UBC Publications

UBC Publications

UBC Publications

The Ubyssey Jan 27, 1978

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Array UBC tries to muzzle board
The university administration is
trying to muzzle student board of
governors members.
Student board member Basil
Peters said Wednesday that he and
Paul Sandhu, the other student
member, have been requested by
the administration not to ask for
information from administrative
heads or faculty members before
clearing it with the administration.
"The essence of it is that it is not
proper for board members on their
own to approach faculty and administrators, that includes student
said Peters.
for   information,
Peters and Sandhu were told last
week in a meeting with Erich Vogt,
administration vice-president for
student and faculty affairs, the
proper procedure is to set up a
meeting  with  the  appropriate
Vol. LX, No. 43
—chris bannister photo
EGG THROWING CONTEST held during aggie week left poultry science students who couldn't take good
yolk clucking about eggs poached from chickens. Debbie Baker, agriculture 4, was participant in throw and
catch event that left many losing contestants fried up about results. Eggie week ends today.
administrative vice-president  or
the president.
"Iii other words if I wanted to go
see a dean or even meet with a
student group it would have to be
done through setting up a meeting
with vice-president Vogt," said
He said it makes his position as a
student representative difficult
because many people come to talk
to him about the board.
"It's very difficult for me to
explain to people that we have to
set up an appointment with a vice-
president to talk," said Peters.
But he said it would be difficult
for department administrators if
board members were constantly
going to them individually for
Sandhu said the reason for prior
consultation with the administration is to prevent a few
board members from having a
monopoly on certain information.
"This is so no member of the
board can come in after having
talked with a group on campus and
say this is what 'that particular
group thinks.
"Basically this is to verify what
was said."
Sandhu said he basically agrees
with the regulation.
"If a board member needs information he should get it from the
vice-presidents rather than bother
other administrators," he said.
Peters said the board recently
reaffirmed this particular
regulation about prior consultation.
When presented with the
hypothetical situation of a group of
residence students upset with
residence rate increases coming to
him for help, Sandhu said he would
go through the proper channels.
"The proper way to do that
would be to set up a meeting with
Erich Vogt and then make a strong
representation to the board about
what their concerns are."
But former student board
member Moe Sihota disagreed.
"When it comes to student
groups they (student representatives) shouldn't even have to talk
to the administration," he said
"It's ludicrous for student
representatives to go through the
administration to talk to student
He said he is concerned about
what seems to be an increasing
trend of administration interference in student affairs.
He cited administration vice-
president Michael Shaw's attempt
to have the Lord Godiva ride
stopped as an example.
Sihota added all board members
should have the right to talk to
He said he was never asked to go
through the administration before
talking to anyone during his term
on the board.
Sihota was a student board
member in 1977.
Peters said he thinks the board
will take the regulations seriously.
Vogt was unavailable for
Prices go up again
for UBC residences
UBC residence rents will increase by as much as 11 per cent
next year if proposed rent increases are approved, housing
director Mike Davis said Thursday.
But the rent increase, which
must be approved by UBC's board
of governors, will vary from
residence to residence.
The largest increase is for
Acadia Park, where rents will
increase 11 per cent: apartment
rents will increase to a proposed
scale of $164 to $175 a month from a
current scale of $148 to $157 while
townhouse rents will go to $172 to
$212 a month from the current $152
to $188.
At Gage Towers rent will increase to $971 from $887, a nine
per cent increase.
Gage low-rise rents will go to
$1,024 from $936, an 8.9 per cent
In Totem Park, a single room
will be $1,573 next year, up from
$1,437 this year, an increase of 7.6
per cent; senior singles will rise to
$1,725 next year from this year's
$1,572, an 8.9 per cent increase,
while doubles will rise to $1,437
from $1,345, a 5.5 per cent increase.
At Place Vanier single room
rents will increase 8.3 per cent to
Gays get human rights in Quebec
QUEBEC CITY <CUP) Quebec has become
the first place in North America to legislate
civil rights for its homosexual minority.
The National Assembly agreed Dec. 15 to
include sexual orientation in its human rights
charter after a recommendation from the
province's human rights commission.
Gays' rights groups have been publicly
lobbying for such an amendment for the past
three years to stop oppression of homosexuals
by police arid landlords.
A raid on a gay bar by Montreal city police
last fall brought 2,000 gays into the streets to
demand reforms.
Public pressure after the rally and the
support   of   25   unions    and    civil    rights
organizations prompted the human rights
commission to make the recommendation.
A spokesperson for L'Association pour les
Droits des Gai(e)s De Quebec cautions the
amendment, "is only the first step. We intend
to pursue further action, notably regarding
changing in the federal criminal cede and
problems of continued police repression.
The Ontario human rights commission has
also recommended the inclusion of sexual
orientation in that province's code.
But many Ontario cabinet ministers oppose
the amendment and a barrage of anti-gay
coverage and editorials in the Toronto media
are expected to help defeat the protection
Much of the anti-gay sentiment is directed at
the Toronto-based gay magazine the Body
Politic which is facing obscenity charges after
printing an article called Men loving boys loving
Spokespersons for the magazine say they
expect the government to use the Body Politic
controversy, "as an excuse to refuse
recognition to hundreds of thousands of gay
people. This is simply evidence of how much we
need legal protection."
"We know the government doesn't want
sexual orientation in the human rights code.
Now it looks like they'll try and pin the Body
Politic as the scapegoat when the motion is
$1,589 from $1,452, and doubles will
go to $1,471 from $1,347, a 6.4 per
cent increase.
Vanier and Totem residents will
pay a 9.9 per cent food price increase, which is included within
the total rents given.
Acadia Camp residents will pay
the least increases, 7 per cent, with
their rent-scale rising to $51-$115
next year from a current $48-$108.
Summer stay-through students
will be accomodated at Gage
Towers for $4.03 per day, a 50 cent
per day increase over last summer. 120 rooms will be available
for summer stay-throughs, an
increase of 20 rooms from last
summer, with applications opening
in February.
Gage parking fees will increase
from $23.00 to $33.00 for un
derground parking and from
$12.50 to $22.50 for outside parking,
an overall $10.00 increase to cover
the cost of constructing 70 nev,
parking stalls within the Gage
parking lot.
The new parking stalls will be
constructed by eliminating the
grass spaces interspersed between
the present parking stalls and by
narrowing the width of the stalls,
Davis said.
The residence occupation period
will be extended to Sept. l next
year, which will eliminate the
problem of students being caught
without accomodation between
leaving their summer apartments
at the end of August and having to
wait for class commencement
during the first week of September
before occupying student
residences, Davis said.
Davis also said he will be conducting a maintenance study of
Acadia Park to reconcile a large
discrepancy between projected
and actual maintenance costs.
In 1973 the projected costs for
repairs, maintenance and improvements to Acadia Park were
$98,000 for the 1976-77 period. The
actual costs were $180,000, almost
double the projected costs, Davi
"I will conduct the maintenance
Seepage 3: RENT Page 2
Friday, January 27, 1978
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riNEST FOR LESS' Friday, January 27,  1978
Page 3
Mid-East talks change history
Peace in Israel might be a long
way off, but recent peace talks
have changed the course of history,
foreign affairs analyst John Rothman said Thursday.
The peace talks between Israeli
prime minister Menachem Begin
and Egyptian president Anwar
Sadat have made a great improvement in Middle East
relations and are "a step in the
right direction," he told 30 people
in Hillel House.
But Rothman said Sadat is using
the American public in an attempt
to pressure Israel into making
concessions to Egypt.
The U.S. could pressure Israel by
threatening arms and oil shipments to the country, he said.
And Rothman said he is
disturbed by the position taken by
American president Jimmy
"I can't figure him out," he said.
The U.S. is Israel's central ally
in the world, Rothman said.
Through economic and military
aid, the U.S. has consistently
recognized that Israel has a right
to exist, he added.
About $2.2 billion of foreign aid is
given to Israel each year, half of
Americans' total foreign aid, said
Rothman. The U.S. supports two
Arab nations, Saudi Arabia and
OFS fights
fee hi
TORONTO (CUP) — Ontario
students are awaiting a provincial
human rights commission subcommittee decision on whether
that province's differential fee
regulation is within the commission's jurisdiction.
The Ontario Federation of
Students is charging that the fee
violates the provincial human
rights code.
OFS brought the issue before the
commission after human rights
commissioner Bromley Armstrong
told a press conference last fall
that the fees are a "violation of the
spirit if not the letter" of the code.
A subcommittee was appointed
to consider the federation's charge
after the commission's lawyer was
unable to decide if the differential
fees fall within the commission's
Federation researcher Chris
Alnut says that if the subcommittee decides the fee
regulation is within the commission's jurisdiction the commission will be able to rule on the
regulation itself.
He added that once the subcommittee decision is announced the
federation will bring cases of individual visa students before the
human rights commission.
Rent rates
rise in res
From page 1
study to see if this is what I have to
expect, because when the Acadia
Park rents were set, they weren't
set with these high maintenance
costs in mind," Davis said.
But Davis could not say what
changes will be made to the
maintenance of Acadia Park, or
whether the rents could be expected to rise to pay for the higher
maintenance costs after the 1978-79
Davis also pointed out that
maintenance costs for single
student residences were under-
projected in 1973 to be $220,000 for
the 1976-77 year. The actual costs
were $337,000 for 1976-77, Davis
In the past, American presidents
have recognized Russia as a
powerfully disruptive force, Rothman said. The U.S. seems to have
always maintained an attitude of
"keeping the Russians out," he
But Carter does »ot recognize the
potential disruptive influence
Russia holds in Israel's future, said
The 1967 war was the result of
Russian disruptions, he said. In
1973 Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev
knew war was breaking out but the
U.S. was not informed, Rothman
Russia massively infused armaments into the Arab world
before war broke out, he said.
And Carter initiated October's
joint American-Soviet communique which directly reinvolved
Russia in Israeli affairs.
"The communique was a
colossal single blunder in modern
diplomatic history," Rothman
said. The communique dealt with
Middle East problems, including
the Palestinian question.
He cited the communique as one
of the primary reasons that Sadat
went to Jerusalem.
As a Jewish Democrat directly
involved in U.S. foreign affairs,
Rothman said later in the question
period, "Anyone who's anti-
Russian, we're with."
Sadat is the key figure in hopes
for Middle East peace, Rothman
said. Even if current negotiations
do disintegrate, Sadat's
recognition of Israel will remain
significant, he said.
Sadat took a great personal risk
in going to Jerusalem in December, and if Sadat dies there is no
one able to take his place, Rothman said.
But Rothman said it is important
to realize that Sadat, not Egypt,
has recognized Israel's right to
In order to achieve comprehensive peace, a "total solution" is
needed, Rothman said.
Three problems must be
resolved he said; the relationship
of the U.S. and the Soviet Union
with Israel, Israel and her
relationship to Arab neighbors and
Israel's   relationship    to    the
"Palestinian problem" and the
Palestinian Liberation
These three areas are the crucial
levels of crisis, Rothman said.
Jordan, Lebanon and Syria must
all negotiate with Israel to achieve
peace, Rothman said. Israel must
also deal with internal pressures,
he added.
Despite the hostile presence of
Syria and Lebanon, the PLO is the
real enemy of peace in Israel,
Rothman said.
The question of Israel's survival
is a battle that lies in the hands of
people all across the world, said
Canadians need to be active and
involved, he said. They must speak
out and be informed, he added.
SNARLY FESTERING DJ climbs walls at CITR upon entrance of
news-sniffing Ubyssey photog, Neil McCallister, in typical reaction to
intruders in station's cavernous halls. Bodyguard Joe Maylor is part of
station's new "get tough" policy to weed out incompetent weirdoes
and prevent demise of spiralling program schedule this fall. McAllister
lived only to hand camera to innocent bystander.
Tuition fees increase at U. of Calgary
CALGARY (CUP) — University
of Calgary students will be paying
10 per cent more for tuition text
year, the university's board of
governors decided Jan. 19.
And tuition increases are also
expected at the Universities of
Alberta and Lethbridge. Indications from the provincial
treasurer are that there will be no
increase in provincial grants to
The Federation of Alberta
Students is protesting tuition fee
increases in a pamphlet and letter-
writing campaign that will
culminate in March with a mass
rally at the provincial legislature
in Edmonton.
The University of Calgary increase, which will see full-time
tuition increase to $275 from $250
per semester effective in the 1978-
79 fiscal year, might be repeated in
1979-80 if economic conditions do
not improve, according to
university finance vice-president
Harvey Bliss.
He said the tuition increase was
made to maintain the university's
present level of services.
University of Lethbridge
president Bill Beckel has said that
if   government   grants   to   the
university  do  not  increase   next
year, Lethbridge students face a
tuition increase of "no less than 10
per cent and no more than 25 per
cent next year."
And increases also appear likely
at the University of Alberta.
Although the university has
requested a 15.3 per cent increase
over last year's provincial grant,
advanced education minister Bert
Hohol told the board of governors
in a letter, "allowable increases in
operating support will probably be
less than those achieved for the
current fiscal year."
Meanwhile, a nine-member task
force set up by Hohol to review
student contributions to the cost of
post-secondary education in the
province has held its first meeting.
"You have accepted the
challenge to explore and develop a
rationale for assessing student
tuition fees. Such a rationale has
never been established. You will
have the opportunity to determine
from various perspectives the
reasons tuition fees are at their
present levels and to provide
alternatives,"   Hohol   said.
Students vital in struggle
against SA apartheid—Marxist
Students are playing an important role in anti-apartheid
mobilization in South Africa, a
Marxist liberation fighter said
African students; can clearly see
the injustice of the unequal racial
policies in South Africa because
they know education will not take
them far in the racially segregated
country, Joyce Meissenheimer
Students are part of a larger
African front fighting apartheid in
the urban areas of South Africa,
she told about 15 students in SUB
"This urban front must play a
more active role in striking against
industrial plants and in boycotting
against schools, even if such forms
of protest were to last for just one
day," she said.
Meissenheimer, who is banned
from South Africa because of her
involvement in militant struggle
against the apartheid regime, said
the urban movement is more
important than guerrilla activity in
the country.
"In contrast to the urban
movement, conventional guerrilla
activities are insignificant in South
Africa because the country is
highly industrialized and the land
is so barren," she said.
"It is in the urban areas where
issues pertaining to apartheid will
be decided."
If a black revolution against
apartheid began, Meissenheimer
predicted, the Soviet Union would
be compelled to intervene directly
to aid blacks. Currently many
exiled South African black leaders
are in the Soviet Union being aided
in their fight against apartheid.
If the apartheid regime in South
Africa does fall, Meissenheimer
said, chaos will occur for a time as
various groups and parties fight
for power.
But the situation would not be as
divisive as in Angola after the state
was granted independence by its
colonial ruler, Portugal, she said. Page 4
Friday, January 27,  1978
Tell us it isn't so, Erich.
We are confused by reports which claim discussions
between board of governors representatives and other
members of the university community must be arranged by
the administration.
It smacks of the increasingly prevalent corporate
mentality pervading the university administration where
communication channels and the decision-making process are
tightly controlled.
There is speculation in Alma Mater Society offices that it
is an attempt by the administration vice-president for student
and faculty affairs to keep his backside covered.
There have been suggestions Erich Vogt is worried
members of the board will be presenting points of view at
meetings from groups outside the board of which the
administration is unaware and cannot confirm.
For example, Vogt is likely concerned about upcoming
board meetings which will be discussing residence rate
Residence groups will undoubtedly complain about the
increases to their student representatives. As they should.
Student board members are accountable only to the
students who elected them.
The administration often harps on the theme of student
responsibility on governing bodies, which means to them
student acceptance of the administration's ground rules for
doing business.
But the real meaning of responsible government for
representatives is being directly accountable to the
constituents who elect them, even if it means breaking some
of the administration's ground rules.
Loud and clear
No doubt a lot of people are surprised at commerce dean
Peter Lusztig saying publicly that he does not know what is
going on in his own faculty.
And well they should be. It's certainly a rare occurrence at
this super-secret university when someone in a position of
responsibility has the courage and honesty to admit that he
or she doesn't understand what's going on.
Lusztig should be highly commended for being honest and
for trying to do something about the faculty's problems by
holding meetings with students.
Unfortunately Lusztig may be the only dean on this
campus who will admit that a problem exists and is willing to
talk to students in an effort to find out what exactly the
faculty's problem is.
All too often students at UBC get the distinct feeling that
they are uninvolved in the decisions affecting their academic
careers and that the faculty and administration would like to
keep it that way.
This is clearly a tragic mistake on the part of the
administration and faculties. Students are concerned about
what is happening at this university and would welcome the
chance to voice their grievances to those who are able to
correct the situation — the faculty deans.
Dean Lusztig has said he will continue to meet with
students on a regular basis. Why can't other deans and the
administration follow his example and schedule their own
For them to meet with students would demonstrate an
interest in students' problems and help dispel some of the
pervasive secrecy and coldness of UBC.
JANUARY 27, 1978
Published Tuesdays, Thursdays and Fridays throughout the
university year by the Alma Mater Society of the University of
B.C. Editorial opinions are those of the staff and not of the AMS
or the university administration. Member, Canadian University
Press. The Ubyssey publishes Page Friday, a weekly commentary
and review. The Ubyssey's editorial office is in room 241K of the
Student Union Building. Editorial departments, 228-23C1;
Advertising, 228-3977.
Editor: Chris Gainor
Those bastards. They think It's pretty funny. David Morton and Mike
Booking are a pair of gerbels just for eating sunflower seeds. Well, we'll show
'em, right MIke?Kathy Ford admitted right In front of the staff last night
that she has a fetish for bucked teeth. Take that as you will, folks. Bill
Tieleman jokes about wearing men's underwear all the time. Just how much
Is he kidding us?Verne McDonald has a poster of three little gnomes from
Fantasia in his room, and everyone knows he has access to Fantasia. Chris
Gainor used to pay a lot of attention to Ed McKitka. Chris Bannister likes
Ballroom dancers. Bruce Baugh likes denying he's God, but just a guitarist
Instead. Arty Detour has a fetish for bullshit. Geof Wheelwright and Matt
King watch Heather Conn from behind the crack In the darkroom door.
Nicholas Read and George Huey have a passion for covering "events." Glenn
Shaeffer and Klejoon Kim get off on the Ubyssey staff. Bob Krieger likes
pinning U.S. presidential election buttons to his skin. Steve Slmpkln loves
beards and Greg Edwards takes the cigarette about as far as It will go. Tom
Hawthorn and Ralph Maurer both recently confessed to his respect for
Randy Newman.  There,   It's out. That'll show 'em, eh, Mike? .
UBC still backward and dull
On the bus a man talked about
how bad UBC has become in the
last few years. He said that even by
Canadian standards it was backward.
There is a possibility that UBC
could become a great university.
We have enough money and we
have a large enough gene pool.
Think of Britain. For years, a
handful of schools sent small
numbers of scholars to two
universities. These two universities produced some men of
genius, many men of talent and
thousands of ability.
UBC is dull. There are thousands
of hardworking students but little
brilliance. There are thousands of
pale ugly people and some very
elegant ones. The engineers
produce many bridge builders but
no Dostoevsky.
Worst of all are the fraternities.
Years ago, in the early part of the
last century, when German science
and scholarship were all, frater
nities flourished. They were liberal
groups, given to wenching,
drinking, dueling and talk. They
nurtured Goethe, Novalis and
Hoffman. They also produced
music which is impossibly refined
for our ears.
If you doubt this, go into the
record library at Sedgewick and
listen to some of their lovely songs.
It will be immediately evident that
we are decadent. The songs are
fraternity drinking songs, many
composed by the students. What
kind of songs would a modern
fraternity produce? Which one
would accept a Heine as a member?
Let us accept this disastrous
situation. We are stupid and
pedestrian and so is the university.
English we know not, even our
slang not vital and amusing is.
There is nothing wrong with
drunken carousing students. There
is nothing wrong with
bluestockings,   lying   intellectual
Gears miss point of Godiva
As an alumnus of UBC, I wish to register my reaction to the violence
and animus manifested in the Jan.-10 Lady Godiva ride.
I deplore this annually celebrated sexism of the engineering undergraduate society of course, but perhaps more disappointing is
President Kenny's failure to take a stand until after the fact. By this wait-
and-see attitude, Kenny's condemnation of the EUS' activities appears
more an expression of regret over the violencewhich surrounded this
year's event than an outraged response to the aggressively male mob
mentality which perennially surrounds the engineering faculty. One
expects more responsibility, more courage of conviction, in a university's
top administrator.
A greater disappointment to me is the relative failure of the student
body to protest the Lady Godiva ride. A mere 40 protesters is poor
showing indeed for so large a student population; so little recalcitrance to
such an insidious ethic as is sexism, especially when dished up in so
visible a form, is at best disgraceful compliance in the face of intolerable
At least the EUS is a group of high-profile sexists and not a collection of
sexists of the second, more dangerous, order.
It strikes me as opposite that the EUS should advertise itself as a body
of Peeping Toms. In the legend, Lady Godiva rode naked so that a personal and imperative freedom should be won. And the story's Peeping
Tom symbolizes those who are too blind to see the meaning behind a
society's great actions and to share in them.
Strange that at UBC an entire red-jacketed throng of Toms should
charge a frail group who protest the debasement of the human spirit;
strange, also, that legend should so quickly devolve into unrecognizable
Stephen Slemon
Edmonton, Alberta
Gears torture chickens?
I agree one hundred per cent
with Gerry Hubbard's letter of
Jan. 20 (Stop chicken kidnapping).
Those dumb gears think they are
so smart stealing 21 chickens to act
out their twisted fantasies. My
mind reels at the thought of what
those red-jacketed animals will do
to our chickens.
Perhaps pluck them and parade
them around campus on the back
of a pony? Plaster the Hen committee's coup with more pictures of
plucked chickens? I cry fowl play!
How would you like it if we stole
your HP-58 programmables and
paraded them around on a
We demand an apology from the
gears or the aggies will go on the
rampage! You have been warned.
01' MacDonald
acricultural sciences 4
adventurers, suffering poets and
malnourished revolutionaries.
They all have their place in a
What is wrong is pretending that
UBC is a first-class place when it is
Why do the science faculties
have to work so hard? In wartime
and other emergencies, trained
people are trained quickly and
efficiently. Now that we have time
and money, it takes years and
millions to produce idiots. They
say that there is so much to learn
and so little time to learn it in. I
have a hunch that they are lying
and that the science faculties are a
J. Henricksen
As members of the engineering
undergraduate society, we are
always concerned about sexist
policies. The co-op education
program appears to be an excellent example of a sexist policy.
In times of critical unemployment, who can justify a job
program for pre-engineering and
pre-forestry students which excludes persons of a specific sex?
Certainly, this program cannot be
justified simply because there are
fewer women than men in these
two faculties, for if this was the
case, it would seem logical to
expect a similar program for
males planning to enter, say, home
So what's the story? Why are the
women planning to enter these two
faculties? Possibly someone out
there could set us straight and
demonstrate how the program is
fair to both sexes, or correct us by
showing that the program is indeed
intended for all persons irregar-
dless of sex.
Larry McKay
Jim Gordon
Calvin Yip
Don Shaw
Gary Lum
Joe Ovseniek
all engineering 1
The Ubyssey welcomes letters
from all readers.
Letters should be signed and
Pen names will be used when the
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for our information in the letter or
when valid reasons for anonymity
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Although an effort is made to
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letters for reasons of brevity,
legality, grammar or taste. The Socreds 25 months later
Page Friday goes political today with a look at the government which
has ruled B.C. for 25 months. That period is reviewed on PF 2, and on PF
3 there are examinations of Socred education and finance policies.
Transportation minister Jack Davis is interviewed on PF 4 and
Human Resources Minister Bill Vander Zalm is profiled on PF 5. On PF
6 and PF 7, the controversial new heroin users program is examined
and our correspondent reports from the darkest depths of last
November's Social Credit convention.
Our Kelowna correspondent looks at the local MLA, Bill Bennett, on
PF 9.
And there are some non-governmental reviews, too. Productions of
the Return of the Nose and Sexual Perversity in Chicago are reviewed
on PF 8 and PF 12. Sammy Hagar and Airborne are reviewed on PF 13,
where Vista can also be found.
Today's cover illustration of Bill Bennett is by Rob Krieger.
V. socreds
Socred policy haunted by NDP legacy
Although the rule of the New Democratic
Party ended with the convincing Social
Credit victory in the Dec. 11, 1975 election,
in a sense we are living more with that
government than the Socred government of
W.A.C. Bennett which preceded it.
Bill Bennett is ostensibly the heir of the
elder Bennett's legacy, but the Social Credit
party had been transformed during Dave
Barrett's stormy three and a half years of
power. Barrett's 1972 victory decimated the
Socreds. To return to power, the party had
to build a much larger base among the so-
called free-enterprise voters than when
W.A.C. was riding .the crests of successive
Under then-party president Grace McCarthy, the Socreds did just that — drawing
Liberals and Conservatives ungappy with
the NDP into the Socred tent. On Dec. 11, the
NDP vote fell by almost nothing from 1972,
but enough third-party party votes went
Socred to ensure victory. While many people
W. A. C. BENNETT ... old line
were determined to oust the NDP from the
moment it won, the NDP government's
gaffes ensured that on election night, it
would not enjoy the public favor it had
earlier in its term.
In the two years, one month and 16 days
since the reborn Social Credit party took
power, the goverment has been grappling
with the legacy of the NDP, rather than
picking up where W.A.C. left off.
As soon as Bill Bennett's cabinet was
sworn in, the entire provincial government
name to a standstill as the new cabinet
looked, consultants in hand, for the smallest
signs of the NDP taint. Even mundene
construction progams were reconsidered.
With the help of the Clarkson, Gordon
financial report, the Socreds gleefully
showed the public the errors, real and
supposed, of the Barrett government, such
as a half-billion-dollar debt (Barrett had
ingerited a similar debt from W.A.C, except
the debt was called "contingent
Bennett the Younger promised regular
financial reports and debt-free budgets. To
make the latter promise a reality, his
government doubled auto insurance rates
(for the lucky ones), doubled ferry rates and
boosted medicare rates, sales and income
taxes, and blamed it all on the socialist
At the same time, government services
were shuffled into crown corporations
(buildings, computers, ferries) and thus
removed from the 'debt' category and into
the 'contingent liability' category. And after
a while, the promised quarterly financial
reviews became more infrequent.
The cabinet was quite different from the
previous Socred administration. In it were
former Liberals such as Pat McGeer, Allan
Williams, Garde Gardom, Jack Davis and
Bill Vander Zalm, and ex-Tory Hugh Curtis.
Many political neophytes joined the party,
and old-line Socreds were hardly
represented at all in the cabinet.
The Social Credit party zas very different.
It bore little resemblance to Social Credit,
even W.A.C. Bennett Social Credit, and was
in effect, an anti-NDP coalition.
Except for the fact there was one leader,
Bennett, the current Socred administration
is much closer to the Conservative-Liberal
coalition which preceded W.A.C. Bennett.
Up to now, the government has worked
hard to undo the work of the NDP, but soon it
must begin initiatives of its own.
Altered have been the NDP's Landlord
and Tenant Act, Agricultural Land Commission Act, community resources board
legislation, university and community
colleges legislation, health legislation and
other legislation.
The NDP's acquisiton of failing industries
irked the Socreds, but since they are now
succeeding, Bill Bennett has been forced to
place them under the roof of a semi-
public-owned crown corporation to salve
those on the right wing of the party who
grate at the thought of this government
intervention in free enterprise.
Labor has presented a tricky problem.
The right-wing of the party would like the
wings of organizee labor clipped as they
were before 1972, but the government
realizes that too many moves in that
direction will spark a dangerous confrontation.
Except for a misstep when new Labor
Code amendments were introduced calling
for 55 per cent margins in certification votes
(later withdrawn), the Socreds have
brought in anti-labor legislation enough to
satis fy their right-wing but not enough to
bring on the full wrath of organized labor.
In fact, there has been relative labor
peace, but the post-anti-inflation program
period will severely test this peace.
In education, McGeer has brought in
legislation financing private schools, one of
his fondest dreams, but the Insurance
Corporation of B.C. job has diverted
McGeer from his main portfolio. His deputy,
Walter Hardwick, has been reorganizing the
education ministry. Other education
legislation has been designed to counteract
some distasteful NDP innovations.
Bennett's intentions in human resources
were clear when he appointed Vander Zalm
minister to replace the NDP's former social
worker, Norm Levi.
Vander Zalm has totally eviscerated the
NDP's welfare legislation, even after others
in the cabinet were willing to stop. As mayor
of Surrey, Vander Zalm had made a name
for himself by being tough with welfare
money, and he has shown no intention of
In general policy, the government has
taken NDP legislation and reshaped it to cut
spending, and make it easy for large corporations to make the profits they did in pre-
NDP days.
But in many ways, the Socreds have let
down their diehard small business supporters. Almost none of the legislation has
benefitted this group, and the punitive tax
and premium increases imposed in 1976 hurt
this group. The defection of people like
Captain Harry Terry is symptomatic of this
But Bennett has not forgotten the old-line
Socreds who served his father so well.
Former attorney-general and MacMillan-
Bloedel head Robert Bonner surfaced
almost immediately after the Socreds'
return as head of B.C. Hydro. Bonner has
become a very familiar figure to British
Columbians with his frequent announcements of hydro rate increases.
Former lands and forests minister Ray
Williston was brought home from New
Brunswick to take over some of the NDP's
DAVE BARRETT . . . emulates elder Bennett in outback
NIELSEN... bad start
pulp and paper acquisitions. Others have
joined the bread line, most notably former
A-G and education minister Leslie Peterson,
who was appointed to UBC's board of
The inventions of crown corporations
notwithstanding, the Socred aim has been to
cut government spending to 12 per cent of
total economic output in B.C.
The government has taken large strides in
that direction, but the economy has not
improved as the Socreds had hoped it would.
Unemployment has remained high and the
state of the economy may come back to
haunt the Socreds the way it did the NDP.
Bill Bennett has surprised many with the
strong leadership he has exercised over his
party, coming out looking better than he did
as opposition leader.
Bennett has managed to cool tensions
between old-line Socreds and the post-1972
joinees, and has disposed of political rivals.
McGeer appeared poised to succeed Bennett
should he have failed, but Bennett, by giving
McGeer ICBC, has eliminated the ex-
Liberal leader as a political threat.
The main threat to Bennett's leadership is
now Vander Zalm, who is the favorite
speaker at Socred meetings throughout the
province. Bennett has promised not to make
a major cabinet shuffle until after the next
election (assuming the Socreds win). At that
time, Vander Zalm can expect to find
himself in a similar position as the hapless
McGeer. If the Socreds lose, the blame may
well be heaped on Vander Zalm.
Failure to change the cabinet may be
Bennett's undoing, just as it surely was to
Barrett. Many weak ministers such as
Gardom, Jim Nielsen, Tom Waterland and
Jack Davis may cost the Socreds at the
Within a month of its deposition, membership in the NDP skyrocketed as uncommitted people suffered under Socred
policies. But Barrett, who had to run in a
vacancy created in the NDP's pocket
borough of Vancouver East after personal
defeat on Dec. 11, has been quiet compared
to his years as premier and the period
before he took power.
In a strange way, Barrett has imitated the
elder Bennett. Thus, Barrett has not been
leading his troops in the legislature, but has
been running around the hinterlands
whipping up support as W.A.C. did before
his astonishing 1952 victory.
Former labor minister Bill King has been
leading the NDP's legislative attack,
creating huge headlines during the stormy
1977 session with numerous Socred scandals
and over bills weakening NDP legislation.
Barrett must be aware of the fact that he
personally is a liability to the party, but his
low profile has intensified questions about
his leadership. The lack of a good successor
is Barrett's main asset at present.
The NDP's main asset at the moment is
the insensitivity of the goverment, but the
Socreds are counting on the alienation to
subside before electon day.
As the government movers into its third
year, it will have to offer positive programs
if it hopes to erase memories of the past 25
months. But if the Socreds continue to dwell
on the NDP past, it will undoubtedly suffer
the fate of its predecessor.
Page Friday, 2
Friday/ January 27, 1978 Old Liberal McGeer toes Socred line
Pat McGeer, the man with the Cheshire-
cat smile, has to be one of the most
fascinating, if frustrating, cabinet ministers
in the Social Credit government.
McGeer's career is nothing if not bizarre.
A UBC brain researcher who has been well-
published in scientific journals and once
worked in the U.S. for DuPont chemical's
experimental research laboratory enters
the B.C. political scene practically on a
whim and is elected as a provincial Liberal
in a 1962 byelection in Vancouver-Point
McGeer sticks with politics, becoming a
vociferous critic of W. A. C. Bennett's
Socred government and rising to become
provincial Liberal leader in 1968. Four years
later McGeer relinquishes the leadership to
David Anderson, but carries on as one of
five Liberals in the house.
Then in May, 1975, McGeer drops a
political bombshell, announcing that he and
fellow Liberals Allan Williams and Garde
Gardom are quitting the Liberal party,
leaving the hapless Liberals with only two
seats in the legislature.
In September of that same year,
McGeer's career takes another strange
twist, as he joins, along with Gardom and
Williams, the rejuvenated, opportunist
version of the Social Credit party under the
leadership of Bill Bennett, son of McGeer's
old political enemy.
McGeer subsequently becomes education
minister after being returned, along with a
Socred majority, by his loyal Point Grey
voters, who could obviously tell a Liberal in
Socred's clothing.
Thus McGeer, after years of criticizing
the Social Credit and their education
policies, both as a professor and politician,
was finally put into the position to do
But McGeer, despite all his good intentions and determination, has been either
unwilling or unable to prevent the
deterioration of B.C.'s education system,
particularly at the university level.
The province's funding of universities in
the past three years has not even been
adequate to counter the effects of inflation,
and research funding, the education
minister's pride and joy, has actually
decreased once inflation factors are considered.
McGeer, in Politics in Paradise, his 1972
critique of the Social Credit under W. A. C.
Bennett, claimed he would rejuvenate the
field of education in B.C. if given the opportunity.
"My objective is to open our educational
system up. The sun must be allowed to shine
once more on our coming generation," he
To provide for the education of B.C.'s next
generation, "our total university system
must be duplicated and our total vocational
and technical system must be tripled over
the next 10 years."
"Many will ask: 'Can we afford to do the
job?' The answer must be 'yes,' said
McGeer in the book.
Despite all this, McGeer's answer now
must surely be no, if the policies he has
implemented and the budgets that he has
allocated are the determining factors in his
performance as education minister.
B.C.'s post-secondary education institutes
have been reeling under three consecutive
years of insufficient funding.
And the quality of  education  at  B.C.
*,.<;<&#< e***"
universities is rapidly dropping as administrators are forced to increase class sizes,
drop plans for new programs and cut back
existing ones, reduce the number of
professors and teaching assistants available
to students and at the same time increase
tuition fees.
Is this how McGeer intended to "open our
educational system up?"
McGeer certainly saw the value of
education funding in 1962, when he made his
maiden speech to the B.C. legislature.
"Has there ever been in the history of the
world an investment by the state which
guarantees a surer return than into the
education of its people? Can we in British
Columbia fail to qualify for admission to the
new age of technology?" he said then.
Now, after 15 years in the legislature, two
of them as education minister, McGeer
marches to the tune of a Socred drummer.
When asked in a recent interview about
education cutbacks McGeer shrugged them
off as invevitable.
"Obviously, I'd like far more money to do
more things than we have been doing, but
every minister would make that
Obviously he now feels education is not a
question of what you need but what you can
get, quite a change of course from earlier
But if McGeer has not made satisfactory
funding available for education in B.C. he
certainly has been able to implement
significant changes in the system. And
many have been longstanding goals
prominently features in his book.
As education minister, McGeer has
brought in a core curriculum of basic
educational standards, school and pre-
university testing programs, funded private
schools,    introduced    an    educational
SeePF 10: McGEER
Socred budgets attack people
McGEER . . . new tune
Politicians are surprisingly similar
when paying lip service to the various
concerns of citizens. But it is the bottom,
line, the hard cool facts of a budget which
show where a government's heart really
Almost two years ago the Social Credit
government astounded British Columbians with one of the most severe anti-
people budgets ever brought down in a
B.C. legislature.
The bullet-biting budget that finance
minister Evan Wolfe introduced March 27,
1976 made W. A. C. Bennett's years in
power seem a benevolent socialism by
The document, designed both as political
revenge against the NDP and the people of
B.C. for having defeated Bill Bennett's
father, placed the heaviest tax burden on
low- and middle-income people.
The sales tax, increased from five to
seven per cent, is one of the most
regressive forms of taxation available.
It hits people at the lower end of the
income scale hardest.
The Socreds used every possible
measure which would squeeze another
dollar from the taxpayer.
Even hospital day rates were hiked
while business would pay only an additional two per cent corporation tax.
The burden for financing the government was squarely placed on the back of
low- and middle-income earners.
The budget followed the double-
whammy British Columbians, particularly
young males, received two months earlier
when the government boosted automobile
insurance rates an average of 140 per cent.
There were increases for single men
under 25 of the order of 200 to 300 per cent.
The hardline approach taken by the
government would have been easier to
take if it was a fiscally responsible budget.
But at a time of record unemployment in
B.C., what was needed was an expansionary budget to encourage job-
Opposition MLAs and the press at the
time suggested the budget was the product
of a dware store mentality, a balanced
budget syndrome.
That is an underestimation of Bennett's
The Socreds, still fighting an election
campaign three months after the vote was
taken, wanted to prove to the voters in Ihe
most graphic way possible that the NDP
had mismanaged the economy.
Bennett also understood, after only three
years in politics, the public's enormous
capacity to forget the first half of a party's
term in office.
Planning balanced budgets for 1976 and
1977, no matter how severe, will pay off in
budget surpluses in 1979, a potential
election year. We can expect to be bribed
in that year with surpluses paid for in
previous years.
Witt) this Machiavellian scheme in mind
the finance minister was still able, without
cracking a grin, to poke more jabs at the
official opposition.
"As I look at the last, sad remnants of
the former government sitting across from
me, I believe that, when the people read
this tragic story of how their money
Friday, January 27, 1978
Page Friday, 3 socreds
Ferry rate hike marks Davis' ministry
Jack Davis says he has brought
transport policy in B.C. together
for the first time, and is presently
relating all modes of transport to
economic development.
B.C.'s minister of Energy,
Transport and Communications
said Tuesday in an interview he
was also responsible for convincing the federal government
that the Alaska pipeline should go
down the Alaska highway.
Davis is on the board of B.C.
Hydro, B.C. Steamships, B.C.
Harbors and until last fall was
chairman of the B.C. ferries board.
Davis established B.C. Ferries as a
crown corporation and captained it
through one fare hike, a rollback, a
huge layoff and a lengthy ferry
workers strike.
Davis said when the Socreds
came to power, the fares collected
for ferry service only paid for one-
third of the ferries' cost. Davis
then doubled all the fares on the
ferry routes and laid off 400 ferry
workers in the spring and summer
of 1976.
This move wasn't popular with
ferry passengers or workers.
Davis gave having too many
employees per passenger as the
reason for the layoffs. As an
example, Davis claimed
Washington ferries run a ferry the
size of the Queen of Coquitlam with
14 employees, while B.C. ferries
still uses 28 employees after the
Twenty-eight is the minimum
number of employees allowed by
Canadian Steamship Standards.
"We couldn't cut more people even
if we wanted to," said Davis.
Virtually all of the 400 laid-off
employees were relocated. He
later qualified his statement by
adding that 50 to 80 employees
found other work or weren't
In 1976, Davis negotiated an $8
million grant for the B.C. Ferry
Corp. with the condition that the
corporation roll back fares.
On June 1, 1977 the rates were
rolled back $1 and the over-height
charge introduced in 1976 was
dropped. Davis denied the rollback
was due to public pressure. "I
know in the public view it was a
second thought," he said. He did
say, however, the over-height
vehicle charge was dropped
because of public outcry,
especially among the Vancouver
Island tourist industry, who rely on
business from people in vans and
motor homes.
Davis said B.C. Ferries is now 60
per cent paid for by its users. He
said, "we've got the ferries pretty
well in line." He added that the
ferries are now like a highway and
pay for themselves.
In the fall of 1977, B.C. ferry
workers went on strike in response
to the lack of a contract, hours of
work disputes, and layoffs Davis
made in 1976. The strike was expensive and highly inconvenient. It
cost Davis his job as a member of
the B.C. Ferries board.
Sam Bawlf, minister of
recreation and conservation, is
now the minister on the B.C.
Ferries board.
Davis summarized the Social
Credit way of doing things by using
1976 ferry traffic and revenue
statistics. Traffic dropped 20 per
cent, while revenue went up by 60
per cent. Davis said if the corporation could double its prices
and still retain 80 per cent of its
customers then the prices weren't
that unreasonable.
Davis said he was replaced as
B.C. Ferries board member
because the job was taking up too
much of his time. He added B.C.
Ferries was only one of the boards
he was a member of.
As a board member of B.C.
Hydro, B.C. Steamships and B.C.
Harbors boards, he sees his
responsibility as a liaison between
tne government and the crown
corporation. He said, "the idea is
not for the ministers to run the
boards." He added that the public
doesn't always want crown corporations to "do their own thing,"
i.e. make as much money as
possible, so the role of the minister
as board member is as a sort of
If Jack Davis was a watchdog on
the ferries board, the bite he put on
the public was a lot worse than the
bark he sounded off to the board.
Davis wanted to bring particular
attention to his energy and communications ministries. He said,
"the big area is pipeline and power
development." Davis said his
ministry is trying to develop an
over-all energy policy including
environmental factors. Davis
added that he has brought considerable knowledge to the job of
JACK DAVIS . .. 'now that's a tough one'
energy minister. "I've written
several books on the subject," he
Davis said B.C. is becoming
increasingly self-sufficient in gas.
The government is not actively
investigating nuclear power as a
source of energy for B.C., they are
however, collecting "background
information" on it, he said. "We're
not going to be in the nuclear
generation in the life of this
government or the next one."
Davis also backed the new seat-
belt legislation. The seat-belt
legislation became law on Oct. 1,
1977. Davis' main failure there was
in allowing the legislation to take
so long before becoming law. The
new law allows the courts to levy a
$100 fine on a driver if he/she .or
his/her front seat passenger is not
wearing a seat belt.
Davis was also involved in the
happy families scandal in the
legislature last fall. He was
criticized for hiring his son-in-law
as a summer employee in the
department of Transport, Energy
and Communications. The
situation was resolved when
premier Bennett told all cabinet
ministers to fire any direct
relatives that worked for them.
Davis was environmental
minister in the Trudeau government until 1974. He soon was
converted to the provincial Social
Credit doctrine after his resounding federal defeat. In 1975 he
successfully ran as a provincial
Applications are now being accepted for:
(1) The $4.00 per graduating student rebate to be
used for composites and/or grad functions.
JANUARY 27, 1978.
(2) Grad Class Gifts and Projects. DEADLINE
Submit applications and questions to:
SUB Box 118.
No late applications will be accepted.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 1st 8 p.m.
Tickets at All Woodward's Concert Box Offices Info. 687-2801
presented by Jerry Weintraub in association
with the Robert Stigwood Organisation and
produced by Concerts West
Page Friday, 4
Friday, January 27, 1978 socreds
Vander Zalm bounces off bloopers
To some British Columbians, Bill Vander
Zalm is the only one who knows how to deal
with all the parasitic welfare and unemployment insurance recipients in B.C.
But for those in need of government
assistance, Vander Zalm is seen as the
minister who could wipe out their benefits as
easily as he did the Vancouver Resources
During his two years as human resources
minister, Vander Zalm has been involved in
more controversial issues and has received
greater criticism than any other minister in
the Bennett cabinet, with the possible exception of education minister Pat McGeer.
But while McGeer often finds himself in
political hot water, Vander Zalm has
displayed an uncanny knack to successfully
weather crisis situations.
Perhaps the reason for this is his
unyielding approach to politics. In the 1973
campaign for his third term as mayor of
Surrey, Vander Zalm smashed school board
member and now alderman Garry Watkins
at the polls on the strength of his outrageous
pronouncements against pornography,
Quebec, and nuclear energy.
Vander Zalm has also been acutely aware
of the winds of political fortune and in 1975
joined Pat McGeer, Garde Gardom and
Allan Williams in that popular B.C. sport of
magically transforming from a Liberal to a
loyal Socred.
As a result of his political manifestations,
Vander Zalm went from Surrey alderman to
provincial minister in six short years.
And he is not finished yet. Vander Zalm
has admitted publicly he has his eye on the
provincial premiership and already has
some NDP MLAs worrying about him
running the country.
Despite his future aspirations, Vander
Zalm is prepared, and indeed has already
begun, to mold Human Resources according
to his own particular vision.
"I want to make the B.C. human
resources program the most innovative, the
most forward-thinking and the best in all
North America," he said this fall.
Needless to say, this will all be accomplished according to Vander Zalm's own
specific plans.
One major part of those plans was Vander
Zalm's desire to abolish the Vancouver
Resources Board. The VRB was originally
established in 1973 under the direction of
Norman Levi, former NDP human
resources minister.
Although the community resources board
concept had received initial public support,
Levi's confused attempts to get the boards
established soon had the daily Vancouver
papers screaming for his blood.
Once the Socreds had defeated the NDP in
1975, they were prepared to reverse as many
of the NDP's pieces of legislation as
possible. Among the first targets was the
neighborhood welfare administration
At the beginning of the debate, Vander
Zalm publicly admitted that the VRB represented a major improvement over the old
multi-agency social service system. He also
said Vancouver social services were more
effective under the VRB than they were
under the premiership of Socred W. A. C.
But Vander Zalm announced that the VRB
had a disproportionate share of the
provincial welfare staff and went on his
crusade to bring control of Vancouver's
social welfare system back to Victoria.
Vander Zalm introduced Bill 65, the immediately controversial Community
Resources Boards Amendment Act in the
legislature and proceeded to attack the VRB
during the second reading for maintaining
about 40 per cent of B.C.'s welfare staff
while serving only about 33 per cent of the
When he originally introduced Bill 65,
Vander Zalm did not even bother to give an
explanation for the legislation. The people of
Vancouver were forced to wait until Sept. 16,
1977 before any official explanation was
given by the human resources ministry for
the abolition of the board.
After Vander Zalm's attack in the house,
VRB chairman Ron Fenwick declared his
fears that Vander Zalm was preparing to cut
back on the number of welfare workers
employed in the Vancouver area.
Vander Zalm also charged the VRB board
members were "little more than puppets for
a manipulative administration."  •
Fenwick countered by saying the VRB
was much more accountable, due to its
twice monthly public meetings, than the
human resources ministry.
Fenwick also said he was concerned about
the loss of public accountability for Vancouver's human resources which would
result following the abolishment of the VRB.
"The abolishment of the VRB would be a
victory of bureaucracy since public accountability  at  a  local  level  would   be
NDP and then-Conservative leader Scott
Wallace voted against the bill. The Socreds
naturally voted in favor.
On Sept. 27, Bill 65 received final approval
and royal assent. The VRB was abolished
and future Vancouver welfare workers were
to be directly responsible to the deputy
minister of human resources.
More than 50 people attended the final
eliminated as staff reported through the
deputy minister," Fenwick said.
On Sept. 21, the ultra-conservative
Province joined in the fray by condemning
Vander Zalm for not properly explaining his
reasons for abolishing community resources
in Vancouver.
"Mr. Vander Zalm's defence of the
legislation to kill it (the VRB) was unconvincing. His complaints were at most
chippy because in fact, the VRB was being
run with strict adherence to public accountability," the Province said in an
The editorial marked a major change in
public opinion regarding the VRB. The
Province had been one of the strongest
opponents of the introduction of the board in
1974 and had continued their attacks until
Vander Zalm's explanation in the
Suddenly it had become fashionable to
support the VRB.
It was at this stage that the largest public
outcry against Bill 65 materialized. A
number of massive rallies were organized
and a petition was started.
"The response was overwhelming," John
Lynn, VRB public relations co-ordinator
said last September following the passing of
Bill 65.
"The VRB affects very few people
directly, and yet so many people supported
us. In all, we made a strong point that
community services had to be done on the
community, rather than provincial, level,"
he said.
Very quickly the political consequences of
Vander Zalm's actions became apparent.
Vancouver's two daily newspapers were
condemning the human resources ministry,
public outrage was at its highest pitch, and
yet Bill 65 was still going through the
procedures in the House with little indication the Socreds were prepared to
repeal it.
At this point, Rosemary Brown, the NDP
MLA for Vancouver-Burrard, began her
filibuster as an attempt to delay the passing
of the bill. .She debated for three days,
constantly needling Vander Zalm. Eventually Brown stopped the filibuster on the
advice of a physician.
Bill 65 was then brought before the house,
given final reading, and voted upon. The
administrative meeting of the VRB, and
board members gave a sad and sometimes
bitter farewell to community resources.
"Now that the VRB has been eliminated,
we will need watchdogs on the provincial
government and human resources ministry
more than ever before," said board member
and Vancouver alderwoman Darlene
"There will be millions of dollars for the
social assistance program floating around
and someone has to ensure that these
monies will be going in the right pockets."
BROWN .. . filibusters
Marguerite Ford, another board member
and alderwoman, said the government had
ignored the benefits of the board.
"There is no way citizens can have any
effect on social services now that community resources is under direct government control," she said.
"The government has been shortsighted
over the benefits of the VRB."
VRB regional manager Dave Schreck, one
of Vander Zalm's bitterest critics, said he
thought Vander Zalm would try to ensure he
was not involved with human resources in
the future.
"Vander Zalm is too vindictive not to get
me," he said.
Within the month, Schreck had resigned
his position.
After the smoke had cleared and the VRB
had been abolished, many columnists and
others hinted that Vander Zalm's political
expediency had been used and he would soon
be removed from his ministerial post.
Well, Vander Zalm is still there and h«
weathered the crisis of the VRB debate sc
well that in the end it was the opposition ir,
the house which came out looking foolish
Vander Zalm had been able to withstand
public pressure for his dismissal. He had
carried out his goal despite widespread
public disapproval. More than anything
else, Vander Zalm's position within the
government was strengthened by the Bill 65
Unfortunately, Vander Zalm gained from
a situation which will probably have grave
consequences for those Vancouver citizens
in need of government assistance. By
moving control of community human
resources to Victoria, Vander Zalm has in
effect consolidated his power both within the
ministry and the government. The effect on
civic resources would not be realized for
some time.
That time came when Vander Zalm announced he had cut back spending by the
human resources department by an
astonishing $100 million.
His announcement was heralded by the
Socreds as an excellent example of the overspending of the previous NDP administration. As is probably evident though,
a great deal of these cutbacks were done at
the expense of community involvement in
human resources.
When this is taken into account with
regard to the increased difficulty in
receiving either unemployment insurance
or welfare in B.C. (again, a result of Vander
Zalm's legislation), the situation for those in
need of assistance is bordering on the
In a period where both inflation and a
more than eight per cent unemployment
rate are damaging our economy, Vander
Zalm has decided to reduce public
The ones who lose are those caught up in
the double whirlpool of Vander Zalm's logic.
And the effects on these people could well be
detrimental to the entire province.
And how does Vander Zalm want to deal
with the problem of unemployment? Simple,
give welfare and unemployment insurance
recipients shovels and put them to work
building roads and ditches.
It may be a great idea for Socreds, Bill,
but the idea went out with the Middle Ages.
Vander Zalm's blatant and obvious
disregard for any form of intelligent
discussion on social issues is a proper
reflection of the manner in which human
resources has been run in the past two
The grave distress of people in need of
social assistance is obviously invisible to
Vander Zalm from his Surrey hideaway. It
is true that a good number of people are
making an unnecessary living off welfare or
unemployment insurance, but in no way
should their actions cause a government to
reduce assistance for all people in B.C.
Vander Zalm is probably not out to
deliberately damage the situation of some
people, it is just that he seems to have such a
minimal grasp of the situation that he
should not even be remotely involved with
human resources.
Perhaps the most tangible results of
Vander Zalm's efforts as human resources
minister has been the eradication of daycare centres on the coast, the elimination of
a youth home in Richmond, the abolition of
the VRB, and the phasing out of literally
dozens of other community human
The intangible results, the ones caused by
the effect of Vander Zalm's actions on B.C.
citizens, will not be known until Vander
Zalm is well on his way to whatever is his
ultimate goal. For him, the problem will not
exist, but the remainder of the province will
have to cope with his actions years from
Vander Zalm, the man who told Quebec to
separate so that he could have a unilingual
corn flakes box, has been far too ignorant of
the real-life situation of thousands of British
Columbians. His efforts to remold the
human resources ministry will only result in
the continued social damage caused by the
economic and social difficulty of our time.
Friday, January-27, 1978
Page Friday, 5 socreds [
Compulsory treatment program for he
Bob McClelland's proposed compulsory
treatment program for heroin users has
embroiled his health ministry in a serious
civil liberties controversy. Psychologists
and medical professionals are strongly
opposed to the proposed legislation.
It's unusual for a health ministry to be so
controversial. Usually, the ministry consists
of the handing out of various benefits and
services. Controversy arises over matters of
funding and priorities, when it arises at all.
The controversy over the proposed
compulsory treatment of heroin users is of a
different nature. Opponents of the program
object to it not because they see a problem of
funding, but because they feel it would
constitute a serious violation of individual
McClelland proposed compulsory
treatment of heroin users as a way "to
augment the attempt by police agencies to
stem the flow of narcotics into the community." At present, heroin trafficking in
B.C. grosses $255 million a year, there are
over 10,000 addicts in the province, and the
costs to the justice system and to the
economy are astronomical.
The $14.2 million compulsory treatment
program is designed to eliminate the market for heroin by treating users and thus
reducing, if not eliminating, the demand for
the drug. The more users under treatment,
so the reasoning goes, the less demand for
the drug on the illicit market, and the higher
the costs to what remains of the heroin
The program is scheduled to begin in late
1978 and involves three types of treatment,
as well as a job training program. "Hard
case" addicts would be" committed to an
institution (either a 150-bed unit in the
Lower Mainland or a community clinic in
major centres such as Kamloops, Prince
George and Victoria). Such in-patient
treatment would also be available to those
who volunteer for it. Lastly, addicts with a
less serious problem would be referred to
community clinics and would not be confined to an institution.
Whether a user must submit to treatment
and what kind of treatment the user must
undergo is up to an evaluation panel. A user
not found to use heroin habitually or to be
dependent on it would be "released without
prejudice", according to McClelland.
But it is hard to say what is meant by
"without prejudice". Anyone using,
possessing, or with a record of use of heroin
would be subject to examination by the
panel (which would include medical experts) . An alleged use could be referred to
the panel by police, the courts, doctors and
hospitals, other custodial institutions, the
user's family or the user. If a record of use
of heroin is to count as grounds for
examination by the panel to determine if the
user needs treatment, then an apppearance
before the panel will prejudice any subsequent appearance in the direction of
If an individual disagrees with the panel,
an appeal procedure (perhaps to the County
Court) will be available.
McClelland has rejected a program
modeled on that in the United Kingdom,
which involves voluntary treatment, and for
obscure reasons. The British registered
addicts program provides its participants,
who join voluntarily, with a regulated
amount of the drug they use while undergoing treatment.
McClelland seems to take as an objection
to such a program the fact that in Britain the
clinic is not merely a drug dispensing
centre, doctors decide on whether heroin or
methadone is used, and on the length of
maintenance before withdrawal, and
whether the substance is to be taken orally
or injected. Addicts are encouraged to use
methadone rather than heroin, and those
using heroin are given only enough to
prevent withdrawal and reduce anxiety.
These factors are seen as objections by
McClelland to what he terms a "heroin
maintenance program".
Bruce Alexander, a psychologist at Simon
Fraser University, sees the British program
in a different light. Alexander points out that
the U.K. system, which has been in
operation since 1920, deals with morphine
and methadone as well as heroin. "The
emphasis is not on heroin maintenance but
in establishing a doctor-patient relationship," Alexander says. "That system has
produced far, far better results than the
Alexander says that there are 3,000
registered addicts in the U.K., whereas in
B.C. the Alcohol and Drug Commission
estimates there are 10,000 addicts. A paper
by Reginal Smart and A. Osborne in the
British Journal of Addiction of 1974 says that
the official number of registered addicts
may be off by 20 per cent, which would mean
a maximum of 3,600 registered addicts.
McClelland is wrong in assuming it is a
treatment program and in assuming it has
failed," says Alexander, who claims the
figure of 3,000 addicts is very well
documented in medical journals.
The British situation is complicated by
press reports that some addicts have
dropped out of the program and more heroin
is on the streets. "It could be true," admits
Alexander, "but there is nothing in the hard
literature to support it."
"The British system has had it's ups and
downs, and it might be having a down right
now, but over a 50 year period it has been
successful. Even if it were true that there
were 10,000 addicts in Britain right now,
they'd still be ahead of us, as we have 10,000
with only 2 million people."
Alexander says that when the British
system has met with problems in the past,
corrections have been made.
McClelland also objects to a British-style
program because he believes that for many
addicts the excitement of obtaining the
drug, trafficking it and trying to avoid
arrest are as important as the drug itself. A
maintenance program would not deal with
this factor.
Alexander replies, "There are some
addicts who will continue playing the game
even if they can get free dope, but beyond
that, McClelland's wrong that the
majority of addicts are like that. We have no
direct evidence, but the best evidence is to
compare our addicts with the British ones,
and the majority of British addicts are not
like that."
"It's reasonable to suppose it wouldn't
work as well as in Britain," says Alexander,
"But the solution is to stop the cops and
robbers game between addicts and the law.
He adds that even if the British system
worked only one-tenth as well here at the
outset, it would be better than the present
McClelland has voiced the fear that a
British style program wouod turn B.C. into a
haven for heroin addicts from outside the
province. Alexander says there is very lettle
ground for such fear.
"Take the assumption that thousands of
addicts come. They'd have to register and
would be deported," says Alexander.
Alexander points out that in the U.S.,
many people suffer financially because of
medical expenses but don't move to Canada.
Addicts would not leave home for dope any
more   than   they   would   for   Medicare.
Moreover, few addicts left home for
Britain when they had the chance, so the
chances of a migration to B.C. are slight.
Alexander says that the British system is
successful in that British addicts spend
more time working, less time sick and less
time in jail than do Canadian addicts. "The
British system is not a cure either. Addicts
are only less miserable under the British
system. It's only a way to reduce the
Is there a cure?
"There's no treatment which has been
documented on a large scale," says
Alexander. "But like the common cold, for
which there is no treatment, a person may
be cured in that the condition need not be
Alexander says there is extensive
research to show that there is no effective
treatment for heroin addiction.
This raises a major objection to compulsory treatment from a civil liberties
"Compulsory treatment is nonsense,
because there is no treatment. Subjection to
it is then worse than nonsense, it is injustice."
So says UBC philosophy professor Don
Brown in a paper on Drugs and the problem
of law abuse, published in the UBC Law
Review. "There is no such thing as an in-
dentifiable illness for which a standard or
workable treatment is known," Brown
The problem is not withdrawal, but the
tendency to revert. Addicts who seek
voluntary treatment may sometimes be
cured because they are sufficiently
motivated that with heop they can deal with
the problem.
For other addicts, addiction is a symptom
of a deep and complicated personal
problem. For them there is no real cure,
and, as a 1967 report for the U.S. President's
Commission on Law Enforcement points
out, "civil commitment is but a euphemism
for imprisonment."
Brown says there are three possible
arguments in favor of compulsory treatment. They are (l) that the addict spreads
addiction like a disease, (2) that addicts are
prone to crime in order to support their
habit and (3) the cost to society in dealing
with addiction is very high.
Taking the first point, Brown says that
"the analogy with infection is quite false".
Brown told The Ubyssey that while catching
TB is the result of a mechanical process
involving no choice on the part of the individual, addiction to heroin involves a
series of choices and is not involuntary in
the way that catching a disease is.
"The person who becomes addicted has to
be willing to try it and accept responsibility
for letting himself in for it," Brown says.
A person in the presence of an addict is not
going to "catch" addiction.
Psysiological dependency requires
repeated and frequent use of heroin and
many users do not use heroin frequently
enough to become addicted. "It's not as
clear as it used to be what it is to be addicted," Brown says. "Addiction is quite a
complicated psychological phenomenon.
There are even people who are physically
dependent but not addicted and addicted but
not physiologically dependent. The condition of addiction is not mechanically
producable just by use and can exist without
the state of physiological craving."
In response to the problem of the addict's
influence on others (which would increase
their chances of becoming addicted, Brown
replies, "that's pushing the concept of infectious disease far enough to include enthusiasm for hockey, musical taste,
religious conversion and a number of other
things. If you want to call all those things
disease, O.K., but it does alter the analogy.
"As a matter of fact, there are a number of
addicts around who warn people against the
"The economic incentive is the one that
...SAVS )&&■ i^r
in Victoria.
Page Friday, 6
Friday, January 27, 1978 ;: ,v38#*& &&fci socreds
oin users poses civil liberties nightmare
eople assume — people want to get others
iterested in use to get customers for
iealing. There might be something in that,
ut it's exaggerated." One might suppose
riat there is a sufficient market for heroin
/ithout an addict having to create new
"This is one way after another of harping
n the theme that using heroin is a simple
isaster like TB or typhus, whereas what we
re talking about is a style of life which
eople choose, so that it's presumptious of
s to say thery have a disease when they're
ot complaining."
The bad financial situation of the heroin
ddict, which leads to crime to support the
abit, is a product not of addiction, but of
iws which keep heroin high priced and
ifficult to obtain by making it available
nly through illicit sources. Comparing
eroin to a legal drug, alcohol, Brown says
iiat "heroin is a less harmful addiction than
lcohol in every way. Heroin use is con-
agious in a way that alcohol use is con-
agious, but we don't quarantine
lcoholics." If we are to be consistent (and
tius fair) we cannot then lock up heroin
Heroin use in B.C. is part of a serious
ocial problem, but Brown argues that the
olution would be the British system, and
ot incarceration of users. "It's important
3 distinguish the personal and health
roblem of addiction from the social
roblem of enforcement costs and drug-
elated crime," says Brown. "With respect
d the treatment of addiction itself, the
lcohol problem is far worse than the heroin
ne. There are at least ten times the number
f alcoholics as there are heroin addicts and
leir condition is far more serious.
"The problem of enforcement and crime
i an artifact of the law. You could quickly
am alcohol into the same sort of problem
y prohibition, and you could quickly turn
eroin into a problem like alcohol by legal
"The British program has kept the social
roblem under control from the beginning.
t's prevented it from reaching the
roportions we have."
Not only are there objections to com-
ulsory treatment in principle, but there are
iroblems with the way McClelland proposes
j conduct the program.
In a letter to McClelland from B.C. Civil
iberties Association President Jim
lybikowski (Oct. 6, 1977), Dybikowski
sked McClelland for assurances in several
:ey areas.
The first is that criteria would be
stablished which would distinguish between addicted and non-addicted users, and
hat only addicts would be treated.
McClelland's reply (in a letter of Oct. 20)
^as that "it would be counter-productive to
limit ourselves to a medical concept of
addiction in trying to distinguish between
addicts and users." The plan would treat
anyone the panel deemed to be in need of
treatment, including non-addicted users the
panel judged would be prone to addiction.
Speaking to The Ubyssey, Dybikowski
outlined his objections to such a policy.
"First of all, the program has been
presented to the public as a program which
is directed toward addicts, rather then
users, and so statements made in the B.C.
government neswpaper were misleading in
that the program is going to affect more
people than was indicated," says
Dybikowski. He argued that for addicts there
is a case for the relevence of health
legislation (as it resembles a medical
problem), but if users are included the
health legislation disguises criminal law.
Another problem is that the wording of the
proposal allows the panel to commit anyone
it judges to be in need of treatment, and this
is a sufficiently vague criterion to make
appeal extremely difficult. The committee
is also given more discretion than would a
court charged with determining whether the
defendant is an addict.
Given that the initial panel decision is so
much a matter of expert judgement and the
criteria for the judgement are so vague,
appeal courts would be reluctant to overturn a panel decision. The right of appeal is
virtually useless unless the court can refer
to specific criteria (of addiction) which
would be the basis of an appeal.
Dybikowski points out that, except in the
case of dangerous or highly contagious
conditions (such as veneral disease), we do
not compel treatment, and when we do, it is
for the good of society, and not the good of
the individual. "So if the basis of the
program is going to be paternalism, that I,
treating the person for his own good, then
that principle is not very established, except
in the case of mental health ligislation, and
even there there should be more restrictions."
The civil liberties association asked that
committal orders requiring a deprivation of
liberty be made by a court of law (which is
the right to due process).
McClelland's reply was that "such a
procedure would turn the programme into a
mere court diversion" and would cause the
user to suffer by delaying treatment.
As Dybikowski points out, McClelland's
reply assumes that the person before the
panel would be a user needing treatment.
McClelland also denied the request for the
right to legal counsel and legal aid (which is
a necessary provision if all are to have
counsel). His argument is similar to the one
against due process, with the added point
that having counsel would incline the person
to view the treatment as punishment.
SitfE-flKE solution
Dybikowski says that such objections are
simply irrelevant. "With regard to the
criminal justice system, you could argue
that the person after having counsel would
have a hard time believing he had committed an offense, and this might impair
punishment. The important thing is that
liberty is curtailed, not necessarily by institutionalization, but by supervision of
behavior, and so it is a kind of punishment
as it deprives persons of something they
have reason to want, and due process goes
with a deprivation of liberty, even if the user
hasn't committed an offence."
Dybikowski also asked that only persons
convicted of an offense other than
possession be treated. McClelland's reply
Wets that early action might prevent some
users from becoming criminals, and would
thus benefit those persons.
"It isn't clear to me that if you are a user
of heroin you are automatically going to be
engaged in criminal activities," answers
Dybikowski. "If you use heroin, you are not
necessarily an addict, and you don't
necessarily have to engage in criminal
activities. There's a presumption that if you
try the thing out, you get hooked, and once
you get hooked you have to support the
habit, and the only way to do that is by
criminal activity. It might be that some
users become criminal addicts, but if there
were a fair number of people who aren't,
you wouldn't be able to use that
Dybikowski points out that it's a principle
of our criminal justice system that we do not
have preventive detention, for freedom is
deprived only for violation of the law, not for
the likelihood of it. Or as Brown says,
poverty would then be a crime (and that is
surely absurd).
"Even if you could accurately predict the
act, you could not detain them," says
Dybikowski. "Not that you couldn't take
preventive measures, but detaining
someone for what they will do rather than
for what they've done runs counter to our
principle of natural justice."
The Civil Liberties Association also asked
that the patient in the program be allowed
toseek  release  through  a  review  panel
McCLELLAND . .. cold turkey
procedure analogous to that provided by the
Mental Health Act.
McClelland's reply is that a full three-
year program is needed for the treatment to
be effective.
Dybikowski replies, "That jeopardizes the
analogy they have drawn between mental
health and this legislation, because, after
all, when you release someone under the
Mental Health Act, you do so because
they're no longer mentally ill, whereas here
you treat the person for a fixed period of
time; the picture drawn of the drug user as a
sick person suffers from holding them for a
fixed period of time, because when you've
cured a sick person, you release them."
Patients are also denied the right to
choose treatment with their doctor.
In short, it's a civil liberties nightmare,
allowing for the informing on users by
anyone and incarceration by a panel which
does not have to grant the defendant the
right to counsel and due process, and has
sweeping discretionary powers. The danger
to liberty cannot be exaggerated.
And the tragedy is that there just is no
such thing as a treatment for heroin use.
Fear and loathing on
Socred Convention trail
The definition of boring must be the
insides of an Air Canada jet 30,000 feet
over Saskatchewan. I've been sitting here
in a goddamn tight economy seat for two
hours on the verge of retching.
As I look around with my bleary eyes, I
see row upon row of boring businessmen,
all in three-piece suits, all carrying
When I'm thinking about that wretched
bottle of Potters Rum and Coffee Liqueur
rattling around ray stomach, it is difficult
to get enthused about how sales are going.
But most of all, I deserve to be locked in
the lavatory before that vile booze brings
to life hallucinations from the weekend
I've just suffered at the Hyatt Regency,
being locked up with l ,200 Socreds for their
annual blowout and white shoe exhibition.
But when I contemplate that spectacle, I
want to flush my body down the toilet, and
I could probably do it, because my body is
taking on the consistency of green slime.
An experience must be very awful to
destroy the faith in humanity of a cynic
like me, but I'm glad I'm escaping that
loony bin of a province for my cushy
Toronto pad. Those silly bastards can let
those Socreds run that place; I'm going
home with a new appreciation for Bill
Davis. Eccccch. What am I saying? I
better order a drink so I can forget that the
decayed remains of my stomach are
collapsing onto my shrivelled intestines.
It's a miracle that I'm in this plane
(although I may tear out my window and
jump if I'm not forcibly restrained), but
not even that could not match the low of
lying unconscious on the elegantly coifed
Hyatt hotel rug and haying some women
nearly trip on me covering my T-shirt with
pie. Pie? I wasn't in fee kitchen.
Bill Vander Zalm stepped on my
cadaver-to-be, and I rolled over before a
band of carnivorous radio reporters could
trample me. But why would Vander Zalm,
the only man who made a fortune by
taking a Knapp, trip over a constituent?
His face seemed to have an eerie hue,
about the same as that pie.
He disappeared and I struggled out of
torpor induced hy three bottles of Cherry
Jack and two amyls and into the nearest
bathroom. Inside, I found Vander Zalm
looking very distraught and cursing under
his breath.
But I had no time to chat with that pitiful
specimen, as I had to retch my guts out in
the toilet. After five minutes, I screamed,
"Vander .Zalm, you motherfucking son-
sofabitch! How much suffering have you
inflicted on the masses! When I come out,
I'm going to tighten that tie around your
wretehed neck"
Having transferred the grief inflicted on
me by the Cherry Jack to Vander Zalm, I
came out poised to stomp him to a pulp.
Bit he was gone, and in his place was
another delegate.
I could tell because this pitiful specimen
was hiding a huge gut under a light-blue
leisure suit and white shoes. Turning away
from the urinal, the man said "I'm glad
the minister left before you started
screaming. It would have been horrible if
you'd have scared him off before I could
get his autograph. What are you, a fuckin'
commie or something?"
Feeling like a jackal hanging by
clothespegs, I decided to take the offensive. I leaned over the wretch, and
watched his face convulse as he smelled
the Double Jade on my breath. "I'm a
pusher, and I'd like to sell you some
Friday, January 27, 1978
Page Friday, 7 tt „* ' * „ S , -W
theatre fe^v   y >;
Nose saves world from clone disaster
He's cooler than Sam Spade,
smarter than Hercule Poirot and
more unpredictable than Maxwell
Smart. Who is he, you ask? Why,
he's noneother than the inimitable
Nose, and like the Shadow, the
Nose knows.
If you are still confused about the
identity of this hero of heroes, let
me elucidate. The Nose is the
Green Thumb Players' resident
super sleuth, always ready to
tackle the most difficult of assignments and to provide an answer to
the most puzzling of riddles.
The Nose Returns
By John Carroll
Directed by Ian Fenwick
Arts Club Theatre, Saturday afternoons until March 4
We were first introduced to him
last season when he marvelled at
his detective prowess in the The
Nose Knows. And now, like any
private investigator worth his salt,
he has returned to rescue the world
once again from those who would
seek to harm it.
In The Nose Returns he sets out
to thwart the plans of Professor
Ernest Periwinkle, a mad scientist
who is obsessed with the notion of
cloning   millions   of   copies   of
From PF 3
went down the drain,   they  will
never return that party to power."
But it would be a mistake to say
Socred fiscal policy was guided
only by what would profit business
at the expense of wage earners.
In their myopic drive to make all
government corporations and
agencies pay their own way the
government raised ferry rates,
blind to the impact this would have
on industry and small businesses
on Vancouver Island.
Many enterprises, particularly
smaller tourist businesses, went
under when tourists refused to pay
the high ferry rates and visit the
Island. And this government,
composed of car dealers and other
mini-millionaires, is supposed to
understand small business.
The Socreds' second budget
brought down on Jan. 25, 1977
reinforced the trends established
in Bennett's first year as premier.
The budget proposed wiping out
succession duties and gift taxes for
the wealthy. Wolfe said this would
result in. a $25.5 million loss to the
treasury per year, although the
figure was higher in previous
And the human resources
ministry was cut by a curiously
similar amount; $25.7 million. So
much for the Socreds' professed
position that social services are a
government priority.
But the most irresponsible
aspect of this second budget was
the government's refusal to deficit
finance at a time when the
economy desperately needed a
shot in the arm.
With high unemployment, social
services cuts and a poor climate
for small business, an expansionary budget was essential.
The budget this year will likely
be mildly expansionary. It may
include a small reduction in the
sales tax and incentives to
But a switch in budgeting style
will not indicate a government's
change of heart so much as an
election in 1979.
In the first two years of office,
the government has demonstrated
its concern for the rich with the
abolition of succession duties and
gift taxes.
Its concern for wage earners has
been shown by raising income and
sales tax, increasing hospital
rates, car insurance rates, ferry
rates and cutting social services.
Page Friday, 8
himself in order to make this
planet a more predictable and
hence, better and happier place for
him to live.
But The Nose knows better and
with the help of R.U.B.I., the
professor's recalcitrant robot, and
Mrs. Flutterby, Periwinkle's
troublemaking housekeeper, he
seeks to bring the misguided
doctor to his senses before the
latter can put his master plan into
The Nose may be clever, but he
is not terribly original. His scheme
for curing the professor's problem
involves his assuming a role highly
reminiscent of Dickens' Ghost of
Christmas Past.
But instead of treating
Periwinkle to a ride on gossamer
wings, The Nose sends the unsuspecting professor back to the
days of his boyhood by means of
hypnosis. The result is the same,
and Periwinkle, like Ebenezer
Scrooge, finally sees the light and
promises to put an end to his erring
The Green Thumb troupe has a
reputation for handling material
with      verve,      energy      and
imagination. Their production of
The Nose Returns is certainly in
keeping with their active style.  ,
But while it is necessary to
perform a children's play with
more than the usual amount of
vigor, this Green Thumb
production is often guilty of
carrying this to an extreme.
This is largely the fault of Ian
Fenwick's erratic direction. There
are periods when Fenwick
demands an almost frenzied pace
from his actors that leaves
breathless even the most tireless of
Fortunately the actors are not
suffering from a similar ailment.
Scott Swanson as the Nose,
Kathleen Hildebrandt as Mrs.
Flutterby and Elizabeth Fajta as
R.U.B.I, play their parts with all
the comical hyperbole necessary
for bring to life their stereotyped
characters. But the play's top
acting honors belong to Simon
Webb as the muddled and befuddled professor. His performance
epitomizes hilariously the mixed-
up nature of the mad scientist, and
is one that both children and adults
will applaud.
Elvis Presutc
Friday, January 27,  1978 *■
^ socreds     /
Bennett Jr. inherits power from Dad
Bill Bennett's political situation
as MLA for South Okanagan bears
an uncanny resemblance to the
situation of Baby Doc Duvalier, the
president of Haiti.
Bennett was not really elected as
MLA; he more or less inherited the
post upon the retirement of his
father, W. A. C. Bennett.
To understand how such a
dynasty could exist in a
democratic country, it is necessary
to look at the political and social
structure of the riding of South
The riding consists of the city of
Kelowna and its environs. Politics
in Kelowna, perhaps more than
anywhere else in Canada, is
viewed as the exclusive domain of
the landed gentry.
The people in public office are,
with few exceptions, members of a
select group who move in the same
social circles, belong to the same
clubs, and patronize the same
charities. Many of them grew up
The last provincial election
sparked an uncharacteristic flurry
of activity from Kelowna's
establishment; Bennett's social
cronies came out of their lofty
mansions and joined the campaign
trail, knocking on doors in neighborhoods they wouldn't normally
be seen dead in.
Kelowna's establishment first
came into being in the heyday of
such men as W. A. C. Bennett and
Pasquale (Cap) Capozzi; energetic
businessmen who made millions as
the Okanagan valley opened up for
development. This establishment
was carried on by their sons and
continued to flourish.
It perpetuates itself by selective
admission of wealthy individuals
who follow its principles of
benevolent dictatorship over the
business and political life of the
city. One bastion of Kelowna's
establishment is the many service
clubs in the city.
Bennett himself belongs to the
Gyro club. One of this club's most
popular activities is its regular
gambling nights, at which members can win or lose hundreds of
dollars over the course of an
A prominent Kelowna businessman, in speaking of a club to which
he belonged, summed up the club
attitude prevalent in Kelowna's
establishment. He said, "we only
allow (into membership) men
who've made it."
One such man is John Hindle,
who visited Kelowna about 20
years ago as the guest of Tom
Capozzi, one of Cap's sons. Hindle
decided he liked Kelowna and
stayed there.
He brought with him two
qualifications for membership in
Kelowna's establishment: a
substantial personal fortune and a
conservative disposition. He lived
Men and women wanted to
practice with established core of
cheerleaders, (3 times/week).
Practising for T-Bird Basketball,
Hockey, Rugby and next year's
Football games as well. Uniforms
and shakers provided. Come help
the Thunderchicken cheer us on to
victory. Gymnastics or acrobatic
ability an asset but not necessary.
Come out and give us a try!
Contact Joe Austin (Pres. M.A.A.)
at Athletic Office or at 224-4421.
in relative obscurity, adopting the
lifestyle of a country squire until
entering the political arena several
years ago. He ran for mayor and,
despite his lack of experience, won
In the last provincial election,
Derril Warren came to Kelowna
with the .intention of bucking the
system. He ran against Bennett as
a progressive conservative.  His
experience and past credits were
impressive; he had a well-
organized, intelligent campaign;
he spoke well on all the issues, but
to no avail. He lost and he now lives
in Kelowna.
Warren hasn't been involved in
politics since then. Life outside the
establishment isn't so secure in
Kelowna. While retail sales in the
city are 25 per cent above the
national average, personal income
is six per cent below. With an unemployment rate higher than Newfoundland's, Kelowna is one of the
worst areas in B.C. for personal
But all of this has little or no
effect on the complacent attitude of
the establishment. The Bennetts,
Hindles and Capozzis still exercise
their political and financial powers
virtually unchallenged.
Though the Socred government
could be defeated provincially at
the next election, it is almost inconceivable that Bennett would
lose his seat in the legislature. His
power has never been successfully
challenged or threatened before,
and it is unlikely that it will be in
the near future.
BILL BENNETT ... meets in 1976 with premiers Ed Schreyer, Peter Lougheed and Allan Blakeney
Young Alumni Club
Cecil Green Park
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Friday, January 27, 1978
Page Friday, 9 socreds.
McGeer shows lack of political sense
From PF 3
television program, begun
directing educational efforts
toward improving job-related
skills, pushed for the development
of an industrial research park to
co-ordinate industrial, governmental and academic research,
and begun construction of a
research and training hospital to
expand UBC's medical school
McGeer's ability to get things
done by whatever methods are
necessary is well known to both
colleagues and political foes. His
approach to the management of
the Insurance Corporation of B.C.
was political recklessness at its
Who could forget McGeer's
amazing 1976 TV interview, with
the late Jack Wasserman asking
the minister what people who could
not afford the new car insurance
rates, which had in some cases
doubled and tripled, should do.
"Sell their cars," was McGeer's
instant reply, delivered with his
characteristic   grin.   Wasserman
lapsed into shock at the political
stupidity of McGeer's answer.
McGeer's lack of political sense
in the ICBC policies was just one
example of the blunt directness
that prompted one student leader
to term him a "kamikaze
But McGeer doesn't really care
at all. That Cheshire-cat smile
comes through despite any adverse
public reaction to his decision.
McGeer has always been known
as someone who got things done,
and with a smile. Even back in his
Vancouver school days McGeer,
who was a first-rate athlete as well
as a scholar, was grinning, according to acquaintances.
And why not? McGeer has the
confidence of a man to whom
success comes easy and he knows
that whatever goals he sets, he can
probably accomplish them.
So where does McGeer go next?
Some, including several student
politicians and NDP MLA Dennis
Cocke, believe McGeer will
become UBC's next president,
probably taking office after 1980,
when current  president  Doug
This week only, when you buy one of our
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you another taco . . . it's on us.
You'll get two crunchy corn tortillas with
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both for 75C!
33% West Broadway Avenue. Vancouver.
This coupon is good for
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One offer per person. Offer expires January 31,1978.
Kenny's first five-year term expires.
Observers feel Kenny will not
stand for a second term, leaving
the position wide open to McGeer.
But McGeer as UBC president
would have to be an ironic joke. In
Politics in Paradise, McGeer
entitled his chapter on education
Ring Around the Presidents, an
allusion to the economic obstacles
placed around former UBG
presidents John Macdonald and
Kenneth Hare by the W. A. C.
Bennett government's tight
education financing.
Already the irony  is obvious,
with  McGeer  as  the   man  now
responsible for drawing the
economic ring around higher
For McGeer to put himself inside
the ring as UBC president, after
both seeing the ring and drawing it,
would surely be the most bizarre
twist of all in a strange career.
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Page Friday, 10
Friday, January 27, 1978 /$»«$£&
sH socredsh
Blood lust of those who hate unions'
From PF 7
As I grinned, the man scurried
out, his face white. I decided to
sneak up to my room.
I crawled to the elevator, and
knew that in my room, I could
recover from the madness by
descending into the new madness
of a Grey Cup preview show.
What is the meaning of all this?
How could hundreds of thousands
of people tromp to the polls two
years ago and elect Mr. Mediocrity
premier? That Bill Bennett, who
like Robert Bourassa, looks always
like he's never more than five
minutes away from his hair
The perpetrator of that boring 50-
minute speech at that morning's
opening session? He droned on,
gabbing how he and that band of
people sitting behind him had
saved the province. All the while,
Grace McCarthy's plastic smile
(which in my stoned haze appeared
loosely glued to her face) alternated with looks of respect for
what everyone called "Our
Even after that, I thought that if
I walked dressed as Lord Keynes, I
would be stomped to death by
bottom-line believers. On the other
hand, not many of them would
know who Keynes was.
On the lethargic Friday when the
convention opened, my interest
was consumed, between Bennett's
opening spiel and my descent into
drug-crazed mindlessness, by the
contest between Grace McCarthy
lookalike Kathy Almas and bill
collector Les Keen (whose campaign slogan was Keen is Clean)
for the party presidency.
Almas, whose supporters ran
around with huge placards with
bees on them, lost to Keen. In a
way, the contest epitomized the
whole weekend. The loser, who had
the second-brightest smile and a
Dolly Parton hairdo, combined the
reverence for Our Leader and a
second-nature in the greatness of
free enterprise. Keen, on the other
hand, was farther to the right, and
represents much better the uglier
aspects of Social Credit.
It was these people who blindly
demanded complete destruction of
everything the NDP government
did, no matter how unattached to
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the socialist spirococcus, and
would fight the next day for what
they call a right-to-work law.
I see in the Keen crowd the blood-
lust of those who hate unions
because they get in the way of their
making money. Keen must have
profitted mightily from the Socred
win, collecting bills from people
suddenly finding themselves $500
in the hole because auto insurance
has gone up 200 to 300 per cent, as
well as sales taxes and everything
under the sun.
The Keen supporters would
probably run over any person they
could identify as a member of the
socialist hordes if they could. When
I was stumbling around in crowds
of them, I held onto my wallet for
dear life.
Unable to stand the pace
anymore after Vander Zalm's
meeting with the pie, I left the
Hyatt hothouse for a nearby disco.
The door attendant refused to let
me in because I was wearing jeans,
but a threat to draw and quarter
him changed his mind.
I thought I had escaped the
madness of a bunch of Quesnel
drugstore owners and Penticton
car dealers under one roof for the
insanity of the bare-chest disco set.
Midway through the disco Theme
From Star Wars, I screamed out
loud that Artoo Deetoo was an AC-
DC robot, for I had ordered three
zombies and threw in some contraband Potters Apricot liqueur.
Why Potter's? Isn't Captain Terry
a Socred? I wanted to taste every
ounce of B.C. this weekend.
All I was getting was flatulence.
When some yuck next to my table
asked me why I would drink
Potter's shit, he told me the good
Captain had left in a huff because
he didn't get everything he wanted
in the free enterprise nirvana.
I saw more of his kind the next
day (our correspondent getting
tossed out of the disco by three
burly bouncers, and passing out,
mercifully in his hotel room) when
the time came in the Hyatt
ballroom to discuss right-to-work
More than a few people eyed me
suspiciously when I entered the
meeting wearing a crash helmet. I
was afraid I would let fly if things
got too heavy, and wanted to be
prepared for the consequences.
This was the big one. One could
tell which way each side would
argue, and the smell of victory was
like a heap of two-week old banshee turds to each side. As the
discussion proceeded, yells of
"shut up" and "sit down" echoed
through the room.
I wandered around, enjoying the
feeling of an empty stomach for the
first time in days, humming the
Internationale. One wazz stood up,
comparing union elections to Red
China. I drew him aside and
reminded him that all workers are
not Teamsters, whereupon the
bully knocked me on the butt and
stomped off.
The vote was coming, and
tempers were flaring. I ducked out,
and listened to an earnest middle-
aged man in a bright-blue three-
piece suit and fuschia shoes lecture
me about how "smile" buttons
saved B.C.'s tourist industry.
"We've got to hustle for our
money," he told me during his
"What about heroin — B.C.'s
seventh-largest industry?" I said.
"Ahhhh, urn, I've got to get inside," he replied, wide-eyed.
I followed the man in, but he
bolted at the sight of me. Just then,
some guy who looked overly
respectable for this crowd announced the results. They went
against right-to-work. Suddenly, I
was shoved aside by a torrent of
angry, rough-hewn people, cursing
about pinkos in the party. They
were so angry that my smile-
button friend probably got mashed
in the face.
There was only one more event:
a dumb auction of stuff like a
Vander Zalm shovel and dinner
with the slobbering old fool W.A.C.
Bennett, who smiled and shook
hands with everyone, even with
me. "How are you, my friend," he
gushed. "Far fucking out," I
replied. He didn't seem to hear.
The scene was getting ugly. I felt
like clothes-hanger salesman at a
right-to-life covention, and so I
retreated to my room. Ordering
piles of cheezies from a mixed-up
room service, I locked myself in
the room in fear of my life.
I would stay cloistered during
the Grey Cup game the next day,
but felt like the Edmonton Eskimos
who were stomped by the
There was free enterprise right
there on the screen, and below me,
the Socred minions were preparing
to leave for their beloved
Chilliwack, Pouce Coupe and
.Salmon Arm. I would feel more
comfortable hanging upside down
from the CN tower.
A return to Toronto would solve
this madness. But this bunch of
people sitting on the plane here
look like that convention, without
the character. I need another drink
tokeep me until I can lock myself
up at home for a month.
subfilms tries to stay awake and present
back and
got him.
Distributed by WAKNEK BROS
Aud.  Ch.s 2 and 3 of the Flash Gordon serial will be
shown before the Friday and Saturday 7:00 shows only!
"A I920's Musical"
Student Previews: Jan. 30, 31
UBC Old Auditorium — 8:30 p.m.
TICKETS: AAAS Business Office
Thunderbird Shop
Concert Box Offices
Friday, January 27, 1978
Page Friday, 11 theatre I
«x t~,,?'
"■•'•   -/•/,W*SS*
< re.
Play shows tragic war of sexes
Sexual Perversity in Chicago is a
funny play. From Bernie's opening
description of a one-night stand
that more closely resembles at
Normandy, to the final girl-
watching scene on the beach, it is
very funny. It is also a successful
comedy in that, while one laughs at
the show, one realizes how
seriously pathetic the people on
stage are.
Sexual Perversity In Chicago
By David Mamet
Directed by Ray Michal
City Stage, until Feb. 4
The plot is simple enough. Danny
Shapiro   and   Deborah   Soloman
decide to live together. Later they
fight and split up. Basic. But from
this schematic, author David
Mamet constructs an amazingly
complex record of the loss of a
large portion of two people's
Danny and Deborah begin the
play as sidekicks to Bernie Litko
and Joan Webber, respectively.
Bernie is king of the bullshitters.
He has Done It at ttye movies,
underwater, in an airplane, you
name it. The only time, it seems,
that he doesn't Do It is during the
play. He also doesn't do any work,
spending all his office time playing
sexual guru to Danny. His wisdom
is summed up in his comment on
the importance of the E.R!A. "We
Days and Months and Years to
Come, the Vancouver East
Cultural Centre's resident music
ensemble, continues its third
season of concerts Sunday with
another performance of works by
contemporary composers. The
group features flautist Kathryn
Cemauskas, cellist Lee Duckies,
oboist Tony Nickels and pianist
Patrick Wedd under the direction
of conductor Alex Pauk. Sunday's
program will include a newly
commissioned Canadian sonata for
flute, oboe, cello and harpsichord
by Alexina Louie, and will begin at
9 p.m.
The Vancouver Planetarium
concludes its January science
fiction film series, From Worlds
Beyond, this weekend with Earth
Versus the Flying Saucers. This
American production was one of
the many films made during the
1950s dealing with the UFO
phenomenon. Showtimes are 8:30
p.m. on Friday and Saturday with
matinees 2 p.m. on Saturday and
Two new art exhibitions open
Wednesday at the Burnaby Art
Gallery, 6344 Gilpin. The first is a
display of photographs, plans,
sketches and models of the work of
architect Douglas Cardinal. The
second is an exhibit of recent
paintings done by Vancouver artist
Stewart Palfy. For gallery hours,
phone 291-9441.
This week's edition of the Burnaby Art Gallery's Sunday Concerts Series features Linton
Garner, a Vancouver keyboard
artist, in a solo performance of
blues, traditional and classical
jazz. His performance starts 2:30
p.m. and admission is free.
The Surrey Art Gallery, 13750-
88th Ave., Surrey, presents the
Canadian Theatre of the Deaf in a
variety of short mime sketches
Sunday. A mime workshop follows
the performance. Curtain time is 2
p.m. and admission is free.
3123 W. Broadway   738-3211
with Martha Keller
Wm. Katty     Bev DeAngelo
First Love
Adults & Students-$2.00
Two of the films on view next
week as the Pacific Cinemathique
concludes its festival of Canadian
films are Quinze Novembre by
Ronald Brault and Hugues
Mignault at 7 and 9:15 p.m. today,
and Michel Audy's La Maison Qui
Empeche de Voir la Ville at 7 and
9:30 p.m. Sunday. All screenings
are at 1155 West Georgia.
got baby seals dying in Alaska, and
we're writing amendments for
Joan has spent too many nights
with guys like Bernie, so her
hatred of men is almost understandable. She's an extreme case,
though, and her immediate antagonism toward Danny reveals
the thickness of the walls that she
has put up. Her anguished attempts to reconcile society's
romantic ideals with the reality
she has seen lead her to conclude
that life is a game whose rules
don't fit.
Particularly telling (to use her
expression) are the glimpses we
get of her at work, teaching kindergarten. In one, she catches two
children playing doctor, while in
another she tells a story about an
enchanted princess who can be a
beautiful lady for half of each day,
but for the other half. . . The latter
scene is a particularly strong
touch, coinciding with the beginning of Deborah's falling out with
Danny and Deborah are hardly
naive in the beginning. They are
just weaker than their mentors.
Danny is gentle, and seems
sincerely surprised and delighted
that Deb will have dinner with him
the night after they first sleep
together. For her part, Deb shows
brave hopes that Danny will prove
the exception to Joan's opinion of
Within a few scenes, however,
they are fighting and he shouts that
he thinks of her primarily as a
fuck, and a lousy one at that. She
retorts in kind, and they each rush
back under the wings of their
respective teachers.
All four characters are confronted with the alternative of
homosexuality, and Mamet uses
their reactions to it as indicators of
their states of being. By the time
she meets Danny, Deborah has
already had some "lesbianic"
experience, and she freely admits
that she enjoyed it.
Danny thinks about it often, and
in a department store one day, he
seems about to bring the subject up
with Bernie, but Bernie prevents
him by shouting, "Will you look at
that fruit over there in the toy
He then goes on to relate to
Danny how, as a child, he was once
molested by an old man in a movie
theatre. Even then he portrays
himself as a person of exceptional
attractiveness. "And then he
reached all the way across another
guy's lap and grabbed my joint!"
Straining to be tactful, Danny
then suggests that maybe, under
different circumstances, Bernie
just might have been more adversely affected by the experience.
Bernie concedes the point,
unknowingly making the fruit in
the toy section seem a little more
Unlike the other characters,
Joan never encounters homosexuality directly. But as her
hatred for men increases, and she
and Deborah are drawn closer
together in that hate, it silently
becomes more and more of a
The acting was strong all
around, with Alisa Kort being
particularly impressive as
Deborah. John Bryden successfully conveys the changes in
Danny, from a potential real
person into an imitation of Bernie.
Michael Fawkes delivers his lines
well, in a manner appropriate to
Bernie's monologue-to^monologue
lifestyle. Goldie Semple's Joan is
moving during her moments of
anguish and rage, but she fails to
project beyond herself in quieter
scenes, particularly when she tries
to comfort Deborah after her
breakup with Danny.
No sexual perversity takes place
on stage during the course of the
play. In fact, none of the characters change their clothes, much
less removes them.
Danny and Bernie wear their
business suits throughout, and
indicate that they are at the beach,
for example, by merely throwing
towels around their necks and
donning sunglasses. Their clothing
thus increases the feeling that
these people are locked into their
roles and that the outcome of the
play is inevitable.
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Frequency range    —88—108MHz
Antenna terminals —300 ohms
75 ohms
Sensitivity -10.8dBf,
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50dB quieting sensitivity
MONO      -13.6dBf,
2.6uV (1HF '58)
STEREO -34.3dBf,
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Total harmonic distortion
MONO      -0.15%
STEREO -0.3%
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the SU-8080 circuits.
Technical Specifications
POWER AMPLIFIER SECTION 20Hz-20kHz both channelsdriven
Rated  minimum sine  wave RMS 0.02%   total   harmonic  distortion
Power output 72W per channel (8 ohms)
master charge
Page Friday, 12
Friday, January 27, 1978 Hagar opens concert series
Cheap Thrills is an interesting
and unique concept in concert
promotion. Last Thursday evening
Perryscope Productions presented
the first Cheap Thrills concert in
Vancouver in collaboration with
the local radio station CKLG-FM.
Sammy Hagar was the first in
what will be a series of inexpensive
monthly concerts in Vancouver.
Cheap Thrills is a highly commendable enterprise because all
parties involved end up winners. In
addition to the low concert prices,
the artists are given the exposures
they need to acquire a sizeable
following. The promoters themselves emerge as heroes who bring
high-quality musical acts to town
at affordable prices.
Sammy Hagar substantiated
beyond any doubt that the price of
admission was worth the goods
delivered. After an excruciatingly
long wait between acts, Hagar and
his cohorts clambered onto the
stage. The guitarist and the bassist
sported punk hairstyles while
Sammy himself had a neatly
cropped shock of curls. Little time
was spent on formalities and the
band immediately rocketed into
some high-adrenalin rock and roll.
It didn't take too long for the
Commodore crowd to express their
appreciation for Hagar's bombastic style. Hagar is about as
subtle as a rhinoceros blundering
into an afternoon tea social. Yet,
despite his exuberance, Hagar has
enough discipline and savoir faire
to put on a good performance.
A steam locomotive pace was
maintained pretty well throughout
the evening and was punctuated
only by Sammy's perfunctory stab
at a love song. His sentimental
crooning is quite excusable but the
banality of his lyrics brings to
question his handling of that genre.
The members of the Hagar band
were Alan Fitzgerald on
keyboards, bassist Bill Church,
drummer Denny Carmazzi, and
lead guitarist Dave Pihl.
Actually, Fitzgerald, Church and
Carmazzi are originally from
Montrose and have merely switched allegiances in playing for lead
singer Hagar rathern than lead
guitarist Ronny Montrose, who has
since left the band.
Church and Carmazzi provided a
tight and explosive groundwork for
Pihl's zesty guitar riffs, which
were drawn from everybody's
manual of rock guitar clithes, but
were inspired, nevertheless. Hagar
himself provided the bulk of the
vocals and periodically played a
little lead guitar himself.
As for the supporting act, Airborne . . . alas, I express my
deepest sympathies. From the
outset, they found it difficult to
gain a foothold and consequently
plunged headlong into the chasm.
A lack of professionalism, a
disjointed and awkward attempt at
intertwining various instruments
and a largely apathetic audience
were problems compounded by a
weak sound system. The music
was a mere whimper, unable to
compete with the crowd noise.
Airborne opened with a couple of
rockabilly numbers, reminiscent
of the country rock style
established by America and the
Eagles.   What  could  have  been
spirited renditions of these songs
was nullified by low volume levels.
More subdued folk-rock material
from the Songs For A City album
followed, but by then the audience
had lost interest. Songs For A City
is a beautiful album, with beautiful
songs which espouse the virtues of
our city. But the eloquence of these
songs are inappropriate for a
setting such as the Commodore,
which is geared more to earth-
shattering rock and roll. They
would have been more appropriate
in a coffeehouse or even a lounge.
Airborne did redeem itself at the
tail end of their set with good
renditions of the title track of
Songs For A City and the soon-to-be
released single Marie. Song For A
City is the band's first excursion
into more complex arrangements
while Marie is a beautiful ballad
about lead vocalist Darryl Bohn's
All things considered, fate had
been rather unkind to Airborne last
Thursday evening. The members
of the band have not been together
all that long, Bohn and guitarist
Dave Giddings being the only
original members in the band after
a recent turnover.
Given a little more experience
and assurance, things will undoubtedly jell for the band and
you'll probably be hearing a lot
more of them in the future.
The University of Victoria is offering a Secondary
Teacher Education Programme in 1978-79.
Candidates must have an acceptable undergraduate
degree from a recognized University, have the
necessary subject preparation in two approved
teaching areas for secondary schools, be prepared
to work in Alberni, Nanaimo, Courtenay or Campbell River Districts, and show evidence of commitment and skill in working with young people.
Applications are encouraged from individuals with
life experiences in addition to their formal education.
Academically admissible candidates will be interviewed by University and participating School
District Personnel in early May. Selected candidates will then attend a week' s orientation in their
school district in late May, attend UVic for July
and August course work, train in their school
district from September 1978 to April, 1979, and
complete their academic work on UVic campus
during May/June, 1979. Successful candidates are
then recommended for a Teaching Certificate.
Interns will be eligible for existing student aid as
administered by the University's Financial Aid
Office. Some financial assistance in the summer
months is anticipated. In addition school districts
will provide a stipend to Interns during their
8-month residency.
For detailed information and application forms,
Phone 477-6911 ext. 6636 or write immediately
The Co-ordinator,
Secondary Internship Programme,
Faculty of Education,
University of Victoria,
P.O. Box 1700,
Victoria, B.C.
V8W 2Y2
Page Friday, 13
Friday, January 27, 1978 Page 18
Friday, January 27,  1978
Hot flashes
Cook's four of
smile country
Grace "the Grin" McCarthy
is plugging yet another lovely
festival for all those nice
tourists to B.C. to "ooh" and
"ah" at.
It's the Captain Cook
bicentennial, guaranteed to have
the worthy captain rolling in his
grave   with   a   grand   mal   seizure.
But if you are interested in
this sterling affair (don't be
ashamed,   we  all   have  our   little
problems)    you' might    want    to
attend    the    Vancouver   Institute
lecture Saturday.
Commander   D.   W.  Waters of
the National Maritime Museum
in London, England will speak
on Captain Cook's contributions
at 8 p.m. in IRC 2. Billed as a
speech to mark the bicentenary
of Cook's voyage to Canada's
west coast, the lecture might
even be interesting.
Witching hour
Fascinated by bedknobs and
broomsticks, ghoulies and
ghosties and things that go
bump in the night?
Then an upcoming history
department-sponsored lecture
might be worth attending.
The lecture, Witchcraft and
the Social History of Early
Modern    Europe,    will    be    given
Tween classes
Committee     meeting,     noon,     SUB
Conference   sur   l'art   Quebecois   A
Travers     Les     Prairies     avec     Rose
Helene     Gagne,    mid!,    La    Malson
Informal   talk   on   the   Baha'i   faith,
noon,  SUB   113.
Ground    school,    noon,    SUB    215.
General   meeting,   noon,   SUB   113.
General    meeting,   noon,   SUB   212.
Speaker    Mike    Tregebov,    Lessons
of     the     German      Revolution,     8
p.m.,   1208  Granville.
Gay   disco   dance,   full   facilities,   9
p.m.      to      1      a.m.,      grad      centre
Chinese   painting   cllass,   5:30   p.m.,
SUB   125.
Bowling  night,   7:30  -  10:30  p.m.,
Brentwood  Lanes,   Burnaby.
Mandarin     movies     with      English
subtitles,     50    cents     members.    $1
Available in sizes 672-14 A-EEE
Black & Burgundy
516 W.Hastings     770 Granville
3299 W. 4th Ave., Van.
Big or Small Jobs
others, 2 p.m., SUB auditorium;
sports nignt, 7 p.m., Thunderbird
gym   B.
Women's drop  In,  noon,  SUB  130.
Bzzr night,  5 -  10  p.m.,  SUB  212.
Meeting, noon, SUB 117.
Meeting, noon, SUB 130.
Weekly   student    fellowship,   noon,
SUB   205.
Homophlle    gathering,    noon,    SUB
Guitar class, 4:30 p.m., SUB 125;
choir practice,  8  p.m.,  IH.
noon,   SUB   130.
Introductory     lecture,     noon,     Bu.
Coffee   house,   8   p.m.,   Gage   lounge
Lesbian drop In, noon, SUB 130.
Tuesday at noon by University
of Virginia history professor H.
C. Erik Midelfort.
Midelfort is a specialist on
the social history of early
modern Europe. He will also
lead an advanced seminar on
Insanity and its Treatment in
Early Modern Germany at 4
p.m. Tuesday.
The witchcraft lecture is in
Buchanan 102 and the insanity
lecture is in the committee
room of the grad student
See China
Want to see China but don't
have time to make the iong
march there?
A delegation of volunteer
workers from Vancouver's
Chinese Cultural Centre made
the trip in the summer of 1976
and a film they made of it will
be shown on CBC-TV (channel
2,   cable  3)  at  9  p.m.  Saturday.
The     film     was     created,
scripted, narrated and filmed by
the delegation and deals with
the four counties region of
Kwangtung, the ancestral
homeland of many
Golf, anyone?
If you've ever seen yourself
wearing plus-fours, hacking
around the green, picking out
irons and woods and what have
you, and you'd like to do it for
the old alma mummy, and
you're a woman the women's
varsity golf team would like to
hear from you.
If you're interested in playing
on the team, leave your name
in the golf manager's box in the
War   Memorial   gym,   room   208.
(^apri j L
apn i" izzci
Campus Delivery
I 224-6336 |
4450 W. 10th AVE.
^teah ^hrt
Fully Licensed
Pizza in 29 Styles
Choice of 3 Sizes
Special Italian Dishes
Hours: Monday to Thursday 11 a.m. to 2 a.m.
Friday & Saturday 11 a.m. to 3 a.m. • Sunday 4 p.m. to 1 a.m.
Co-Rec Skate-IN ite
Tuesday Jan. 31
8:30-10:45 p.m.
at TWSC Rink
Drop-in — no charge
Bring your friends Good fun!
Vancouver—766 Robson St. (across from Eaton's) 689-9916
Victoria—1202 Wharf Street (across from Bastion Sq.) 383-4811^^?
U.B.C. Single Student Residences
Invite Applications
For The Positions Of
for 1978-1979
These positions are open only to single men and women.
Successful applicants will be required to live in the residences.
Applications forms and detailed job descriptions are available at
the Ponderosa Housing Office and at the Front Desk of each
Residence Area: Totem Park,Place Vanier and W. H. Gage.
Applications will be accepted from February 1st to
February 15th, 1978 at the Front Desks of the
Residences or at the Ponderosa Housing Office.
RATES:   Campus - 3 lines, 1 day $1.50; additional lines 35c.
Commercial —  3 lines,  1 day $2.50; additional lines
50c Additional days $2.25 and 45c
Classified ads are not accepted by telephone and are payable in
advance. Deadline Is 11:30 a.m., the day before publication.
Publications Office. Room 241, S.U.B., UBC, Van., B.C. V6T HV5
5 — Coming Events
40 — Messages
A.I.E.S.E.C—"Careers In Multinationals" presents XEROX —• Careers at
home and abroad seminar and social
function at the Graduate Centre
(Garden Room) on Thursday, February 2nd at 5:30 p.m. Tickets in advance at Henry Angus Building (Basement), Office 31 anyday at 12:30-1:30.
FREE VANCOUVER INSTITUTE Lecture—Commander D. W. Waters, of
the National Maritime Museum in
London, England, and an award-winning author and historian, describes
the 18th-century voyage of Captain
James Cook to the Pacific and his
visit to the West Coast of Canada at
8:15 p.m. on Saturday (Jan. 28) in
Lecture Hall No. 2 of the Woodward
FOLK EVENING at the Coffee Place,
International House, 8:00 p.m. Meet
people, listen to music and relax.
10 — For Sale — Commercial
RACQUET SALE — Wide choice for
squash, badminton, racquetball and
tennis, at exceptional prices. Reasonable rates for stringing. Phone 733-
1612 or visit Community Sports at
3616 West 4th Ave.
and vegetables. Wholesale prices in
bulk. Free Delivery. 738-8828.
11 — For Sale — Private
1962 TR3 front end damage. Partially
restored. Many new, rebuilt parts.
$900.  o.b.o.  266-2292.
HAPPY   BIRTHDAY   Marney   from  the
UBC dropout.
65 — Scandals
NEED AN EXCUSE to stay up and carouse? Come see Subfilms' presentation   'The Late Show".
70 — Services
while you enjoy your day. Call Mike,
85 — Typing
TYPING — 75c per page. Fast and accurate by experienced typist. Gordon,
CAMPUS DROP OFF point for typing
service. Standard rates. Call Liz, after
6:00 p.m., 732-3690.
Selectric   choice  of  16 type.   Contact:
Fay Oko 873-8208.
TYPING essays, thesis from legible
copy. Fast, efficient service. English,
French, Spanish.  324-9414.
90 — Wanted
WILL BABYSIT for you in xchange
for you babysitting for me. In West
End. 689-8008.
99 — Miscellaneous
20 — Housing
PERSON WANTED to share small 2-
bdrm. house on campus. Quiet (studious), good food, music, plants, etc.
Easygoing, non-smoker, prefer female.
228-8861,  Stewart.
35 - Lost
REWARD! Gold, flat-linked bracelet.
Sentimental value. Phone Rachel, 266-
9554.  Lost  approx.  two weeks ago.
sonal instruction NOW at the MAIN
LIBRARY. Look for the poster by the
card catalogue, fill in the form, we'll
call you.
r=Jr=it=ir=Jr=Jr: Friday, January 27, 1978
Page 19
Chilean universities repressed
Canadian University Press
After heavy fighting at Chile's
State Technical University, a
young priest was admitted to the
university to bless the dead. He
encountered a pile of 200 corpses.
John Barnes of Newsweek
magazine also found 200 bodies —
many had been machine-gunned —
of young and apparently working
class people in the Santiago city
He learned from a staff member's daughter that nearly 2,800
dead had been taken to the morgue
during the previous two weeks,
setting the city's daily murder rate
at 200.
These are not isolated incidents.
Rather, they are the norm if the
sparse reports slipped out of the
country are an indication:
newspapers have been shut down
or monitored since the military
dictatorship assumed power Sept.
11, 1973.
In the four years since the
military coup led by General
Pinochet murdered
democratically-elected Marxist
president Salvador Allende and
seized power, 30,000 people have
been murdered.
One person in every 100 has been
arrested, tortured or imprisoned,
2,000 politital prisoners are held in
concentration camps and 3,000
persons are officially listed as
Nor have the universities
escaped further government influence. The armed forces occupied campuses during toe coup
despite some student resistance,
and the junta appointed retked
officers as university rectors to
oversee the institution's
What kind of restructuring?
Education minister Admiral
Hugo Castro, a graduate of U.S.
combat, artillery torpedo and
sonar courses, has been quoted in
the New York Times as saying his
objective "is to destroy Marxism
first, then every kind of politics."
In keeping with this goal, the
armed forces have burned the
journalism libraries and closed the
eastern campus of the University
of Chile. They used heavy artillery
within the buildings; and at its
national stadium many people who
were apprehended, often on vague
charges or without charges, were
tortured and slaughtered.
The junta has virutually
eliminated the study of social
sciences in the universities and has
restricted enrolment to anti-
Marxists. Professors have been
fired, deported, arrested or killed
for leftist leanings.
The list of atrocities goes on.
"Every official in the ministry of
education, every dean in the
universities is a military officer,"
says Humberto Elgueta, former
president of the disbanded Chilean
teacher's society.
"Teachers are forbidden from
gathering in groups of more than
three, and must restrict their
conversation topics to school
operation. Student, parent and
teacher organizations have been
Terms such as democracy,
president of the republic, social
classes and underdevelopment
cannot be discussed in the schools.
And the policy is enforced by the
confidential denunciation of instructors working against dictatorship plans, or in effect,
mutual spying.
In 1974, Enrique Odeiza of the
Latin American Council of Social
Sciences reported on the direction
and direct effects of the junta and
its program of restructuring
education. He stressed that only
verified incidents were included in
the report.
Some of the incidents at the
University of Chile were radical
changes in the administration,
which included removal of the
Normative Council, the university's highest authority, and 90 per
cent of the administrative staff.
And professor Enrique Paris was
tortured to death at the national
Enrolment was restricted: only
220 of 3,562 education students
were allowed to continue;
philosophy enrolment dropped to
200 from 2,489; medicine to 880
from 1,369, and natural sciences to
250 from 2,503.
At State Technical University,
which was occupied after heavy
artillery fire, all persons inside
buildings at the time of the occupation were taken to the national
Sixty per cent of the faculty and
administration were removed
from their jobs, and less than one-
third of the earlier enrolment of
15,000 students were permitted to
continue classes.
Many were being held, including
the student union president. And
classes were renewed, but "with
the total exclusion of all Marxist
At Northern University, all
foreign professors and 10 Chilean
staff  were  expelled,   and   some
members of the facalty and administration are known to have
been murdered by the junta.
The political science building at
„ ar   4#-'
the university has been closed.
At Concepcion University, many
students, administrators and
professors were arrested during
the 1973 coup when the campus
waS invaded by troops and police.
Antonio Leal, secretary-general of
the student federation, lost an eye
and a gangrenous leg as a result of
torture in prison.
The delegate rector handpicked
12 right-wing militant students to
rule on applications for re-
registration. Most students lost
credit for courses.
PINOCHET ... seized power
ALLENDE . .. killed in coup
. . . for the 1978-79 UBC Alumni
Association Board of Management
(vice-president   and   treasurer   for  one-year   terms  and   JO
members-at-large for two-year terms) are open until
For full information contact:
The   Returning  Officer,   UBC  Alumni Association, 6251  Cecil
Green Park Road, Vancouver V6T 1X8 (228-3313).
If you are an engineer this chair
could be yours.
It's the Master Engineering Control
Centre of one of our DDH 280 Destroyers
—powered by jet turbine engines, one of
the most advanced propulsion systems in
the world.
In Canada's ships, Maritime
Engineers work in a wide range of
disciplines—mechanical, electrical and
electronic. Marine Engineers are
responsible for hull, main propulsion,
and associated systems. Combat Systems
Engineers are responsible for the
fighting equipment—weapons, electronic
sensors, communications and control
systems. And both are managers,
supervisors and leaders of men.
If you're an engineer, or studying
to become one, think about this Officer's
career. It will offer you challenge
on both a professional and
personal level—and might take
you anywhere in the world.
Director of Recruiting & Selection,
National Defence Headquarters,
Ottawa, Ontario K1A0K2
Please send me more information about
opportunities in the Canadian Forces for
Maritime Engineers.
Postal Code
Friday, January 27, 1978
r\     r
I  = c
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SA 2060 Amplifier 2x30 watts RMS
SA 2100   Amplifier, 2x50 watts RMS
This 1 150 amplifier with 2X75 watts RMS and a 3-year
Another great one from Marantz. This 1250 model has
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One   of  the   best   for   the   price,  SCA80Q,  2X40 watts
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The   940   turntable   with   our  package  price  includes a
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The 510 model is top rated with an auto stop and arm
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The Marantz   2220B   comes
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Model 2238 only
38 + 38 Watts RMS
Model 2252 only
52+52 Watts RMS
This  SR2100 receiver  has  2X50  watts and  is a  sound
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The TD 166C model has a belt drive and is priced for a
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The Formula 2 is a highly rated 3-way system. A best
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LS-8   -   This   speaker   comes   with   the  brilliance  and
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