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UBC Publications

UBC Reports Feb 27, 1969

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MEMBERSHIP Commission on Education Suggested
The first Arts Week speaker on February 10 was Dr.
John Chapman, head of the geography department and
former academic planner at UBC. In his address, Dr.
Chapman first provided an overview of higher education
in B.C. past and present. He then outlined the main
recommendations of the 1962 report "Higher Education
in British Columbia," by UBC's former president, Dr.
John B. Macdonald, and posed the question. . .
Now, how has this worked out? I should think it
would be correct to say that the Financial Advisory
Board has been faced with the almost impossible task of
dividing between the three universities the money
allotted to it by the government. It has been denied the
role of advising the government on the needs of the
institutions and in fact has managed to do very little
except receive brief attention as it tries desperately to
carry out its painful duty.
The Academic Board, made up of two representatives
from each of the universities and three members
appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor, has, with minor
exceptions, been concerned with aiding the development
of the colleges and has had virtually nothing to say
about universities.
It is probably true to say that no province in Canada
has such an undeveloped co-ordinative and advisory
structure for higher education as does B.C. As a
consequence, we do not have adequate relations with
government, no effective secretariat (the Division of
University and College Affairs established in late 1967 in
the Department of Education is grossly understaffed and
has the majority of its time occupied by dealing with
student loans and bursaries), 'ad hoc' and differential
financing and only little in the way of co-ordination
between the institutions and most of that at the
department level. In short, we do not have a higher
educational system but a collection of institutions.
What of the future then? In my view the greatest
need is for the creation of a system of higher education
which, while providing for diversity and autonomy,
works in a collective and orderly manner toward the
achievement of publicly-supported objectives. How is
this to be brought about? By sit-ins, strikes, threats of
violence, violence? I do not think so, although
concerted, pointed action by the members of the higher
education community will probably be necessary in a
province where government appears unwilling to take
the initiative.
First, however, we must pay careful attention to what
is said by the minister of education in the legislature this
session. He may have some interesting things to say
either as a result of the report of the Perry committee*
or, at least, in defending the detailed allocation of funds
to the higher educational sector. According to the press,
we know already that technical and vocational schools
have been allocated an additional $12.4 million
compared with $15.6 million to universities and colleges
and $28.1 to elementary and secondary education.
We are told that $15 million capital funds have been
allocated to the universities, $6 million each for UBC
and $FU and S3 million to Victoria. We also know that
the provincial government's share of the shareable
capital and operating costs of regional and district
colleges is increased from 50 per cent to 60 per cent.
What is the rationale for the total sums and their
allocation? What estimates of enrolment lie behind
them? What dollar value is allocated for each additional
enrolee expected? What significance should we attach to
the large increase in the technical-vocational allocation?
Does the 10 per cent increase in the government's share
of college costs represent a clear commitment to the
college idea rather than to grade 13?
If this committee has reported in time, the minister
of education may be expected to make reference to its
report in the legislature. If this permits him to set forth
objectives with respect to higher education which the
government will support, establish advisory and
co-ordinating groups which can be effective and either
carry out some plan which he may advocate or draw up
such a plan for the orderly development of higher
education, then we may well be on our way toward
catching up with most of the other provinces of Canada.
*The Perry Committee is officially called the Advisory
Committee on Inter-university Relations and was established by
the provincial government in 1968 to review relations between
B.C. universities and ensure that there is a minimum of
overlapping of programs and no undue competition between
them. Four UBC groups have made submissions to the
If this does not materialize in the next six weeks, and
the initial information about the budget is not
particularly encouraging, what must be done? We can
complain about lack of money, we can point to the <
abdication of presidents, and we can talk about the
irrelevance of the curriculum, and the inadequate
decision-making structure within our institutions, but
these are all symptoms more or less directly of the lack
of a provincial policy on higher education and the
absence of a system by which to carry it out.
The only route out is establishment of a Royal
Commission. We have recently had such commissions on
the price of gasoline, on automobile insurance and now
on alcoholic beverages. Important as these matters are, I **'
believe higher education to be more important than all
three together.
Some while ago I set down some thoughts which, for
the purposes of discussion this morning, we might
imagine to be the recommendations of such a
1. The    province    shall    plan    to    have   a    higher
educational   system   of  the  highest  attainable  quality
commensurate   with    its   population    and    financial    '"**
2. Advice and some control over the objectives,
design, operation and financing of the system shall be
provided by an independent body or bodies serviced by
a government secretariat responsible for record keeping
and statistical studies. _^
3. The  system   shall   have a   hierarchical   structi_^F
within which quantitative and qualitative benefits from
scale may be achieved.
4. Entrance into the system shall be based upon a
combination of ability and motivation with economic
and other societal constraints reduced to a minimum.
5. In keeping with items 3 and 4 residences shall be
provided at appropriate institutions and funds provided
to help overcome accessability constraints imposed by
6. By 1975, with a population of 2.5 million and a
revenue of $1500 million, the province should have a
system with the following components to provide for
75,000 students: 3 universities and 10 colleges (to
include the present B.C. Institute of Technology and
some of the proliferating vocational schools).
Arts President Ralph Stanton urged a mature approach by student radicals
2/UBC Reports/February 27, 1969
Three leading students took part in a noon-hour Arts
Week panel discussion entitled "The prospects for
Reform in Higher Education in B.C." They were: David
Zirnhelt, president of UBC's Alma Mater Society; Ralph
Stanton, president of the Arts Undergraduate Society at ^
UBC, and Martin Loney, former president of the student
union at Simon Fraser University and now
president-elect of the Canadian Union of Students.
During the panel discussion, Mr. Stanton said what is
needed now is "creative involvement on the part of
students to convince people mat they really are worth
the investment. "He continued:
Now that means a change in tactics for the vj
movement—the student movement on the campus in
B.C. It means a different approach, a more mature
approach by student radicals and hopefully an approach
that can bring the so-called student liberals into a more
activist stance, although not the kind of activist stance
we've seen in the past.
So I think you will see an end to occupations. I think
the question of the 114* has pretty well decided that
that is no longer a tactic which is useful. There will be
other tactics I'm sure, and my hope is that they will be
less spectacular but more useful in terms of getting a real
"The arrest of 114 demonstrators, who occupied the
administration centre at Simon Fraser University for three days,
took place on Nov. 23, 1968. Initially, the 114 demonstrators
were charged under the Criminal Code with "interfering with,
obstructing and interrupting the lawful use of property." Early
in February, 1969, the charges were reduced under another
section of the code which makes it an offence to loiter or
obstruct use of property. -?-
Dr. John Chapman gave an overview of B.C. 's educational system
Radicals Change Tactics
change and convincing people that students are
worthwhile having around and that the universities are in
trouble. It seems to me at this point we're just about at
rock bottom with nowhere to go but up.
During a later discussion period, Mr. Stanton
amplified his earlier remarks on the changing tactics of
student activists and engaged in an exchange with Mr.
Loney on the question of whether or not confrontations
and sit-ins are a thing of the past.
MR. STANTON: It seems clear to me, if it doesn't to
others, that these explosive confrontations are pretty
useless. They're useless mainly because the people who
engage in them are either unwilling or unable to put
their point of view across in a careful way even to the
students in the universities where they hold these things,
and in an even greater sense to the public. It seems to me
if one was going to engage in that sort of thing one
would first want support from the people you are
supposed to be doing it for—the students in the
universities and the people outside the universities,
before students engage in this sort of thing it seems to
me they should lay a groundwork in the community of
sympathy for that idea.
The kind of thing we've experienced over the past
couple of years at Simon Fraser would not be useful at
this point. Probably the better tactic would be to use
those people that are activists and get them out into the
community to do a grass-roots selling job on the
problems of education and take that message to the
MR. LONEY: No, it's obviously not over. It's not
over because the problems that give rise to the sit-in
aren't over, and the problems that give rise to the sit-in
are endemic in higher education in British Columbia and
that's endemic in the economic structure in British
Columbia. And to the extent that that economic
structure remains, the protest will go on.
That doesn't mean you're going to get an occupation
of the administration building this semester, but I don't
think that the job of students is to run a high-powered
public relations campaign. . . .
MR. STANTON: It's not over, Martin's quite right.
But the point is this, and I defy Martin to deny this, that
the way students have gone about these things has been
lousy. I participated in enough of them and so has
Martin and there's just no way that the students will
progress in this battle if they continue to use the same
sort of tactics and the same methods they've used in the
past. There'll be more sit-ins, you can bet your life on
that. But they've got to be done better, if you like.
■ IHH Volume 15, No. 6 February 27,
ll^ll|  1969.  Authorized   as second class
I IHK I       mail   by   the  Post  Office   Depart-
II B J l| men*., Ottawa, and for payment of
^Af |p ^AJ postage in cash. Postage paid at
- c o O P T ~. Vancouver B.C. Published by the
H t V U H I O University of British Columbia and
distributed free. J.A. Banham, Editor; Barbara Clag-
horn. Production Supervisor. Letters to the Editor
should be addressed to the Information Office, UBC,
Vancouver 8, B.C.
Urges End
To Subsidy
Introduction of a massive student loans
program at lower than market interest rates and
imposition of tuition fees which cover the full
cost of instruction at universities were advocated during an Arts Week address by Prof. A.
Milton Moore of UBC's department of
Speaking on the topic "How large a university subsidy?" Prof. Moore described as "negligible" the political, social, cultural and artistic
impact upon the community resulting from the
increase in the consumption of higher education induced by the existing subsidy to the
teaching function.
"On the other hand," Prof. Moore said,
"considerable social gain could result from the
elimination of the subsidy."
He said that so long as the teaching function
is financed to a substantial extent by government grants student demands for a transformation in the nature of the university will be met
by indignation on the part of many influential
members of the community.
So long as there is a subsidy, he continued, it
can be said that admission is not a right but a
privilege and students should be grateful—they
are among the most privileged persons in the
"But if the student paid his way," Prof.
Moore said, "the attitude of benevolent paternalism would be wholly inappropriate. The
student would be in the position of the consumer offering to pay a price equal to the full
cost of the service he most preferred and it
would be up to the market in this free enterprise economic system of ours to provide the
most preferred service."
Prof. Moore said there were probably few
who would argue that there are no benefits
accruing to non-graduates from a moderate
increase in the percentage of the population
taking higher education. "But it is my conclusion that the benefits are too uncertain to
support a cash subsidy," he said.
But they do justify a massive student loans
program to cover living costs and tuition at
lower than market interest rates, Prof. Moore
Throughout his address Prof. Moore
emphasized that the subsidy he was referring to
applied to the teaching function only. The
research and community service functions of all
post-secondary institutions should be covered
by general revenues, he said.
Academic Power
Can Be Dissipated
By Indecision ,
Suspended Judgment,
and Internal
Dr. J.A. Corry, former principal of Queen's
University and currently visiting professor of law at
McGill, gave a noon hour lecture during Arts Week. The
title of his address was: "Canadian Universities-From
Private Domain to Public Utility. "
THE universities have moved into the public
domain. Those who feel threatened by their
hungry presence want to cut their pretensions and
their costs and we shall see more of this very
quickly. Those who expect direct benefits from
universities, particularly governments, want to be
assured that the directions they take will serve the
beneficiaries most effectively, and with the least possible
duplication of courses and effort. Not only costs, but
content, organization, enrolment, kind and quality of
service are public issues.
In the language of the lawyers, the universities are
now revealed as "an industry affected by a public
interest," the phrase used to explain and justify
governmental regulation of public utilities. The
universities have become a public utility of a most
important kind. Sooner or later, all industries so
identified so far have become subject to governmental
regulation. What case can the universities make to justify
their continued autonomy; how do they have to behave
to avoid such regulation?
Whatever the answer to these questions, some things
are beyond question. The universities live on collective
resources, assembled by governments from the taxpayer.
So universities will have to serve the collective needs of
the community. Who defines those collective needs and
sets the priorities among them? That question is still
open. Only this much can be said: unless the judgment
of the university on collective needs and priorities, over
a period of time, approaches the estimate that the
government itself makes, then the fellow who pays the
piper will call the tune. And the tune will be called
conformably to the governments' estimate of public
opinion. What other course is open to a government
dependent on public opinion?
Abject surrender by the universities is not by any
means a foregone conclusion. In this game, they hold
some high cards. "Knowledge is power" is a frayed
cliche, but also a deep truth. Universities are more and
more impressively every day the main repositories and
dispensers of knowledge. Under proper nurture they can
go on producing more and more knowledge for which
there is a limitless demand. So the universities, or to be
more correct, their academic staffs, can put a price on
their labours in the vineyard of knowledge, and so
preserve things that public opinion would throw in the
However, every university will have to have a firm
consensus on the things it is determined to preserve, and
stick to them resolutely and consistently. It will have to
be accommodating on the range of offerings that serve
the current conception of the public interest. Like other
public utilities, it will have to be seen to be serving
acceptably what is called "public convenience and
necessity." If any university wants to establish and hold a
certain set of priorities, it will have to back them with a
nearly unwavering front.
That is to say, internal stability and unity is vital to
the university retaining its autonomy in matters thought
essential. In the last two or three years in most
universities, the academics have constitutionalized the
president's office, clinched their control of academic
matters, and so got very powerful leverage on all
important decisions. So powerful, in fact, that the
president now hesitates to act promptly and firmly in
critical matters until he gets the academic nod. In
substance, although not in form, the members of the
academic staff now have the main power. This is an
immensely significant change.
But they are not exercising it. This is a fact of
alarming portent. For the sake of internal stability and
unity, academic staffs must now take firm positions. By
discussion and compromise they must agree to do what
the president formerly did, or was charged with doing,
by decree. The real enemy is not inside dictation from
above any more. The potential enemies are internal
dissension and indecision, and outside interference.
Loyalty to one's discipline is an important professional
commitment and defence. It grows stronger every day,
but it must not displace loyalty to the integrity and
stability of one's institution. v«
It will not be possible to hold everything that has
been held in the past. Decisions formerly made on inside
preferences will have to take account also of outside
needs. A substantial part of the available resources will
have to be put into meeting collective needs, and so
perhaps will go less into cherished projects of particular
professors, departments, and faculties. But it needn't be
greatly less than in the past, when presidents and boards
of governors always had some sensitivity to collective^
The main change is that it is no longer so much for
presidents to decree as for academics to agree: not a big
change in the substance of decisions to be taken, but a
big shift in the responsibility for, and in the way of
arriving at, decisions. Nor need there be any craven
capitulation. Academic staffs have notable power and
decisive influence in the important things if they do not
dissipate them in indecision, suspended judgment, and._;
internal division.
Exactly where is the citadel that must be defended?
What is the cluster of essential functions and
conventions that define the ideal of the university and
its mission in a way that can be defended for our time
and circumstances? Generally speaking, it is whatever
program will draw and hold free minds, both inqi.
and able, to its service, and then in turn will discover
educate other free minds in the service of our society
and the larger world. Y
To this end, the university need not be utterly free in
deciding all the subjects that will be taught. It can afford
some concessions. But there are core subjects on which
concessions cannot be made, mainly in mathematics, the
sciences, social and humane studies, and the arts,
because they are needed for central purposes. They are
needed for conveying to students a grasp of the two
cultures (in C.P. Snow's terms) and of the interrelations
between them for limbering up the mind, stirring upo
divine curiosity, giving muscle power to the intellect,
sensitizing the creature to beauty, all in aid of
understanding something of the mystery of man and his
world. Not all students will want them all, but the fe^t
should be there for the taking. These surely will b^^i
nearly everybody's agenda as utter minima.
On the other hand, at the outer fringes there are
many subjects that provide vocational skills and/or
avocational frills but do not call for basic grounding in a
group of the core subjects. These should be the charge of
the other post-secondary institutions of learning that are
springing up.
FREEDOM in undertaking fundamental research
should be much wider than freedom in the
subjects professed and taught. The instinct of
governments and private corporations in research
is likely to be predominantly utilitarian and short-run
for the best of reasons to them, because they can hope .
to get quick benefits in action to reassure taxpayers and
shareholders. Fundamental research is usually a bigger
gamble, but umpromising lines of inquiry turn up
spectacular results often enough to justify such plunging
as can be afforded in support of persons with daring
ideas and research flair.
In whatever is to be taught or researched, the minds
engaged must be free, unhustled and uncircumscribed in
their approach to the subject and in the detail of the. .
content. No one presumes to instruct the doctors or the
lawyers on the substance of the professional service they
offer. The same respect must be tendered to the teaching
and researching scholar if universities are to draw and
hold the best people. Also, teachers and scholars must be
protected in pursuing the truth as they see it, and jn
testifying to that truth at home or abroad. Here the
interests   of    professor,    university,   and    the    larger „
community are at one. But since elements of the public
cannot always see why, I shall say why.
The complex interdependent society in which we all
live   tends  towards  rigidities.   Vested   interests cluster
round the status quo. They need to be shaken up from
time to time by intelligent and perceptive criticism. . . .
every status quo needs to be kept under critical review,
even   for    its   own   good.   Where   are   the   free   and -*
knowledgeable critics to be found? Many of them will
4/UBC Reports/February 27, 1969 NOBLE
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"Does the concept of democracy apply to
universities?" This question was debated during Arts
Week by Or. lihiku Parekh, visiting professor of political
science from the University of Hull, and Dr. Robert
Rowan, of UHC's philosophy department. What follows
are excerpts from the opening statements of both
speakers and a portion of the ensuing question period.
DR. BHIKU PAREKH: Before I discuss whether or
not the concept of democracy applies to the university I
should first like to analyze the concept of democracy, so
we know what it is we are talking about.
When one thinks of democracy one immediately
thinks of rule by majority. Now this, in my view, is a
fallacious understanding of democracy, because you can
easily imagine a group of, let's say, 30 people in which
an overwhelming majority of 25 might decide to kill the
remaining five. This is not democracy, in our view,
because something else is missing. And what is missing is
the security of certain rights—right to life, right to
property, if you like. But even this is not enough,
because you can imagine a society where these rights are
secured and stitl we would hesitate to call it democracy.
So we are led to the conclusion that democracy
involves not so much the rule of majority, not so much
the security of basic rights like right to life, but it
involves our freedom of speech, of discussion, criticism
and so on and so forth. But even this is not enough,
because it is quite possible to imagine a society where
people are free to talk as they like and the government
might completely ignore them. So we would then want
to insist that the government should in some sense be
responsible to the people. It should be elected by the
people and it should be removable by the people.
But even this doesn't take us very far, because you
can again imagine a society where people are free, where
the government is accountable to the people, and yet it
is quite possible that the government, which is elected
periodically- let's say every five years—might not care in
any way about what people say. Therefore we would
want to argue that democracy is not merely concerned
with periodic election of the government, it is not
merely concerned with the periodic accountability of
the government.
What is really important is what it does during the
time that it is in power, during those five years.
Democracy is not something that appears every five
years. It is something which should permeate every
aspect of political life, which means that in a democracy,
the government, the policies that the government
follows, and the public discussion that takes place
should be integrated.
Therefore we would want to argue further that
democracy requires that the government should pursue
those policies which evolve out of public discussion and
public debate. It is a government where there is a
rational process of discussion, where only those policies
are pursued for which reasons can be found, and those
policies which are irrational, for which no reasons can be
found, are not pursued.
But even this perhaps is not enough, because it's quite
possible to imagine a society where this freedom to
discuss, this freedom to participate and to influence the
government, might be limited to a very tiny segment of
the population. The countries that immediately come to
one's mind are South Africa and Southern Rhodesia.
So one would want to argue that in a properly
constituted democracy this freedom to political space,
this freedom to influence the government, should be
extended to all those who can be shown to have the
capacity to understand and contribute to political life.
If what I have said so far is correct, democracy has
the following four features: First, anyone who is capable
of contributing to the activity in question, or anyone
who is capable of contributing to the purposes of the
organization in question, is allowed to do so. Secondly,
all those who are allowed to participate in political life
on objectively determined criteria, debate, discuss,
deliberate and decide what they should do. All decisions,
by and large, are taken in the light of public debate and
discussion.    Third,    where    disagreements    cannot    be
resolved in terms of arguments alone, the decision is
taken through the medium of voting. And finally,
certain basic and essential conditions of political life,
such as freedom, the right to life, are secured to every
Now, if this is what democracy means, the question
that we want to ask ourselves is, is it applicable to the
university? Now, the university I take to be a place
where advanced knowledge is transmitted and promoted
in a co-operative manner, under organized conditions.
Each of these six characteristics, to my mind is crucial to
the existence of the university. It is a place which is
concerned with knowledge, with nothing else. The
knowledge that it is concerned with is advanced
knowledge, not elementary knowledge. What is done to
this knowledge is that it is taught—the university is a
teaching place. But this knowledge is not only taught,
it is also promoted; that is to say, advanced research
is being done in the university. And all this takes place
not haphazardly, but in a co-operative manner, where
teachers co-operate with each other to plan a course of
study which their students should undergo. And finally,
this is not a process which goes on between two or more
disembodied souls, it goes on within the context of an
institutionalized environment.
Therefore, university education is very different from
having courses under a series of private tutors, as used to
be the practice right up to the seventeenth century. A
university, therefore, is a imiversitas, a corporation, an
organization, which has three aspects: one, the substance
of the university, which I shall call the academic activity,
determining what to teach and how. Secondly, it has an
administrative  aspect.   Since   the  teaching  takes place
within the context of an organized environment, it
involves rules-rules of behaviour of the students,
behaviour of the faculty, when to hold examinations,
where, what kind of examinations, how often to allow
students to get out of the university, take leave, and so
on and so forth—the administrative aspect. And finally
there is a third aspect for which I have no single word.
You might calf it moral or cultural, but for convenience
I shall call it the improvemental aspect—that every
organization has a tendency to deteriorate as time goes
by, and the sense of purpose which inspired it in the first
instance might be lost sight of. And therefore every
organization requires, from time to time, holding back,
reflecting on where this organization is going, whether
the quality of life in it is deteriorating, whether we can
do something to bring about a greater degree of personal
contact, and so on and so forth.
Now, what I intend to argue is that at each of these
three levels, the academic, the administrative and the
improvemental, the concept of democracy has relevance,
though in different degrees.
At the academic level the student comes, not because
he is entirely ignorant (for then he can't be taught), but
because he knows less and the teacher knows more. The
relationship, therefore, is one of inequality. The end of
the process is not inequality, but equality-if possible,
reversal of this inequality. So that when he came he was
inferior to me intellectually, when he goes out he might
be superior to me, but if this is too ambitious, certainly
as my equal.
So what we should bear in mind is that the teacher
stands in a relationship of authority to his student. The
sort of attitude to be expected of a student is one of
humility, though not one of docility, because if you are
docile, if you are like a bucket in which a teacher pours
forth  his knowledge,  you would   never learn,  because
learning    is   an    activity   which   requires   uninhibited
inquisitiveness, continual  questioning, asking why this
thing  should   be  taught  rather than  that, continually
asking  questions so  that the details of a problem are
clearly worked out.
In short, it implies a relationship where the teacher
meets his student  in a completely free atmosphere of
equality, so that the student doesn't feel inhibited, that
he is not allowed to ask certain kinds of questions. It is
in this sense that there is some measure of democracy
involved in any intellectual relationship. But the teacher
has   the   ultimate   responsibility   as   a   knowledge^1'"-'"
person,    and    therefore   an   authoritarian   element   .u
inherent in any activity of teaching.
At the administrative level the degree of democracy,
the degree of student involvement, is greater than at the
academic fevel. Here the student has distinct experience,
certain distinct interests; he is going to go through the
ritual of examination, and therefore, in determining
when and where to hold examinations, what the library
hours and the range of faculty-student contact should
be-at this level a student has an important experience to
communicate, an important interest to safeguard, and
therefore he should be involved in all decision-making
concerning what rules to make, where and how.
At the final level, the improvemental level, I think the
amount of democracy required is much greater than at
any of the two previous levels. The student has a distinct,
perspective on university life—he's at the receiving e.
he sees the university from a certain perspective, from a
certain vantage point, which is different from that of the
faculty and that of the administrator. Also, being young,
he has a certain value system, and since all opinions are
determined by values, his opinions on the priorities of
the universities, what the university should do, whether
it should have more library or more scholarship, he has a
tremendously important role to play.
And it is this that leads me on to my final sub-
mission-that if the student has an important experience to communicate, important insight to transmit
to the improvement of the university, we should have an
institution within the life of the university where the
students can participate along with the faculty, along
with the administrators, where they can get together and
openly debate about where our universtiy is going;
whether it should expand, and if so what happens to the
quality of life available to the students in the university;
discuss the trend towards depersonalization and what
can we do about it; discuss what role the university has
to play in the wider life of the society; discuss the
university's obligation to people downtown and its
obligation to people in the faraway lands.
When one talks of applying the concept of democracy
to the university, the position I want to maintain is that
if one can range the university on a spectrum with three
points, beginning with the academic, passing through the
administrative and ending with the improvemental
aspect of the university, the degree of student
involvement increasingly increases—less at the academic
level, slightly more at the administrative level, and
tremendously more and more important at the final
improvemental level.
DR. ROBERT ROWAN: I think that the notion of
democracy applied to the university is already a mistake,
and probably the fight over what is important
concerning the participation of students in the life of the
university at a level somewhat different perhaps from
the traditional is a question that is going to be resolved
in favour of a greater participation. Whether that's going
to be entirely an advantage or a victory remains to be
seen. I'm sceptical that it will be a victory, if it takes the
form that it seems to be taking these days.
Anyway, there's this knowledge thing that goes on,
but there's something else. And it is here that it seems to
me that the role of the student, though not passive,
cannot be very active in the sense of participating in the
decision-making procedure which determines what shall
be taught, how it shall be taught and even why. And that
for a simple reason, that if they understood that already,
then almost surely they shouldn't be here. They're here,
amongst other things, not just to gain knowledge, and
not just to participate in the knowledge-seeking and
knowledge-disseminating institution of the society.
They're also here to be shaped, to be affected with
regard to a wide range of values and concerns which I
wifi'call moral and political. And on that question, it
seems to me, their role, their contribution is bound to be
minimal, not because of any malevolence on the part of
their teachers or their faculty members or the
administration, not because they don't wish them to be
equal, but only because in this way can they become
equal, and that to foist on them or to allow them to
claim ' maturely that they are equal does them and no
one else any service.
It is to pander to nonsense, quite simply. They are
still students. There is a lot about their culture, about
their society, about the nature of a university even,
which they do not know and cannot be expected to
know or to appreciate. In that area, therefore, their
contribution is bound to be minimal, and this says
nothing now about them having a role in the other areas
that Dr. Parekh mentioned, with which I have no
argument at all and I don't think is even very central any
more. I mean that they have a role in the disciplinary
procedures, ideal; that they have a role in determining
something of their living conditions, dorms, hours, all
that, certainly; that they run their own student union
building and newspaper, fine.
WK"-^ the nitty gritty is, however, is in curriculum
and in appointment of faculty. And there, it seems to
me, their role must be minimal. I cannot imagine that
beginning students, students entering a university, are in
a position significantly to contribute to a discussion of
what they should study, not even what they should read.
Now, if that sounds ugly, I'm very sorry, but I don't
think it really is ugly at all, and only a misguided view of
the nature of things would lead one to conclude that it
was harsh or unpalatable.
With regard to curriculum, students could carry on
long discussions and go through all the motions of
democracy, and almost surely that is what will come.
Faculty will make way, a great deal of time will
protjably be wasted, and in the last analysis students will
be thoroughly manipulated, especially at the early levels
of higher education, that is, in their first, second and
third years.
With regard to the hiring and retention of faculty, the
other crucial area, t think I should say that I have never
been entirely satisfied with the canons that most of my
colleagues use in this connection. Nonetheless, I do not
think that things would be improved by bringing
students into those deliberations. I think there is very
little that they can contribute, and what they do
contribute is very apt not to help, but to harm. There
are things that students can assess, but they may not be
the most important things.
Let me mention a case in point. I got a fairly ttood
press in the Artscalendar and so I'm not putting it
down for that reason. On the whole, I think it serves a
useful function, and I think that on the whole, with
some exceptions, it was done in a quite responsible way.
But I want to point out to you one feature that was
almost entirely lacking from that assessment, and that
iwas the quality of the mind with which they were
dealing, the range, the profundity of the ideas that were
being presented.
Now, I don't consider it to have been an oversight on
the students' part that they did not comment on those
matters; almost without exception, there was no remark
dealing with that question. Quite simply, they were in
little or no position to determine it because education is
a cumulative thing. It deepens one's mind, things one is
exposed to today, one only appreciates perhaps
tomorrow, next month, five years from now. That
students then could perform any very serviceable role in
the hiring or retention of faculty I am doubtful, and that
does not mean that I am entirely satisfied with the
standards that are presently used by faculty committees
to perform the same task. But I don't think that the
solution to that problem lies in bringing into the
constituency large bodies, or even hardly any bodies of
This business of tutelage is subtle, but I see the
university, amongst other things, as having this function:
introducing and initiating a large number of young
people   into  an  ongoing  cultural  enterprise that  is of
initiatory process, and that students could effectively
contribute to that, at the initial stages of their
educational career, seems to me to be most unlikely.
Because what it is all about is what they will understand
at the end, not at the beginning.
Thus I would still defend the proposition that a
university is a school, and a school is not a democracy. It
is not anti-democratic. The school that I want to
participate in has as its object producing people capable
of, committed to, participating in a democratic civil
society. Its goal is equality, surprisingly. Surprisingly,
paradoxically, it can only achieve that goal by embracing
something resembling an authoritarian procedure.
QUESTION: From both of you gentlemen I get the
impression that I am ignorant, that I came here ignorant
and that I'm going to leave with a little bit more
intelligence after having gone through this process in
which I had no say in the direction of the curriculum. I
would   like  to   see  some  feedback,  with   faculty  and
some complexity, which has a history, which has
institutions that exist whether we will it or not. They
themselves have a history, they have an appropriate use,
they normally are taken to have a purpose, they require
a certain kind of respect and use. Now, about that, I
think students are ignorant, simply because they are
young, simply because in a certain sense they are not
educated yet.
The goal of this initiation is equality. I think I will
not take that back. The goal is equality. I wish to
participate in a democratic society and I think that
democratic citizens need equipment. I don't think they
are born with it, I do;; t think it's obvious what that
kind of equipment is, a.-i I think that it's the role of at
least part of a university education to provide them with
that equipment. And that is another area in which,
unfortunately, student are fundamentally unequal.
They do not lack potential. It is not simply s matter of
information, because they can obtain that relatively
quickly. It isn't a matter ot intellect.
11 is a matter of wisdom, understanding, discipline
and appreciation. Now, curricula sometimes have that, as
well    as   other   things,   as   their   object;   that   is,   this
B/UBC Reports/February 27. 1969
students hand in hand together, trying to make a better
curriculum. I don't think that you can reasonably teach
a course without having some kind of feedback, and that
feedback must come from the students. I'm not saying
that students should have the ultimate word, but rather
they should be heard, there should be forums for them
to be heard, and I would hope that you would both give
that consideration.
DR. ROWAN: Yes, you do arrive here ignorant—in
essential ways. And furthermore, you acknowledge it
when you arrive or you wouldn't be here. You come
here asking something to be done to your mind. Now,
that there should be feedback and all that—okay, that
can be arranged. Most professors are open to some of
But that is not the same as saying that when you
arrive you're participating in curriculum formation, nor
even that you're doing it very much at any stage, let us
say, in the first four years, I think it would be a big
waste of time. You know what would go on in those
conversations? Let me tell you a secret. If we were really
to deliberate this with students, you know what we
would do? We would schedule the same class hour, the
same room, and it would go on for the same period of
time, and by the end you would have had the course.
That's what it would be, to conduct the discussion of
the curriculum, would be to take you through it, and I
can't imagine any other way.
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Now, it would not, I think, be facetious to add that
the pursuit at SFU of an ideal system of teaching and
• ^learning has been assisted by the absence of the
professional schools, and I ought to explain this. I have
mentioned an element within every student body which
is content with the sausage-machine degree. These folk
when they graduate will often join the anti-intellectual
camp because they never really had a university
education. They have a faculty counterpart, largely to be
found in the professors of the professional schools, in
medicine, in law, in forestry, dentistry and so on.
Because, with them too there is an excessive
preoccupation with the development of professional
skills and a pretense that a doctor or a physicist or a
lawyer can be socially neutral.
Yet, within the universities as they exist the voting
power of the professional schools has frequently
distorted the purposes of higher education and has
frequently impoverished other branches of the
university's processes. Keeping the professional schools
within the university, as judged by the present evidence,
is rather like trying to keep a dinosaur as a pet.
Nevertheless, at SFU we have no such difficulties.
There was no scientific research of that kind which
(^Bhibia students have found being done for the
Department of Defense Analysis, the kind of research so
v often done with government money but nevertheless on
university premises, with the university paying the
professor's salary, providing the labs and the students
losing sight of the professors. Our Board of Governors,
far from representing big business pressures or interests,
was not sufficiently involved in big business to bring us a
single major endowment from any private source. The
Board made its famous mistakes, including the mistakes
of the five teaching assistants episode, but it corrected
this mistake and it did so publicly. Its greatest sin, as I
recollect, was its condemnation without trial of a
President who also made mistakes but who was an
honourable man and who was doing his best. As a
member of the Canadian Association of University
"^^hers I can see no reason why Dr. McTaggart-Cowan
slWild not sue Simon (Fraser) University for wrongful
I have mentioned three groups of radicalism. For even
the first of these there was little need for anxiety at
. Simon Fraser University, at the start, for none of the
academic difficulties besetting other places had even had
time to appear. For students, as for faculty, the
opponents were outside the gates ancl if there were any
need to take up the defence of the university these
should have been against the provincial government
primarily. But when the second and third levels of
radical activism appeared they had to generate a
situation which did not seriously exist and they had to
'dramatize whatever situations and issues did exist.
The Board, therefore, had to be revealed as sinister
and all-powerful, and ideally it had to be convicted of
political discrimination in matters of appointment. In
the one test case to date, the relevant Senate committee
did not find evidence of any such discrimination, nor
would the accusers appear before that committee to
provide their evidence. On the other hand, the accusers
. .themselves, while objecting to political discrimination at
the hands of the Board, would not dream of appointing
a colleague of rightist political opinions within their
department, and the people presently there who may
not share the common views of this activist level have
been squeezed out where possible, occasionally with
threats which went as far as threats of personal violence
to their children. I am, of course, prepared to submit the
necessary detailed evidence on matters of this kind.
(Dr. D.G. Bettison, a member of the political
science, sociology and anthropology department at
SFU, subsequently said that threats were made by
persons unknown against him personally and not
against his children. On February 19, 18 members
of the Simon Eraser PSA department issued a
.4* statement denying they had any part in making or
advocating threatening phone calls to colleagues).
Secondly, one may point to the necessity to
delimit sharply in this kind of situation the
alignment between "goodies" and "baddies,"
Between the honest reformer and the guilty bourgeois
power groups. The presidents and heads, by definition,
would have to be "baddies." They have to be revealed as
a closed group, making decisions over the sherry at the
Vancouver Club. The reality is very different, and the
academic personnel who held secret dinners with
members of the Board behind the back of President
McTaggart-Cowan were junior faculty, and the contrivers
of the dining list were two instructors.
Again, the five T.A.'s whom I have mentioned, whose
rescue from injustice was necessarily attributed to
student pressure, were in fact saved by the threat of
resignation of two heads of departments and neither of
them was Dean Bottomore, the lion of the occasion.
Fourthly, students had to be sensitized to awareness
of the bourgeois conspiracy of which they were victims
and so they have frequently been lectured on the S.F.U.
mall about accepting their responsibilities to the working
class. Consequently, Martin Loney, from his comfortable
middle-class background, and another student leader
who is a diplomat's son, have the gall to tell students,
who are themselves for the most part from working-class
homes, that they are not taking their responsibility
seriously. Any student who scrapes his fees together,
who works through the long summer to come back to
college in the fall, is taking himself seriously, and he's
entitled not to have his university pulled around his ears.
But fifthly, and to me perhaps most important in this
debate about the functions of the university and what it
should do, the wishes of the majority are not sought, nor
is the majority itself accurately being informed. The
appearance of anything like popular democratic
processes is purely illusory. We have at Simon Fraser an
area of the mall called Freedom Square, but students
quickly find out how unlike freedom it is whenever they
try to reach the microphones and utter a
counter-opinion. You have to be a certain kind of
professor to be allowed to speak. Consequently much
misinformation, however gross, goes uncorrected.
Manipulation is the order of the day with this level of
activism, and it occasionally goes as far as automatic
"A" grades for people who think correctly, and grade
discrimination if you don't. This to me represents a kind
of activist elitism far more intolerant, far more
determined, far more to be feared than the bourgeois
elites so often complained about.
Finally, then the university as an institution must, I
think, retain its faith in certain old-fashioned and now
almost platitudinously-sounding values. It must continue
to believe in rational argument. It must continue to give
trust and tolerance. It must continue to be disinterested
in its academic pursuits. It must reject irrationalism and
intellectual nihilism. Instead of establishing external
links with the trade unions and minority groups, as
radicals occasionally recommend, students must be wise
enough to see that society is not divided in this very
simple way and there is no easy equation. The trade
unions, after all, have a very strong record of concern for
their own membership and a very weak one with regard
to human society in general.
We must, therefore, instead, as university people,
cultivate everyone who will listen to our case, and if we
don't like the class structure, all the more reason why we
should appeal across class for an audience and for
sympathy. If, on the other hand, we take the university
into society, as an instrument to change that society, we
cannot be either surprised or chagrined if we actually
lose the battle. And once we do this we will have no
chance of return to our present position where, whatever
is said against us, we do of course partly prepare people
to join that society outside, but we also change that
society through the very people we send out into it.
MR. LOUIS FELDHAMMER: I left SFU in a bit of a
rush and I forgot a document I wanted to bring along.
It's the Academic Freedom and Tenure Brief which we
finally, after much deliberation and conflict, passed not
too long ago, and I wanted to quote section five,
paragraph five, of the statement, which I am obliged to
accede to. I will attempt to paraphrase it to the best of
my ability. It says that the university teacher in his
relation to the outside community must be very, very
careful to make sure that his views are an expression of
himself and not of the university and it goes on in that
vein. That is really what we're talking about. So I want
to tell you right now that I am not talking for the
university, I'm talking only for myself, and that's called
civil liberty; otherwise it's unprofessional conduct.
Now, having made that clear, and I hope everyone has
taken note of that, I want to say that on the most
primitive level Dr. Cunningham and I agree. We agree on
what a university should be and ought to be. We agree in
the rhetoric of intellectual rational discourse.
But I'd like to look at the reality. There is a social
reality. Universities are social institutions, they exist in a
social framework. I've a very simple question: Have they
ever, in the history of university, been removed from the
social realities, have they ever not been used by the
status quo for the purposes of those in control? A very
simple question. It's in the historical record. What are
universities for? Dr. Cunningham says that they should
be for rational intellectual discourse. I say, yes, they
should. Are they?
Now, a lot of charges were made, and I can only say
I'd like some documentation. I don't want to get
involved in whether the children of individual faculty
members were threatened etc. etc. This is all news to me.
I doubt it very, very much, but I don't want to get
involved in that.
What I find interesting though is that an historian
should analyze social systems, or social structures, from
the basis of a personality orientation, on the conspiracy
view of history. What's wrong with France?
Cohn-Bendit. Here we have a madman who's
destructive—they're always destructive—who is able to
create all this trouble single-handedly, is the implication.
Is that really rational intellectual discourse?
What we're doing here is—we're on the level of the
Mobile, Alabama chief of police, who was blaming all
the problems on outside agitators; there is a malevolent,
evil conspiracy on the part of a few who want to create
trouble. Now let's be social scientists about it. There is
trouble or there is not. I think we can all agree that there
is trouble. The question asked is: Why?
I can stand out in front of the Vancouver Court
House and scream myself blue in the face asking for a
revolution, and nothing'll happen. I'll be considered to
be some sort of laughable, retarded individual. But I can
do it in Guatemala City and a helluva lot'll happen. It's
There's a social structure involved here. There are
problems involved here. What is the university for? What
has it always been for? You get the bourgeois rhetoric
of rational intellectual discourse, of objectivity, of value
freedom, and on and on and on. But the reality is quite
different. The reality is an institution—and I will quote
one of my opponents, political opponents, who is a
member of Simon Fraser faculty, Klaus Rieckhoff, a
senior member of the physics department, ex-dean of
the Faculty of Science: "The university is a service
station to society." I'm a gas-pump jockey. And that's
true. He's right.
But if we want to be intellectuals about it we don't
leave it there. What we do is say, all right, what is the
nature of this society that we are serving and what are
the kinds of commodities that we are supposed to
produce for it? What does it need? It needs forestry
majors, it needs engineers, it needs doctors. The
university is there, essentially, to recruit and train those
members of the white-collar working-class with specific
skills so that the social system can go on operating. It is
just as important as a dam, as a hydro-electric
installation, and Bennett knows it. And one of the
reasons it works so well is because of the rhetoric of
value—free objective scientific research. But just look at
the kinds of research that is going on in the university.
Dr. Cunningham suggested that in the one case at
Simon     Fraser     University,     where     a     department
Please turn to page 11, see FELDHAMMER
UBC Reports/February 27, 1969/9 STUDENT VIEW
Cars Will Destroy Point Grey Beach
Third Year Arts, UBC
The basic issue dividing the Vancouver Parks
Board and opponents of the University beach
waterfront road scheme is the very central role of
automobiles in the proposed development. The road
is being built for three purposes: to provide access for
long-term recreational development of University
beach, to control erosion of the UBC cliffs, and to
provide an initial route so that construction of the
proposed marina and rowing course can commence.
Most people agree that the rowing course and
marina are needed, that the erosion of the cliffs must
UBC students recently staged a demonstration (see picture at right) protesting the start of
an anti-erosion project by the Vancouver Park
Board at the base of the cliffs at Point Grey.
The student and Park Board points of view
are presented on this page in articles by third
year arts student Niels Von Meyenfeldt, one of
the protest leaders, and Stuart Lefeaux, Park
Board superintendent, UBC graduate and member of Senate.
call for an additional, if more expensive, approach to
the marina and rowing course at muddy Wreck Beach.
The uncertain transformation of University beach
could be avoided if traffic were restricted to this
second road link, if and when it is built.
A repetition of the work done to date at Spanish
Banks must not take place at University beach. At
Spanish Banks, cars have not been sufficiently
segregated from the beaches. On summer weekends
the area is completely glutted with automobiles.
Exhaust fumes and noise make going there a less than
pleasurable experience. If, as seems likely. University
beach is to be developed along the lines of Spanish
Banks, the congestion problem might well be
accentuated. Two miles of new beach, a 2,000-boat
marina, and a major scenic highway will attract an
immense volume of traffic.
In regard to a technical matter, some persons are
skeptical about the feasibility of keeping sand
beaches intact in their proposed new location, which
is a considerable distance from the present shoreline.
The Parks Board's claim that it can be done is based
on experience with other Vancouver beaches. But
University beach is not typical of tidal situations
elsewhere. If tides and currents are strong enough to
erode nearly all the sand from the existing beach,
then new beaches farther out might be subject to
even stronger erosive effects.
I believe that University beach can be developed
and made more accessible without introducing a
highway at beach level. Although access would not be
quite as easy, the beach could be developed similar to
the shores of Stanley Park. Extending the wall of dirt
for the full length of the cliffs would reduce erosion
in the long run. Instead of putting blacktop on the
dike, we should consider constructing bicycle paths,
foot paths, horse trails, or just plain sand.
To get people on the beach, the existing bus
services to Spanish Banks and the University could be
expanded in summer. A new route along Marine Drive
can be established so that bus stops coincide with
short trails and staircases providing easy access to the
beach. Bus terminals might be set up at either end of
a four mile hike around Point Grey. For the elderly
there could be pedicab tours on the beach or some
sort of boat transpoit.
Alternatives to slashing roads through the natural
environment do exist! All it takes is a little
imagination and a little appreciation for the works of
__<_-.   ^i$2lVUt.m'£S*\
indeed be checked, and that University Beach
requires improvements to make it attractive and
accessible to the public at large. The source of
disagreement lies in the Parks Board's stand that a
major permanent highway along the beach is
indispensable to the implementation of the
development as a whole.
Because senior governments have not allocated any
funds for the project, the Parks Board has decided to
go ahead using free fill from private contractors and
very limited funds of their own. The least expensive
stage of the project is now under way in the hope
that this display of initiative will loosen federal and
provincial purse strings. Widening of the basic
highway dike for addition of parking lots, grassy
areas, and beaches is to take place "at a later date,"
depending on the precarious money supply.
The entire project thus consists of the kind of
piecemeal financing and construction that usually
results in dilution of good intentions and facilities of
a barely adequate type. By working with incomplete
finances, by leaving the most expensive items for last,
and by relegating improvements for the
non-motorized public to long-range planning, the
Parks Board is inviting criticism by individuals
concerned with the survival of the beach.
The most aesthetically-pleasing means of providing
access to an area is seldom the most efficient. Plans
StoP Th
More than 100 UBC students protested start of Park Board anti-erosion project near Spanish Banks
Erosion Endangers UBC Buildings
Superintendent, Vancouver Park Board
In 1957, the Vancouver Park Board prepared
long-range development proposals for Marine Drive
Foreshore Park that would provide waterfront erosion
protection for the sand cliffs below UBC, an additional
two miles of public beach and access to a proposed
2,000-boat marina and Olympic-length rowing course.
The Park Board has been endeavouring without
success to obtain provincial government financial
assistance to dredge a blanket of sand onto the forshore
from west Spanish Banks westerly around the tip of
Point Grey to help control dangerous erosion of the sand
cliffs. Some UBC buildings, such as Cecil Green Park, the
alumni centre, are in imminent danger unless something
is done.
Erosion which has taken place this past winter is
frightening to behold and the Board decided to proceed
with placing a blanket of fill material, obtainable at no
Mr. Stuart Lefeaux holds a bachelor of applied science
degree from UBC and is a professional engineer. He is
currently one of the 15 Convocation members of UBC's
10/UBC Reports/February 27, 1969
cost from contractors, for some 10,000 feet from west
Spanish Banks to the tip of Point Grey. The main cause
of the erosion is the action of waves chewing away at the
base of the cliffs in the area in which fill is presently
being dumped. The Board has had extensive experience
with similar blankets of fill on reclaimed lands at
Spanish Banks.
The construction road will not be presently open to
automobiles, but will serve as a public promenade and
service road for access to this 10,000 feet of beach.
Long-range plans envisage a large pleasure craft marina at
the tip of Point Grey, a development urgently needed in
the Greater Vancouver area.
A second access road is contemplated to the marina
site from Southwest Marine Drive and will eventually
enclose an Olympic-length rowing course for UBC. It is
hoped provincial government funds will be available for
construction of this second road.
Critics claim that large numbers of people on the
shore will spoil it for those who enjoy the beauty and
isolation of the shore with its present limited access. The
argument has some validity but the benefits of extended
recreational facilities to serve many thousands of people
outweigh the present limited use of the shoreline. The
beach is only approachable for hearty hikers who can
navigate one steep trail down 200 feet of cliff. The
suggestion that a seawall promenade be substituted for a
roadway is not practicable as we are endeavouring to
build a large marina at the end of the roadway that must
be serviced by a roadway.
The long-range plan also anticipates dredging up
9,000 lineal feet of new beach that will have to have
road access and parking areas similar to the present
Spanish Banks development. Eventually, we anticipate
building a promenade on the seaward side of the
roadway that will be at least 100 feet from the roadway
and will not be disturbed by cars. It is possible that
other forms of transportation than automobiles will be
available to serve the beaches that will be formed on the
seaward side of the erosion blanket.
The immediate problem facing the Park Board and
the University is the imminent slippage danger to
buildings and lands on top of the cliffs. The Board's
decision to proceed with the project should be
welcomed by everyone who takes a long-range view of
the area. FELDHAMMER, continued from page  9
recommended the appointment of an individual, there
was a Senate committee which agreed that he was not in
some way fit, he was incompetent or something, he
wasn't worthy of joining the faculty.
Now the rhetoric was intellectual rhetoric, but the
v Veality was something quite different. The reality is that
this person was a revolutionary. He advocated
revolution. His publications were long, but they were in
the wrong places. They weren't in scholarly intellectual
journals. They were in monthly reviews. Their
definitions,   you   see,   of   what   is   proper  intellectual
scholarly research, whatever it is, must be irrelevant,
because then you know it's objective, then you know its
So, we have a situation where we build up a rhetoric
of a value-free, objective institution, devoted to rational
intellectual discourse, and meanwhile it is a factory, it is
a factory producing—and I'd like to tell the students
right here that if you listen to faculty talking to each
other, they talk about products, they don't think it's
very important. I once told some of my colleagues that
it didn't sound right. "Oh, don't, it's only a matter of
< -semantics." It's not. It's a matter of social reality. We are
Now, there's a social context to intellectual theory;
there always has been, and there always will be. The
scjAWk context of the intellectual activity that goes on in
urrWrsities today is simple. It is training. It is training
for adjustment into a capitalist society, and everything
that goes on at university is devoted to that. Even to
having the usual complement of dissenters, because the
function of dissenters is clear, it is to establish the
^legitimacy of the university. After all, don't we employ
Feldhammer, therefore, we're free and democratic. It's
very important to have Feldhammer around. He's the
house nigger. They need him.
Now, I think that Dr. Cunningham agrees with me
that the university is a service station. I think he agrees
with me that it should not be so. All I am pleading for is
to find out why it is so and what we can do about it.
Because that is really the crucial thing. The university
*as always been an instrumental institution, always. The
definition of that instrumental quality of the university
has been given by those in control. The way colleagues
are judged is in terms of those definitions.
Now, there's an assumption which is always there,
sort of, in the background, that those who want to do
something which is legitimately intellectual, and that is
to question, have a critical consciousness, to liberate
oneself, and the only way to liberate oneself is to
perceive, to have some understanding of the system
within which you are embedded—that is the first step on
the road to liberation—the implication is that these
people who advocate this sort of thing are destructive,
advocate violence. This charge is made again, and again,
and again. Let's think about it for a minute.
The first thing I want to say, and this of course will
meet with some distress, is that revolutions are, in terms
\>f historical record, one of the most profound agents of
human progress. Revolutions. They're a good thing.
They are beneficial to mankind. There is not a single
case—and I would challenge Dr. Cunningham on this,
he's an historian—not a single case of a revolution where
the resultant social system is less free than the preceding
social system.
Now the charge of violence that is always posed is an
interesting one. We see it all the time. There are
innumerable   examples  of   it.   The  occupation   of  the
Administration Building: the students are violent. Not
the two hundred cops in unifrom, they're not violent.
They're legitimate. They're legitimate. It's the students
that are violent. The negroes insurrect in Watts and the
south side of Chicago and, you know, they break a store
window or burn down a slum tenement. They're violent.
Now, what is the problem all about? Why is there
student unrest? It's clearly not because of agitation. It's
clearly not because of the personality of certain student
leaders and malevolent, evil, individual faculty members.
We're looking at a social phenomenon. Let's try to
understand it. First of all, there are too many students
being produced. There's a glut. We don't need as many as
we've got. That's one of the contradictions. Whenever
there is a conflict in a social system, look for the
There is an increasing homogenization of the class
structure. That's what it boils down to. That's why
students are unhappy. Because they are increasingly
aware of the fact that they are in reality not members or
potential members of an elite; that the kind of working
conditions under which they operate, the kind of life
chances and roles that are waiting for them are more and
more becoming homogenized into a huge kind of
working-class, with segments in it, but nevertheless, a
single class. And they don't like it. They don't like the
authoritarian repression which goes on in every
classroom in the name of objectivity and value-freedom
and scientific discourse, etcetera etcetera.
The thing I want to simply reiterate is the reality of
the class-structured social system, the role of the
function of the university within that class structure,
and one more thing, and that is the rhetoric of
majoritarianism. Majoritarianism. The rhetoric of the
liberal parliamentary democratic creed, and that is that
you change social systems through a majority, which
requires that you work within the electoral process, you
try and convince other people etcetera etcetera, and
then when you've got fifty-one per cent you have an
election and then you get what you want. And that's
lovely. It may in fact be the case on Mars, I don't know.
It has never been the case on this planet. Never. Serious,
radical, structural transformations of a social system
have never been engaged in by a majority, by an
election, by an agreement on the part of the majority to
change this sort of thing. That's nonsense. It's completely divorced from reality.
There's never been a serious transformation of any
society with a majoritarian support. It is true that the
vast majority of students, like the vast majority of any
kinds of members of any social institution are apathetic,
are indifferent. The point is, though, that those
committed and concerned to the kinds of things that
both I and Dr. Cunningham agree upon—the welfare of
human kind; intellectual activity that will be a benefit to
humanity; all these things that we agree on—which those
few in the greatest intellectual tradition act out, act out
in terms of action, their intellectual understanding and
perception—and that is really a great intellectual, a man
who can unite theory and practice, surely—when they
act out, what is the response on the part of the
majority? That's the key thing. The response on the part
of the majority is indifference. They'll take any
university. You give them another one, they'll take that
one too.
The vast majority are not committed to the status
quo at all. The vast majority are committed to those
things that they are told will be best for their
self-interest, and at the moment it's getting the union
card so that you can get a decent job and feel superior to
the blue-collar worker. But if you change the structure
he will as willingly accept the change in that structure as
he will accept the status quo for the reality of today.
Notice is hereby given that in accordance
with the resolution passed by the Senate at its
meeting on Wednesday, February 26, 1969, the
election of the Chancellor and of the fifteen
members of the Senate to be elected by the
members of Convocation of the University of
British Columbia will be held on Wednesday,
June 25, 1969.
Nominations for these offices must be in the
hands of the Registrar not later than Wednesday, April 2, 1969.
Candidates eligible to stand for election to
the Senate are members of Convocation who
are not members of the Faculties of the
The attention of those concerned is directed
to section 28 of the Universities Act: "(1) All
nominations of candidates for the office of
Chancellor shall be signed by not less than
seven persons entitled to vote in the election of
the Chancellor. (2) All nominations for candidates for membership in the Senate shall be
signed by not less than three persons entitled to
vote in the election of the Senate."
In accordance with the Universities Act an
election register has been prepared of the names
and known addresses of all members of the
Convocation who are entitled to vote at an
election and the register is open to inspection at
all reasonable hours by all members entitled to
The Chancellor and members of Senate elected by Convocation will take office on September 1, the first day of the Academic Year,
A list of those holding office for the three
year term, 1966—69, follows:
CHANCELLOR: John M. Buchanan, B.A.
Vancouver; D.M. Brousson, BASc, West
Vancouver; F.J. Cairnie, BA, North Vancouver;
CM. Campbell, Jr., BA, BASc, Vancouver; J.
Guthrie, BA, MA, Prince George; J. Stuart
Keate, BA, Vancouver; Hugh L. Keenleyside,
MA, PhD, LLD, Vancouver; S. Lefeaux, BASc,
Vancouver; D.F. Manders, BA, Lytton; D.F.
Miller, BCom, SM, Vancouver; The Hon. Mr.
Justice J.A. Macdonald, BA, Graduate of
Osgoode Hall, Vancouver; Mrs. H.J. MacKay,
BA, Revelstoke; J.V. Rogers, BASc, Trail; Mrs.
B.E. Wales, BA, Vancouver; D.R. Williams, BA,
LLB, Duncan.
CORRY, continued from page 5
autonomy  of the universities, they will lose it. Power
always expires in a vacuum.
It is vital to get some things clear. Much of the
substance of power in the university has been taken out
of the president's office and away from the board of
governors. The members of the academic staff now have
what has been taken out, and they have nearly a veto on
the use of what is left. They may find this hard to
believe, but it is true. That battle is over. But those who
have this newly won power are not exercising what they
have. On many campuses, the extremist radicals among
the students are trying to seize it. But they can't take
from the hands of the president and his senior officers
what isn't there. If they are to take it, they must take it
from where it is—in the members of the academic staff.
Of course, faculty boards and senates are debating
assemblies, by tradition and instinct. Debating
assemblies, except where led by a strong executive, are
much better at delaying and restraining power than they
are at exercising it. Failing firm decision and action
inside, there will be interference from the outside. Direct
and pervasive control by governments will come, not
because governments want it, but because they, like
nature, abhor a vacuum.
UBC Reports/February 27, 1969/11 ^^ UBC ALUMNI    m \m
Alumni Expand
Scholarship Aid
The Board of Management of the UBC Alumni
Association has recommended a major increase in the
association's scholarship program. The association's
governing body has approved, subject to UBC Board
of Governors ratification in March, an increase by 16
of the number of N.A.M. MacKenzie Alumni
Scholarships to be awarded annually.
It would mean 64 MacKenzie Scholarships of S350
each would be available each year to qualified B.C.
high school students entering UBC for the first time.
It would bring to $22,400 the amount allocated by
the Alumni Fund to this phase of the total
scholarship program.
In another decision, the Board of Management
approved the establishment of an annual UBC Alumni
Association Wesbrook Memorial Lectureship in honor
of Dr. Frank Wesbrook, the first president of UBC.
The Association will provide an honorarium of up
to $1,000 to cover travel and expenses of bringing an
outstanding person in the health sciences to give a
lecture at UBC. The lectureship is to be arranged by
the Faculty of Medicine in consultation with other
faculties in the health sciences field.
New Journal
Studies B.C.
A new journal has been launched which will
devote itself entirely to topics relating to British
Called B.C. Studies, the journal is co-edited by
UBC history professor Dr. Margaret Prang and UBC
political science professor Dr. Walter Young. It will
contain articles in such fields as anthropology,
archaeology, history, economics, resource
management and sociology.
Backing up the editors is an editorial board
composed of other faculty members at UBC,
University of Victoria and Simon  Fraser University.
The first issue, just off the press, contains articles
on everything from architecture to the banning of
books in B.C. Charles Borden writes on a new
archaeological find on the Skagit River; Keith Ralston
discusses American influence on the early B.C. fishing
industry; Bill Willmott describes aspects of Chinese
communities in pioneer B.C. towns; and Robin Clarke
argues for the use of modular construction units in
B.C. schools.
In addition, the issue contains a piece on banning a
book in B.C. by Charles Humphries and an amusing
article by Reg Roy on the first proposal for the
defence of B.C. from invasion. The journal contains
book reviews and a bibliography as well.
B.C. Studies, which will be published quarterly, is
being jointly financed by the UBC Alumni President's
Fund, the Koerner Foundation, Simon Fraser
University and the UBC Alumni Fund.
The Alumni Fund donated $1,500 toward the
journal. The editors of B.C. Studies intend to make it
not just a journal for scholars, but for all intelligent
laymen interested in British Columbia.
Subscriptions can be obtained, $5 for three issues,
by   writing   B.C.   Studies,   Room   203,   Auditorium
Building, University of B.C., Vancouver 8, B.C.
12/UBC Reports/February 27, 1969
Psychiatrist (Richard Conte), left, and draft dodger's father (Cecil Linden), right, stare in shockeJ
silence at the father's slashed-up portrait during filming session of The Blast at Cecil Green Park.
Getting ready for another take, Blast director Jules Bricken instructs photographer on how he
wants next scene shot. Bill Loiselle photos.
New Role for Cecil Green
The UBC Alumni Association headquarters, Cecil
Green Park, has finally hit the big time. The stately
mansion on the bluff overlooking Burrard Inlet is
going to be in a movie, The Blast, a feature being
produced by Meridian Films of Toronto.
Production crews moved in for three days recently
to film some dramatic scenes with Hollywood actor
Richard Conte and Toronto actor Cecil Linden, of
CBC—TV fame. The Blast is about a draft dodger and
his hang-ups, some of which were dramatically acted
out in the dining room of Cecil Green Park.
Director Jules Bricken had the dining room
furnished to resemble the den in the home of the
draft dodger's wealthy father, played by Cecil
Linden. The son, played by Gordon Thompson, has
some kind of psychological complex about his father
and in the sequence smashes things in the den and
slashes his father's portrait with a knife.
The psychiatrist, Richard Conte, comes in on the
father viewing the wreckage and pleads with him to
recognize that his son is sick.
The Blast, which will be released this fall, is being
produced in Vancouver with largely Canadian backing
and a grant from the federal government for Canadian
film development. Most of the cast have been brought
in from the U.S. and England, although some extras
were taken on locally. (One of the key extras
apparently was Province columnist Himie Koshevoy,
who played a newspaper reporter).
The filming was done in Panorama Studios on the
North Shore, the docks at Steveston, in a downtown
office building, Saltspring Island and, of course, Cecil
Green Park.
Alumni planning on taking in The Blast this fall in
the hope of seeing Cecil Green on the screen would
be well-advised to watch very closely: the sequence
will take less than two minutes in the film.


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