board to resolve.
"It is a question of how far the board goes in non-
university matters. If the people of Canada feel it is not
illegal to have investments in Chile, then it si very difficult
for us to take a moralistic view and have a different attitude."
Student board member Paul Sandhu said Thursday UBC
should take a look at the actions taken by other universities
on investment policies. Recently the University of Winnipeg
and the University of Manitoba decided to withdraw investments from corporations investing in racist South
Africa. *
"The board should be willing to take a strong look at the
situation with other universities.
"I am not convinced that it is not a non-university matter.
Investments to a large degree have come by student
monies."
Sandhu said the board's decision would be dependent on
the composition of board members.
"Looking at the composition of the board — most of the
members are in business. Business-oriented people may not
look at it in a moral sense," he said.
Student board member Basil Peters said Thursday the
decision was a politically difficult one for the board.
"I take the responsibility of prudent financial
management implicit in a board position very seriously,"
he said.
Faculty board member Don Russell said he was trying to
keep an open mind on the question.
"My general view is that it is appropriate to take such
matters into consideration but that they should not
dominate concerns. The board is in charge of financial
affairs and this is what should dominate," he said. Page 2
THE       UBYSSEY
Friday, March 3, 1978
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N Friday, March 3, 1978
THE       UBYSSEY
Page 3
Against university investments
Students organize
By LARRY BLACK
Canadian University Press
Ottawa bureau chief
Canadian banks and corporations and
their shareholders, among them universities, have long escaped major criticism or
their roles in supporting the economy of
South Africa.
They have argued, seemingly successfully, that their presence in the racist
regime is a liberalizing influence, "keeping
the door open and maintaining contacts,"
one banker claims, "to break down the
degree of segregation that exists."
But an examination of the involvement of
Canadian universities in South Africa, and
the realities of the apartheid economy
betray this myth.
Students and other members of the
university community across Canada are
organizing to bring pressure against administrations that reap profits from investments in the repressive country.
In the last 15 years, while the investments
of developed nations have increased
manyfold, life has grown harder for the
average person in South Africa.
Wages for black workers dropped by 18
per cent, black unemployment has risen to
25 per cent of the work force, and the white-
controlled government now spends 45 per
cent of its budget — $2 billion — on military
expenditures to control the population.
"No matter what you hear in the press,
the black African is in worse shape now than
they were in South Africa 10 years ago,"
according to one opponent of questionable
university holdings in the corporations.
Canadian universities are tied in with the
worst of what is going on in South Africa.
Among the most recurrent names on
university corporate holdings lists are the
big names in exploitive investment:
Inco, Noranda, Falconbridge and Alcan
all own extensive mining interests in South
Africa and in neighboring Namibia, a
country illegally controlled by South Africa;
In 1973, Alcan's treatment of its black
workers was documented by Hugh Nangle
for Southam Press. His report showed the
majority of blacks working for Alcan were
earning well below even that country's
poverty line. Blacks were not allowed to
train for skilled jobs and hence were cut off
from earning higher wages.
Until last September, most university
administrators were content to turn their
heads from their involvement. According to
the University of Alberta: "the primary
determinant for corporate investment is
return. The University of Winnipeg wanted
"good return for the university." /ind
Dalhousie University's investments are
"those which have a guaranteed high rate of
profit."
But since then, campus campaigns have
resulted in two universities, Manitoba and
Winnipeg, agreeing to divest what they now
term "socially injurious" investments in
apartheid. The new policy at Winnipeg is
aimed at companies "which violate or
frustrate the enforcement of rules of
domestic or international law intended to
protect individuals against deprivation of
health, safety or basic freedoms."
The university's previous criteria were
only that a corporation be legally incorporated, obey the laws of Canada and
contribute to the country by employing
people.
The senate of Queen's University will use
its stock in Noranda to protest that corporation's proposed $350 million investment in
Chile, after more than 2,400 students voted
late last term to oppose the investment
proposal, to be decided by Noranda
shareholders at a May meeting.
The university had told students it was
seeking direction for its investment policy —
"the student referendum and motion before
senate are moves to provide direction," one
student explained.
"Morality is a big part of the thinking of a
university," one Queen's professor told the
university senate.
"Would we have said the universities in
Germany should have said nothing about the
persecution of the Jews? If morality is not
the business of the university, then whose is
it?"
In the U.S., campaigns are under way at
least 15 universities, and have resulted in
state-wide divestitures in Wisconsin and
Oregon.
The University of Massachusetts voted to
sell $540,000 of shares in 16 corporations
following two years of student pressure.
Hampshire College withdrew $215,000 after
two-thirds of its faculty signed a petition.
At Stanford University, thousands of
students demonstrated last May against
investment policies in the largest student
demonstration since the Vietnam war.
Campaigns have also been launched at
Smith, Amherst, Princeton, Southern
Illinois, Dartmouth, McAllister, Harvard,
Yale and Bryn Mawr.
In Canada the campaign has spread to
major national chartered banks that are
said to have guaranteed as much as 60 per
cent of the $3 billion the South African
government owes world wide.
Some Canadian universities, like the
universities of Toronto and Victoria, own
shares in banks, while most at least deal
with one of the four major banks — the
Royal, the Bank of Montreal, the Canadian
Imperial Bank of Commerce and the
Toronto-Dominion Bank.
These banks loaned $8 million to the South
African ministry of finance in 1971, $9
million a year later to the government-
owned iron and steel corporation, and
another $2.5 million to another government
firm.
According to a spokesperson for church
groups involved in the campaign against
Canadian involvement in South Africa,
"Bank loans at this time strengthen and
back white minority rule. Canadian banks
making such loans have become partners in
apartheid, partners in South African
racism."
Students are also withdrawing accounts
from the banks and depositing their money
in credit unions. Student associations at the
universities of Ottawa, Manitoba, Winnipeg,
British Columbia, Saskatchewan and
Toronto, and the National Union of Students,
the Ontario Federation of Students and
Canadian University Press have all come
out against the banks' support of apartheid.
;> Women's Week
begins Monday
—matt king photo
SITTING IN TRASHED Science Undergraduate Society office, SUS president Anne Gardner surveys effect
of nocturnal visitors. SUS, which last week broke into several undergrad society offices to "announce"
science week, found own office in auditorium annex 216 had been trashed in expensive escalation of
undergrad feud. SUS claims arts undergrad society is responsible but AUS denies it.
Starting Monday, the UBC
women's centre is holding the
second Women's Week of the
academic year on the theme of
women's capabilities.
"We are trying to make people
aware of what women are capable
of," organizer Susan Ursel said
Thursday.
The week will be a celebration
of women's abilities but seminars
and speeches will also concentrate
on serious women's rights issues,
Ursell said.
"The status of women is a very
important but neglected area on
campus," Ursell said.
Ursell said the week will also
help publicize the many services
that are available to women on
campus through the women's
centre and other organizations.
The Alma Mater Society
women's committee will be
spending $1,504 to hire speakers,
rent movies, print posters and
present entertainers during the
week, Ursell said.
Third World frustrated with economic order
The elimination of poverty in the West and
the Soviet Union without a corresponding
change in other areas has left Third World
countries frustrated with the present
economic order, a foreign affairs expert said
Thursday.
"The fact of poverty is not new. What is new
is the elimination of poverty in the western
world and the Soviet Union," said Arnold
Smith, former secretary-general of the
British Commonwealth.
Man's increasing knowledge of world-wide
inequalities creates a need for less inequality,
he said.
Although a higher level of human consciousness has leaders paying at least lip
service to the necessity of achieving a better
living for poorer nations, Smith said, it is a
long way from being accomplished.
And there seems to be even less agreement
about the methods to be used to encourage
global development, he said.
The most important factor is the will to
change, said Smith.
Canada can contribute to shaping international relations if it uses its many and substantial resources, he said.
"Canadians underestimate their ability to
influence world politics," he added
One of the tremendous changes in international affairs during the past few decades has
been the growth of international
organizations, he said.
Since the Second World War an enormous
number of international organizations, such
as the United Nations, commonwealths,
caucuses of rich and poor countries, and
others   have  been  formed   to   foster   co
operation and understanding between various
nations and races, he said.
International organizations enhance the
influence of middle powers such as Canada,
he said, by allowing them to express views
that might otherwise be ignored by bigger
countries.
"We must not leave underdeveloped
countries to stew in their own juices," he said.
"With the decolonization of British Asia in
the '40s, and Africa in the '50s and '60s there
was an enormous increase in sovereign
states," he said.
After decolonization Third World leaders
voiced their disagreement with the "bi-polar"
concept of the world and turned their efforts
to improving the economies of their countries,
he said.
The events taking place during
the week are:
Monday: Women In Marriage,
noon, SUB 130; poetry meeting,
noon, Angus penthouse; video on
What Will I Be, noon, Scarfe
lounge; Daycare and Parental
Responsibility, noon, SUB 205.
Tuesday: Video, Rape as a
Social Disease, noon, Scarfe
lounge; Gay Alliance Towards
Equality discussion, noon, SUB
207; Women in Art, 1:30 to 3:30
p.m., Lassere 102; Movie and
discussion on rape, 7:30 p.m., SUB
auditorium.
Wednesday: International
Women's Day parade, 12 noon,
Robson and Bute; Movie Union
Maids, noon, SUB auditorium;
Feminist musician, 11:30 a.m.,
SUB conversation Pit.
Thursday: Marketable journalism and creative writing
workshop, noon, SUB 115; Video on
Sexism in Schools, noon, Scarfe
lounge; Running a Co-op
publication, noon, SUB 130;
Imagery in Writing, and creative
writing workshop, 1:30 p.m., SUB
117; Update on the Status of
Women in B.C., 4 to 6 p.m., SUB
205.
Friday: Feminism — A Class
Analysis, noon, SUB 213; Equal
Opportunity for Women — A Case
Study, with Aid. Darlene Marzari,
noon, SUB 205; Video on
ideological structures and how
women have been excluded, noon,
Scarfe lounge; Medical Self-Help
for Women, noon, SUB 130; Rape in
B.C., noon, SUB 207; Briefing for
national action committee of
women for Ottawa conference, 1:45
p.m., SUB 130.
Saturday: Wendo self defence
for women, 9 a.m. to 4 p.m., SUB
200; Bear garden, men and women
welcome, 8:30 p.m. to 1 a.m.
Graduate Student Centre garden
room. Page 4
THE       UBYSSEY
Friday, March 3, 1978
Socreds are stealing our jobs
Isn't it great waking up in
the morning with the
knowledge that the
provincial government has a
budget surplus? Almost
balances the depression
caused by not having a job
lined up for the summer or
for after graduation, doesn't
it?
Yes, the Socreds are up to
their  revolting budget game
again, and 350 UBC students
will be pounding the
pavement instead of doing
productive research on
campus this summer.
The cash, if not going to
help produce these
'surpluses,' will wind up
being spent on a
bu si n ess-o r i ented job
program. You see,
businessmen are mad because
Sad ending
The great student board and senate election flap is
finally behind us, except for a lingering stench.
The senate committee which investigated the allegations
decided not to hold the elections again despite strong evidence
of wrongdoing. This evidence was strong enough to prod the
student representative assembly into voting for another
election, a motion which the senate, and now the senate
committee, have defied.
In its statement, the committee said "direct evidence
indicated that an irregularity did take place during the
election and that indirect evidence indicated that there may
have been further irregularities."
After it became known that irregularities had occurred
at the engineering poll, people who were upset about this
revelation began threatening to bring forward other
irregularities. The threats were acted on — without evidence.
The senate committee may unwittingly have become the
victim of these threats, as did student reps on SRA and
senate who chose to ignore the strong evidence of the original
irregularities.
Because the committee met in camera, we can only
hope that justice was seen to be done. Unfortunately, justice
was not done.
Letters
Profs irresponsible
The faculty of science's decision
to refuse public teaching
evaluations is a fine example of the
faculty members' total neglect for
a high quality of education on this
campus. Furthermore, it is
another excellent example of the
faculty members' complete
irresponsibility toward the taxpayers and people of this province
who finance this university.
Ninety per cent of the funds used
to operate this university are
public, while the remaining 10 per
cent are derived from student
tuition fees. For their money, both
the people of this province and the
students at UBC deserve the opportunity to access the quality and
performance of those emplyed
here. If the university cannot
demonstrate that it is accountable
to the people of the province, then
the public has a legitimate reason
to refuse funding of this institution.
The university is in a financial
crisis, and a large part of our
fiscal problem can be attributed to
faculty members who the public
and the ministry of education feel
are being paid excessive wages
and salaries. Unless the science
faculty can show they are
responsible and accountable for
their work, they should not expect
UBC to receive enormous
budgetary increases year after
year. Most importantly, the faculty
at this institution should not be
disappointed when they receive
only minimal increases in wages
come next September.
As a member of the board of
governors, I am grossly disappointed and irritated with the
faculty of science's decision. It
only makes the board's task of
convincing the government and the
public that the university needs
additional funds immensely difficult, especially when the group
which comprises UBC's largest
expenditure cannot demonstrate
financial and academic accountability.
In closing, I would like to express
my gratitude to the members of the
science undergraduate society for
the time and effort they put into
this most viable and constructive
projects. I hope this setback will
not discourage you from continuing your work at faculty
meetings.
Paul Sandhu
board of governors
Stolen
As part of the publicity for Chile
Week, the sponsoring committees
put up "Stop Noranda" signs at
certain entrances to the university.
In doing so, the organizers were
making use of their right to freely
publicize their views.
These advertisements were part
of a campaign intended to bring up
the issue of the Noranda investment in Chile for an open
discussion in the university
community. During Chile Week we
have given students the opportunity to become aware of this
issue and to cast their vote by
signing or not signing the petition
circulating on campus.
However, some people seemed to
feel threatened by this open
discussion and have stolen three of
our "Stop Noranda" signs. These
signs were large pieces of plywood
and must have been as difficult to
remove as they were to put up.
We invite these people to use
proper means of voicing their
oppostion through letters in The
Ubyssey or by approaching
someone at our committee's table
in the SUB foyer.
committee for the defence
of human rights in Chile
their Socred puppets haven't
jumped when the strings have
been pulled, and so now the
Socreds need more money to
dole out in goodies before
election time draws near.
Premier Bill Bennett said
recently that enough money
has been saved lately to allow
a loosening of the purse
strings. Obviously, his
remarks weren't addressed to
the people of B.C.
In fact there is no budget
surplus and there has not
been one since the early days
of W. A. C. Bennett's
premiership. In other words,
the Socreds have lied to the
people of B.C., before and
after suckering the electorate
into voting for them in 1975.
Money has been shuffled
off  into crown corporations
(where deficits magically
become 'contingent
liabilities') and financial
wizardry is employed to
allow charming Billy make
his deceptive state of the
province messages to the
people.
Higher tuition fees are but
the latest in a series of
punitive taxes and levies to
hit people who can ill afford
higher costs, and now the
government is taking away
the means to pay tuition and
living costs from 350 of us.
There are enough UBC
students who will be without
a job this summer as it is.
It's not often a UBC
administrator will phone up
The Ubyssey and call a
provincial government move
"blatantly    political."
Normally, such an event
would be extraordinary, but
since Bill and boys have
taken over, this is becoming
commonplace.
If you apply for a youth
employment program job
and don't get one, remember
who to blame come the next
election. More people will be
doing the same.
Perhaps the Socreds have
to pay for those massive
budget overruns they're
trying to hide right now —
like Grace McCarthy's tourist
promotion based on a brief
visit 200 years ago by a
syphilitic old sea captain.
B.C. is the land of
opportunity — you can't get
a job and can't even get
welfare. But at least books
balance.
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THE UBYSSEY
MARCH 3, 1978
Published Tuesdays, Thursdays and Fridays throughout the university year by the Alma Mater
Society of the University of B.C. Editorial opinions are those of the staff and not of the AMS or the
university administration. Member, Canadian University Press. The Ubyssey publishes Page Friday, a
weekly commentary and review. The Ubyssey's editorial office is in room 241K of the Student Union
Building. Editorial departments, 228-2301; Advertising, 228-3977.
Editor: Chris Gainor
Seven randy men piled Into a decrepit, obsolete, rundown, rusting, junk heap of a jalopy. Dave Morton and Marcus Gee
cringed In terror as a gargantuan ass loomed In the doorway of the tiny battered Austin. Chris Gainor smiled sweetly as
he placed his pert little touche neatly on the back seat. Bruce Baugh and Tom Hawthorn looked over their shoulders
from the front seat In envy at the cuddly scene for Mike Bocking had taken a flying leap and landed squarely on the
silvery moon. Verne McDonald, Eric Promlslow and Greg Edwards were run over by the speeding heap. Dave Hancock
drew the bloody scene of brains and Intestines from the besplattered sidewalk. Mike made suggestive, kinky suggestions
to Chris Elenlak about lasagna and meatballs In an Olymplpla Pizza restaurant. Nell McAllister, Geof Wheelwright and Ed
O'Brien smeared spaghetti sauce over their little pink bodies and watched as a troop of army ants devoured the sauce
before their kinky little tongues could. Carol Read waited In the parking lot with a halo over her head while Matt King,
Will Wheeler, Greg Strong and George Huey did the unpardonable sin of doing absolutely nothing with Heather Conn and
Kit Tam. They all piled Into the off, off, off-white car and Bill Tieleman drove It off a bridge. PAGE FRIDAY
Quebec* Its politics and culture
r
This week Page Friday examines the politics and culture of Quebec.
The issue opens with a commentary on the Parti Quebecois on PF 2.
On the same page is a general overview of Quebec culture.
A portrait of Quebec premier Rene Levesque appears on PF 3, while
on PF 4 Quebec playwright Michel Tremblay and author Marie-Claire
Blais are profiled.
The so-called October Crisis of 1970 is the subject of an analysis on PF
5.
The views of Canadians and Quebecois on whether Quebec can realize
its aspirations within Confederation are surveyed on PF 6 and PF 7. A
poll of the opinions of Vancouverites is included.
The economic prospects for Quebec and Canada in the event of
Quebec's separation are assessed on PF 8. Small town Quebec and
Acadia are the subjects of features on PF 9.
The Quebec music scene is examined on PF 10 and we look at the
Quebec film scene on PF 11.
Vista appears on PF 14. quebec [
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ft'lttimmmHSSJi fr     : * * **/''% I
Parti Quebecois makes compromises
By CHRIS GAINOR
The Parti Quebecois faces the excruciating problem all groups of idealistic
or semi-idealist groups must face once they
are thrust into power: how much to compromise.
Since the PQ leans to the left and is
working toward the goal of a separate
Quebec, predilections which are unpopular
with the business and political elites of
Canada, it must set directions in a minefield. A misstep will prove fatal or at best
injurious.
The federal government, business and the
media are hostile to the PQ government and
can be depended upon to try and work for its
defeat in the next election.
The PQ situation is analogous to that of
B.C's NDP government, which was brought
down by business and the media, aided by
its own mistakes. It must be remembered
that the nature of the PQ and of its opposition is different from the B.C. situation.
The first priority for anti-separatist
groups will be to defeat the PQ's planned
referendum on Quebec's future within
Confederation. Once the referendum is
defeated, then pressure can be applied to
bring down the government.
For a group containing people with such
diverse political views, the Parti Quebecois
has done remarkably well in government.
Of course it has made some mistakes and
alienated some people, as the media has
informed us, but on the whole remains
highly popular within Quebec.
,u
4*
The referendum, which was originally
planned to take place later this year, will
likely not occur until next year. For now, the
government is working on establishing
Quebec's separate identity culturally and
linguistically.
Best-known part of this effort is Bill 101,
the language legislation which has
generated a great deal of controversy
among Quebec a nglophones and outside
Quebec.
Camille Laurin, cultural affairs minister
and architect of the language policy, says
the anglophones "continue to hope for a
return to the Quebec of yesterday, while we
are irreversibly in the Quebec of
tomorrow."
Laurin, a psychiatrist who is currently
drafting a cultural policy similar to the
language policy, is laying the groundwork to
make Quebec formally separate in language
and culture, which it is already to a large
degree. Bill 101, Laurin says, will make
Quebec "as massively French as Ontario is
English," a clever but incisive commentary
on Quebec's position in Canada.
Bill 101, more than anything else, has
caused the lack of business confidence in
Quebec and sparked the departure of many
businesses to Ontario or the West. Without
1974. The PQ, however, gained power thanks
to the economic crisis, but is faced with the
task of improving the economy. As long as
the lack of business confidence persists, an
improvement is unlikely.
Barrett's cabinet was made up of people
who had served in the legislature prior to the
1972 victory, a conservative choice which
meant that unqualified people were in
cabinet while better talent sat in the back
benches.
Levesque has chosen a talented cabinet,
the most academic cabinet in Canada. It is
organized into two tiers to allow easy
decision-making on the political level, and
all shades of opinion in the party are represented on both tiers.
If the PQ can maintain its popularity over
the next year, it may well return to power, if
not win the referendum.
Playing its game of holding the line with
money and being bold in language and
culture legislation, the PQ may escape
being tarred for any economic problems
Quebec may suffer, unlike Barrett, who
imposed badly-needed royalties and taxes
on corporations. Despite the merit of these
taxes, Barrett was blamed for putting the
economy into a tailspin, when it was in fact
outside conditions which were responsible.
The NDP was also tarred with charges of
poor fiscal responsibility, which were actually caused by their not reacting quickly
enough to an economic turndown and not
shuffling around expenditures as artfully as
the Socreds have done. But Parizeau has
been given fairly good marks.
4,
&
Bill 101, undoubtedly, another excuse would
be found for the business exodus.
The PQ leans to the left, but yet has scope
for such people as economic conservative
Jacques Parizeau, now Quebec finance
minister. Parizeau is trying to assure
business with his hold-the-line budgets while
other parts of the government carry out
plans which could be called mildly
socialistic.
This is where the PQ faces its big
problem: how much to move Quebec to the
left and toward separation and how much to
assure business, which will be out to get the
PQ come the next election whatever the PQ
does.
Thus far it has announced a
nationalization of much of Quebec's
asbestos industry, gone ahead with Bill 101,
and introduced the most progressive labor
legislation in North America to the National
Assembly. To placate business, it has
produced conservative  budgets,  watered
down the labor legislation (to the anger of
labor) and watered down its public auto
insurance promises.
At the PQ's first party congress after its
election victory, premier Rene Levesque
told delegates his government would not be
bound by party resolutions, certainly
another move designed to assure business.
But as Ghislain Dufour, director of the
Conseil du Patronat du Quebec, the
province's leading employer's group said,
the PQ government is "autocratic and
socialist."
Dufour would undoubtedly have an interesting conversation with any socialist
labor leader, who is likely displeased with
the reduction of the new labor bill's powers
against strikebreakers.
Dave Barrett's NDP government in B.C.
enjoyed great popularity in the first 18
months of its existence, as the PQ is now.
The NDP did not survive the efforts of its
enemies once the economy turned sour in
The middle of the road is also the most
hazardous part of the road. While the PQ
may win the part of the electorate which
supported in protest against Robert
Bourassa's failed Liberal government, it
may turn off its hard-core supporters.
When the labor bill was amended to allow
people to remain in strikebound plants to
protect employers' assets, which opens up a
big loophole in anti-strikebreaking
provisions, thousands of trade unionists
demonstrated against the amendment. The
law still allows the government to break
strikes in "essential services," a loophole
which caused the Liberals a great deal of
grief.
In civil service negotiations, the PQ has
been dragging its feet, and Levesque has
warned that government wage settlements
must be kept down. This may alienate
workers formerly friendly to the PQ, but
again is designed to woo others who stand to
the right of the PQ mainstream support.
SeePF 13: LACK
Quebec's culture provides basis for nationalism
By WILL WHEELER
If we are willing to consider French-
speaking Quebec as a culture that is fighting
for its life, then most of the issues facing
Quebecois artists can be seen in a new light.
Although Canada as a whole is facing the
same danger of assimilation, the question of
language has in the Province of Quebec
served to bring the danger into sharper
focus.
Even if language does not form thetusis
of all thinking, as some claim it does, it
gives distinct qualities to the culture which
embraces it. Language sets a nation apart
from others (Unhappily, Canadian English
is quite close to American English, other-
wise known as Merican) and bestows
definite linguistic qualities on the literature
■ ■•■•■itfin   ■■•itl**n   !#■*■   nAnfinnr
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Hie use of French in Quebec has ensured
the survival of a distinctive culture in the
midst of a swampy sea of North American
homogeneity. Considering the odds they are
bucking, it should be no wonder that the
Quebecois have seen the need for drastic or
even violent action.
Some say 'they' should learn English,
since it would make things easier for
everyone. But since language is a major
basis of culture, this would be an invitation
to cultural suicide (or genocide). It is one
thing to expect immigrants to learn a new
language and quite another lo expect the
same of citizens of one of Canada's oldest
settled regions.
This roughly approximates the situation
in which the Quebecois artist find themselves. Faced with the desperate odds,
many have declared themselves to be
separatists first and artists second.
For example, a number of separatist filmmakers have publicly stated that, in light of
the highly expensive nature of the film industry, an independent Quebec would
perhaps not be able to support their art-
form. Yet they are willing to make this
sacrifice. Survival has always been a basic
priority for Canadians.
Yet there is another aspect to the enigma
of contemporary Quebec: in many artistic
finite-    it    nrai      Laimnf\t*ti'     thf-MrinfT     •ir*tii'itiAir
which are the envy of English Canada.
Since language isthe major battleground
for Quebec's cultural survival, it is understandable that writers and poets should
be at the forefront. They have played a
major role in giving expression to the
Quebec experience and thus giving a certain
maturity to their culture. Marie-Claire
Blais, to cite an obvious example, has
served to show the bleak, mood of a society
which has long lived in submission and
despair. Pierre Vallieres in White Niggers
of America has given shape to the naked
anger. On the other hand, in his plays Michel
Tremblay has shown a cause for hope, fin
Bonjour, La, Bonjour, for example, a
brother and sister learn to accept that they
are in love. An excellent metaphor for artist
working within a culturally inbred society.)
Not only is the activity occurring in the
province vast in quantity (and I hope I
ha vent seened to have attempted a survey)
it has also shown itself to be of national and
international stature. Many Quebecois
authors are available in translation and are
widely read and studied throughout Canada.
Theatre and film have also been called
upon to do their share as language and
culture oriented media. Although
traditionally associated with literature they
differ from it in two ways. First, they draw
technicians and pbotopraphers, directly into
the artistic process.
Secondly, they add the dement of performance and visual representation to basic
narrative. These two aspects have the effect
of broadening and solidifying a culture, as
well as increasing its activity. Thus French
Quebec continues to build dikes against
English North America by developing a
sense of separate identity. At the same time,
as Quebec plays and films are seen across
the country, the rest of Canada is forced to
realize that Quebec is different.
Music is a special case, although related,
since the province supports a healthy
popular music industry which dwarfs that of
English Canada. Again, we have the case of
an art-form which is at least partially
oriented to the advantage of the French-
speaking (or singing). While young people
are often willing to listen to lyrics they don't
understand, Quebecois musicians are appreciated more than local musicians in
other parts of the country.
Although groups such as Harmonium
have had success outside Quebec, most
musicians have not leaped the gap between
the s^called Two Solitudes. Lyrics are
incapable of proper translation and mast
musicians are no doubt unwilling to gear
themselves lo a specifically English
audience.
Dance is an opposite case since, along
with visual art, it defies language-oriented
expression. Thus Quebec-based dance
companies, which are among the best in the
country, continue to tour widely. Visual art
in Quebec is heavily influenced by New York
and tends to avoid the basic conditions of
Quebecois society as a basis for its foun-
Yet, even dance and visual art from
time to time invaded by literary (as ballet
demonstrates) and cultural concepts.
Page Friday, 2
THE       UBYSSEY
Friday, March 3, 1978 "£*•
i*. i~   m. ^»*ffii.
■ -v--*" **„
quebec
Levesque's idealism has long history
By TOM HAWTHORN
For some Quebecers, Rene Levesque is
the leader who will lead the Quebecois
people out of the land of Anglophone
domination.
But for some Canadians, most notably
English-speaking Quebecers, the mere
mention of Levesque's name evokes
emotions ranging from fear to
unadulterated hatred.
Perhaps the most notable feature of
Levesque's 18 year career as a Quebec
politician has been his ability to be controversial while arousing strong emotional
and ideological responses from all
Canadians. For in his various careers
ranging from radio and television journalist
to cabinet minister to unaligned separatist
to- Quebec premier, Levesque has, more
than any other French-Canadian, reflected
the aspirations of a large sector of the
Quebec population.
Since trie astonishing victory of the Parti
Quebecois in 1976, Levesque has been a
figure of national and international
prominence as he and Prime Minister
Pierre Trudeau have begun the arduous
negotiations over the future of the Canadian
nation.
Levesque's ascension to the premiership
was a remarkable accomplishment considering that he had left the provincial wing
of the Liberal party a short 11 years before
over the question of Quebec nationalism.
But what made this architect of the Quiet
Revolution decide to enter politics and to
eventually adopt the goal of Quebec's independence?
Levesque first received notice as a
journalist when he left Laval University in
1943 to join the French-language service of
the United States Office of War Information.
He later recalled that he would have done
anything to go overseas, "but not in His
Majesty's uniform."
When the war ended, and after Levesque
had travelled across the continent with the
U.S. Seventh Army, he returned to Quebec
to join the French-language section of the
CBC. He soon became one of its top journalists, specializing in reporting on international and American affairs.
With the advent of television Quebec's
cultural base began to widen immensely. In
1956 Levesque began Point de Mire, a news
analysis show which soon became one of the
most popular on the CBC. But while he was
introducing his chain smoking habits to
Quebec's television viewers, Levesque was
soon going to unknowingly embark on a
political career which would be still taking
shape more than 18 years later.
While Levesque had shown more interest
in international affairs as a journalist, the
1959 CBC French-language producers'
strike thrust him into the center of the
politics of Quebec nationalism. The
producers originally struck to guarantee
their right to unionize, but as the strike wore
on it soon became a struggle over the attitude of Ottawa's English-speaking
politicians to a conflict affecting French-
Canadians only.
The lack of concern on the part of English-
speaking politicians and producers effected
Levesque immensely.
"The whole bloody French network
became virtually non-existent, and nobody
cared," he said. "Here Radio-Canada was
supposed to be so vital a part of the CBC — it
was so important to broadcast in French.
But Ottawa didn't give a damn.
"I learned then that French was really
very secondary in the rest of Canada's
mind, certainly in Ottawa's."
By the time the 69-day strike had ended,
Levesque had embarked on a political trip of
succession which to this day has not reached
its final stopping point.
When a provincial election was called in
1960, he decided to make the jump from
journalism to politics on the side of the
Liberals.
When Jean Lesage's Liberals handily
defeated the remnants of Maurice
Duplessis' corrupt Union Nationale regime,
it marked the beginning of a "quiet
revolution" which was to ultimately change
the face of Quebec society and the political
career of Levesque.
Despite his lack of political experience,
Levesque was appointed to the cabinet as
Natural Resources minister and he immediately began to mold his concept of the
state of Quebec. His first major test was the
nationalization of Quebec's hydro-electric
industry, which he successfully accomplished after the Liberals were
rernandated in the 1962 provincial election.
WHRW7
Levesque's newfound interest in Quebec
nationalism also received a great deal of
media attention. He began to increase his
promotion for the liberation of "the last and
oldest of the colonial peoples."
"At the present time there is no more
devouring interest for me than the interests
of five or six million French-Canadians," he
said in 1962.
"I've always been proud of being French-
Canadian. We've been stuck in the shit for a
long time, and much of it was of our own
making. But what's important is that we
shouldn't slide back into the shit."
Levesque's statements and the unknown
paths the Liberals were treading in the field
of social reform quickly transformed
cabinet solidarity into feuding units of
political belief.
By the time the 1966 election rolled along,
the Liberals were in desperate shape. They
lost. Most party members place the blame
on Lesage's handling of the campaign, even
though the Liberals received 47.2 per cent of
the vote compared to 40.9 for Daniel
Johnson's Union Nationale. It marked the
end of an era of social change in the
province, but still greater transformations
were brewing for the future.
After an extended period of dissension
within the party, Levesque issued his book
entitled Option for Quebec, which outlined
his belief in the necessity of a sovereignty-
association relationship between Quebec
and the rest of Canada.
"Rene Levesque has at last put an end to
the rumours which have surrounded him for
months," the Montreal Star said in an
editorial. "He wants sovereignty for Quebec
because only through it can Quebecers
achieve the 'security of our collective
existence'. In other words, Mr. Levesque
has opted for separatism."
He had been branded at a time when
support for separatism was political
suicide; he would be there when the
separatists became the official
democratically elected government of the
province of Quebec.
At the Liberal party convention that year,
Levesque's proposal for Liberal support of
his sovereignty-association theory was
soundly defeated. He left the party for good,
taking with him a good number of the
younger supporters. One that almost went
was Robert Bourassa.
In that instance Levesque found himself
suddenly without a party. He had cast
himself into the political uncertainty of the
Quebec nationalist movement of the '60s.
Separatist groups at that time were very
small, with the exceptions of Pierre
Bourgault's Rassemblement pour l'in-
dependance Nationale (R.I.N.) and the
more conservative Ralliement Nationale.
Bourgault and his followers were by no
means convinced of Levesque's sincerity,
and he was not exactly pleased with their
policies. So, less than two months after his
departure from the Liberals, Levesque and
dissident Liberals formed the Mouvement
Souverainete-association (M.S.A.).
In October, 1968, another party was formed headed by Levesque. More than 800
delegates met to mold the policies of the
Parti Quebecois. In eight short years, the
PQ was to become the strongest political
machine in the country.
The 1970 campaign was to prove to be
amongst the most bitter in Quebec's history.
Young Robert Bourassa had been elected
leader of the Liberals earlier in the year,
and he set out to destroy his old associate's
party as quickly as possible.
Levesque was just as adamant as he
called on French-Canadians to take their
place as the citizens of any normal nation
would.
"If we don't pay attention, there will be
anarchy, and it will cost us dearly," he said.
"If we don't take an option that will enable
two generations to look at one another
without being ashamed, things can go from
disgust to open revolt, and it will cost us
dearly."
Campaigning reached a tense and
feverish pitch in the weeks before the
election, as Bourassa attacked the
"dangers" of a PQ victory while Levesque
rejected the "paternalistic WASP
arrogance" which had led the other parties
in the past.
The Liberals won handily, but the Parti
Quebecois won a surprising 23.1 per cent of
the vote. It was obvious that they were to be
a party to be reckoned with in the future.
On election night, Levesque asked a huge
crowd at Montreal's Paul Sauve Arena,
"Don't you find that this defeat has the
smell of victory?"
Levesque's victory was almost totally
extinguished by the spark of urban
terrorism that was to strike Quebec later in
the year.
When Front de Liberation du Quebec
terrorists kidnapped British  trade  com
missioner James Cross and Liberal cabinet
minister Pierre Laporte, it marked the
blackest event to occur in the ten years of
change Quebec had just undergone.
The PQ's ability to weather claims that it
was soon to disappear became evident in the
1973 election as they polled 30 per cent of the
vote and became Her Majesty's Official
Opposition in the National Assembly.
Levesque was again personally defeated
and for a while seriously considered
resigning as party leader.
The most significant change in the PQ in
the three years until its electoral victory in
1976 was the adoption of the referendum
scheme, whereby a PQ victory no longer
meant immediate independence
negotiating.
When the corrupt and unpopular Liberals
called an election for Nov. 15 no one in
Quebec imagined that Levesque was to
become the next premier of Quebec.
Levesque himself said on election night that
he was shocked by the victory.
In the near future the promised
referendum will be held and it will probably
be the major test of Levesque's political
career. Without success Levesque would
more than likely abandon politics. But with
public support for an independent Quebec
state Levesque's career will take yet
another turn in the progression of events
following the 1959 producers' strike.
The thought of Levesque negotiating the
future of both the Canadian and Quebec
nation is at one time invigorating and
dismaying. Will this man, who to, a large
core of Quebec citizens is the saviour of the
Quebecois people, be able to achieve his
dual-goal of an independent Quebec state
with loose economic ties with the rest of
Canada?
Levesque's strongest supporters believe
so. He is sometimes quoted so passionately
in some parts of the province that even
Levesque is surprised by it.
In any case, Levesque has assured
himself of a major role in the future
development of the Canadian nation.
Whether special status is granted Quebec,
or a new constitution is created, or Quebec
eventually does achieve political independence, it is certain that Rene
Levesque's aspirations, as will those of most
French-Canadians, will be a decisive factor
in the determination of Canada's existence
in the next decade.
Friday, March 3, 1978
THE
UBYSSEY
Page Friday. 3 quebec
/■
Tremblay, Blais take different paths
By GREGORY STRONG
Playwright Michel Tremblay and novelist
Marie-Claire Blais are two of the most
exciting and prominent writers in the
literature of contemporary Quebec. Each
artist has been particularly successful in
developing an original literary style that
uses French Canadian dialects.
One reason that Quebec has a coherent
artistic expression is that the Quebecois
have a special cultural identity. And while
there is no special language for English
Canada that would separate it from either
England or America, Quebec has a unique
dialect of the French language and indigenous cultural traditions.
Joual is the special language or patois of
the French Canadian. It is a corruption of
textbook French that uses the special slang
that developed through three hundred years
separation from France and it is spoken
with a strong regional pronounciation.
The success of Quebec culture began witH*
the gradual liberation of French Canadian
society from the twin influences of a Roman
Catholic clerical and educational establish-
MICHELTREMBLAY. . .
Quebecois playwright
ment and English Canadian businessmen.
During the sixties the Quebec Liberal party
under Jean Lesage fixed greater French
Canadian control over the economy and the
language. The party had the slogan,
"maitre chez nous," or masters in our home
and this drive for independence liberalized
Quebec society. It also established the
political careers of both Rene Levesque and
Pierre Eliot Trudeau, who later exploited
his federal policy of bilingualism for additional political support in Quebec.
This movement for independence can also
be traced back to the popular music of
Quebec folksingers like Gilles Vigneault
whose simple lyrics to his song Mon Pays
seemed to capture the rurality and isolation
of Quebec. The Quebecois had a sense of
their unique historical and literary heritage.
Mon pays ce n'est pas un pays c'est l'envers
D'un pays qui m'etait ni pays ni patrie
Ma chanson ce n'«st pas ma chanson c'est
ma vie
C'est pour toi que je veux posseder mes
hivers.
Playwright Michel Tremblay was to say
of these years, "I think that English Canada
did not know we were there. They just didn't
care. But we're people who want
something."
Both Michel Tremblay and novelist
Marie-Claire Blais were born to the same
French Canadian working class milieu. But
while the dramatist Tremblay is committed
to separatism and his plays always contain
a level of political allegory, Blais is strongly
apolitical and writes from an intensely
personal vision.
"I never went on the streets with
placards," says Tremblay. "I do it with my
pen and I think I do it much better." But
Tremblay is a better dramatist than
propagandist. He has central importance as
a Canadian playwright because his series of
ten plays represents the only large and
consistent body of dramatic literature
written by a single playwright in Canada.
Michael Tremblay was born in 1942. His
first experiences with drama were when he
was in high school. After he graduated,
Tremblay began work on several novels,
and he entered a short dramatic piece in a
CBC contest where he won first prize.
Tremblay finished the first version of his
best known play, Les Belles Soeurs, in the
summer of 1965. At this point he believed he
should protray the language and the
characters of the working class background
he knew as a child.
"The first play I did was about women
because we haven't really had any women in
our Quebec theatres because they would
speak bad French!"
Les Belles Soeurs is a play that magnifies
joual and its particular musical qualities.
The play begins with a woman who has won
one million premium stamps and pastes
them with the help of her fourteen neighbours.
Les Belles Soeurs is a vulgar and realistic
play. The characters scramble through the
stories of their bitter comical lives in an
almost plotless drama. The strength of the
play is that it revealed the particular life of
one type of French Canadian. Tremblay was
a playwright whose characters, thought,
looked and spoke like their real life counterparts.
The play had a long series of rejection
slips from Quebec theatres. Tremblay's
characters and language had never been
seen on stage. Joual was regarded as
bastard French because it was spoken only
by the uneducated.
In 1968, Les Belles Soeurs was finally
staged by Andre Brassard at Le Theatre du
Rideau Vert. It was the first production that
Brassard had directed and its overnight
success established both author and director
as local celebrities. The honesty and truth
behind Tremblay's portrayal captured the
imagination of his audience. It
revolutionized theatre.
"There was a hole in Quebec theatre, we
had to tell people how they were and what to
change."
Since that time Tremblay has written
other plays which have been televised by the
CBC and performed in other Canadian
centres as well as Paris, France. His plays
show a world of the comic and the
grotesquely sentimental. They include such
works as En Pieces Detachees, La Duchesse
de Langeais, Forever Yours Marilou,
Demain, Montreal M'Attend, Bonjour la
Bonjour and Hosanna with its duet of a drag
queen and a biker.
The plays have extended Tremblay's
vision of Quebec as seen through a vibrant
sub-culture and developed his theme of the
Quebecois as cultural transvestites.
Blais writes in that special European form
of the novella which concentrates a single
event with a stronger poetic tone.
"I want to show how individuals are
governed by absurd instincts that make
heroes or animals out of them," says Blais.
"People claim that such excesses don't
really exist. But I know for sure that the way
my characters act is perfectly possible."
Blais' characters are powerless against
their fates and what first appears as random
choice is actually predestination. Perhaps
their actions are as credible as Blais would
have us believe. But what she actually
demands of her readers is that they accept
and forgive her characters. They call out for
a divine mercy beyond any political and
social justice, and that can only come from a
4,
4,
"I think everybody in my play is a tran-
svestite because they want to be somebody
else. They want to be somebody else so
much that they dress as women. Everybody
in Quebec wants to be somebody. We were
nobodies for three hundred years."
Marie-Claire Blais is a novelist who works
within an older aesthetic tradition. She
avoids politics because she believes that it
will interfere with the process of art. And
complete understanding of them and their
world. Often her characters are children
who perform violent or unnatural acts and
yet acquire an innocence because they are
abused in a society of depraved adults.
Marie-Claire Blais was born in l'Hopital
de l'Enfant Jesus de Limoilu in a rural
Quebec village in 1939. Her family moved to
a three-room tenement in the tough working
class district of St. Henri, Montreal, where
she was educated in a convent. She had a
desperate need to write and by age 12, she
completed her first novella. She was dealing
with her deprived and impoverished
background by mythologizing it and exaggerating its features.
Her father made her withdraw from
school when she was sixteen so that she
could help support their large family. She
was forced to write late in the night while
her family slept. At nineteen she left her
home and rented a small room where she
could write privately.
In her spare time she took courses at
Laval University where one of her
professors Mile Jeanne Lapointe showed
Blais' finished manuscript of La Zalle Bete
to the head of the Social Sciences Division.
Father Georges-Henri Levesque was intimidated by the violence and turgid passion
in the book. But he recognized its artistic
worth. He helped the eighteen year old girl
find a publisher in 1959.
La Belle Bete, or Mad Shadows as it has
been translated into English, was an immediate success. Blais was given
recognition as a child prodigy. She had
rejected a depiction of the realistic world in
the novella and given her own highly
stylized articulation of reality.
The central character of La Belle Bete is a
beautiful and narcisstic retarded child,
Patrice who is the dumb centre of several
different love triangles. All the characters
in the novel share his narcissim and vanity
with the exception of the abused and ugly
child, Isabelle-Marie, who eventually
revenges herself on the entire family.
Marie-Claire Blais was given a Canada
Council grant. She spent a year of study in
France. Then she returned to Montreal
where she learned German and English so
that she could read Kafka and Faulkner.
She kept writing and her work attracted
the notice of American critic Edmund
Wilson who was preparing a study of
Canadian Literature. He included a review
of her work in his dreadful misrepresentation of Canadian literature known as
O'Canada. He sponsored her for a
Guggenheim Fellowship in the U.S. where
she lived for several years.
What is so devastatingly original in her
work is her strange combination of the
grotesque and the gothic with the innocent
and the naive. Her work has never been
concerned with a suspension of the reader's
disbelief in her stories so much as with
exposing her characters as pure literary
invention. The mistake that most of her
readers and critics have made when they
assess her work is that they confuse the
social and political environment of Quebec
with Blais' poetic dream landscape.
Un Saison de la Vie d'Emmanuel is
probably her greatest book. It was her fifth
published novella and established her international reputation. In 1965, it won both
the prestigious Prix France-Quebec and the
influential Prix Medicis of France. It has
since been translated into some fifteen
different languages.
Still there are moments of great humour
in the story and several comic descriptions
that offset some of the tragedy. Blais ex-
W
plains, "Artistically it was a great
breakthrough for me because it was the first
time I could combine humor and tragedy in
my work."
And if the qualities of darkness and
despair in her work are rejected by some of
her readers perhaps that feeling can be
further qualified by Quebec filmmaker
Jean-Pierre Lefebvre.
"The great mistake Americans make is to
despise despair. To despair is to become
simultaneously aware of the difficulty and
grandeur of life and death. Seen in this light
despair becomes a very positive kind of
attitude."
Marie-Claire Blais and Michel Tremblay
have given us a considerable insight into the
culture of the Quebecois. Their work is an
honest and penetrating study of both French
Canadian society and personal artistic
temperaments. They have provided us with
enduring art forms and a distinct voice.
Quebec theatre flexes muscles
K
By CAROLREAD
The theatre in Quebec is the most
socially-oriented and advanced in Canada.
The prestige of artists and intellectuals is
higher there than in other provinces, and
church-run schools encourage students in
the performing arts. With this cultural
climate, combined with three hundred
yeans of tradition and a Quebecois fear of
assimilation, Quebec theatre has evolved
into a force both reflecting and fueling the
growing separatism.
The founder of modern Quebec theatre
was Father Emile Legault, a Canadian
who had studied in Paris. Instead of using
French-trained actors, he trained his own
in Quebec and formed a semi-professional
company, Les Compagnons de Saint-
Laurent, in 1937.
L'Equipe was the next company to be
formed. In 1948, Les Compagnons and
L'Equipe helped start the first
professional theatre, the famous Rideau-
Vert.
Otter new theatres appeared — the
Theatre du Nouveau Monde C51), the now
defunct Theatre-Club ('53), the avante-
garde Apprentis-Sorciers C56), the first
international theatre, La Poudrier ('58),
and L'Egregore ('59).
In 1958, the playwright Gratien Gelinas
founded the Comedie Canadienne for the
purpose of producing Quebec plays and
encouraging talent. The avant-garde Les
Saltimbanques began in 1963 and merged
with Les Apprentis-Sorciers in 1968 to form
the Centre de Theatre d'Aujourd'hui. The
Theatre Populaire du Quebec and the
Nouvelle Companie Theatrale are funded
by the Quebec cultural ministry to perform serious drama.
Quebec playwrighting has developed as
fast as the theatres. There were some
worthless plays produced in pre-1914
Montreal, but the true foundations of a
unique Quebec school of playwrights
began with Leopold Houle and Yvette
Mercier-Gouin. Gouin's La Reussite was
staged in the Theatre Daunous, Paris, in
1938.
It was Gratien Gelinas' Tit-Coq which
first brought attention to Quebec cultural
identity. The play, staged in 1948, was a
great hit in Montreal because it dealt with
lower-class Quebecois and English
Canadians..
Influenced by Gelinas, Quebec
playwrights grew away from the
traditional rural themes. Most notable of
these are Paul Toupin and Jacques
Languirand.
Toupin's plays are universal and do not
portray Quebec society. Le Mensonage,
set in 15th century Brittany, is a love story
which ends happily after many misunderstandings. Brutus, Toupin's most famous
play, interprets history in a new way:
Caesar, disguised as a slave, visits Brutus'
house and hears of the assassination plot.
Languirand is influenced by Beckett and
Ionesco and writes theatre of the absurd.
Les Ilnsolites is about a policeman interrogating an innocent person who
happens to be holding the murder weapon.
Les Grands Departs ('57) centres around a
family who wait for a moving van which
never arrives. Each member considers the
prospective move to be an emancipation.
Unfortunately, Languirand's plays have
seldom been well produced.
Francoise Loranger's first play, Une
Maison . . . un jour, and her second play,
Encore cinq minutes, portrays the conflicts between different generations of
Quebecois families. Her Double Jeu is a
psycho-drama in which Quebec society is
interpreted.
During the 1960s, separatism became a
main theme of many plays. Jacques
Ferron, who for years had only a small
following, was inspired by FLQ bombings
when he wrote La Tete du Roi in the early
1960s. The play has a backdrop of a
dynamited Montreal statue.
In 1967, de Gaulle visited M
ntreal and two important separatist plays
were produced. Gelinas staged Hier les
enfants dansaient, and Robert Gurik wrote
his scathing Hamlet, Prince du Quebec.
Hamlet is Quebec's uncertainty about her
future; Claudius is the English Corn-
See PF 12: THEATRE
Page Friday. 4
THE       UBYSSEY
Friday, March 3, 1978 ^j quebec
Liberals exploited the October Crisis
By TOM HAWTHORN
No other series of events has ever had an
effect on the Canadian nation as did the
October Crisis of 1970.
From kidnapping to political
assassination to the suspension of civil
liberties following the implementation of the
War Measures Act, Canada was thrust into
the dark reality of political terrorism.
The events of that October have also
unquestionably played a major role in the
development of the Quebec which exists
today. But how much has that development
been manipulated by the governmental
actions of prime minister Pierre Trudeau
and Quebec premier Robert Bourassa?
In retrospect, it appears evident that
there were many misunderstandings and
over-reactions on the part of government
leaders. As governments have a knack of
doing in crisis situations, panic seemed to
motivate political reaction to the terrorists.
PIERRE LAPORTE. . .
killed in hands of FLQ
But were there other reasons behind the
introduction of the War Measures?
It was on the morning of Oct. 5,1970, when
two armed men arrived at the home of the
British trade commissioner in Montreal,
James Richard (Jasper) Cross, and abducted him from his wealthy Westmount
home.
A few hours later, the men identified
themselves as members of the FLQ (Front
de Liberation du Quebec), an urban
terrorist group responsible for armed
robberies and bombings in the 1960s.
The kidnapping of Cross did not immediately alarm the provincial Liberal
government. In fact, Premier Robert
Bourassa decided not to cancel an economic
summit meeting in the United States.
Conditions for Cross' release, as delivered
through communiques to radio stations,
included publicity for their political
manifesto, a "voluntary tax" of $500,000 to
be paid by the Quebec government, the
liberation of FLQ members from Quebec
jails as "political prisoners" and an aircraft
to take the kidnappers to Algeria or Cuba.
Five days later, a second cell of the FLQ
kidnapped Pierre Laporte, Quebec labor
and immigration minister, from in front of
his unguarded St. Lambert home. Cabinet
solidarity began to split as they could not
decide what form of action to follow. In the
meantime, the Montreal and Quebec
Provincial police were having no success in
discovering the kidnappers.
On Oct. 16, armed with requests from the
Quebec and Montreal governments, the
federal government invoked the War
Measures Act, a piece of legislation dating
to the two world wars. Among other things,
it outlawed the FLQ, empowered the police
to search without warrant, and provided for
arrest and detention without bail.
Hundreds of Quebecois, most of whom
were separatist sympathizers, were immediately arrested. Federal troops were
brought in to guard property and individuals
as a panicky nation tried to unravel the
events unfolding in Quebec.
Prime minister Trudeau told Canadians
that night the measures were necessary to
prevent an "apprehended insurrection" in
Quebec, and that some persons (the FLQ)
were planning on destroying Canada's
democratic institutions and replacing
Quebec's democratically elected government.
He said it was necessary to bring in the
armed forces and to suspend civil liberties
in order to capture those "who advocate or
support the violent overthrow of the
democratic system."
Pierre Laporte's body was found the next
day in the trunk of the kidnap car on the
armed forces base at St. Hubert.
Any question of the necessity of the War
Measures was immediately extinguished in
the minds of most Canadians. Two months
after the event, 87 per cent of all Canadians
indicated their approval of the implementation of the War Measures.
James Cross was discovered and freed on
Dec. 3, 58 days after bang kidnapped. His
abductors were flown to Cuba in exchange
for his release.
On December 27, Paul Rose, Francis
Simard and Jacques Rose were arrested in a
farmhouse 20 miles southwest of Montreal.
The three, along with Bernard Lortie, were
later charged and convicted of the kidnapping and murder of Laporte.
The greatest crisis in Canada's history
ended just as suddenly as it had started. But
many questions remain unanswered to this
day-
Justice minister John Turner told the
House of Commons on Oct. 16 that the full
reason behind the government's decision to
implement the War Measures may never be
known.
"It is my hope that some day the full
details of the intelligence upon which the
government acted can be made public,
because until that day comes the people of
Canada will not be able fully to appraise the
course of action which has been taken by the
government," he said.
Indeed, almost all federal documents
pertaining to the events of that October still
retain their "state secret" designation, thus
making them unavailable for public
scrutiny.
The supposed reason for the government's
invocation of the War Measures was
revealed in an Oct. 26, 1970 Toronto Star
article quoting top-level officials as indicating Trudeau feared that influential
Quebecers were planning on replacing
Robert Bourassa's government.
"In Ottawa's eyes, such a proposed
takeover, no matter how benign or nonviolent its perpetrators claimed it would be,
could have ended in the destruction of
democracy in Quebec," the article said.
"Ottawa is understood to have used this
information as part of the process to justify
in its own mind that 'a state of insurrection'
did exist."
Suddenly the crisis took on a new perspective. According to the article, Trudeau
invoked the War Measures Act in order to
prevent an influential group of Quebecers
from replacing a legitimately-elected
government.
Later on, it became known through the
media that those involved in the Provisional
Government Plot included: Claude Ryan,
editor of Le Devoir; Rene Levesque, leader
of the Parti Quebecois and the most influential separatist politician in the
province; union leaders; academics;
members of the PQ, and the president of a
Quebec-based co-operative insurance
company.
The above named had met at a downtown
Holiday Inn in Montreal on Oct. 14 and had
drafted a statement urging Bourassa to seek
a negotiated solution with the FLQ.
When the War Measures Act was
proclaimed, Levesque held a press conference and announced that "Quebec no
longer has a government."
"The bit of country over which we had any
control has been swept away by the first
hard blow. The Bourassa cabinet has
stepped down and is no more than a puppet
in the hands of the federal leaders:"
For the Liberals in Ottawa, this was
enough to convince them of .their actions.
Ryan wa4 implicated in the provisional
government plot mostly- because of
suggestions he made to premier Bourassa.
As the two had made a habit of doing,
Bourassa called Ryan to ask his advice on
how to deal with the FLQ. Ryan said he
believed'that it would be best if: i) Bourassa
negotiated with the FLQ, and ii) took other
representative leaders of Quebec society
into his cabinet.
yhe importance of the provisional
government plot is not whether it existed or
not. Rather, the importance is that supposedly rational and honest politicians in
Ottawa, in the midst of a crisis which was
rocking the nation, believed it to be true.
After the crisis, it became painfully obvious that The Toronto Star's story was a
grotesque distortion of actual fact. In the
midst of the rumor making, Ryan told his
editor to stop mentioning the accusations
because "we're not in Hitler's Germany,
you know, we're in Canada."
Since it is obvious today that a plot to
replace Bourassa's government never
existed, why were government members
(such as justice minister Turner and labor
minister Bryce Mackasey) spreading the
rumors?
Ignoring the possibility they had been
actually convinced of the plot, which would
be highly unlikely considering their responsibilities and backgrounds, only two
possible reasoiis exist: (l) to discredit
Ryan, a leading Quebec critic of Trudeau,
and (2) to provide an after-the-fact
justification of the War Measures Act.
The most obvious reason is that the
government members believed the FLQ was
a sufficiently large force as to pose a serious
threat to democratic institutions. Cabinet
ministers Jean Marchand and Gerald
Pelletier both estimated that FLQ membership numbered as much as 3,000 and that
they were well armed with stolen arms and
dynamite.
However, it was more than obvious after
the crisis that the FLQ was an extremely
small organization, if any organization ever
existed.
Even kidnap victim James Cross believed
the crisis "was a case of six kids trying to
make a revolution."
The history of the FLQ also indicates that
it never possessed the power Marchand and
Pelletier believed it had.
If it can be assumed that they were not
stupid enough to actually think the FLQ had
the ability to overthrow the Quebec government and bring about the "revolution"
which Drapeau feared so much, then it can
only mean that federal government wanted
to conclusively discredit Quebec
separatists.
This can only be assumed to be the motive
behind the War Measures when the actual
results of the suspension of civil liberties are
taken into account.
When the act was proclaimed at 4 o'clock
on the morning of Oct. 16, more than half of
the eventual 400 arrests took place within 12
hours. The quick action by the Montreal
police would seem to indicate that arrest
lists had already been prepared and that a
great deal of advance preparation had been
done.
JAMES CROSS ...
fortunate to escape
While the aci outlawed the FLQ and its
supporters, those who were arrested were
more often than not separatist sympathizers. Despite newspaper headlines
referring to the detainees as "FLQ sympathizers" and "suspected terrorists,"
more than 90 per cent of those arrested were
released without any charges being laid.
Those who were released consisted of a
mixture of journalists, academics, students,
labor leaders, professionals and white-
collar workers. The one common
denominator was that they were all
members of Quebec's democratic left; they
were separatists and they were socialists.
The thought of NDP members, also
democratic socialists, being* arrested in
other parts of Canada would probably alarm
most Canadian citizens, but there was a
prevailing belief among the Canadian
population and the Montreal, Quebec and
Canadian governments in 1970 that
separatists were by definition terrorists.
Many times in his political career
Trudeau made this equation. To him, being
a separatist was to be a terrorist. And he has
obviously made the elimination of
separatism his major political goal.
Despite the fact that the PQ is a
democratically legitimate political party, a
large number of federal politicians believed,
and still believe to this day, that the PQ was
responsible for the political terrorism which
plagued Quebec in the 1960s.
Once the equation is made between the
FLQ and the PQ, it was very simple for the
federal government to justify the incarceration of separatist citizens. In fact,
many political cartoons of the time did not
blame the FLQ for Laporte's assassination,
but depict the tragic event as the responsibility of separatism as a whole.
If the discrediting and elimination of the
separatist movement was the objective of
the federal government's implementation of
the War Measures, then it succeeded in the
short run. PQ party membership decreased
dramatically in the months following the
crisis and it did indeed appear as if
separatism was finished as an effective
political force in Quebec.
The total effects of the crisis may never be
known. A number of PQ supporters now
admit their belief in separatism was
strengthened when the federal Liberals
suspended civil liberties. Other Quebecers
adopted federalism permanently.
The events of that October were admittedly the most tragic in Canada's 110-
year history, but until government
documents are revealed most Canadians
will just never know what actually occurred
in that dramatic month.
Friday, March 3, 1978
THE        UBYSSEY
Page Friday. 5 quebec
Can Quebec realize its political and cul
By HEATHER CONN
and TOM HAWTHORN
Gilles Tremblay is 41, and a professor of
history at l'Universite de Montreal.
Tremblay is a separatist.
Seven years ago he could have been
arrested without warrant or bail. In 1963, he
could have been dismissed from his job for
his beliefs in Quebec nationalism.
Today, however, the tables have turned.
Tremblay is now a ministerial assistant for
the Parti Quebecois. He is no longer a
separatist, having adopted the more
positive sounding independiste. Tremblay
will not be fired from this job because his
future is the future of a great many
Quebecois.
In the 18 years since Quebec nationalism
revived itself as a political force in Quebec it
has been transformed from a fringe element
to a legitimate and powerful political
machine. And after the 1976 elections, a
party dedicated to the goals of Quebec independence formed the official government
for the first time in Quebec's history.
Quebec nationalism has existed in Quebec
perhaps from the very first colonization. As
a colony of France, Quebec very rapidly
developed its own sense of identity. Jesuit
journals reflected and noted this individuality, and one earnest missionary
complained to France about "the independent spirit" of the Quebecois people.
W%
Nationalism once again reared its head in
1837, when disgruntled Patriotes rebelled
from British rule in a time of economic
hardship. The rebellion was quickly crushed
though, and rebel leaders including Louis
Papineau escaped to the United States.
From that time on, Quebec nationalism
would remain as a possible objective in the
province. At the turn of the century, Honore
Mercier, and later Henri Bourassa,
reasserted the Quebec nationalist resistance
to British imperialism.
Separatism enjoyed a widespread revival
in the depression era of the Thirties, but
petered out after the economy improved
with the advent of the Second World War.
With the coming of the conscription crisis,
the Bloc Populaire party formed nationalist
opposition to compulsory military service.
In the 1944 Quebec elections, the Bloc
Populaire won 15 per cent of the vote and
four seats.
4,
The independence movement received
another push of support in the late 1950s,
stimulated by an increase in unemployment. In 1957, the separatist l'alliance
Laurentienne was formed. While political
observers generally ignored the Alliance, it
was to be the first in a generation of
separatist parties.
The most important of these was Le
Rassemblement pour iridependance
nationale. Formed in 1960, it appeared on
the Quebec scene at a time of dramatic
political upheaval, following the sudden
death of Union Nationale premier Maurice
Duplessis.
*!*
It was also in the early Sixties when the
political terrorist groups such as the Front
de Liberation du Quebec (F.L.Q.), l'Armee
de Liberation du Quebec, Armee
Revolutionnaire du Quebec, and the Front
Republicain pour l'lndependance were
formed.
These fringe groups were generally involved in the many bombings and bank
robberies which plagued Quebec in the
1960s. The F.L.Q. was to be ultimately
responsible for the October Crisis of 1970,
while the other groups eventually joined
R.I.N, or the Parti Quebecois.
In the 1966 Quebec election, R.I.N, and the
more conservative Ralliement Nationale
received a total of 8.8 per cent of the vote. It
was evident that the separatists were not
going to win an election in the near future
without at least stirring up dissent in
Quebec. Under the leadership of Pierre
Bourgault, they were to do just that.
After Rene Levesque left the Liberals in
1967 over the issue of sovereignty-
association, he presided at the birth of the
Mouvement Souverainete-association. The
M.S.A. soon gained a strong base of support. Clause Ryan, then of Le Devoir and
now a candidate for the Quebec Liberal
leadership, believed the M.S.A. was rooted
"deeply in the conscience and the political
tradition of French Canada."
The M.S.A. had 13,000 supporters when it
assimilated the 500 to 4,000 members of the
Ralliement Nationale. For the first time in
the 1960s, the separatist movement began to
actually resemble a political movement as
opposed to the numerous small fringe
groups which had previously existed.
4,
In 1968,800 delegates, most of whom were
from the moderate wing of the M.S.A., met
to form the new separatist Parti Quebecois.
While the party was modeled after the
democratic socialist NDP, only about 12 per
cent of the PQ's members were from the
working class.
"On the day after its birth, the Parti
Quebecois seems clearly to be the political
movement of a single class in our society,
the white collar workers, the intellectuals
and the professions," wrote Claude
Beauchamp of La Presse.
It was to be a winning formula. The Parti
and leader Rene Levesque took the Quebec
nationalist movement out of the land of the
political fringes into the respectability of
party democracy.
In its first electoral test, the PQ polled 23
per cent of the vote, increased this total to 30
per cent in 1973, and ultimately was victorious in 1976 with 44 per cent of the vote.
*t*
As for the October Crisis, it acted as the
final stand for political terrorism in Quebec.
The riots and demonstrations of 1969 and
1970 quickly dissipated following the murder
of Pierre Laporte and the invocation of the
War Measurees Act by the federal government.
But now that Quebec nationalism is in
vogue, the first dissent against the PQ are
being heard from groups which have
traditionally supported the nationalist
movement.
And as the independence political debate
is waged between Trudeau and Levesque
the lines are being drawn in Quebec and
Canada over the question of Quebec's independence.
People in Vancouver are the farthest
removed from the Confederation debate, but
a small sample of three UBC students shows
surprising support for the goals and
aspirations of French-Canadians.
Most French Canadians in Quebec
strongly desire a French identity and an end
to English dominance, b u t do not favor
separatism, says French Canadian Serge
Bedard, sciences 1.
The Parti Quebecois came to power last
year because French Canadians desire
change, not separation from Canada, according to J3edarcL
"I don't believe the people who voted for
the Parti Quebecois were voting for
separatism. They were voting for a change
in government from the corrupt Bourrassa
leadership."
w*
French Canadians voted for Parti
Quebecois in the last provincial election to
strike out against English oppression, he
said.
"All French Canadians feel English oppression. Most French workers, les
ouvriers, from Montreal live directly in
oppression and they're the most prone to all
this (English domination). There is a deep
resentment towards the 80 per cent English
domination."
Bedard explains a familiar case of
English domination in Quebec's past.
"In my home town five years ago, the
three pulp and paper mills were English
owned. English-speaking workers from
other provinces were transferred into
Quebec to work. A definite language barrier
existed between the English bosses and 70
per cent of the workers, who were French.
Often the bosses need a translator just to
talk with the workers."
Bedard says his uncle, who worked 15
years for one company and his grandfather,
who was employed for 30 years, could not
advance their positions simply because they
were French. Often bilingual or trilingual
French-Canadians who were qualified and
from higher up to replace his choice with
English workers. English-speaking workers
were hired and then given crash courses in
French."
This was the situation in Quebec in the
past, but everything's changing now, says
Bedard. He adds there is more movement
for French Canadian dominance in Quebec's
own economy. French Canadians should
have more independence in their own
province, he says.
"French-Canadians have the right to be
struggling for a French identity. They don't
think they have one."
Bedard says language bill 101 is a good
idea. The bill stipulates that all immigrants
and all English-speaking students outside
MeyMo. what's AtbM
isttsr, wofcp r>£ someone
HMO SPEAK* BoTti FR&JCH
totally familiar with a mill were not hired,
he adds. Instead, English-speaking workers
who were completely unfamiliar with the
mill were brought in from outside the
province.
In the northern town of Alma, Quebec,
rigid discrimination existed seven years
ago, says Bedard. There were distinct
separations in town between the French and
English and the two never crossed paths, he
adds.
"If a foreman in a mill (in Alma job
situations) decided to hire French-speaking
workers who were qualified, he got a call
the province must go to French school. This
opens up culture within Quebec and gives
the French Canadians more strength, he
says.
"There's a good possiblity an immigrant
coming to Quebec to a French school will
marry a French girl and the second
generation will be French."
This will decrease the amount of English-
speaking people in Quebec, adds Bedard.
He says the key to French-Canadian
identity is its culture.
Toronto-born Marili Moore, biology 3,
says she feels French culture plays an
Page Friday. 6
THE
UBYSSEY
Friday, March 3, 1978 •■**
's*\V#»*sfc»» -4iHJ
!■     . >W
quebec
iral aspirations within Confederation?
lportant role in Canada. She says she has
ways been exposed to French films, plays
id music. As a Torontonian, Moore adds
at she did not feel alienated from Quebec
an English speaking Canadian.
But many English speaking Canadians
e ignorant in their attitudes towards the
rench, she insists.
"A prevalent,   holier-than-thou attitude
cists   among   many   English   speaking
anadian. They think of the French in terms
us and them.
'I feel English speaking people who don't
en try to understand the French and hate
am because they're different are in a sad
ite. English Canadians who feel they don't
ve to pay attention to the French or learn
French Canadians are justified in seeking a
separate identity.
"In the past they've been treated as
second class citizens by the English and
given lower class jobs, as in Montreal, with
English in charge."
At one point, people were despised if they
were French and the French were ashamed
of their language, says Zwolak. She adds
that the Quebecois are trying to eliminate a
negative image of themselves.
"They want to stand up for who they are."
But in asserting Quebec's independence,
Zwolak says she thinks Levesque has gone a
little too far with his language bills. The
Quebec premier has reversed the full gamut
in his attempt to make French-Canadians
dominant, she says.
INe  LETTERS.
Bour Separatist
heir language are losing out on a big part of
heir life as Canadians."
Moore says she agrees with the French
Canadians' sentiment towards English
ppression.
"The Quebecois are justified in being
isgusted with centuries of English
omination. It's very archaic to think the
lture of a country is decided by one battle
n the Plains of Abraham (in which general
/olfe led the English to defeat the French
'orce under Montcalm.)"
A woman whose mother is French-
anadian, Michelle Zwolak, rehab 2, says
Zwolak adds that she does not think
separation would be a good move.
"We need them and they need us. I see no
reason why we can't learn to live together.
Each of our cultures complements the
other."
As a worker in Victoria's French-
Canadian drop-in centre, Zwolak says
French Canadians out west are really
ignorant about English Canada.
But English-speaking people in B.C. are
ignorant of French Canadians and their
history. Many have never had French
Canadian friends and feel threatened by the
French, she says.
They think the French are trying to get
privileges, says Zwolak.
But Quebec is doing a favour to the rest of
Canada, says Bedard.
"Quebec is fighting for more provincial
power and other provinces could follow suit.
"English speaking Canadians are starting
to have a greater understanding of Quebec
since the French government came into
power. Since Quebec's possible separation is
a major issue, English Canadians are more
aware of the French. Quebec has gained
importance."
Bedard says he does not think separation
is the answer to Quebec's future.
"I think Quebec should stay in Canada
since it contributes to the growth of the
country as a whole. Separation would be an
economic and cultural disaster for Quebec."
Polls support Quebec
By KIT TAM
A small survey conducted in the past
couple of months shows that ninety-four
percent of those Vancouverites interviewed are in favour of an economic
union with a post-separation Quebec. It's
only common ense to aid eech other rather
than to further destroy each other, said the
majority of those interviewed.
• Tlie purpose of the interviews was to
investigate how Vancouverites viewed the
Quebec situation. As one-half of those
interviewed are within my acquaintance, I
cannot say the survey represents Vancouver.
However, the views expressed here are
similar to the general views expressed at
the Pepin-Robarts Task Force hearings in
Vancouver last month. The results of my
survey are as follows;
1. Since the November 15, 1976 election
of the Parti Quebecois (P.Q.) do you think
the separation issue has been overplayed?
Yes   64.7%
No  35.3%
2. Do you believe that national unity is
our key concern right now, or is it rather a
question of economics? Of employment
and inflation?
National Unity is most important 5.9%
Economics is most important  64.7%
They're inseparable   29.4%
3. Do you believe that Trudeau is using
the separation issue to camouflage his
problems with the economy and draw
public attention and sympathy to his
"federalist cause"?
Yes  47.1%
No     29.4%
Possibly 23.5%
4. Are there any circumstances under
which you would be in favour of a Quebec
separation?
Yes  52.8%
No  29.4%
Undecided  11.8%
Don't care 5.9%
5. Do you believe Canada should take up
arms to prevent Quebec from separating?
Yes 5.9%
No  88.2%
Undecided    5.9%
6. Should Quebec separate and attempt
to take over Labrador, would you be in
favour of Canada taking up arms to defend
Labrador?
Yes  23.5%
No 23.5%
Undecided  '... 5.9%
Try negotiation   23.5%
If Labrador requests it 11.8%
Uncategorized 11.8%
7. Should Quebec separate, do you
believe Quebec should be limited to the
land that it covered at Confederation?
Yes  5.9%
No  .....88.2%
Negotiate land borders  5.9%
8. Are you in favour of maintianing the
status quote keep Quebec within Canada?
Yes  17.6%
No  70.6%
Undecided  U.8%
9. Are you in favour of an economic
union with a post-separation Quebec?
Yes  94.1%
No 5.9%
10. Do you think such a union would be
viable?
Yes 70.6%
No 5.9%
Undecided  23.5%
U. Do you believe the rest of Canada
could survive without Quebec and vice
Rest of Canada   can   survive   without
Quebec:
Yes  , 88.2%
No  - 11.8%
Quebec   can  survive   without  rest  of
Canada:
Yes     64.7%
No  35.3%
12. Do you believe the Western
provinces are capable of surviving as one
entity outside of the Canadian federation?
Yes  82.4%
No  17.6%
13. How do you think, the Canadian
federation could be saved? Any alternatives? There were many different answers to this question. Among the. more
popular are:
. 1. Get rid of Trudeau and Levesque and,
2. Greater  decentralization  and   a
rewritten constitution. The majority
favoured the latter solution.
14. Do you think the P.Q. election was
beneficial in that it made Canadians all
over stop and really face the problem for
the first time instead of continuing to
ignore it?
Yes  82.4%
No  11.8%
Uncategorized    5.9%
15. During his election campaign,
Levesque had said, "If we are elected, we
will be elected to administer the province
as it now exists." Do you feel he has lived
up to this remark?
Yes  58.8%
No  23.5%
Undecided  17.6%
16. What are your feelings towards Bill
101? Is it democratic? A breach of the
constitution? An inevitability?
Democratic  9.1%
Undemocratic 31.8%
Breach of Constitution  13.6%
Inevitable 27.3%
Understandable    13.6%
No   .    reaction        4.5%
Most people gave more than one answer
for this question. *
17. How do you feel about Levesque's
actions in granting language rights to the
Inuits, but not to the English minority in
Quebec?
The answers to this question were
varied. One person simply said, "He just
wants to be an asshole." However, the
majority either felt that Levesque was
being undemocratic, that he was using
double standards, or that he had no choice
since he could not cry about the callous
treatment of his minority language and at
the same time, be callous in his treatment
of the Inuits* minority language in Quebec.
18. Do you feel that all those Canadian
unity conferences are doing any good for
the country?
Yes  47.1%
No 52.9%
19. What are your impressions of Rene
Levesque? The response to this question
indicated that most of the people thought
Levesque was relatively honest, quite
ambitious, and very determined.
20. Do you think he. will succeed in
removing Quebec from the Canadian
federation?
Yes  23.5%
No ,47.1%
Undecided .....' 29.4%
These are only the statistics. The result
in its entirety reveal a great deal more.
In conclusion, those who are more well-
read on the Quebec situation are less
certain about many of their own feelings,
and hence, were more cautious and
moderate in their replies. On the other
hand, those who were less welt-read On the
issue responded more quickly and with
more certainty. They also presented more
radical views.
Also, despite a lack of knowledge of the
issues by some, a large majority of
Vancouverites showed more empathy for
the Quebecois and more concern for the
future of the Canadian federation than the
Eastern perception of "parochial" B.C.
would indicate.
Friday, March 3, 1978
THE        UBYSSEY
Page Friday, 7 '**& quebec
ife&;&'
S*s<r«V      *..\
Separation leads to US assimilation
By MIKE BOCKING
The two national hockey teams line up on
the Montreal Forum's ice to hear Roger
Doucet belt out the two national anthems —
0 Canada and Gens du Pays — before the
first period of the 1982 Stanley Cup.
While the Canadian players face their
Quebec counterparts on the ice, the prime
minister of Canada and the president of the
Republic of Quebec trade politically-
couched hockey quips in the VIP box.
Is this scenario possible? Premier Rene
Levesque has said that in the near future a
democratically-determined nation will
appear on the world map.
But to what extent is Quebec capable of
becoming a truly sovereign state?
Economist Kimon Valaskakis of the
Gamma Research .Group, a co-operative
venture between tbf Universite de Montreal
and McGill University, says complete
sovereignty means economic, technological,
military and cultural independence.
Political independence naturally follows
from these.
Valaskakis says in an article for Le
Devoir, Dec. 10, 1977 that an important
criteria for determining economic independence is the extent to which an economy
is open to others.
Valaskakis says economies can be given
co-efficients to describe the extent to which
a particular economy is open to others. The
higher the co-efficient, the less independence political leaders have in controlling their economy.
Quebec has a co-efficient of 40 per cent
Valaskakis says, one of the highest in the
world.
And the diversity of one's trading partners
also has an important effect on independence.
Quebec has all of its eggs in a few baskets.
Thirty-five per cent of its exports are to
Ontario, 28 per cent to the United States and
13 per cent to the western provinces.
And Quebec's capital is largely owned by
non-Quebecois.
Valaskakis estimates 60 per cent of
Quebec's capital is in American hands.
And Quebec's exports are not well
diversified. Eighty per cent of its exports
are semi-finished products and within this
group there is little diversification. This
leaves the Quebec economy at the mercy of
the slightest changes in the world economy.
Quebec is hardly in a position to freely
manage its own economy.
But Canada's situation is not much better.
The degree to which the Canadian economy
is dependent on foreign economic decisionmakers has been told many times and need
not be repeated here.
But the fact that both Quebec and Canada
are dependent to a large extent on outside
pressures illustrates the fallacious nature of
the current debate on separatism or
national unity — depending on your
ideology.
The issue has been discussed in a vacuum
and is most often described as a Canada-
Quebec, or worse, an Ontario-Quebec
problem.
This analysis neglects the North
American triangle which includes the
American society as well as those of Canada
and Quebec.
Canadians have been obsessed with the
Quebec-Canada leg of this triangle to the
exclusion of studying the Quebec-American
and Canada-American legs.
The separatism issue is even more
fallacious because Levesque's proposal is
really only a warmed-over version of
federalism. Levesque realizes economic
separation from Canada is suicidal for
Quebec and is asking for economic
association after separation, which will
require the delegation of some economic
power to a central authority in Ottawa, not
to mention an impressive display of political
footwork.
At the same time, other Canadians are
frantically searching for a third option
which will have the same net effect as the
Pequiste proposal but would avoid the
traumatizing effect of separatism.
The difference between moderate
Pequistes and those English Canadians
searching for a third option, between the
status quo and separation is packaging.
Both want a more decentralized federation but the symbols, such as separation
first, are getting in the way.
But symbols are important and this one
could lead to the breakup of the Canadian
common market.
A popular theory to explain the eventual
demise of Canada is the domino theory.
When Quebec leaves the Confederation, it
has been argued the peripheral provinces in
the Maritimes and the West will succumb to
the lures from the South.
The Maritimes, cut off from the rest of
English Canada, will have little choice but to
join the U.S. to avoid complete economic
stagnation.
Alberta will be a rich prospect for the U.S.
with its oil fields and British Columbia could
provide the U.S. with an attractive land
bridge to Alaska.
Ontario, the province for which Confederation is all abt»ut, will also finally
knuckle under to the irresistible pulls of
Washington.
Some observers have said Canada is
similar to a cocktail party where everyone
is bored to death but everyone is too polite to
be the first to leave.
But once the first guest departs from the
party it will become an exodus.
The only possible solution is to make
Canada ah exciting party.
That is not to say Canada should adopt a
strident nationalism like that of France.
Even if it is possible it is probably not
desirable.
According to Valaskakis, what is possible,
because of a series of historical accidents, is
a truly pluralistic society which encourages
multi-dimensionality and makes being
different a virtue.
Valaskakis says that in order to accomplish this nation it will be necessary that
Canada remain distinct from the U.S. and
that Canadians attempt to introduce a geopolitical counterweight to balance the giant
to the South.
For historical, cultural and political
reasons this counterweight should be
Europe.
Canada should develop links, both
economic and political with the European
Economic Community to counter the
massive influence of the southern colossus,
says Valaskakis.
The Quebec problem is the Canadian
problem. The election on Nov. 15, 1976 has
accelerated the question of Canada's survival.
Given the North American triangle, it is
doubtful Canada would survive long without
Quebec.
Canada is worth saving because a truly
multicultural society is one worth searching
for and making a reality.
The Pequiste proposal for separation is a
pipe dream given the political and economic
dynamics of North America.
Levesque often lauds the quality of small
countries.
Small nations can exist on continents such
as Europe and Africa where there are many
small countries. It is unrealistic to create a
small state next to the U.S.
If there is a parting of ways between
Quebec and the rest of Canada it will be little
more than a symbolic pretence in the long
term.
Quebec cannot have real sovereignty due
to its economic situation. Any sovereignty
which it acquires will be largely symbolic
and not real.
Valaskakis says that Quebec sovereignty,
to the extent that it is real, is not possible
and to the extent that it is possible, is not
real.
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UBYSSEY
Friday, March 3, 1978 sk
w-'^.,,-^*£rfjf
:5,KS&*
c, *NJ
quebec
Quebec's small towns face extinction
By ERIC PROMISLOW
The Bas-du-Fleuve is not the most striking
part of Quebec.
Most tourists try to cross it as quickly as
they can, regarding it as a long, unnecessary journey between Quebec City and
the Gaspe and Maritimes. Narrow potato
fields, and endless display of churches and a
lack of people who speak English don't have
much to offer for visitors trying to circle the
Gaspe in a weekend.
But if there is one area that captures the
essence of rural Quebec, this is it. The Bas-
du-Fleuve, known as the Saint Lawrence
Lowlands to those who have never been
there, stretches for some 200 kilometres
between Quebec City and Riviere-du-Loup,
where the Trans-Canada hangs a right to
more colorful scenery of the Maritimes.
From the highway, it is one dull area.
Billboards advertise places to stay in
Riviere-du-Loup, the Gaspe, and Maine, but
not in the vicinity. The only town that
receives a substantial number of visitors is
St.-Jean-Port-Joli, famous for its wood
carvings.
However, the traveler who pulls off the
highway to spend a day leisurely, either in a
village by the Saint Lawrence or in the
valley, is bound to discover an incredible
group of people.
One thing characterizes these people:
their pride. Some live in the same small
parish where their ancestors set up a
homestead 300 years ago. Others have
moved from Montreal, Quebec, and even
France to live in a slow-paced Riviere-du-
Loup. They love the area, and they're
always showing it.
The area isn't particularly charming. The
lakes are further east, near Maine. The
river neatly separates the Laurentians in
the north from the rolling hills of the
southern lowlands. The eastern townships
are more charming, the cities are more
exciting, and the north is more adventurous.
What the Bas-du-Fleuve does have is la
joie de vivre that the Quebec travel posters
are always showing. Its people aren't rich.
Most are farmers, small merchants, factory
workers (where there are factories), or
unemployed. But they are among the
friendliest in Canada, being more than
happy to share what they have to welcome
visitors.
The youngest villages are over 100 years
old, and every anniversary is joyously
celebrated. The parades aren't impressive
in a commercial sense, but there's a feeling
of sincerity in the simplicity of a parade that
relies on high school bands and church
groups to supply the entertainment.
Sometimes a town doesn't even need to
have a milestone anniversary to declare a
celebration. Last summer, tiny Ste. Helene,
a town of 1300 people 20 miles west of,
Riviere-du-Loup, found itself flanked by two
bigger towns that were 125 and 150 years old.
Not to be overlooked, the village dutifully
noted its 138th birthday with an outdoor
dance and barbecue. That's what the people
of the area are like.
While birthdays grab their attention, their
sense of family history doesn't let them
overlook a death. However, it appears that
the Quebecois regard death with more levity
than the morose English, even if their smalltown relationships are more intimate. It's
almost considered bad taste to not get drunk
or at least pleasantly inebriated, at a wake.
The people's present lack of a high
reverence for the dead shows how even the
rural townspeople have freed themselves
from the church's; educational stronghold.
The clergy lost control of the schools in the
late 1950s. Since then, university students
have been studying law, medicine, and
business administration instead of theology
and the classics. This new, intellectual elite
forms much of the background of the Parti
Quebecois.
Nevertheless, the church still makes itself
felt. It has teen said that in Quebec, the
smaller the town the larger the church. A
nice saying, but it isn't true — they're all
huge. Ste. Hellene's is right in the centre of
town, as almost all village churches are.
Riviere-du-Loup is built on a large hill that
rises from the river. A large, bright neon
cross at the top of the slope reminds its
14,000 people of their heritage in 20th century fashion.
But Quebecois don't flock to church in
droves every Sunday morning, as the myth
has it. Nor are the women simply baby-
machines anymore. In fact, Quebec now has
the lowest fertility rate of the 10 provinces.
Cohabiting couples are accepted as easily in
STE. HELENE CHURCH-YARD . . .
rural Quebec as in more sophisticated cities.
While the Quebecois still nail crosses on
their bedroom walls, their morals seem to
have kept up with those in the rest of North
America. Still, Ste. Helene's two schools
show that tradition dies hard. The town has
two schools, and the parochial one is at least
10 times the size of the two-classroom public
schoolhouse.
The food the people of Quebec eat is an
important part of their way of life. Old
family recipes are faithfully passed down
the generations. A visitor to the Bas-du-
Fleuve will invariably have a chance to try
such specialties as split pea soup (of
course), pig's feet stew, tortiere (a kind of
meat pie), lots of potatoes, and, for dessert,
what else but la tarte au sucre. It's a
delightful pie, made of a thin, flaky crust
over a filling made of white and brown
sugar, honey, molasses, raisins, pecans, and
other such yummy things.
The pie is  a  huge favorite  with  the
central location indicates place of religion.
Quebecois and their insatiable craving for
sweets. The result of their diet is a
population with one of the highest rates of
false teeth in the world.
Most Quebecois can't afford constant
dental care. Over half of the population has
false teeth, which works out to a better investment in the long run. Because their
teeth are in such poor condition, fresh fruit
isn't eaten very often and fresh vegetables
are boiled until they're good and limp. The
diet in rural Quebec ranks as one of the
worst in North America.
Another reason for the poor diet is that the
state of the province's agriculture has
deteriorated to the point where all it can
grow are potatoes and barley.
Over the years, the agricultural land has
been divided into narrow strips, some less
than 50 meters wide. When the French first
settled in Canada, they distributed the land
so everyone had a piece of waterfront on the
Saint Lawrence, as there weren't any roads.
Farmers divided their rectangular lots into
thinner strips for each of their sons, and this
pattern continued.
Today, the number of farmers has
decreased, but the old fences separating
each strip of land still stand. Sheep and cows
are raised between two lengths of potato
fields. It's a very uneconomical system, but
after centuries of such use, the land can't be
improved.
One question keeps on coming up: are the
people of the Bas-du-Fleuve in an
irresistable decline, or can the villages
continue to survive? The answer may lie in
the differences between dying Ste. Helene
and its prospering neighbor, St. Pascal.
Ste. Helene can't help giving the impression that it's on its last legs. Except for
a couple of appliance stores owned by the
town's only entrepreuner, Camille
Levesque, and two small grocery^ stores, it
has no businesses. The Catholic school, the
bank and the post office are the only modern
buildings in town. Many of the unemployed
townspeople are considering moving to
Quebec City for a job and a richer life.
It's the strong community spirit that
keeps the villagers from leaving. Status in
Ste. Helene, if it does exist, could be
measured by how close one lives to the
centre of the town, where the valley highway meets the freeway access road. All the
townspeople know each other, and most of
what qualifies as news is passed by word of
mouth. Live on a farm, half a mile from the
church, and one can't help feeling occasionally secluded.
St. Pascal is a mere eight kilometers to
the west, but it is incredibly different. Its
population is only 4,000, but it is a metropolis
compared to Ste. Helene.
It has several restaurants, a Simpson
Sear's mail-order centre, many small shops,
a theatre, and many other amenities usually
found only in a town of twice the size.
Ste. Helene is a farming community. St.
Pascal once was, but business has
rejuvenated it to the point where it now
boasts one of the highest per capita
productivity rates in the entire Bas-du-
Fleuve.
This came about in the early 1950s when
the sons of the town's wealthy farmers and
artisans formed the Jeunesse Rurale
Catholique.The JRC became a consortium of
businessmen who gave each other confidence and a sense of superiority over the
church. They gradually usurped the church
as the centre of power in St. .Pascal.
See PF 12: ENTREPRENEURS
Acadians on verge of extinction
K
By ERIC PROMISLOW
Even a quick, three-day whirlwind tour
of the Maritimes is enough time to see that
something is wrong there.
What's happening is that the Acadian
people are on fee verge of becoming fully
assimilated into a normal English way of
life. Some people in Quebec point to the
Acadians and say that the francophones of
Quebec will soon be in the same situation if
they don't do something to wipe out the
English influence.
Most of the Acadians are found in the
southwest tip of Nova Scotia and the North
and East coasts of New Brunswick. For
the last 200 years, they have been considered a persecuted people.
Originally from France, the Acadians
came to North America at the same time
as the voyageurs, but settled further east,
particularly in the fertile Annapolis
Valhsy. Although they spoke French, they
felt independent, allied neither to the
French settlers along the St. Lawrence nor
wife the British colonists in New England.
Britain was given possession of mach of
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick in 1755.
The Acadians who lived there refused to
take an oath of allegience to fee king of
England. The Engish gave them a final
deadline. Most of the farmers ignored it,
and the British expelled them to
Louisiana.
Most of them stayed there; and have
been, for fee most part, assimilated into
the American culture. Many returned to
New England and fee Maritimes, only to
find that the Engish had taken over their
fertile farmland, leaving them with fee
less desirable land in northern New
Brunswick and the Bay Sainte Marie area
of Nova Scotia.
Spending three days in the region wasn't
enough to get a complete idea of fee
Acadians' plight, but we did geta fair idea.
In Quebec fee francophones expect people
to try to speak in French first. Acadians
will accommodate any anglophone,
regardless of how much French the visitor
may know.
We asked two guys in Edmonston, N.B.,
how to get to the Maine border. We spoke
in French; they tried to answer in some
twisted form of English, and we asked
them to speak French so we could understand them.
A girl who works in a grocery store in
Chatham, N.B., whtsre fee languages are
spoken in almost a 50-50 proportion, said
feat she couldn't speak French, but the
Acadians in town didn't generally shop at
her store.
A brother and sister, also from
Chatham, when asked if there was an
apartheid of sorts there, replied feat most
of fee younger Acadians speak very little
French and associate wife the English
There are many more forms of what
seems to be a voluntary assimilation
among the Acadians. , . ■    V
Andre Fortas, a specialist in social and
economic development atthe University of
Moncton; where most instruction is hi
Frendh, reports that many, parents in
northern New Brunswick send their
children to English schools. Acadian
students in Moncton often go to fee English
University of New Brunswick in
Fredericton.
Sir Francis Xavier university in An-
tigonish, N.S., once had many Acadian
students. Today it is completely
Anglicized.
There are 8,000 Acadians in Saint John,
N.B., yet they practically had to fight to
convince the Hatfield government to set up
a French school there. In fact, many
people in the Maritimes, both English and
Acadian, consider it an act of conspiracy
to speak French in the presence of an
anglophone. So went fee argument against
a French school in predominantly English
Saint John.
New Brunswick is a bilingual province in
theory, but the use of two languages is
limited to the highway signs near fee
Quebec border. One politician, Leonard
Jones, has represented fee Moncton area,
most recently as an MP, although he is
known for his bias against francophones.
Mien he was mayor of Moncton in 1968 a
large group of francophones at fee
university demonstrated for fee right to
have their language recognized. Many of
fee students were arrested. At their trial
Jones denied them fee right to defend
themselves in French.
As well as having lost their language, fee
Acadians have been denied work in their
traditional occupations such as farming,
fishing and working in fee woods.
National Sea Products and Consolidated
Bathurst have monopolies in fee latter two
areas, and the McCain frozen foods
company, with considerable support from
fee Hatfield government, controls most of
fee agriculture.
The wealthier English farmers can
afford to make a larger, more economical
.deal wife McCain than fee Acadians can.
Many barns in northern New Bronswiek
look as if they're on the verge of collapsing.
For a Quebecois, the state of Acadia is a
warning of what can happen is Quebec if
fee English manage to take over.
Friday, March 3, 1978
THE
UBYSSEY
Page Friday. 9 quebec
KJU    i  'A*ft'
Quebec music asserts independence
By ERIC PROMISLOW
If there is only one reason for a
Vancouverite to learn French, it's
to enjoy Quebec's music more.
Ascending from the Rene Simard
level, some fantastic sounds have
been emerging from la belle
province during the past few years.
The current music scene in the
rest of North America has been
criticized for being bland,
stagnant, dull and homogenous.
The music from Quebec doesn't fit
any mould. In fact, the driving
force behind most groups seem to
be a search for individuality rather
than the "Perfect Sound."
Harmonium, as th?y sing in their
title piece "have fun making
harmony." They've had fun
making it around the world, and
their three albums, Harmonium,
Les Cinq Saisons, and l'Heptade,
can stimulate the most jaded
listener.
Gilles Vigneault has been enchanting young and old for longer
than most people remember. The
iconoclastic Robert Charlebois has
made a huge impact in the United
States and English Canada, as well
as being firmly ensconced in the
arts in Quebec. Andre Gagnon is a
world-renowned pianist, considered to be one of the best living
popular artists.
There are many others, not well
known out here, but superstars at
home.
The two most popular groups,
Seguin and Beau Dommage, are
diametrically opposed in their
styles.
Seguin takes the folk music of the
fur traders and gives it an
irresistible modern appeal.
Listening to them is like wandering
into a renaissance fayre.
Beau Dommage, on the other
hand, is a Montreal band, as is
evident in their music. As with
most Quebecois artists, their
music is hard to classify. It ranges
from the dynamic Le Picbois (the
woodpecker) to the lyrical La
Complainte d'un Phoque en Alaska
(un phoque is a seal, a convenient
word for any visitor to Quebec to
learn).
Lougaroup is one of the more
popular folk groups. Most of their
material consists of the old,
popular folk songs of the province.
What's interesting is that many of
these songs have managed to creep
into the English folk culture, yet no
one is aware of their French origin.
Other major singers include
Felix Leclerc, Diane Dufresne and
Pauline Julien.
Leclerc can be considered
Vigneault's closest contemporary,
although he certainly is no rival.
Dufresne is the spunky, ebullient
woman who hasn't completely
grown up. She not only sings, but
writes most of her material,
dances, acts, and loves dressing up
as a clown. Her vivacious personality pervades in her songs.
Julien channels all her energy
into her singing. Her songs are
generally more serious and
political than Dufresne's, although
she has her light moments.
Nevertheless, both are fantastic
singers by anyone's standards.
Michel Pagliaro has been singing
in both languages for years. Most
of his repertoire is FM-oriented:
fancy instrumentals with little
political content.
The separatist climate in Quebec
has given much of the province's
music the same kind of consciousness that American music enjoyed
in the late 1960s. Most of the
separatists are between 15 and 35,
the age bracket that buys most
records.
Additionally, Quebecois youth
are considered by some to be more
than five years behind popular
American trends. Students at
l'Universite du Quebec in Montreal
recently passed through the acid
stage — Tom Wolfe's The Electric
Kool-Aid Acid Test was the book to
read. They're now "into"
demonstrating, and the issue of independence has given them the
perfect cause to rally under, much
as the Vietnam war did 10 years
ago for Americans.
However, Quebec's culture is
very susceptible to American
influence, and the province has
more than its share of discos.
Montreal's discos are one of the
few places where English and
French freely mix. They're
scattered in the old part of Quebec
City, but both visitors and locals
seem to prefer the livelier
brasseries (pubs). Trois-Rivieres
boasts North America's largest
disco. Even the tiny, 300-year-old
village of Kamouraska has succumbed, with not one, but two
discos.
Quebec's discos aren't too
distinguishable from any others,
but going to a brasserie is an experience that has no English
parallel. The conversation is
always lively. The local Molson
beer, Brador, puts any other brand
to shame. And, if one can hear the
music, one probably can't
recognize it. Jazz and 1960s acid
rock are particular favorites in an
area where Billboard's Top 40
means nothing.
Most Quebecois music is aimed
at the middle-class youth in the
Hull-Quebec City corridor. It isn't
unusual to find a 14-year-old out in
the Gaspe singing along to Hotel
California without being able to
understand the words.
The music scene focuses on
Quebec City. If it is hard to find
good amateur music here in
Vancouver, it's nearly impossible
to avoid some young, eager
guitarist in Quebec City. No self-
respecting brasserie would open its
doors without some kind of live
entertainment. Hopeful musicians
sometimes outnumber pedestrians
on the boardwalk overlooking the
St. Lawrence. Behind the majestic
Chateau Frontenac lies a park that
features an outdoor concert on
almost every pleasant summer
evening.
Even the bigger stars are more
accessible. Pauline Julien and
Diane Dufresne recently performed in Montreal. The best
tickets went for a mere $5. Nor do
the stars play exclusively in the
cities. There are many concerts in
the Eastern Townships, the St.
Lawrence Lowlands, the Lake St.-
Jean area, and even the Gaspe
peninsula.
Not to forget what these people
are singing about. A separatist
theme predominates in much of the
music of Charlebois, Leclerc,
Julien, Seguin, and some of Harmonium's. Vigneault's and Dufresne's music takes a more
positive approach. They sing of a
nationalistic sense of being
Quebecois. Dufresne does it with
her mock-joual accent, Vigneault
through his celebrations of the
province and its people.
Even without its lyrics, much of
Quebec's music, from the age-old
folk songs from France to Harmonium's intricate instrumental
tunes, has a universal appeal that
transcends any language barrier.
It's worth a listen.
HE HAD
GOOD GRADES..
A GOOD GIRL...
GOOD BUDDIES.
UNTIL
THEY
PUT HIM
THROUGH..
..A Night of Fun 'n Games
that went too far!
THt ENDING WILL STARTLE YOU!
Starring JEFF EAST • BRAD DAVID and CHARLIE MARTIN SMITH
with DAVID HAYWARD as CARL • JIM BOELSEN • SANDRA VACEY
Directed by DOUGLAS CURTIS Produced by DOUGLAS CURTIS and
BRUCE SHELLY • A Danton Rims Ltd. Release.
4^3333^   SHOWS AT: 12:20, 1:55,
3:50,5:50, 7:50,9:50
SUNDAY: 2:15, 3:50, 5:50, 7:50, 9:50
CORONET  I
8S1   GRANVILLE
685-6828
Page Friday, 10
THE        UBYSSEY
Friday, March 3, 1978 tfp>
quebec jjs
Film industry lost drive after PQ win
By GRAY KYLES
Only a few years ago Quebec was
the focal point for much of
Canada's feature filmmaking.
Many of the most interesting
directors were living in Montreal
and working in French and the
public was responding.
But since 1975 there has been a
change in Quebec. Now the most
interesting work is coming out in
English and the Quebecois industry is on the decline.
While English-Canadian filmmakers floundered after the
Second World War there was a new
spirit growing in Quebec. Resentment over conscription and
Canada's involvement in the war
had contributed to the growth of
French Canadian nationalism and
there was a re-awakening of interest in the arts.
It was not until the 1960s that
things took off. A group of young
intellectuals working at the ONF
(National Film Board), writing for
the now defunct magazine Ob-
jectif, or graduating from
universities began to build a
movement in Quebec which would
lead to the rebirth of the film industry.
In 1963 Claude Jutra left the Film
Board to produce his first independent feature, A Tout Prendre, which received a great deal of
recognition from critics and was
moderately successful commercially.
But success came slowly in
Quebec. There was only one real
hit between 1964 and 1968 and that
was Gilles Carle's La Vie Heureuse
de Leopold Z which was very
popular with the general public.
The big breakthrough came in
1968 when Cinepix released
Valerie, a sexploitation picture
directed by Denis Heroux.
Although there were better films
being made, by directors such as
Jean-Pierre Lefebvre, Gilles
Groulx, Gratien Gelinas and
Pierre Perrault, Valerie was the
film that paved the way for a real
explosion in feature filmmaking.
Gilles Carle rose to prominence
in 1968 with his second feature The
Rape of a Sweet Young Girl. Like
many directors of the period, Carle
was influenced by Godard and the
New Wave. All of his features have
displayed a strong political
statement.
Between 1970 and 1972 he
produced three important features
which helped to develop a vision of
Quebec on film. Red, Les Males
and La Vraie Nature de Bernadette
represent Carle's finest work and
all were popular successes in
Quebec and France and played in
art cinemas in major cities across
Canada.
Carle and Quebec became
popular in France in 1970 and a
new market opened, encouraging
Quebecois filmmakers to produce
more.
Jacques Leduc had little success
in his homeland but triumphed in
Paris with On est Loin du Soleil in
1971. Other directors such as
Jacques Godbout, Claude Fournier
and Marcel Carriere followed with
popular successes in both Quebec
and France.
But Jean-Pierre Lefebvre
became the darling of the intellectuals in Quebec and Paris
with a series of important films
THE UBYSSEY
IS NOW
AVAILABLE
AT THESE OFF
CAMPUS LOCATIONS
LA BOCA BAR
3625 W. 4th at Collingwood
KITSILANO PUBLIC LIBRARY
2425 MacDonald at Broadway
WEST POINT GREY LIBRARY
4480 W. 10th Ave.
that have received almost no
release in English Canada.
The greatest moment for the
Quebecois industry however came
in 1970 when the National Film
Board released Claude Jutra's
Mon Oncle Antoine.
This picture swept the Canadian
Film Awards that year and was a
great success throughout Canada
and France and was a popular
"art" film in the U.S. and Britain.
Jutra, who is possibly the best
filmmaker ever produced by
Quebec, was also the most popular
following the release of that film.
Due to the success of Mon Oncle
Antoine, which was a superb
reminiscence of small-town
Quebec and adolescence, he was
able to raise the money to produce
the historical epic Kamouraska.
In 1976 the Liberal government
of Robert Bourassa was under
considerable pressure from
Quebec's filmmakers (most of
whom are separatists) to develop a
program of support for the
provinces film industry.
Bourassa responded with a
mixed bag of legislation aimed at
aiding the industry. But one part of
that legislative package may have
done more to hurt it than anything
else.
The law now states that any film
exhibited in Quebec must be
available in both French and
English. Many Hollywood companies had previously been content
to exhibit their pictures in English
only but suddenly they discovered
the massive French-speaking
audience.
The general public now
preferred Le Sting to Les Ordres
and the industry went into a
decline. Such fine films as Denys
Arcand's Rejeanne Padovani and
Andre Forcier's Bar Salon failed to
attract anyone but the intelligentsia.
But as the Quebecois cinema has
gone into a commercial decline it
has also suffered an artistic
decline.
Jean-Claude Lord has achieved
great success with the separatiste
potboiler Bingo while the far more
impressive Padovani failed. Lord's
latest picture Panique is the only
French hit in Quebec in two years.
It's a disaster film.
It would appear that much of the
energy and vitality that marked
the industry from 1968 to the mid-
708 has been dissipated since the
election of the Parti Quebecois.
After writing, directing and
acting in films which asserted a
Quebecois identity for so long the
filmmakers have lost much of their
impetus. With the election of
Levesque some of the drive has
been lost, the filmmakers have
achieved much of what they
worked for.
The Parti Quebecois has yet to do
anything significant to support the
film industry which is tragic.
It appears that Levesque lias not
yet realized what a powerful
medium film can be.
Quebec's filmmakers have done
much to promote the cause of independence. Perhaps if and when
independence comes they will be
given the opportunities to once
again make an important contribution to their society.
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A.M.S. Programs Committee presents
a series of events on
NATIVE
RIGHTS
Monday, March 6 SUB 212 12:30
Chief Delbert Guerin
Musqueam Indian Band
Wednesday, March 8 SUB Party Room 12:30
Marc Beaulieu
Dene Nation
Thursday, March 9 Buchanan 104 12:30
Daniel Johnson
Council for Yukon Indians
«."Ski a Village on a mountain"
over 1000 beds on the mountain.
Ski Holiday Reservations:
Big White Ski Village (604) 765-4111     Vancouver Office (604)    873-2121
Chilliwack (604) 795-7475
Friday, March 3, 1978
THE        UBYSSEY
Page Friday, 11 quebec
^'a>/£i
fjf* #«# a,j& ft*. *«&
Entrepreneurs save Quebec village
From PF 9
The entrepreuners have now
completely replaced the clergy as
the town's patrons. They have
turned St. Pascal from another
agricultural town in the Bas-du-
Fleuve to one of Quebec's
wealthiest towns in the under-5000
population bracket, giving it
modern recreational facilities, a
baseball park, and badly needed
youth programs. Deteriorating
buildings are replaced, but the
people are careful to preserve the
town's historic landmarks.
Although St. Pascal is growing
Theatre endures
From PF 4
monwealth, and Queen Gertrude is
the Church. Trudeau, Pelletier and
Marchand are disguised as
Laertes, Rosencrantz, and
Guildenstern respectively.
Pearson is Polonius, Bougault is
the Officer-of-the-Rhine, and
Levesque is Horatio. The Ghost is
de Gaulle's voice (betrayed
France).
During the late '60s and the '70s,
the use of joual, the lower-class
speech, became popular. Both
Marcel Dube and Michel Tremblay
use joual to reach Quebec
audiences and emphasize Quebec's
linguistic uniqueness.
Michel Tremblay is now the most
famous of the Quebec playwrights.
More than anyone else, he has
made joual an acceptable dialect.
His Les Belles Soeurs is about a
poor housewife who wins a million
trading stamps. Her jealous neighbors steal them as they feel her win
was unjust. Hosanna is a study of a
male   transvestite   who   has   no
Good Buy boutKwe m.
identity (a comment on Quebec's
struggle for identity).
Perhaps the popularity of
Tremblay outside of Quebec will
make the rest of Canada more
aware of the richness of Quebec's
theatre. There is a common fallacy
that Quebec only began to develop
culturally during the Quiet
Revolution. This is not so. Quebec
theatre is a symbol of a culture
which has been growing for 300
years.
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and keeping up with the urbanizing
trends of the 20th century, its
people have retained the same
community spirit as their Ste.
Helene neighbors. The people all
know each other. The meetings of
the town's businessmen are purposely informal, with much joking
and light-hearted insulting. They
may know how to make money and
keep their town prosperous, but
they're as lively as any other group
of Quebecois.
The future of the Bas-du-Fleuve
seems to be hidden in these two
towns. In fact, most of the villages
in the Bas-du-Fleuve seem to be
either prosperous and lively or in a
similar state to Ste. Helene.
The separatists are concerned
about this area. If Quebec's culture
is to survive, it won't be in Montreal. The separatists want to
preserve the lifestyle of Quebec,
tarte au sucre, rotten teeth and all.
There aren't any  Macdonalds
EDUCATION DANCE
The Education Student Association
Invites All Faculties to
the Faculty Club
FRIDAY, MARCH 10, 1978
Hors d'oeuvres and Full Facilities
Music by Roscoe Sound Productions
TICKETS: In Scarfe Building
$2.50 at the door
ATTENTION
GRAD
STUDENTS
If you were a grad student during the summer of
1977, the Education Deduction Certificate you
received from the Registrar may be incorrect.
Corrected certificates are in the process of being
prepared. If you want to receive the full deduction
for which you are eligible, do not file your Income
Tax return until you receive the corrected form.
GRADUATE STUDENTS ASSOCIATION
INSIGHT 78
DESIGN THE COVER
OF INSIGHT  '78
PHOTOGRAPHY • GRAPHICS
B & W OR COLOR
THEME: CAMPUS LIFE
PRIZE $50
(Cover Credit)
CONTEST ENDS MARCH 23RD
For Further Details, etc.
Contact Publications Office
Room 241K, S.U.B.
restaurants east of Quebec City.
The average inhabitants of the
Bas-du-Fleuve   don't   want   to
separate. Their main concern is
that they can stay where they are
and not have to move to Quebec
City searching for work. It's part of
their pride.
Enter contest now III
Hey, you might already be a
weiner. But here's a chance to
really prove yourself.
Page Friday is running a Worst
Joke in the World Contest, and if
you can make us at The Ubyssey
frown and say, "That's not funny,
that's sick!" then you could win
any one of the following grand
prizes.
We got two year-long subscriptions to National Lampoon
magazine, that bastion of sick
humor. We got several record
albums of the Lampoon's newest
album. That's Not Funny, That's
Sick. And we even got tickets to the
Lampoon's show of the same name
that will be in Vancouver March 12
at the Queen Elizabeth Theatre.
To win any of these important
prizes, bring your sick jokes to The
Ubyssey office, Room 241K of the
Student Union Building. Make sure
you have your name, address and
phone number with the joke so we
can contact you if you win.
The worst jokes will be published
next week in Page Friday. The
chopping block for entries is
Wednesday at noon.
Ferryscope «2V
itijif.I^JJJJ and Concert Productions
PRESENTS
Tickets:$7.50 ■ Available at all Woodward's Concert
Box Of f ices(6871043),Grennan's Records,
Thunderbird Shop at UBC, and Quintessence Records
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place where you
can    live   and
learn   in   an   exciting
rural      residential
community     with
some of the country's
finest      outdoor
specialists.     Explore
country   as   wild   and
beautiful     as    when
Captain   James   Cook
discovered it in 1778.
The apprenticeship and internship programs are job oriented and offer
credit at U. of Alberta and U. of Victoria. Apprenticeship programs start
Mar. 20, April 20, May 20, and Sept. 5, and continue for fifteen weeks.
Summer internship offers five core programs and is from July 17-Aug. 29.
There is a residency program for those who want outdoor experiences and
rural lifeskills from Sept. 7-Dec. 15. Shorter educational holidays for the
time of your life throughout the vear.
STRATHCONA
OUTDOOR EDUCATION CENTRE
BOX 2160, CAMPBELL RIVER, B.C. V9W 5C9J
^^
$^A
Please send me your free 32-page calendar of
1978 STRATHCONA PROGRAMS-over 60
programs to choose from.
I am particularly interested in Apprenticeship (  ),
Internship (  ), Residency (  ), Canoeing (  ), Kayaking (  ).
Mountaineering (  ), Fitness and Preventive Medicine ( ), """"^^^
Log Building (   ), Sailing (  ), Native Culture (  ), Coastal ^
Backpacking (  ), Environmental Studies (  ), Wilderness
Photography (   ), Wilderness Survival (  ), First Aid (   ).
We are always looking for well qualified Canadian outdoor leaders. Write if
you want a job application form, if you think you are ready!
NAME:	
ADDRESS:    Code .
Page Friday. 12
THE       U BYSSEY
Friday, March 3, 1978 quebec ,v
Lack of organized opposition aids PQ
From PF 2
One issue in which the PQ is
trying to have it both ways is
abortion. Levesque rejected a pro-
abortion resolution at the party's
conference last year, but later, it
was quietly announced that clinics
would be set up to allow abortions
under current federal laws.
In predominantly Catholic
Quebec, abortions are not
available in hospitals to the level
that they are elsewhere in Canada,
and these clinics will bring Quebec
into line. Anti-abortion groups are
furious, and the PQ may lose out
without really taking a stand on the
issue.
Part of the PQ's success to date
relates to the disunity and lack of
organization among the opposition.
When the Liberals settle on their
leader, choosing between Raymond
Garneau or Claude Ryan, and the
federal election is held, the attacks
will begin in earnest.
If Quebec is anything like B.C.,
there will be demands for a united
front against the PQ in the next
election, similar to that of a free-
enterprise coalition to oppose the
NDP. Such a coalition formed into
one party behind Bill Bennett, and
led to the downfall of Barrett.
A one-party coalition between
the Liberals, Union Nationale and
Creditistes is unlikely, but an
alliance of sorts could be formed
during the referendum fight.
In a white paper on the
referendum, drafted by radical
Pequiste Robert Burns, pro- and
anti-referendum forces will have to
join one of two umbrella committees, which would be allowed to
spend equal amounts of money in
the campaign.
This provision has caused anger
among the federalists, who
complain this will give the PQ an
advantage. But it is a shrewd move
on the part of the PQ, who realize
the referendum's opponents can
draw on much more massive
financial resources than the PQ.
And it is hard to fight, because
equal funding simply ensures that
the referendum will be more
democratic.
Like any group which attains
power after a period in the
wilderness, a number of idealistic
supporters of the PQ are disillusioned. Many of these people
are young people, most of them
university students.
Prior to taking power, the PQ
was extremely popular on the
campuses and in the Cegeps,
almost to the exclusion of other
parties. Now, though the PQ
retains most of its popularity, it is
THE HIDING PLACE
Fri. March 3 IRC No. 2 7:30 p.m.
Sponsored by:   Inter Varsity Christian Fellowship
TICKETS: door $1.50; advance $1.25;
SUB 235 or I.U.C.F. Booktable
suddenly more establishment and
less idealistic. Its education
policies have been, on the whole, a
disappointment to its most fervent
supporters.
Like any other social democratic
group, the PQ must work within a
hostile system and not alienate too
many people. Like the NDP, it has
made compromises which are
understandably distressing to
many supporters.
Thus far, it has gone about
making changes in a far more
logical way than the NDP and has
not stepped on the toes of its
enemies.
The problem is, its enemies are
crying that their toes have been
stepped on, as they undoubtedly
would have no matter how much
the PQ bent to their will.
Organized labor was unhappy
with the NDP over its strikebreaking legislation just before the
1975 election, and its less-than-
enthusiastic support contributed,
many people believe, to the NDP's
downfall.
The PQ should keep that in mind,
for their opposition will grow much
tougher than it has been up to now.
If the Liberals and Union Nationale
can each remain strong and fight
for the same votes, the PQ may
have little to worry about.
They would easily win an election today with more than the 41
per cent of the vote they had in
1976, thanks to the great personal
popularity of Rene Levesque. But
with the referendum fight looming
and the opposition uniting, the PQ
should remember that the voters
have short memories.
MONDAY, MARCH 6
12:30 - Women in Marriage, SUB 130, Women's Centre.
12:30 — Poetry Reading; Donna Sturmanis, Angus Penthouse.
12:30 - Video: "What Will I Be?" Scarfe Lounge.
12:30 — Daycare and Parental Responsibility. Grace Maclnnis, SUB 205.
TUESDAY, MARCH 7
12:30 — Video: "Rape as a Social Disease." Scarfe Lounge.
12:30 - Gay Alliance Towards Equality (G.A.T.E.). Discussion. SUB 207.
1:30 - 3:30 — Women in Art. Avis Rosenberg. Open Lecture. Lasserre 102.
7:30 p.m. — "Not a Pretty Picture" Movie. 50c admission. Rape Relief Discussion
(after) SUB Auditorium.
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 8
INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY
12:00 — I.W.D. Parade. All women welcome. Starts at Robson and Bute.
12:30 — "Union Maids". Movie: Freesee. SUB Auditorium.
11:30 — Ferron, feminist-musician. SUB Conversation Pit.
THURSDAY, MARCH 9
12:30 — Marketable Journalism. Lois Light. Creative Writing Workshop. SUB 115.
1:30 — Imagery in Writing. Peg Brennan. Creative Writing Workshop. SUB 117.
12:30 — Video: "Sexism in Schools". Scarfe Lounge.
12:30 — Running a Co-op Publication — Makara Seminar. SUB 130, Women's Centre.
4:00 - 6:00 - Update on the Status of Women in B.C. Seminar, SUB 205.
FRIDAY, MARCH 10
12:30 — Feminism — A Class Analysis. V. Embree, SUB 213.
12:30 — Equal Opportunity for Women, A Case Study. Darlene Marzari, SUB 205.
12:30 — Video: Dr. Dorothy Smith: Ideological Structures and How Women Have
Been Excluded. Scarfe Lounge.
12:30   -   Medical   Self-Help   for  Women.   Women's   Health   Collective.   SUB   130,
Women's Centre.
12:30 - Rape in B.C. Nancy Goldsberry, SUB 207.
1:45 — Briefing for National Action Committee of Women — Ottawa Conference.
(March 19), SUB 130.
TOUR
Utilizing Women's Resources, Dorothy Martin. Main Library front doors.
SATURDAY, MARCH 11
9:00 a.m. - 4:00 p.m.
200.
Wendo Self-Defense for Women. Alice MacPherson, SUB
8:30 p.m. - 1:00 a.m. — Bear Garden — good music, good times, good bears. Men and
Women Welcome. Grad. Student Centre, The Garden Room.
SUNDAY, MARCH 12
9:00 a.m. - 4:00 p.m. Wendo Self-Defense for Women. SUB 200.
For father information: SUB 130-local 2163
MARCH 6-12
Friday, March 3, 1978
THE       UBYSSEY
Page Friday. 13 vista
By NICHOLAS READ
Cultural Funk is presenting
Vancouver songstress Jane
Mortifee for one performance only
on March 5 at the Vancouver East
Cultural Centre. Jane is one of the
best known entertainers on the
Vancouver music scene and she
will be joined for Sunday's concert
by local musicians Wayne Kozak
on saxophone and flute, Pete Clark
on bass, Dave Calder on percussion, Brett Wade on guitar and
Doug Louie on keyboards.
Showtime is 8:30 p.m., and tickets
are available at the door. Come
early!
The Burnaby Arts Council's
musical series Bach to Brahms in
Burnaby will continue this Sunday
March 5 at the James Cowan
Theatre, Century Park, 6450
Gilpin. The featured artists for
Sunday's concert will be the piano
trio, One Third Ninth. Concert time
is 8 p.m., and tickets are available
by contacting the Burnaby Arts
Council office at 6450 Gilpin, or by
telephoning 298-7322.
The   Burnaby   Art   Gallery's
RENOS
Pancake House & Restaurant
BREAKFAST SPECIAL
2 Eggs, Pancakes
with Bacon or Sausage
$1.90
STEAK SPECIAL
Top Sirloin Steak,
Fries, Salad and Garlic Bread
$2.99
HOURS
Mon-Thur 8:30-10:30
Fri, Sat 8:30-12:30
Sun 9-10   Holidays 9-10
2741 West 4th Avenue
738-3814	
GhmeTwct
RED LEAF
Unique traditional
Chinese Cooking
Special Luncheon Smorgasbord
FREE  DELIVERY
10% Discount on
Cash plck-uo orders
11:30-9:00 p.m. ever
day except Friday
Saturday till 11:00 p.m. '
Saturday-Sunday open at ■
4:00 p.m.
UNIVERSITY VILLAGE '
{fleeklbod
(O6A<wM0    tJ)wK
VJLMUK KITftKN
LUNCH
11:30- 3:00 Mon. - Sat.
DINNER
5:00 - 1:00 Mon. - Sat.
5:00 - 11:00 Sunday
W*w.I0tH.Av<.
CAFFE ESPRESSO
LA BOCA BAR
OPEN 7 DAYS A WEEK
ALL DAY TILL MIDNIGHT
3525 W 4th at Collingwood
WHITE TOWER PIZZA &
SPAGHETTI HOUSE LTD.
KITS - DUNBAR     PT.
OPEN
Mon. - Thurs.
4:00 p.m. - 3:00 a.m.
Fri. - Sal.
4:00 p.m. - 4:00 a.m.
Sun.
4:00 p.m. - 1:00 a.m.
738-9520 I   DOWNTOWN
or738-1113       I    1359 Robson
3618 w. Broadway|       688-5491
Dining Lounge - Full Facilities -
Take Out or Home Delivery
Late delivery call '.' hour before closing.
p|Dn^JrJFirdrdr=Jr^lrdr=lr=lclr=lr=l,di=lr=Jr=Jr=lr=Jr=lr=l
n.
CANDU #f
TAVERNA
SPECIALIZING IN
GREEK CUISINE
& PIZZA
228-9513
FREE
FAST DELIVERY
4510 W. 10th Ave.
jHraHisHjj2isjara2i3e/2raaraaJHrara;
BMmed
tttttmhhmhu'i'I
Till Sat.
BANSHEE      M
Next Week
PACKARD-CHANING
FRASER ARMS
1450 S.W. Marine Dr.
rfTiriniiiiiiininxl
1^\
the
Spinning
Wheel
March 1 through 4
RAY O'TOOLE AND FRIENDS
Monday Night Jazz March 6
HENRY YOUNG TRIO
Coming March 15 thru 18
SPRING
"Open Tues. to Sat. 9-2"
212 CARRAL ST., GASTOWN
681-2814
series of weekly free concerts is
also continuing this weekend. Willi
Germann will present the jazz
sounds of the new local band,
Scarecrows, on March 5 at 2:30
p.m. The performance will take
place at 6344 Gilpin, and admission
is of course, free.
Those of you who were looking
forward to seeing Annie Hall for
the tenth time, but at SUB Theatre
prices, will have to go on waiting,
as the Woody Allen Comedy has
been replaced by the knockout
movie of 1976, Rocky. Syllvester
Stallone's Cinderella story of the
punch-drunk pugilist who gets
another crack af the heavyweight
title of the world will be on view
Friday, Saturday and Sunday
evenings.
••••••••••••••••••••••••••••«
diecim ploy
by ciugu/l /triftdberg
Vancouver ea/t
cultural centre
march 3 to 25
rc/crvation/ and ticket/
254 0576
Lost Chance Sale
on Car Stereos
Before Anticipated
Price Increases
CD PIONEER KP-212
&) PIONEER   KP-292
Auto-eject cassette car stereo with fast forward, fast
rewind.
• Fas! forward & rewind • Autn/manual eject • Tape-play indicator
•Volume, tone & balance controls
Stanford Sale Price
'89.
95
Rewind/fast forward lock, plus automatic replay.
• Auto-replay    •Locking   fast   forwaid   &   rewind   •Auto/ir.an
eject •Loudness switch •Volume, tone & balance controls
Stanford Sale Price
7J9.
95
m PIONEER KP-250
Under/in-console cassette car stereo with sensitive FM
stereo tuner.
•FM steteo/mana switch »FM stereo & tepe-play indicators »Fast
forward & rewind #Au to/manual eject •Volume, tone & balance
controls
Stanford Sale Price
149.
95
0£ PIONEER   KP-500
HHMMMMMMlM
tmmmmmMm
cassette   car    stereo    with    FM
Under-the-dash
Supertuner.
•Superitmer •Rti, multiplex demodulator •FM mutmg switch
•Locaf/distam switch •FM stereo indicator *Fast forward &
rewind^ *Auto/manuai eject •Loudness switch
Stanford Sale Price
*204.
95
ft!) PIONEER   KP-4000
fti) PIONEER KP-8000
In-dash cassette car stereo with AM and FM stereo.
• Local/distant   switch   «FM   stereo/mono  switch   «FM   stereo   &
tape-play  indicators »Fast forward & rewind •Auto/rnanual eject
Stanford Sale Price
733.
95
In-dash cassette car stereo with pushbutton MW/FM
Supertuner - perfect fit for European-made cars.
•Supertuner •Pushbutton tuning (MW x 2 & FM x 3) «FM muting
switch ©Local/distant switch «FM stereo indicator »Auto-replay
• Locking   fast   forward &  rewind •Auto/manual eject
Stanford Sale Price
s236.
95
PIONEER CAR STEREO SPEAKERS
Flush-Mount
PRICE
!imll
WfA
:ayf«.'«**y5;;:'y
Flush-Mount
\tyj|*:6**'. ■:'.■
i*«JfeiS;?'5lSi:*^ ;:'J»fr
Flush-Mount
■type/-.;
■:.&#&>,;::•-■■::
/SALE .' t-  .  ,«  ■■-•.-
PRICE   *«ML"* fpair:
"^X^iM&^^Mms.
COftX«*t
:lxS:iiiMit'=
;^i!i,t5 pm pair.
TRtAXIAl.
Stanford  2665WBROADWAY
dillI rt i4      §P11 BANK
W U U 11VI     smmm       financing
Page Friday, 14
THE
UBYSSEY
Friday, March 3, 1978 Friday, March 3, 1978
THE        UBYSSEY
Page 19
'Tween classes
TODAY
SPEAKEASY
General meeting to discuss redesigning and upgrading of Speakeasy,
Campus Information and the Crisis
Centre, noon, SUB 215.
UBC DEBATING SOCIETY
General meeting, noon, SUB 113.
BAHAICLUB
Informal discussion on the Bahai
Faltn, noon, SUB 115.
WOMEN'S COMMITTEE
Women's  committee meeting,  noon,
SUB 130.
AMNESTY UBC
Nomination  meeting for coming elections, noon, SUB 212A.
UBC SKYDIVING CLUB
General meeting, noon, SUB 212.
HUMAN  RIGHTS
IN CHILE COMMITTEE
Cnile  week, movie — boycott, noon,
SUB auditorium.
SUS
Boat races, noon, outside SUB.
HANG-GLIDING CLUB
General meeting, noon, SUB 215.
YOUNG SOCIALISTS
Forum:    Panel   discussion   on    International Women's Day, 8 p.m., 1208
Granville St.
ATA
General     meeting,     noon,    Graduate
Student Centre, committee room.
SATURDAY
YOUNG TRUTCHKYITES
13tn     International     tea-party     and
Hot flashes
Speakeasy gets
a new facelift
Speakeasy, the volunteer
campus information and crisis
centre, is redesigning and
upgrading Its operating space in
the main foyer of SUB and wants
ideas and opinions from students
on how it can be improved.
Interested people should go to
open  discussions  today  at noon
and Sunday at 1:00 p.m. in SUB
215.
Speakeasy volunteers have
information on almost anything
students want to know about on
or off campus, including legal and
medical aid, as well as being ready
to talk about problems of any
sort.
lamb roast, 4 to 6 p.m., International
Brotherhood of Belly-button Lint
Pickets Hall.
CHINESE VARSITY CLUB
Car   rally,   5:30   p.m.,   Oakridge   gas
station.
CAMPUS MINISTRY
Ted      Scott     banquet,     tickets     at
224-3722,    6:30    p.m.,    SUB    party
room.
SUS
Crystal ball — semi-formal dance, live
band,  hot  nor d'oevres,  $5, advance
tickets only, Hotel Devonshire.
MONDAY
WOMEN'S COMMITTEE
Women's drop-In, noon, SUB 130.
UBC  KARATE CLUB
Women's   self-defense   club   starting,
everyone welcome,  8:30  p.m.,   Gym
A, Winter sports complex.
TUESDAY
CHINESE CHRISTIAN
FELLOWSHIP
Bible studying, noon, SUB 213.
WOMEN'S COMMITTEE
Women's committee meeting, noon,
SUB 130.
BLACK & LEE
TUX SHOP
NOW AT
1110 SEYMOUR ST.
688-2481
r
BLENHEIM
IMPORTS
SERVICE
VOLKSWAGEN
SPECIALISTS
REASONABLE RATES
FACTORY TRAINED
MECHANICS
3299 W. 4th Ave
738-0910
When you want
to look
your formal best..
TLXIENT
(- SPECIAL STUDENT RATES -i
j Sin."" . $35.00
1267 Kingsway,  Vancouver
873-3548
OPEN   MONDAY THURSDAY FRIDAY
TIL 9  P M
NOTICE OF
ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING
THEA KOERNER HOUSE
Graduate Student Centre
THURSDAY, MARCH 23, 1978 at 12:30 p.m.
in the Ballroom at the Centre
NOTICE
The Board of Directors will recommend to the membership
constitutional changes. Details have been sent to all
members and are posted in Thea Koerner House.
NOMINATIONS
NOMINATIONS are now being accepted for three positions
on the Board of Directors of the Graduate Student Centre.
Nomination forms are available at the Centre office, until
Tuesday, March 21, 1978 at 4:30 p.m.
COMPRO ENTERPRISES
PRESENTS
MARCH 11,
1978
8 p.m. - 2 a.m,
BALL
>§^mp:
with
ROCKET
NORTON
— Full Facilities —
VICTORIA STATION RIBS — ALLYOU CAN EAT!
ATTIRE: SEMI — OUTRAGEOUS
TICKETS: $7 or 2/M3.50
Get yours in the Thunderbird Shop
DEAN OF WOMEN'S OFFICE
Buchanan Building, Room 456
Tel: 228-3449
CAREER ORIENTATION
FOR WOMEN
Panel Discussion
by
UBC WOMEN GRADUATES
AND FRIENDS
"WOMEN IN COMMUNITY
AND HEALTH SERVICES"
Thursday, March 9, 1978, 12:30 - 2:00 p.m.
Buchanan Building
Room 102
Panelists:
Lynn Alden Psychology Dept., UBC & Burrard Health Centre
Frances Cluett, Director of Rehabilitation, Home Care
Donelda Ellis, Graduate Student, School of Nursing, UBC
Lillian Ingram, Dept. of Social Development
Joanne Stan, Head, Occupational Therapy, Psychiatric Unit, UBC
Panel Moderator:
Maryke Gilmore,
Career Counsellor,
Assistant to the Dean of Women
THE CLASSIFIEDS
RATES:   Campus - 3 lines, 1 day $1.50; additional lines 35c.
Commercial — 3 lines, 1 day $2.50; additional lines
50c. Additional days $2.25 and 45c.
Classified ads are not accepted by telephone and are payable in
advance. Deadline is 11:30 a.m., the day before publication.
Publications Office, Room 241, S.U.B., UBC, Van., B.C. VST 1W5
5 — Coming Events
FREE    VANCOUVER    INSTITUTE    Lee
ture. Prof. Arnold Smith, former
secretary-general of the Commonwealth who now teaches international
relations at Carleton University, Ottawa, speaks on "Canada and World
Polities — Today and Tomorrow",
Saturday (March 4) at 8:15 p.m. in
Lecture Hall No. 2 of the Woodward
Buil sing.
10 — For Sale — Commercial
'75 HONDA HATCH-BACK, $2,300. 669-
3213, 9:00 a.m.-6:00 p.m. Dealer No.
S26A
ORGANICALLY grown Okanagan fruit
and vegetables. Wholesale prices in
bulk. Free Delivery. 738-8828.
11 — For Sale — Private
70 — Services
WE PRINT RESUMES. Our Xerox 9200
prints and sorts in one fast operation.
Low cost ... no wait! Typing service
if needed. Stapling, too. Phone for
prices Evening and weekend service
by special arrangement. Burnaby In-
staprint, 433-9713, ,5487 Kingsway,
Burnaby, B.C.
INCOME TAX returns. Let me do it
while you enjoy your day. Call Mike,
736-6256.
NEED   HELP   with   your   Personal   Tax
Return? Call Greg Sheppard 261-2389
80 — Tutoring
TUTOR North Shore student desires assistance in Grade 10 Math. 987-8366.
85 — Typing
20 — Housing
JOBS  FOR   UNDERGRADUATES
&   GRADS
Frontier College offers challenging
positions as labourer teachers in
outlying communities throughout
Canada. Full-time or summer jobs.
Singles or couples apply to Student
Placement Centre. Info Session: Monday, March 6 at 7:30 p.m. Law 101.
TYPING — 75c per page. Fast and accurate by experienced typist. Gordon,
669-8479.
CAMPUS DROP OFF point for typing
service. Standard rates. Call Liz, after
6:00 p.m., 732-3690.
FAST, accurate typist will do typing at
home. Standard rates. Please phone
anytime,   263-0286.
30 —Jobs
CAMP FIRCOM Is now accpting applications for summer staff positions.
For information call First United
Church weekdays at 681-8365.
PROFESSIONAL   TYPING   on   IBM   Sel
ectric. Thesis, essay, etc. Standard
rates. Kits area. Phone Lynda, 732-
0647.
TYPING   —  Term  papers,  letters,   etc.
Reasonable. Central Burnaby. 298-2763.
99 — Miscellaneous
35 — Lost
40 — Messages
LISTEN TO the cry of the aborted children. Their cry is a cry of terror.
Heed their cry.
65 — Scandals
ARTS PEOPLE! Huggable sweaters in
Arts colours (navy, white, yellow) are
available until March 8. They're 100%
and $24.50. Come to Buchanan 107
any noon hour to order.
S.U.S. RESURRECTS the Crystal Ball.
Saturday, March 4th, 9:00 p.m. -1:00
a.m. at the Devonshire. Students
$3.00. Grads Free. Tickets at S.U.S.
office.
PUNCH! WHAM! ZAP! No, not Batman,
but "Rocky", Subfilms presentation
this weekend.   For  only 75c.
THE COLLEGE OF
BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF OREGON
will have a representative available
on campus on Friday, March 10,
1978 to interview students (all
majors) interested in pursuing
Master's and Ph.D. programs in
Business.
Please contact your Placement
Office lor an appointment.
=Jr=ir=Jr=ir=Jr=Jr=Jr=^r=ip=Jr=J"
USE
UBYSSEY
CLASSIFIED Page 20
THE       UBYSSEY
Friday, March 3, 1978
WE'RE HAVING AN INVENTORY CLEARANCE BARGAIN CORNER (I.C.B.C.) SALE!
IT'S OUR WAY OF "INSURING" YOU SOUND VALUE BY DRIVING DOWN HIGH PRICES.
r
5420 STEREO CASSEHE DECK
This deck features Dolby Noise Reduction
System. The Marantz 5420 keeps wow and
flutter down to 0.07%, plus, it offers a wide
frequency response (30HZ to 17 KHZ) and an
exceptionally high signal to-noise ratio (up to
60 DB). This deck also has long life ferrite
heads, sophisticated DC Servo motor drive
systems with total shut-off, tape counters.
NOW
349.
95
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YAMAHA
AUDIO NS451
ROCK MONITORS
\
Two-way     bass-reflex
bookshelf    speaker    system.   10"  cone  woofer  for
dynamic    bass.   Brilliant   treble
from    dome/cone    tweeter.     High
efficiency   and   high   power  capacity.
Five year warranty.
now 79«95
TC-24FA In-dash AM/FM
stereo cassette player with
Sony's famous quality and
reliability.   Fits  most  cars.
ONLY
119*
SUPERSCOPE,
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AC/DC CASSETTE RECORDER
SUPERSCOPE AC/DC CASSETTE RECORDER. Built-
in condenser microphone lets you record "hands free".
Automatic record level control, playback volume control,
automatic shut-off at end of tape. Locking fast-forward
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output jack, external mic/remote control input. With AC
power cord and 4 "C" batteries.
NOW
RC/1
20" RCAXL-100
COLOUR PORTABLE
All the brilliance and fidelity of RCA's newest
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100% solid-state click-stop VHF and UHF
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Smartly-styled walnut-grained cabinet.
NOW
499.95
FM STEREO CASSETTE UNDER DASH
This is true A&B Sound value. An
under dash cassette player with
FM stereo, separate volume/balance control, tone switch and fast
forward. Very Limited Quantities
at this low low price.
69
95
discwasher
THE SUPERIOR
RECORD CLEANER
A system of brush and fluid. Picks up
micro-dust and fingerprints from
grooves. Elegant and effective. Safe
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NOW
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SPEAKERS CHEAP
^
Model One
Model Three
Model Five
99
149
95
95
Model Seven
Model Nine
Santana
179M
M995
3I995
27995
GIVEAWAY PRICES ON ALL
RAW SPEAKERS IN STOCK!
We will not be selling these speakers in the
future and would like to clear them out. if you
like Altec, this is your chance to get them
cheap!
FOR SOUND "INSURANCE" IT'S ..
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of
the home of high-fidelity
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556 SEYMOUR ST.   DOWNTOWN       THURSDAY ^FRIDAY      682-6144

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