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UBC Publications

UBC Alumni Chronicle [1968-12]

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emocracy 68: Is Confrontation Inevitable? We've got one that isn't a credit card at all.
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VOLUME 22,  NO.  4,  WINTER  1968
Or, Whatever Happened to the Sock Hop?
by Rosemary Neering
an interview with Dr. Stanley Pech
by Elbridge Rand
Frank C. Walden, B.A'49, chairman
Stan Evans, BA'41, BEd'44, past chairman
Miss Kirsten Emmott, Sc 4
Michael W. Hunter, BA'63, LLB'67
Dr. Joseph Katz, BA, MEd (Man.), PhD (Chicago)
Fred H.  Moonen,  BA'49
Douglas C. Peck, BCom'48,  BA'49
Dr. Erich W. Vog1, BSc, MSc (Man.), PhD (Princeton)
Mrs. R. W. Wellwood, BA'51
Clive Cocking, BA'62
Susan Jamieson,  BA'65
Marv Ferg
Design (Page 10,16) Marv Ferg
Published quarterly by the Alumni Association of The
University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Canada.
Business and editorial offices: Cecil Green Park, 6251
N.W. Marine Dr., U.B.C, Vancouver 8, B.C. Authorized
as second class rrail by the Post Office Department,
Ottawa, and for payment of postage in cash. Postage
paid at Vancouver,  B.C.
The U.B.C. Alumni Chronicle is senf free of charge to
alumni donating to the annual giving programme and 3
Universities Capita Fund. Non-donors may receive the
magazine by paying a subscription of $3.00 a year.
Member American Alumni Council. Jf    'tL*fjf
V, '■'.y.i',"iwl
\jjtji'  ***
|      ;i^"     %
*mr •
Udent Revolt
'tl tbe Sock Hop? by ROSEMARY NEERING, BA'67
"Students have no rights,
only responsibilities,
and very little freedom."
■FEBRUARY, 1968: 250 Port Al-
■*- berni junior secondary students
stage a sitdown strike and boycott
classes in protest over school regulations and facilities.
August, 1968: Montreal students
barricade themselves inside a high
school to protest its conversion to
English-language instruction.
September, 1968: 2,000 Newfoundland students set up picket
lines around three schools in a
three-day strike to protest shift
October, 1968: high school students in Ste. Foy, Quebec, occupy
three schools in a protest over inadequate audio-visual materials.
October, 1968: several thousand
B.C. Lower Mainland students write
letters, hold meetings, boycott classes, to protest inadequate school
facilities and a provincial government freeze on certain types of
school construction.
And a serious, long-haired boy
and an intense young girl explain
what's behind it all:
"We feel we're not getting an
adequate education. People have
been fitted into the structure; the
structure should be fitted to the
people. No one pays any attention
to the individual in schools."
"The student has to have more
of a say in what he learns and how
and where he learns it. Wc don't
want to tear down the structure—
some sort of structure is necessary.
But the schools now just aren't giving a good enough education."
Student unrest has hit the high
schools. From Newfoundland to
British Columbia, it's happening —
now. Behind the chain-link fences
and inside the factory-like schools,
the   long   bottlcd-up   discontent   is
spilling over. In ranee, it covers the
whole spectrum from the highly
articulate opinions of student radicals to an undefined feeling of discontent and frustration among ordinary students. Its targets: traditional teaching methods, authoritarian control of the student, the
System. Its main outlet:  protest.
But don't write it off as a pale
carbon copy of university protest —
there's more to it. Certainly, the
university student revolt has had an
influence, but the two phenomena
are different. Leaders of the high
school revolt are less power-hungry,
more apolitical and more altruistic.
A slightly blase 15-year-old radical
recently summed it up: "We had a
student leader from UBC here
talking to us, but what he was
talking about just wasn't relevant
to the high schools. I mean, we
don't like them coming in trying to
stir things up. It's a different fight
in the high schools."
High school kids are less concerned with gaining a place in the
power hierarchy, more concerned
with improving the quality of high
school education. They don't want
to take over the high schools: they
do want to be listened to.
But they are perhaps even more
committed to their goals than arc
the university students. No carefree
youth they, but serious, intense
exponents of change. But they do
not sec this change in political
terms; they are fiercely dedicated
to the development of the individual.
In this and in their disappointment
with society, they have much in
common with the serious hippie
Interestingly, they get their ideas
mainly from their teachers, especi
ally the younger ones, and the
educators who are struggling to
change the approach to modern
education, both within and outside
the public school system. The free
schools and experiments like those
of Campbell River principal John
Younf.:, whose students are treated
like adults under a minimum-rule
policy, present exciting models to
these high school students. Other
innovations in city schools and elsewhere demonstrate that high school
education can be more meaningful
and interesting. It's a case of rising
expectations. They sec educational
change as possible and expect more
from Ihe schools than they are receiving: — and the protest begins.
It often shows itself first with
a simple protest against rules of
dress and conduct. The Port Alberni
revolt, for example, centred on
school regulation of hair, dress and
students' time.
"Things like long hair and miniskirts shouldn't be any concern of
the administration." says a student
from the Okanagan.
"We resent being told to cut our
hair, or not to smoke on the school
grounds." Adds Vancouver radical
Steve Brown, a student at Point
Grey secondary school, "It's ridiculous that someone else should have
the authority to tell me what I must
wear." Some teachers are also opposed to this now. "How can you
create democracy when the model
is a highly structured autocracy?"
asks one sympathetic high school
Mrs. Rosemary Hyman Neering is a freelance writer who has served as a reporter
for the Vancouver Sun and written for
Macleans. Photo /Bill Loiselle Such protests are often only signs
of deeper unrest among students.
Jim Carter, Point Grey vice-principal and a member of a B.C. Teachers' Federation commission which
recently investigated B.C. education,
believes this to be the case. "The
students are really asking why they
can't participate in making decisions
that affect them," says Carter.
"We're moving from the position
where there are truths, and where
the role of the school is to teach
those truths, to an existential philosophy, where people work out
truths for themselves. A lot of the
student radicals come from homes
where experiment is the basis of
experience. Because of the influence
of the electronic media, people feel
competent to do more things without experience."
These radicals are the students
who want a complete reform of the
educational system. Larry Stoffman
and Popo Chud are two members
of Vancouver's newly-formed Inter-
High Union, which is dedicated to
such reform. "The idea behind
school shouldn't be to prepare kids
for university entrance, or to keep
them off the streets until they're 16,"
says Stoffman, a long-haired articulate Churchill secondary school
senior. "It should be to develop the
individual. Schools now are for the
benefit of society and not of the
individual. We don't claim to have
enough knowledge to set up the
perfect educational system; if we
did we wouldn't be wasting our
time in high school. But we do want
a channel to express our ideas —
and we do want change."
"To be able to learn well," adds
Miss Chud, an attractive, intense
Prince of Wales student, "you need
a free atmosphere. But now, students
have no rights — only responsibilities — and very little freedom. I'm
not challenged in school. Schools
process people; they give all children
the same thing."
The Inter-High Union, with two
dozen members from city schools, is
presenting its ideas to other students
in hopes of forming a student consensus which it can present to B.C.'s
Council of Public Instruction.
Among the suggestions it made in
a report recently distributed to high
school students were that:
• Students must have liberty to
develop individually.
• Exams should be abolished and
students should progress at their
own rate.
• Behavior should be regulated by
self-discipline, not outside discipline.
• Students should have more freedom to choose their own course
• Students should be given more
freedom to express themselves.
in writing and in discussion.
• Students in the sciences should
be able to experiment and explore on their own.
• New courses, such as sociology,
anthropology and psychology
should be offered.
• Two five-month or three four-
month semesters should replace
the current school year, to enable students to switch courses
more frequently.
Members of the union recognize
that the kind of school they propose
presents problems. In fact, there
have been problems at Point Grey
Students in Tsawwassen stage brief walk-  out in protest over provincial government freeze on gymnasium construction. Photo /Vancouver Sun Sorry, old man,
but London Dry Gin
couldn't be the only gin forever.
Stiff upper lip.
It had to happen. A gin came along that's just
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This advertisement is not published or displayed by the Liquor Control Board or by the Government of British Columbia. High school radical Larry Stoffman debates  a  point  with  a  fellow  student  at
first   meeting   of   Vancouver   Inter-High Union. Photos/Bill Loiselle
secondary where something resembling the union's program is being
tried. The problems have centred
on student self-discipline.
At Point Grey, some Grade 10
and 11 students have been given
three free hours a day for learning
at their own speed. They can use
the time for reading, discussing,
visiting a library or other learning
resources, in or out of school. Certain study topics are stated, but the
students are on their own — though
guidance from the teacher is available  if desired.
"The program has obvious dangers." comments Lou Greenwood,
head of the school's social studies
department. "A child pursuing his
own likes may leave huge gaps in
his knowledge that he will never fill.
The Grade 10's frequently get tired
of a topic and flit to something
else. They get a wide but shallow
sampling of everything. Some have
asked to be withdrawn from the
program; others have been asked
to leave if they're just goofing off."
Some of the students in the program
agree. "I haven't done a thing since
September," said one boy. "I just
don't have the self-discipline to
work in this kind of a program. I'm
not responsible enough."
As far as Stoffman is concerned
this does not negate the need for a
freer, more individualized approach
to learning. "Most students haven't
had the chance to develop the
capacity to learn on their own," he
points out. "They've always been
spoon-fed and you can't expect them
to take over when they arrive at
high school. You've got to start
early with the process of getting
the child to take responsibility for
Not all students, however, favour
root-and-branch reform. One of
these is Steve Hawkins, a student at
Churchill. "You can sidestep the
trivia in the system and work with
its basic goodness," Hawkins says.
"You can't have a system that works
for every individual. You say you're
not challenged; can't you find your
own challenges? People who are
oppressed by the school system deserve to be." Hawkins says that the
question of school regulations is
not a universal problem, but varies
with the school and the principal.
He also says some parts of the
school  system  should be  changed, Three  girls  discuss  the  student   union's
list of demands for educational reform.
but believes more lasting reform can
come by slowly modifying the existing system rather than trying to
build a new one.
Interestingly, Hawkins suggests
that the radicals give the average
student too much credit for intelligence and independence. "Many
students need a strict structure, or
they won't learn," he says.
In fact, as one would expect,
the radicals amount to only a small
minority. Most high school students
are much less passionately dedicated
to educational reform. "We've discovered most kids want to be
listened to, but they don't necessarily want to run the place," says
Vancouver secondary school superintendent Dr. John Wormsbecker.
"They realize the teacher knows
more than the kids and should therefore be directing the curriculum."
Still, the radicals occasionally wield
considerable influence.
At Point Grey, for example, a
student union was developed by
radical students with the help of
staff,  in  an effort to make  school
more relevant to the students. Last
spring, the union called students
out on a sympathy strike when
engineers struck city schools. Some
200 obeyed the call. "When they
began to disrupt the school like this,
we suspended the union," said Carter. "We felt they had broken faith.
And the other students felt that
such a small minority should not
have such influence and power. They
felt the minority was power-hungry
and opportunistic. They decided
they needed an assembly where
everyone could discuss school issues
other than sock hops."
The assembly was formed, and
now can discuss any topic, although
there are limits to the decisions it
can make. "Most of the kids who
went out on strike were from Grade
8," said one Point Grey moderate.
"They just wanted an excuse to get
out of school. We didn't think that
so few people should be able to
make a fuss like that; we thought
the whole school should decide on
such issues."
But the majority are not totally
content with the school system as
it exists. The underlying unrest
shows itself in such things as the
construction freeze protests which
sprang up recently at several Lower
Mainland schools.
"We are stressing that students
should be individuals, and we're
peddling this point of view in our
schools," says Dr. Wormsbecker.
"We give them the feeling they are
pretty important people — and they
are. Protests against positions they
feel are arbitrary or unfair are a
natural consequence of this."
Prince of Wales activist Popo
Chud perhaps best expresses what is
at the root of high school student
unrest. "Kids now are more aware
of what's going on in the world,"
says Miss Chud. "Not long ago, a
high school student's entire life
centred around his school, and its
dances and football games. But that
isn't true now. I can no longer say
I'll get through and get out of here.
I want my kids to have a better
education than I have — that's
what I'm fighting for." □ CZECHO-SLOVAKIA
If there were balm in Gilead, I would go
To Gilead for your wounds, unhappy land,
Gather you balsam there, and with this hand,
Made deft by pity, cleanse and bind and sew
And drench with healing, that your strength might grow,
(Though love be outlawed, kindness contraband)
And you, O proud and felled, again might stand;
But where to look for balm, I do not know.
The oils and herbs of mercy are so few;
Honour's for sale; allegiance has its price;
The barking of a fox has bought us all;
We save our skins a craven hour or two. —
While Peter warms him in the servants' hall
The thorns are platted and the cock crows twice.
Edna St. Vincent Millay
10 The Crack in the Bloc
Oppression is no stranger to the
unhappy land of Czechoslovakia. It
is a condition known throughout
much of the country's 50-year history. It is a condition Czechoslovakia has come to experience once
again in 1968 under Russian invading forces. Has the Czech liberalization drive been crushed?
Will it spring back to life? Chronicle
editor Clive Cocking explores these
issues in a tape-recorded interview
with Dr. Stanley Pech, a UBC professor of east European and Czecho-
slovakian history. Dr. Pech left his
native Czechoslovakia in 1947 and
has been at UBC since 1956.
chronicle: How do you interpret
the Russian invasion of Czechoslovakia?
dr. pech: It doesn't really, as a
number of people now are saying,
just show that Communism hasn't
changed, that we have to regard it
in the same way as we did in the
1950's. I think it shows the very
opposite, that Communism has
changed, that it has broken up into
different national components, and
that we arc dealing not so much
now with Communism but with the
Soviet Union as a power, and
powers, especially great powers,
have always had their own national
interests which they safeguard.
They're interested in strengthening
themselves, in securing their flank
with friendly nations, satellite nations, and what is happening now
in Eastern Europe is really that.
chronicle: What are the national
interests that Russia is trying to
protect in this case?
dr. pech: Russia is trying to make
sure that the neighbours adjacent
to the Soviet borders arc countries
that will be appropriately obedient,
or at least that will not be hostile.
I think this is the main interest. But
there is also another interest which
is, of course, vital. There is the
fear that the progressive movement
which is now being crushed in
Czechoslovakia would by its ferment
spread, that it would become a contagion that would penetrate not only
other East European countries but
the Soviet Union itself.
chronicle: Sort of an East European domino theory?
dr. pech: Yes, well, that's right,
that's very well put. These two
motives I think are the ones to be
chronicle: Some observers point
out that the leadership of the Soviet
Union is not monolithic but divided.
You know, they have their hawks
and their doves, like Washington,
and in this particular case the hawks
are exerting their power.
dr. pech: Yes, this is true, and this
again I would like to stress because
the current interpretation is often
the simplified view offered by a man
like Mr. Nixon in the United States,
or perhaps even some Canadians,
that Communism hasn't changed,
which is completely at variance with
the facts. We know, with a reasonable degree of certainty, that there
are doves and hawks, so that even
within the Soviet Union, Communism has been changing. We arc
witnessing what was non-existent
virtually until 1956. Within each
national party, Czechoslovak, Polish,
or Hungarian, wc ' are witnessing
now differences of opinion on basic
issues. Especially this I think may
be mentioned in connection with
Hungary, because there has been
every indication that the Hungarian
Party was deeply divided as to what
stand to take in respect to Czechoslovakia. It's certain that part of the
Central Committee of the Hungarian
party even favoured the Czecho-
slovakian reforms and another part
opposed them, and perhaps there
were some who were vascillating in
between. So one may be reasonably
sure that a good many Hungarian
leaders are anything but happy, and
are participating in the invasion
with anything but enthusiasm, and
only because of the overriding presence of the Soviet Union.
chronicle: I notice where Arnold
Toynbcc in the London Observer
recently pointed to the tendency for
authority structures to reassert their
authority when they feel it being
undermined, and he cited the three
cases   of   the   Pope   in   Rome,   the
American political machines, and
the Soviet Union. Is this a case of
the Soviet Union seeing its authority,
as a leader of the Communist bloc,
being undermined and is consequently trying to reassert this authority?
dr. pech: Yes, and it's most helpful to point out that what's happening in the U.S.S.R. has its counterparts in the United States, or elsewhere, at the same time. In this
connection, one could observe that
the Soviet Union — although it
wants to further its world-wide interests — has by a kind of gentleman's agreement, practically written
off Latin America. In the last year
or so, the Soviet leaders were almost
outspoken in trying to calm the passions of such men as Castro, and
instructing the Communist leaders
in Latin America not to indulge in
any revolutionary adventurism, as
they call it. This is done because I
think the Soviet Union knows that
the United States would not tolerate
it. At the same time, however, the
Soviet Union does want to make it
clear that Eastern Europe is its preserve. The United States has preserves in Latin America, the Soviet
Union has its preserves in Eastern
Europe. The Soviet Union will not
invade France or West Germany
nor will it let itself lose the territory
already conquered in Eastern
chronicle: Since Russia invaded
Hungary in 1956 world opinion has
changed and when you notice that
almost everyone, including the
French Communist party and even
Albania, has condemned the Soviet
action, surely it's out of tune with
the tines?
dr. pech: Yes, it's out of tune with
the times and perhaps one could
even observe that the way the invasion was staged was almost clumsy.
I am sure that the Soviet Union is
aware that it is in a most embarrassing position. One only hopes that,
in the same sense as the United
States has been getting deeper and
deeper into Viet Nam almost against
its wil , that the Soviet Union will
11 Dr. Stanley Pech
now not get deeper and deeper into
Czechoslovakia, and finally perhaps
we'll be brought to the brink of
calamity simply because somebody
made a wrong decision but which
can't be rescinded because of the
prestige involved of the great
powers. I, myself, am almost ready
to found a new club for the suppression of great powers. One would
think big powers like the United
States and the Soviet Union have
enough power to really protect themselves without dominating the countries adjacent to them, and yet they
still seem to have that complusion
to build a protective ring of countries around them. Nobody is asking
who is going to protect these small
countries against the giants.
chronicle: This, once again, reveals the tragic weakness of the
U.N.—about all it can do is condemn.
dr. pech: Yes, and debate, that's
right. Now I don't know whether
you are willing to take a deeper
look at what's happening. The great
phenomenon of our time is the
resurgence of nationalism, and again
what's happening in Eastern Europe one must sec in a world-wide
context. The fact that the Czechoslovak state has come up so spectacularly since January 1968, is
due to a reawakening of national
pride. The unwillingness to continue to be dominated by a different
power, by a big power, can be seen
within these countries. Within
Czechoslovakia, the Slovaks have
been getting restless recently over
being dominated by the Czechs;
within Yugoslavia, there has been
very serious restlessness between
the Croats and the Serbs—the Serbs
being the dominant group. And so
one can see everywhere ethnic
groups coming to the surface and
asserting themselves, finding a new
national pride, new pride in their
past, and new hopes in their future,
and fighting against those who,
rightly or wrongly, had controlled
them, sometimes for centuries. So,
whether it's Belgium, where there's
conflict between ethnic groups,
whether it's Spain, where now the
Basques and the Catalonians are
beginning to stir, whether it's the
Scottish movement, whether it's
Czechoslovakia, or Rumania, rising
against the Soviet might, this is all
very much in the same league, and
even the French Canadians have it.
I think it's always healthy perhaps
even for us as Canadians to realize
that as we sometimes bemoan the
French Canadian restlessness, we
have, in fact, nothing unusual about
us, whatever shape this will finally
chronicle: Well, in view of this
trend towards nationalism in the
world and in the Communist bloc,
I just somehow can't see this Russian invasion succeeding.
dr. pech: Well, it will probably
succeed only in the short run, because Russia has tremendous power. It can only succeed by the sheer
force of arms, it can succeed as it
did in 1956 in Hungary, simply because it's not a question of respecting public opinion. The fact that
this was done against the opinion
of the vast majority of the Czechoslovaks just doesn't play any part
at all, the over-riding concern in
the Soviet view is the protection of
its interests, and the fear of the
progressive movement spreading.
But in the long run, I agree with
you, it has no chance of succeeding. In the long run the various
countries within the Soviet bloc,
will continue in their trend toward
more independence, just as Rumania has already manifested that
tendency or Yugoslavia, and that
trend cannot be stopped in the
long run.
chronicle: Well, surely, all this
has implications for world-wide
Communism. Does it mean that
what is going to happen will be
similar to what happened during the
Spanish Civil War, another disillusionment with Communism, another
erosion of Moscow power?
dr. pech: Oh yes, this is going to
be the trend in the years to come,
already the trend is well-advanced.
This is why even the word "communism" is no longer meaningful,
it's just a label which scares people.
I think for our own emotional health
it might be better if we simply
abolished the word and used instead
a word such as "authoritarianism,"
or the like, then we would cover all
the movements that fall under that
label. It would cover Spain, it would
cover Greece today, it would cover
the Soviet Union and East Germany, it would cover the majority
of the countries of the United Nations,   those   in   Africa   and   Asia.
12 If I may add something which is
particularly strong, in my mind,
and this is one aspect of the problem that the world has not yet
really begun to appreciate simply
because there is so much beyond
the pale of our own vision at the
moment, and this is the emergence
of ethnic groups within the Soviet
Union itself. This nationalistic movement will only crystallize in the
next 20, 30 or 40 years. All of us
including myself, quite wrongly, and
yet we do it because it's conventionally done, speak of Russia as
Russia, we speak of Russians as
Russians, where in fact the Soviet
Union is only about 56 per cent
Russian and other nationalities
constitute the balance, of whom the
largest are the Ukrainians, who
number about 40 million people in
the U.S.S.R. today. Then there are
the small ethnic groups in the Baltic region, the Lithuanians and Latvians and the Estonians, but also the
Belorussians, in northwest Russia,
and there are, in Central Asia, a
number of non-Russian groups such
as Uzbeks, Kazaks, who culturally
have very little in common with
the Russians. Among all these non-
Russian groups, except those perhaps which are very small, and
some of them are on the way to
extinction, we can begin to observe a movement toward greater
national pride. Sometimes we have
to read between the lines, but there
are many indications that the intellectuals among the Ukrainians,
the Kazaks and the Uzbeks, are beginning to display a greater appreciation of themselves, as Ukrainians,
as Uzbeks, as Kazaks.
"In the long run the Russian
invasion has no chance of
chronicle: And a little restlessness with the Russian domination?
dr. pech: Yes, intellectual restlessness. However, it must not be called at all at the moment, rebellion,
this is too carefully controlled. But
it is nevertheless significant, that it
is beginning to infect even the Communists, the Ukrainian Communists,
and the Communist leaders of these
non-Russian nationalities. Now you
may ask me for some examples, I
think there are a few that have recently come to pass. Until two years
ago it was a standard theory in the
Soviet Union that they were one
great socialist family and in the end
they would all evolve toward one
language. The implicit truth in that
was supposed to be that one language would be Russian. But now,
in the last two years, some Ukrainians and some other intellectuals in
the other ethnic groups are standing up and beginning to say, "well,
all right, we want to continue this
socialist family, but why should the
Ukrainian speak Russian? Why
shouldn't a Ukrainian continue to
speak Ukrainian? Why shouldn't a
Lithuanian continue to speak his
own language?" In fact, just recently Ukrainian intellectuals smuggled out to the west a document
which is the first major proof of
this turmoil. The document complains of Russification, complains
of Russian paternalism toward the
Ukrainians and puts forward a series of political objectives. It demands more political independence
for the Ukraine, a more meaningful form of federalism and more respect for the Ukrainian language
and culture. So, at this stage this
is only a cultural revival, but eventually it's absolutely inevitable, and
I repeat that, it's a statement that
I make very advisedly, and very
deliberately, that it's inevitable that
this will be transformed into quasi-
political movement which will be
pioneered actually by the Communists themselves, just as Dubcek is a
Communist, just as Tito is a Communist, just as Ceausecu is a Communist, so it will be Ukrainian-
Communists, and also Russian-
Communists who will begin to exert
more and more pressure against
domination from Moscow, from
chronicle: What is going to happen next in Czechoslovakia?
dr. pech: I think that what has
happened since the invasion shows
that it hasn't succeeded, because
even at this very late time, the Soviet Union still is veering between
extremes, between denouncing the
regime and tolerating it, and until
of the
Music Director
December 1/2:
December 15/16:
I30R OISTRAKH, violin
January 12/13:
January 26/27:
February 9/10:
February 23/24:
March 9/10:
March 23/24:
Package of
6 concerts
on sale now at
630 Hamilton Street,
13 "The fearful thing now is that
at some point a victim will have
to be produced."
now, there still have been comparatively few wholesale arrests. So I
think Dubcck has been able to defend the country fairly well, whether
he can do that in the months to
come is a different question. I think
the fearful thing now is that at
some point a victim will have to be
produced. There was an invasion by
the Soviet army, there were all these
outcries of counter-revolution, so
it's difficult to imagine that the
Soviet Union would not demand
some sacrificial lamb, somebody
who will have to suffer, who will
have to be put to trial so that there
will be some evidence offered to
the world that there was a counterrevolutionary plot.
chronicle:  The Soviet Union re
cently demanded a wholesale purge
of the liberal elements. Does this
mean a purge in the old style, do
you think, even to the extent of a
few people going to the wall?
dr. pech: Well, no, I really don't
think so. But it is quite probable,
or possible, at least, that Mr. Dub-
cek will be forced out eventually.
President Novotny is living in some
quiet retirement, nobody has asked
him to come back and he's the man
who Dubcek replaced. And none of
the old Stalinists have been called
back, so that the Soviet Union seems
to want to avoid the extreme of
going back to the fifties, but I think
we can say with a fair amount of
certainty that there will be a gradual
tightening of the screw. In the next
two, three years I think many of the
freedoms will be gradually reduced
more and more. Already there is
certainly no freedom of speech,
there's no freedom of the press,
there's no freedom of assembly, and
I think there will be more and more
concessions offered and Czechoslovakia will doubtless be isolated more
and more from the rest of the world.
chronicle: If as you say, the Russian   action  is  doomed  to  failure,
how can the Czechs regain their
position—by guerilla action?
dr. pech: Well, no, I think there
will be continued resistance, and
again hopefully as it happened with
the Hungarian revolution, if one can
hope for some lesson from that.
When the Hungarians were completely crushed in 1956, it seemed
completely hopeless and yet after
two years, Hungary was beginning
to again loosen the grip on the
people. So if that example offers
any hope, then after a period of the
tightening of the screw, there will
be some return again to conditions
of freedom. In the meantime—and
this we know now from letters that
we get from contacts—there is definite hope by the people there that
the Soviet Union will weaken domestically. There will be domestic
struggles between intellectuals and
the government, between the military and the political leaders, between the doves and the hawks,
between the non-Russians and Russians, and this will hopefully, then,
weaken the leadership to the point
where, almost by default, they will
have to give the Czechs some freedom again. D
Anyone Can Get Clogged Encoders
CYBERNETICS is Big all over now, but did you know that
behaviorist psychologists are already applying cybernetics
thinking to PEOPLE as well as to computers and machines?
They say that with the flood of information coming at people
from all directions these days we simply must start absorbing
it systematically. If we don't our channel capacities get flabby
and we can't input enough programming to cope. Our encoders
get clogged, we get feedback congestion and consequent overload and then our output whatsit blows up and we can't converse logically about hardly anything, and our friends think we
are losing touch. Too much information? By no means! Just
input for an hour or so every day the news you get in a good
paper like The Vancouver Sun and you'll have no cybernetics
14 ,H&
Democracy 68: Is Confrontation Inevitable? by ELBRIDGE RAND
As citizens of a modern democracy, we inherit a political
tradition shaped and refined by
2,500 years of theory and practice
—not a straight or unbroken line, to
be sure, yet one which reflects the
best efforts of many generations,
many wise and dedicated men. Why,
then, do we so often find ourselves
frustrated in our attempts to com";
to rational terms with those who
disagree with us? Why do we find
ourselves, as a society, so close to
violence—so close, that is, to treating our fellow citizens as enemies
or criminals?
Consider the representatives of
our social, economic, and political
institutions, on the one hand, and
the dissident radicals, on the other:
each group seems sure that the other
is out deliberately to wreck our
society (the radicals by inflicting ill—
considered and destructive changes
on a prosperous and basically sound
system; their conservative opponents
by resisting all change, even—perhaps especially—that which is morally most justified and necessary).
Their differences obviously have to
be discussed. Yet each seems convinced that the opposition has willfully destroyed any possibility of
meaningful dialogue. Why, given our
democratic tradition which stresses
dialogue as the way to settle disputes without violence, is this so?
Who or what is to blame? Most importantly, must it be so with us?
Let me suggest, to begin with,
some historical, sociological, and
psychological conditions which underlie the political problem. I will
not argue in enough detail to make
the separation of Canadian and
American institutions and sensibili
ties of much importance, for the
most part. There are differences,
and fairly consequential ones—-but
the basic plight seems to me something we have all too much in common; its results are all too obvious
in both countries.
First, let us note that the influence of the frontier on North
American life, so plausibly stressed
by Frederick Jackson Turner, is in-
fact much more complicated than it
appears. We naturally see our society as one produced by men who
were free, adventurous, and restless—men who moved westward,
facing and overcoming tremendous
obstacles, settling in and civilizing
Elbridge Rand is an assistant professor
of philosophy at UBC. Mr. Rand did
his ur. der graduate work at Harvard and
is no\< completing requirements for his
doctorate degree in the field of ethics
from  Berkeley. the wilderness. Our modern culture,
we feel, must certainly embody
those qualities which played such a
large part in creating it. And so
we find it difficult to understand,
let alone sympathize with, the
charge that it is in many respects
closed, that it may be repressing just
those qualities of imaginative discontent and dissent. Was it not,
after all, built on them? And doesn't
our free enterprise system, today,
rest on and encourage those same
But there is another, very different side to this coin. The process
of taming and civilizing the frontier
did indeed require men and women
who were dissatisfied, curious, original, courageous—they were ideally suited to that task. Perhaps too
ideally. In any settled community,
there was an easy answer to those
who questioned accepted customs,
values, procedures: "Go West! Go
West and make your own community, reflecting your ideas and preferences!" Thus we find a society
which thought of itself as encouraging dynamic and imaginative individuals to pursue their individual
goals, but which had actually a very
effective way of avoiding the hard
work of discussing, debating and assimilating deviant views. An exciting and satisfying myth—but a stolid, conservative reality.
A Satisfying Myth
This breach between myth and
reality, between the way we conceive
of our society and the ways in which
we actually conduct our political
affairs, was bound to become crucial as the frontier receded. Even
while it was real and important,
most of the country was settled in
rather staid and rigid communities;
as it vanished, the real release afforded by its presence also vanished. A strong clash between the values we give such rhetorical support
and our actual institutional inability to accommodate dissent could
only be averted so long as there
were over-riding problems—war and
depression—which were so obvious
that they took precedence over any
other considerations. But now, in
an affluent society, we see a young
generation which is raising basic
ouestions about our institutions.
Can we say to them. "If you don't
like it here, go somewhere else";
can we dismiss their complaints
and their suggestions for change
with specious and outworn slogans?
Are we justified in charging them
with weakness, with lacking the
courage of their convictions, when
they stay on—thus neatly absolving
ourselves of the responsibility to
keep them in the community bv
taking their criticisms and ideals
Second, let us look at the pluralist political system under which
we live. For a natural objection,
at this point, is that our stress on
initiative and contrary opinion as
virtues is not just a matter of myth
—that in fact we have developed
perfectly adcauate wavs of channelling them into the mainstream of
our social and political life. And if
this were true, the preceding observations would hardly apply to us
today. But have we, in our system,
such perfectly adequate ways?
Anyone may express his views in
our society, we say—and if he can
gain support for those views they
will have to be fairly considered
by those in power. If one has valid
ideas or criticisms, we assume, he
will receive that support from his
fellow citizens; he has merely to
convince them of that validity. Voluntary associations, unions, parties,
ad hoc organizations, and so on—
these are the vehicles for raising
issues and seeking reforms, and
through them every citizen is able
to participate in political power.
S. M. Lipset has thoroughly and
sympathetically described this process, as it works in America, in his
Political Man. From the point of
view of such an analysis, the institutions which make dissent a political possibility are there, for those
with the patience and determination to use them.
Is Dissent Possible
But what sorts of dissent are possible, really, through such institutions? To begin with the obvious:
such groups are organized to bring
pressure   to   bear   on   those   who
have power, and this pressure will
be roughly proportional to the number of votes involved. V/hat is not
so obvious is that this already places
severe limits on the sorts of issues which can be successfully
raised. The ideal issue will be one
which attracts a great number of
people, one which matters so much
to those people that they will be
willing to vote for the man who
promises satisfaction—that is, one
which takes precedence over any
other grounds on which they might
cast their vote and one which can
be articulated fairly simply and powerfully and fitted into the platforms
which the competing candidates
must formulate. For a politician to
take the demands of a group seriously, he must be able to find out
simply and directly what they want,
and it must be of such a nature that
he can accommodate them and
many other such groups simultaneously.
The ideal pressure group, consequently, is one which, like a labor
union, is organized to fight for personal material benefits. With this
sort of issue, there is little necessity for deliberation and debate by
the members. Every one understands and agrees about what is to
be the nature and direction of their
demands. This, in turn, allows a
highly centralized, even autocratic
structure, which in such a system is
a great asset: political leaders can
easily contact the organization and
find out just what sorts of concessions it will require to deliver its
votes; they can then work out a
distribution scheme which maximizes their support from as many of
such groups as possible; then return
to the organization to do a little
hard bargaining; and so on. This
would be impossible if deliberation
and disagreement within the organization were necessary features
at every point. Furthermore, political leaders can be fairly confident
that most members of the union
will back up their leaders' commitments with their votes—that is, they
are likely to take the group seriously. All this is possible because
personal material benefits are fairly
clear goals (disagreement will be on
the degree rather than the kind of
demand to be made), and they
matter enough to dominate our voting behavior (what is dearer to us
17 than our income and comforts?).
But reconsideration of our basic
values, the direction our society is
taking, what a truly moral society
would look like—such activity cannot possibly be fed into such a system in the same way. To begin
with, our views on these matters,
if they are to amount to any more
than uninformed prejudices, are not
given, not obvious to us in the
way that our interest in more money
or comfort is obvious. They can
only arise from an extended intellectual refining process of some
sort. The pluralist system under consideration cannot function as such
a process, since the different groups,
if they arc to be effective in exerting pressure, must display an impressive cohesion and unanimity.
Participants must have made up
their minds.
Who Will Listen
Still, assume that someone has
somehow acquired an intelligent and
informed view on a basic public
issue—say that of decentralization, de-urbanization. What are his
chances of finding a great many
others who share his point of view
—enough people to constitute an
impressive number of votes? And
if he does find them, will it be
clear, especially to the politicians,
that all of them will back this point
of view with their votes? Is it even
likely, let alone certain, that they
will not finally try to use their votes,
through their involvement with other
pressure groups, to secure for themselves greater economic benefits?
Suppose, though, that all these conditions are somehow met satisfactorily. Now a politician might well
listen to them. But how can he
balance their demands with those
of the other groups he is trying to
woo? Given such an issue, what is
at stake is not the division of a
pie, but rather a fundamental choice
of the direction our society should
take. It we choose one direction—
here, say, to decentralize—there is
no way to tell the opposition that
they will just have to settle for a
slightly smaller share than they
wanted. Their view is simply overruled.
True,   all   the   above   arguments
could be applied to show that the
opposition is also most unlikely to
be organized effectively. But this
is no help—quite the contrary, in
fact. The politician cannot see the
opposition in an organized way, and
so is actually likely to overestimate
it, on the principle of "better safe
than sorry". It's hard to get support,
easy to lose it. Politicians are well
aware that many, perhaps most of
the votes they receive are cast in
spite and fear—that they haven't
won those votes so much as the
opposition has lost them. Can we
then blame the politician, in doubt
whether a public declaration of
policy on his part will gain many
votes, convinced that it will make
him enemies, if he learns to meet all
such demands on basic issues with a
pleasant, non-committal assurance
that all will be for the best if he
is elected? Should we really be so
surprised when our political parties,
which are supposed to reflect fundamentally different political philosophies, in fact wage each campaign
with an innocuous blend of platitudes and personality?
It would be damaging enough, in
any defense of our pluralist system,
to have to admit that the system
does not provide the creative deliberation, the continual confrontation of opposing viewpoints that
produces new insights and agreements. To have to admit that, in
addition, the system cannot even
balance already well-defined positions on basic issues, seems fatal to
the defense. Still, we persist in that
defense: we insist that anyone who
is concerned about basic political
issues use his vote, work for a party,
and so on. We will not admit that
our society just "grows and grows".
Is it sufficient explanation to describe this as the maintenance of the
myth I described above? Obviously
not. Something deeper must underlie
our refusal to admit the very narrow limits of our pluralist system.
Third, then, let us ask what value
we place, in general, on public deliberation, discussion, and argue-
ment. Hannah Arendt has pointed
out, in On Revolution, that we tend
to think of happiness as essentially
a private thing. We all go out into
the world of affairs—but only because we must, in most cases. And
our reward, that which makes it
all worth while, is to come back to
18 the world of home and family, and
there spend our leisure in highly
personal pursuits. Some like their
jobs, most don't—but even those
who do would admit, usually, that
their happiness is a different matter,
their "own business", so to speak.
Now we do have to go out into the
world to earn a living—but we are
under no similar pressure to go out
into the world of public meetings,
local and national government, and
so on. How much easier to watch
the rare public meeting on the news
than to eo there in person. Of course
one can't eneaae in much dialogue
that way. but the view is certainly
better, and one doesn't have to waste
all that time going down, parking,
trvina to find the right room—and
one doesn't have to then sit through
those boring hours of ineffectual
argument. Tn fact, what does one
miss? On TV or radio we get the
really important moments selected
for us, and the results, if any.
And if even these moments are too
dreary, we can always switch to
something really diverting.
The point is that we lack the
conception of public deliberation
and participation in it as pleasurable in themselves. In general, they
represent something which is best
left to the politicians, in our view,
except on the rare occasion when
someone convinces us we have a
duty to undertake it. Even participation in a public discussion which
quickly and efficiently leads to an
agreement is not thought of as pleasurable, but as something like a mercifully short session at the dentist.
And when one thinks of the repetition, the wrongheadedness, the stubborn refusal of people to be convinced by the most compelling
arguments—who in his right mind
could find the activity pleasurable?
Of course our happiness lies elsewhere!
This again represents a vicious
circle—and in more ways than one.
Since we do not enjoy such activity,
we do not engage in it much. We
therefore are not very good at it.
We do tend to stick to our own
opinions as final resting places,
rather than tentative attempts to
explore the issues. In line with
the demands of a pluralist system,
we tend to think of our opinions
as interests, to be defended against
all   competitors.   He   who   is   not
with us must be against us. Naturally, then, our meetings turn into
donnybrooks, our expressions of
opinion into harangues. We lack the
skill and patience to really listen
to each other, with a view to changing our opinions into better ones,
reaching general agreement at one
level so that we can proceed to
another level, and so on.
Debate Is Painful
Furthermore, at a deeper level,
one can see how these activities
come to be regarded not just as
frustrating or boring, but as actually painful, as the result of the
lack of public institutions wherein
we might conduct them and thus
learn to conduct them. In school
we are talked at, informed by authorities paid to do that job. In
business meetings, each participant
tries to exhibit his own superior
rhetorical skill and power. And in
politics, where it should be otherwise, debates reflect the clash of
opposing interests: the object is to
win! In every case, we are deathly
afraid of saying something which
will mark us as inferior or incompetent. And when we do say something, we are, for the same reasons,
stuck with defending it to the bitter
end. What experience do we have of
discussions which enlighten us—
more, which we leave feeling fuller,
richer, more competent than on
entering them, not just because
we've had our stupid mistakes corrected or our ignorance remedied
by some authority, but rather because we've worked together to
reach conclusions, insights, programs, which we couldn't have arrived at alone?
Some, of course, are not discouraged by the examples given, for
they are the ones who win the arguments, who make fools of their
opponents. But in the absence of
public participation, most of our
institutions are administered rather
than governed — even our expressly
political institutions, as outlined
above — and the services and skills
of such men are used to defend and
apologize for the policies of the
1968-69 SEASON
Artistic Director IRVING GUTTMAN
New Production of
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$     ($5.00   or   more—tax   deductible).
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19 Thus the stage is set long before
the radical makes his entrance. We
feel that dissent is the problem of
the dissenter, not ours — but we
do not see ourselves as thus discouraging imagination and courage
and originality. We mistake myth
for reality. And we are helped here
by our view that our political institutions serve as appropriate channels for dissent and creative deliberation. We may not be able to explain
exactly how — but this does not
strike us as very important. We are
not personally moved to try out the
process; we want as little to do with
it as possible, in fact. So it is easy
to assume that the procedures are
there, that if someone complains
about them he simply has failed to
go about things the right way, or is
unduly impatient about the results.
But all this still does not suffice
to explain the total breakdown of
communication which we currently
observe between radicals and
spokesmen for our institutions. For
that explanation, we must look at
the nature of the confrontation that
develops out of the situation I have
Consider the predicament of the
young, in this society. Brought up
in a period of peace, they see no
obvious excuses for the discrepancies between our announced goals
of promoting justice and the general
welfare, on the one hand, and the
great inequalities of wealth, the
virtual exclusion of some minorities
from what economic, educational,
and political advantages the rest of
us possess, and a general lack of
direction which is frightening (and
which, in America, has led to a
brutal war of dubious justification,
(morally and strategically), on the
other. Surely they cannot be blamed
for wanting some explanation of
those discrepancies and asking that
some of the basic structures, processes, and even values of this society be critically examined.
But those who raise such questions, point to such discrepancies,
generally receive from us only perfunctory, impatient responses. We
tell them what a productive system
ours is, how much better than anything in human history, that any
system is bound to have some
defects, and that things are never
perfect in this world and to expect
them to be is a mark of inexperience
and youthful impatience. This satisfies us, given the pattern of assumptions and attitudes I've described
above; we consider that we've done
our duty, and that if they are foolish
enough or compulsive enough to
persist in their questions, they
should make use of the appropriate
procedures and channels, and stop
bothering us.
Dialogue Breaks Down
They do not find these answers
satisfactory, needless to say. They
conclude that we are amazingly
contented with and ignorant of our
social system. They set out to find
and use the channels we've indicated
are there. They find only spokesmen
for the institutions — spokesmen
who claim that they themselves have
little or no power, and who repeat
our remarks on the discrepancies
that are at issue. If they succeed
in making contact with someone
who has some power, a political
leader, say, he will perhaps listen
politely, remark how fine it is for
youth to question things, and so on.
But nothing happens. The system
does not respond.
Those with the temerity to persist are apt to grow impatient and
skeptical at this point. They begin
to regard the easy justifications, the
patronizing tolerance which results
in no real change whatsoever, as
blatant rationalization — and us,
the main part of society, as echoing
that rationalization. They cannot
understand our complacency. They
conclude that we are being used by
vested interests of some sort: the
upper classes, the power elite, the
military-industrial complex. They
attempt to communicate their conclusions within the political framework, or over the mass media. Still
nothing happens. They conclude
that we cannot be reached by rational means.
We and our spokesmen grow a
little edgy now, in defense. We
begin to regard these young skeptics
as too lazy to take their proper
place in the system — perhaps as
deliberate troublemakers, engaging
in rebellion for its own sake, or
for the sake of "generational conflict". We ask them when they plan
20 to stop their foolishness and take
up their adult responsibilities. They
reply that that is exactly what they
are doing. We fear that they are
being used by Communists or other
subversive groups. We ask them
about this; they hardly deign to
answer. They seem to think our
responses almost funny.
At this point, dialogue has obviously broken down badly. Each
side views the other as tools or
puppets of devious powers which
operate from hidden places. Not
much use talking to someone who
is just mouthing slogans, who doesn't respond to rational discussion.
The final and, to my mind, truly
destructive phase of the process now
begins: each side begins to act in a
way that empirically confirms the
views oj the opposition.
Radicals Launch Attack
The dissatisfied young call for
a frontal attack on what they have
discovered to be the rigid structures
of our society. They find comfort in
history: as Lipset himself points out,
Utopian moralism in America is not
exactly new; it has traditionally
taken the form of extremist movements — as opposed to parties. (In
Canada, on the other hand, much
of this political energy has been
absorbed, heretofore, by the creation of splinter parties but whether
this will satisfy future Canadian
radicals seems to be most doubtful,
even if the NDP, say, were to experience unexpected success at the
polls). These movements have sometimes been quite successful. It's
amazing how fond we are of our
peace and security, and what we
will concede to preserve it, when
severely threatened. But only then.
For until then we simply don't see
the need for new institutions, new
directions, new values; and afterwards we tend to regard the change
either as unnecessary or, alternatively, as something which was well on
the way in any case. Thus we have
preserved our myths even at those
uncommon points in history where
their divergence from reality should
have impressed us.
But by launching such an attack,
the radicals — for that is what they
have become — verify our worst
suspicions. They show no respect
for due process, normal channels,
the systematic ways of advocating
change. They won't listen to our
explanations and exhortations. They
are at least dupes, and probably
destructive revolutionaries. We must
stand firm against their outrageous
Now chances are that their first
tactics — marches, sit-ins, civil disobedience of one form or another
— are not as outrageous as all that.
They are usually non-violent, for one
thing. Thoreau, not Spartacus, is
their model. But such tactics are
outside our system, and it is easy
to regard them as therefore criminal
— as assaulting us. Seeing them in
that light, we are naturally tempted
to use force against the radicals.
And when we do use force, we confirm 'heir judgment that we are
simply not going to yield to any
sort of civilized pressure, either inside or outside the system, more,
that we are so intent on repressing
all dissent that we are no longer
conscious or careful of a disproportion between the punishment and the
offense. Justice of this sort, we have
At Home
on the Campus
UBC-trained bacteriologists staff the
Dairyland laboratory; UBC's Faculty of
Agriculture has worked in close cooperation with Dairyland for many years.
Dairyland is proud of this long and
happy association with the University of
British Columbia.
A Division of the Fraser  Valley
Milk Producers' Association.
21 demonstrated, is another of the
myths with which we beguile ourselves.
Each side can and does now
claim to be completely rational and
objective in adopting violent tactics: each is basing them on evidence afforded by the other side's
irrational and violent response to
all attempts at reasonable discussion.
System Generates Violence
What I've tried to show by sketching this viciously circular process is
that the breakdown occurs despite
initial good intentions on each side.
Furthermore, the escalation is not
unreasonable on either side: each
has cogent justifications for its actions and tactics. In such a situation, it seems fair to conclude that
our attitudes and institutions bear
most of the responsibility. That is,
what we take to be a highly refined
and sophisticated political society,
one organized expressly to allow
and even to utilize dissent without
violence, is now actually generating
This judgment may seem too
severe. Lipset, for example, feels
that American society can absorb
"movements", as it has in the past,
despite the dangers which attend
the use of means which are external
to the system. But I am more persuaded by Marcuse, for example,
who argues that our technology and
wealth—the achievements we prize
so highly—give our society a power
of repression which is unprecedented and staggering—and always
Is there any hope, then? Are
there weak places in the vicious
progression where we might break
it? I see only two, really. One is at
the start: we might recognize our
myths about our tolerance for dissent and the capacity of our institutions to absorb it for what they are
— that is, wishful thinking — and
try to face the hard realities. This
would mean building new institutions, or at least drastically overhauling the old ones. But we have
hardly a glimmering of how to do
this, given a large and complex
society. It would take time and
patience, and much hard work — if
it is at all possible. But this means
that the undertaking would require
our overcoming our traditional conception of happiness as private, our
distaste for public activity.
The only other weak point I can
see in the process of progressive
escalation is that at which the prospect of violence becomes for the
first time obvious and immediate.
If, at that point, the radicals can
refrain from violence, if they can
find some other but still dramatic
form of displaying what they take
to be the hypocrisy and somnambulism of our society; if the representatives of our institutions can
refrain from violence, despite what
they take to be the criminal provocation of social revolutionaries', then
the very closeness of catastrophe
may serve to break through the
systematically closed conceptions
of both sides. The institutions involved may yield a little, seeing
the severity of the dissent, combined
with some evidence of good faith
on the part of the dissenters; and
the radicals, for their part, may
realize that the rigidity of those institutions is not as absolute as they
supposed, and the good faith of
their spokesmen greater than it
Prospects Are Grim
But consider the risks! The effects
depend on the closeness of violence,
on both sides — otherwise nothing
happens. The break, if it comes, is
caused by the realization, on the
part of each side, that violence was
a perfectly natural response for the
other side to make — and yet they
didn't make it. This is brinkmanship indeed. And there are many
on both sides who do not want to
delay the violence at all — quite
the opposite. Radicals who are committed to an ideological contempt
for all existing institutions regard
such close calls as setbacks: the
system has once again demonstrated its ability to co-opt rebellion;
now the hard job of working numbers of dissenters up to a confrontation will just have to be repeated,
and it will be harder. Better to draw
a violent response as soon as possible, and expose the system for the
brutally repressive mechanism it
really is; only thus can others be
aroused and enlisted. And conserv
atives who regard the system as
adequate and dissenters as criminals
are quick to urge that they be taught
a lesson immediately: give an inch
and they'll take a mile. To postpone
this violence is to encourage tactics
which inevitably escalate into more
drastic dislocations, and thus require
more violence in the future.
Furthermore, for all the reasons
I've discussed above, it is enormously difficult, following such a confrontation which stops just short of
violence, to establish ways of taking
up the task of significantly amending
our institutions. (Consider the sit-in
at the Faculty Club at UBC. We
avoided violence, and had a highly
successful teach-in as a result — but
what next?) And this means that
the confrontation is likely to be
repeated — probably with more
shocking tactics involved, since the
last try proved abortive. And so
both sides find themselves caught up
again in that vicious process wherein they each act in such a way as to
prove the other's points. The radicals who wanted violence from the
start, and the conservatives who
wanted violent retribution from the
start, can now pronounce to their
more moderate fellows that most
satisfying of phrases, "I told you
Finally, most discouragingly of
all, let us note that one confrontation which goes over the brink cancels out the effects of any previous
ones, no matter how many, in which
both sides managed to restrain their
extremist elements and thus demonstrate their good faith. Those extremists now have their day, and
with their I-told-you-so's will easily
succeed in painting the entire process as an extended instance of
repressive co-optation, on the one
hand, or short-sighted indulgence,
on the other. Any confrontations
after that are all but sure to be
Depressing conclusions, I admit.
But surely a hard job is made even
harder by ignoring the difficulties,
by wishing them away. As a society,
we are in very bad straits. If there
is any hope at all, it depends on
our locating the sources of our difficulties and facing them squarely.
Our prospects are grim — but it is
only by realizing how grim they
are that we establish any chance at
all of improving them. □
22 Alumni News
Alumni 'Sit-in' Nets $10,000
Vancouver alumni staged a "sit-
in" November 4-6 and succeeding in
getting increased donations to the
Alumni Fund. Sixty-eight alumni
volunteers "occupied" Eaton's catalogue division, donned telephone
headsets and carried out a three
night telephone canvass of graduates who had not yet given to the
fund. Phone lines were kept humming as 2,584 calls were made. The
total raised, if all commitments are
met, will be $10,720 — over $4,000
higher than last year's telephone
blitz. Target for the telephone campaign was $ 11,000. "We're very
pleased at the response to our telephone campaign," said Gerald McGavin, 1968 Alumni Fund chairman. "If the giving continues at this
rate over the final months of the
campaign we should be able to hit
our target." With these donations,
the total collected stands at $200,-
000 toward the 1968 fund target
of $225,000.
Photos/Bill Loiselle
Pausing in  between  calls  is association
president Stan Evans, BA'41, BEd'44.
Pensive  Dick Penn,  BPE'49,  listens  intently  to  one
of  the  many  alumni  he contacted in the telethon.
For That Very Special
International menus now
available to hiyhlic/Jit your
individual theme
Regency Caterers
1626 West Broadway
Vancouver 9, B.C.
23 California Grads
Show The Flag
who says Canadians aren't ones to
wave the flag? Not Los Angeles-
based UBC alumni. Eighty-nine of
them "took possession" of the Princess Louise floating restaurant at
Palm Beach on November 8 and
promptly ran the Canadian flag up
the mast. It was one of the memorable moments of the meeting
which featured cocktails, dinner and
some illuminating talks about the
alma mater.
Medicine dean Dr. J. F. McCreary
outlined the new concept of medical
teaching embodied in UBC's new
medical sciences centre. Alumni
association director Jack Stathers,
BA'55, MA'58, spoke about student
unrest at UBC and enrolment forecasts. Los Angeles branch chairman,
Dr. Jack Lintott, BASc'53, and John
Williams, BCom'58, past chairman
of the Alumni Fund, also spoke.
Highlight of the evening was a color
slide show of UBC today, prepared
under the direction of branches
director Byron Hender, BCom'68.
North of the border, the Kelowna
branch held a very successful meeting November 7, chaired by Don
Jabour, BA'57, LLB'58 and arranged by Art Dawe, BA'38. Following cocktails and dinner, the 47
alumni heard a talk by Dr. Rowland
Grant, BA'52, MSc'55, PhD'60,
principal of Okanagan College. Dr.
Grant spoke of the need to integrate
the college and the community,
opening college facilities to community use.
Over in Edmonton, alumni held
a successful reception October 5 at
the Garrison Club prior to the Ed-
monton-B.C. football game. Edmonton alumni club president Gary
Carter, BA'47, BSW'48, reports
that plans are underway for a wine-
and-cheese party February 21 at the
University of Alberta Faculty Club.
Alumni Invited
To SUB Opening
University of B.C. alumni have
been invited to attend the official
opening of the new $5 million Student Union Building during the
week of January 20-25. Formal
opening will consist of a week-long
celebration and open house climaxed
by a formal ribbon cutting on Saturday, January 25. The building will
be on show with demonstrations and
exhibitions put on by clubs and
undergraduate societies and concerts
by student groups, the music department and outside entertainers. A
series of seminars will be held to
discuss topics concerning the university today. For information contact: Barry Milavsky, Box 165,
Student Union Building, UBC.
Need banking service? We've got it . . . plus over a hundred years of
experience, and branches right across Canada. For the sort of service you
want, see the service centre—the Commerce.
Personal Chequing Accounts
Savings Accounts
Chequing Savings Accounts
(Full chequing privileges)
Current Accounts
Canada Student Loans
Financial Counselling
Other Sundry Services
24 Spotlight
Bevy  of Homecoming Queen candidates   congratulate   Dr.   Harry   V.   Warren   on
being named Great Trekker of 1968. Photo /Vancouver Sun
An alumnus who participated in the
Great Trek of 1922 is the Great Trekker
of 1968. Dr. Harry V. Warren, BA'26,
BASc'27, was given the annual Alma
Mater Society award during Homecoming
■— and promptly congratulated by the
Homecoming Queen candidates. How
sweet it is! UBC mineralogy professor
Dr. Warren, a 1928 Olympic sprinter
and "Father of UBC Field Hockey"
was one of several distinguished alumni
attending Homecoming. Receiving the
alumni association's highest honor, The
Award of Merit, during the festivities
was John J. Carson, BA'43, chairman of
Canada's civil service commission. Dr.
George Davidson, BA'28, president of
the Canadian Broadcasting Corp., also
flew out from Ottawa for the event. Dr.
Davidson proposed a toast to the university during the 1928 reunion in International House. UBC chancellor John M.
Buchanan, BA'22. replied to the toast.
Also present were Dr. Fred Soward, LLD
'64, retired head of international studies
and dean emeritus of graduate studies,
A. H. Finlay, BASc'24. professor emeritus
of civil engineering, and James Sinclair,
BASc'28, former Liberal cabinet minister.
Dominion archivist, Dr. W. Kaye
Lamb, BA'27, MA'30, LLD'48, has become the first Canadian to win the Eastman    Kodak    Information    Technology
Award. It is given in recognition of outstanding contributions to the advancement
of the science of information technology.
... Dr. Charles M. Mottley, BA'27, MA,
PhD(Toronto), has been appointed special assistant to the vice-president for
planning and professor of operations research at Pennsylvania State University.
He will be involved in the application
and study of systems analysis and
operations research. . . . Robert B. Carpenter, BASc'29, has been appointed
commissioner of the B.C. Workman's
Compensation Board. For many years he
held executive positions with Canadian
Industries Ltd. before being appointed
to the B.C. Labour Relations Board in
Dr. Harold G. Paul, BA'30, MA'31,
PhD(U of Okla), carried official greetings from UBC to the president of the
University of Oklahoma at his inauguration. In his letter to UBC Dr. Paul said
that UBC was the only Canadian university represented. ... A proposal for
an economic secretariat for Canada has
been put forth in a recent article by
Ronald M. Burns, BCom'31, in Canadian Business. This council would provide objective, expert analysis of proposed policies in a national context rather
than in that of a particular group or department. Mr. Burns is currently director
of the Institute of Intergovernmental Re
lations at Queen's University and professor of political science. . . . Changes and
growth in Canadian education is the subject of a new book—History of Canadian
Education by Dr. F. Henry Johnson, BA
'32, MA'35, PhD(Toronto). He is professor of the history of education and director of the elementary, division of UBC's
education faculty. . . . Dr. Patrick McTaggart-Cowan, BA'33, DSc'61, has been
named principal scientific adviser to the
federal cabinet. . . . James D. McMynn,
BASc'34. has been named general manager of the West Kootenay Power and
Light Company. . . . When Donald F.
Purves, BCom'34, MSc(Columbia), was
an undergraduate he had a summer
job as an assistant purser on the old
Alaska cruise ships. He is still with the
CNR but now he's vice-president of
their mountain region. Prior to this he
was chief of development.
A lumberman-lawyer, Gordon L. Drae-
seke, BA'36, is the new president and
chief executive officer of the Council of
the Forest Industries of B.C. He has been
associated with the forest products industry since discharge from the navy in
1945. Prior to his new appointment he
was vice-president of administration and
secretary of Rayonier Canada (BC) Ltd.
. . . H. W. T. (Tad) Jeffery, BA'36, is now
executive director of marketing for the
Florida Citrus Commission. In the past
he ha; held senior advertising and merchandising positions with Kraft Foods,
Bulova, General Foods and two large
advert:sing agencies. . . . The new Vancouver weatherman is not making any
firm predictions. Gordon Muttitt, BA'38,
says that his "inexact science" of meteorology will always be just that. He
has returned to Vancouver after 27
years in many parts of Canada to be
officer-in-chief at the federal weather
station. . . . Director of the McGill
University radiation laboratory Dr. Robert E. Bell, BA'39, MA'41. PhD(Mc-
Gill), was named "Physicist of the Year"
by the Canadian Association of Physicists. Dr. Bell has been Rutherford professor at McGill since 1960. . . . Former
dean of engineering at the University
of Alberta, Dr. George W. Govier,
BASc'.!9, MSc(U of Alta), DSc(U of
Mich), was made a Fellow in the
Engineering Institute of Canada at
the institute's general meeting. Dr. Govier has recently been involved with the
development of an engineering faculty
at the University of Calgary. . . . First
aid for troubled marriage is the aim of
a new society established through the
efforts of a group of Vancouver people.
Dr. W. C. Topping, retired sociology
professor, Mr. and Mrs. W. D. Latham, MEd'60, (Lin Brown, BA'39),
and Mrs. Constance Harvey Robinson,
BA'37, are among the founding members of the Western Marriage Aid Society of B.C. The society, under the
direction of Mrs. Latham, will be engaged in research projects, education
and counselling on the prevention of
marriage problems.
Now four locations . . .
919 Robson Street*
Telephone  684-4496
1032 West Hastings Street*
Telephone  688-7434
670 Seymour Street (Bay Arcade)
Telephone  685-3627
4560 West 10th Avenue
Telephone   224-7012
*Two new stores
Where the
fun is all year
In Canada's finest mountain-and-
lake setting enjoy swimming in
heated pools, golf, riding, boating,
tennis. Plus superb international
cuisine, gracious accommodation,
matchless service.
a Distinguished Resort at
Harrison Hot Springs, British Columbia.
From Vancouver, call 521-8888, toll-free.
In Seattle, MU 2-1981 for reservations.
Ralph B. Toombs, BASc'40, BA'46,
MSc'53, has been named oil and gas
adviser in the department of energy and
resources. He joined the department's
mineral division in 1952 and was assistant chief before his new appointment.
. . . The activities of the B.C. School
Trustees Association will be directed
for the coming year by their new president. James C. Campbell, BSA'42. A
member for over 11 years of the Gulf
Islands School Board, he is best known
for the annual Dominion Day lamb
barbecue held at his farm on Saturna
Island. . . . The Physics of Medical
Radiography by Arthur Ridway and
Walter Thumm, BA'44, BEd'54, of the
B.C. Institute of Technology was published in October. The book is intended
for use in hospital, junior college and
technical institute training programs
for x-ray technicians. . . . Mrs. Beverly
DuGas, BA'45, MA(U of Wash), presently on a doctorate of nursing program
at UBC, has been awarded a $3,500
fellowship by the Canadian Red Cross.
She has spent most of her career in
nursing education in B.C. with two
years as a teacher at Punjab University
with a World Health Organization team.
Anthony D. Scott,
BCom'46, BA'47
■ . . Head of the UBC economics
department     Dr.     Anthony     D.     Scott,
BCom'46, BA'47, AM(Harvard), PhD
(London), has been named a member
of the International Joint Commission
which administers the Canada-United
States boundary water treaty. . . . Dr.
Denis C. Smith, BA'46, BEd'57, DEd
(UCLA) will be spending next summer
in Hawaii—as a visiting professor at
the University of Hawaii. He will be
lecturing on the organization and development of community colleges. Dr.
Smith, who is chairman of higher education, UBC education faculty, has recently returned from a post-doctoral
fellowship leave at the University of
California where he studied regional
college problems.
Calgary is the new home of Reginald
S. Anderson, BASc'48, as a result of
his promotion to manager of gas exploration and production for Shell Canada
Ltd. He was most recently general man
ager of information systems in their
Toronto office. . . . Carleton University's
new registrar is James I. Jackson, BA'48,
MA(U of Iowa). Prior to 1964 he was
an associate professor of English at the
RCAF Staff College. In the past four
years he has been director of extension at Scarborough College and assistant
director of extension at the University of
Toronto. In 1967 he was appointed registrar at Scarborough College. . . . The B.C.
Liberals held a new style revival meeting
in Penticton and elected Dr. Patrick L.
McGeer, BA'48, MD'58, PhD(Princeton)
as their new provincial leader. Dr. McGeer, who has been the legislature
member for Point Grey since 1963 will
be leaving his research position at UBC
because of the responsibilities of his
new office. Russell Brink, BCom'60,
LLB'61, was elected president of the
party during the convention. . . . R. A.
(Tony) Barker, BASc'49, MASc'51, has
recently been named exploration manager
of American Metal Climax Inc. From his
headquarters in New York he will direct the company's world-wide exploration program for metals and minerals.
He was previously manager of Canadian exploration. . . . Dr. Hugh S. A.
Gilmour, BA'49, PhD(U of Utah), has
recently been appointed to the senior
staff of Kodak Research laboratories in
Rochester, N.Y. He joined the colour
photography division staff in 1956. . . .
Tom Kershaw, BCom'49, is now sales
manager of the Pacific Milk division of
the Fraser Valley Milk Producers Association. Before joining Dairyland in
1962 as assistant sales manager he had
several years experience in the petroleum
and  outdoor advertising  industries.  .  .  .
John MacKay,
John MacKay, BCom'49, administrator
of the North York General Hospital in
Toronto has been elected to the council
of regents of the American College of
Hospital Administrators. A Fellow of
the college, he will represent Ontario
during his three year term. . . . Tourism
and recreation are big business today
and the province of Manitoba is setting
up a new research and planning branch
under Gordon deRupe Taylor, BA'49,
MA'50, to handle the projected growth
of the industry.
Since A. Russell Latham, BASc'50,
MBA(Stanford), joined Allied Chemical
Canada  Ltd.   in   1954,   he   said   he   has
26 worn many hats—his new one is that
of vice-president of marketing. Previously he was director of sales and marketing. . . . New president of the Terminal
City Iron Works Ltd. is Stanley J. Mason, BASc'50. He was formerly plant
manager and a director of the company.
. . . The outstanding contributions to
pharmacy and public health made by
Douglas Denholm, BSP'51, have been
recognized with the presentation to him
of the Dr. E. R. Squibb award by the
Canadian Pharmaceutical Association.
Mr. Denholm is on the faculty of the
UBC school of pharmacy. . . . William
Hemerling, BASc'51, has been appointed Vancouver district manager of
FENCO Engineering Ltd. He has been
with the company in several management and technical positions for 14
Gordon L. Kilgour,
BA'5l, MSc'53
.  .  . Dr. Gordon L. Kilgour, BA
'51. MSc'53,  PhD(U of-Wash), has left
California to become professor and head
of chemistry at Portland State College,
In California he was professor of chemistry and acting head of the home economics department at San Fernando
State College. . . . H. Douglas Bose,
BSA'52, has joined the staff of Wol-
stencroft Agencies Ltd. as their farm
representative. A past president of the
Cloverdale Junior Chamber of Commerce, he will be based in the New
Westminster office. . . . Peter C. Forward, BCom'53, has been appointed director of client service for the western
division of Canadian Facts. He will
continue in his position as managing director of Regional Marketing Surveys
Ltd. . . . Two recent engineering projects by John V. MacDonald, BASc'53.
have been honored with awards from
professional engineering groups. A bulk
material shiploading system received the
Award of Merit from the Canadian Consulting Engineers Association and a
floating railcar-barge ramp has been
named the "year's outstanding waterfront facility" by the Consulting Engineers Council of Oregon. Mr. MacDonald, an associate in Swan Wooster Engineering Company, said that the projects are based on new economic concepts rather than technical ones.
Darell Campbell, BCom'54, assistant
controller for the B.C. Telephone, has
been elected president of the Society of
Industrial and Cost Accountants of Canada. . . . Robert E. Hallbauer, BASc'54.
is now general manager of mining operations  for  the   Keevil   Mining  Group.
Out of this door walk
the best dressed men
in Vancouver
V     71/ SEYMOUR ST.
t ■ «.-■ ■■■
27 Patrick J. B. Duffy, BSF'55, MF
(Yale), PhD(U of Minn) has been
named program co-ordinator for land
research with the federal department of
forestry and rural development and forestry co-ordinator for the Canada Land
Patrick Duffy,
. . . The research work of
Dr. Kurt E. Ebner, BSA'55. MSA'57,
PhD(U of III), on the nature of milk
enzymes has been honored by the
American Chemical Society. Dr. Ebner
was given the Borden Company Award
for his discovery that the enzyme responsible for the production of milk
sugar is composed of two proteins, one
of which is believed inactive. This discovery is of great significance in the
study of the evolution of proteins. Dr.
Ebner is an associate professor in biochemistry at Oklahoma State University. . . . New director of counselling
services at Simon Fraser University is
Dr. Beatrice G. Lipinski, BA(U of Sask).
MA'55, PhD(U of Cincinnati). A clinical-experimental psychologist, she will be
responsible for administration of the
counselling service and development of
research. She had been in private practice since 1966 and has conducted seminars and staff development courses at
the UBC school of social work. . . .
Peter J. Peters, BCom'55, is now secretary and chief financial officer of the
Scott Paper Company.
John Edmund Armstrong, BASc'56, has
been appointed Ontario sales manager
for Sarco Canada Ltd. Based in Agin-
court, he has been with the company
for nine years as sales and applications
engineer. . . . James L. Denholm, BASc
'56, has recently moved from Prince
George to Vancouver where he is assistant manager of the local branch of the
Industrial Development Bank. . . . K.
Marion Smith, BSN'56, has been appointed assistant director of nursing at
the Vancouver General Hospital school
of nursing. Before joining the VGH staff
she had extensive nursing experience with
the Victorian Order and the RCAF. . . .
Member of the Homecoming executive
committee C. Clare MacSorley, BCom'57,
has been made a vice-president of Hay-
hurst advertising agency. He will continue as director of client services in the
Vancouver    office.
Ross Fitzpatrick,
Gary C. Castle, BCom'58, LLB'59, is
now vice-president of leasing and development for Boultbee Sweet Realty Ltd.
. . . D. Ross Fitzpatrick, BCom'58, is
now vice-president and secretary of Combined Capital Resources Ltd. of Vancouver. He will hold the same position
with a group of associated mining and
industrial companies. ... A luxurious
resort set on a golden sandy beach, mari-
achi music and tequila—sound inviting?
It's called Club Los Arcos and it's in
Puerto Vallarta, Mexico. The club is
still in the planning stages, under the
supervision of Vladimir Plavsic, BArch
'58, who is also a partner in the venture. • • • Jean C. Downing, BAfMani-
toba). MA'59, is now an associate in the
Regina consulting firm of Gordon R.
Arnott and Associates. A member of the
Town Planning Institute of Canada and
the Association of Professional Community Planners of Saskatchewan, she was
head of the land use division of the
Saskatchewan water resources commission before joining Izumi, Arnott and
Sugiyama in 1965. . . . We hope the
wheels of our government in Ottawa are
running a bit more smoothly with the
assistance of some UBC types. In the
prime minister's office Gordon F. Gibson,
BA'59, MBA(Harvard), is the organizer
of the PM's itineraries and travels. Vancouver lawyer Thomas P. D'Aquino, BA
'62, LLB'65, who was on Trudeau's
campaign staff is now executive assistant
to minister without portfolio James
Richardson. Richard Hayes, LLB'65 is
now executive assistant to justice minister John Turner, BA'49, BA, MA,
BCL(Oxon). Chief of the Skwah Indian
Band, William Mussel), BA'63, BSW'65,
a corrections officer with the national
parole board in Chilliwack has been appointed special assistant to the minister
of Indian affairs.
Indonesia is the destination of Dr.
Anthony A. Churchill, BA'60, PhD(U of
Wash), as a result of his new posting with
the World Bank. He was previously an
economist on the bank's staff in Washington, D.C. . . . Edward J. Curtis, BA
'60, has been appointed general sales
manager for the Hilton Hotels in Canada. Prior to this he was with the Western
International Hotels as sales director at
the Bayshore Inn in Vancouver. . . .
The independent thinker has arrived at
the  Chronicle—in  the  form  of a  news
letter by that name. IT's editor is Gordon A. Dafoe, BA'60. He will be teaching at Rochdale College in Toronto as
well as attending courses at the University of Toronto and York University
during the coming year. ... A leader
in the war on poverty in the Seattle
area, Walter Hundley, BD(Yale), BSW
'60, MSW(U of Wash) has been given
the Gustafson Memorial Award for "distinguished community service by a professional social worker". He was executive director of a motivational scheme
that served nearly one-third of Seattle's
poor. The program combined a multiservice centre with direct neighbourhood
communication and action. He has recently been appointed director of Seattle's  Model  Cities  Project.
George Urquhart,
George M. Urquhart, BA'60, has been
promoted to lieutenant-colonel (militia)
and is now commanding the Canadian
Scottish Regiment. A COTC member
while at UBC he is now teaching high
school in Victoria. . . . The top award
in the B.C. government's housing plan
competition has been won by Charles
E. Wills, BArch'60. Last year he received a Centennial award from the
Canadian Housing Council for his work.
The dazzling new star on Vancouver's
skyline—the MacMillan Planetarium and
Centennial Museum has several UBC
grads on its staff. Shirley A. Cuthbert-
son, BA'61, will be supervisor of the
children's museum. She is presently taking a six month course at the Fort
Worth Children's Museum before opening the children's section early in the
new year. Shelia G. Calvert, BA'68, will
be working on archeological projects.
Among her first will be a survey to locate and assess the condition of archeological sites in the Vancouver area. Mrs.
Keith E. Hayes, BA'66, will be the librarian and Patricia Mallek, BA'67, will be
the planetarium lecturer. As ethnologist,
Mrs. Lynn Maranda, BA'67, will be
looking after the Indian collections and
will do research projects among the
Coast Indians.
After a few years of globe-trotting
Colin I. Godwin, BASc'62, has returned
to UBC on a masters program. Since
graduation he and his family have been
in the Yukon, where Colin taught school,
and in Australia and Chile where he was
28 exploration manager for a mining company. . . . Stephen W. Hagemoen, BASc
'62, has been appointed a senior electrical engineer with Universal Dynamics
Ltd. ... Dr. and Mrs. Robert D. Suart,
BSc'62, PhD'66, (Susan Miller, BSc'65),
are back in B.C. after two years with
the Dupont research laboratories in Will-
mington, Del. Susan is science librarian
at Simon Fraser and Bob is doing postdoctoral work in chemistry at UBC. . . .
After a year in the Soviet Union, Dr.
and Mrs. Donald L. Ritter, (Edith E.
Duerksen, BSA'62), are now living in
Claremont, California where Dr. Ritter
is a professor at the California Poly-
technical Institute. Their trip to the
Soviet Union was sponsored by a USSR-
USA scientific cultural exchange program.
. '. The Vancouver Symphony
Orchestra recently premiered "Assina-
tions for Orchestra and Electronic Tape"
by Lloyd Burritt, BMus'63, MMus'68.
The twenty minute work was written
after the death of Robert Kennedy. . . .
Dr. and Mrs. T. Kenneth Gustafson,
BASc'63, MASc'64, PhD(MIT), (Corinne
Brierley, BEd'67), are now living in
Oakland, California. Ken is an assistant
professor in electrical engineering and
computer science at the Berkeley campus of the University of California.
Dr. John B. Armstrong, BSc'64, PhD
(Wiscon). is on a two-year post-doctoral
fellowship at Harvard. He will be continuing research in biological medicine
on lipids. . . . George L. Boechler, BEd
'64, has joined the UBC extension department as an education administrator.
Prior to this appointment he was a
counsellor   and   teacher   in   BC   schools.
Brian Robinson, BA(Sir George William), BSW'65. MSW'68, is the new
director of the Boys Clubs of Vancouver.
The five clubs operate a camp and many
community and service programs to meet
the needs of over 1,000 members, aged
from 8 to 18 years. . . . An attempt to
revive the art of the northwest coast
Indians is underway through the work
of Alaska Indian Arts Inc., a non-profit
organization in Haines, Alaska. Mrs.
Donna Morris Willard, BA'65. has been
a director and office manager of the organization for the past two years. At the
same time she was city clerk for Port
Chilkoot, Alaska. This fall she is at the
University of Oregon to complete her
law degree and then will return to
Haines to begin the first law practice
the community has ever had. . . . Stephen Chitty, BA'66, is the new publicity
director at the Queen Elizabeth Playhouse. He has been with the company
since graduation .... Frank Gannon,
BEd'67, has just returned to B.C. from
a year in England and is now special
counsellor in the Grand Forks school
district. . . . Rodney L. Germaine, BA'67,
has been awarded a Sir James Dunn
scholarship to enter the Dalhousie University law school. The $2,500 awards are
given to outstanding students who show
promise of attaining distinction in the
law profession. ... A Commonwealth
scholarship has been given to Mohan S.
Jawl, BCom'67, LLB'68. The scholarship
covers travel, tuition and living expenses
while he is studying medieval English at
Morton  College,   Oxford.
Stephen Gill,
BCom'67, LLB'68
. . . Stephen
Gill, BCom'67, LLB'68, has been appointed clerk to Mr. Justice E. Hall
of the Supreme Court of Canada for one
year. His appointment is part of a new
scheme to give special training to outstanding law students. ... A year in
Athens is ahead for Tom Boyd, BA'68.
as a result of being nominated the G. P.
Stevens Fellow at the American School
of Classical Studies. He spent last August working at the excavations in Corinth
before beginning his studies in September.
Mr. and Mrs. George B. Chadwick, BA
'53, MA'55, a son, Bruce Percy, September 11, 1968 in Menlo Park, California.
Dr. and Mrs. Joseph Evers, (Heidi
Tobler, MD'62), twin daughters, Kara
Michelle and Krista Colette, June 24,
1968 in California.
Mr. and Mrs. Harley J. Harris, BEd'63,
(Mary Babcock, BA'61, MEd'68), a
daughter, Mary Elizabeth, July 16, 1968
in Vancouver.
Mr. and Mrs. David H. Phelps, (Margaret Peebles, BCom'62), a son, Richard
Stuart, December 23, 1967 in Toronto,
Dr. and Mrs. Kandula V.S. Reddy,
MASc'63, PhD(Waterloo), a daughter,
Prasanta, August 25, 1968 in Palmerton.
Dr. and Mrs. Donald L. Ritter, (Edith E.
Duerksen, BSA'62), a son, Jason, March
31,  1968 in Vancouver.
Armstrong - Tiemeier. Dr. John B. Armstrong, BSc'64, PhD(Wiscon) to Mary
P. Tiemeier, June 19, 1968 in Coco,
Boyd - McKay-Keenan.  Russell J.  Boyd,
BSc'67   to  Susan   McKay-Kennan,  June
30, 1968 in Montreal.
Lennox-Leslie - Hennessey. Michael Lennox-Leslie to Joanne Hennessey, BA'66,
August 27, 1968 in Vancouver.
Murray - Clark.  Major Lark R. Murray
to Trudie M. Clark. BSN'63, October 19,
1968 in Palo Alto, California.
Sharp - Davis. William David Sharp, BA
'67 to Dorothy Gail Davis, BA'65, July
1, 1968 in Vancouver.
"Vancouver's Leading
Business College"
Secretarial    Stenographic
Accounting   Clerk Typist
Day and Night School
Enrol at any time
1490 West Broadway
Vancouver 9, B.C.
Mrs. A. S. Kancs, P.C.T., G.C.T.
B.Comm., B.A., F.I.I.C.
Insurance Broker
Yorkshire House
900 West Pender St.
Vancouver 1, B.C. 682-7748
You realize
a substantial
saving because
of our direct
from the
centres of
the world.
"Jewellers to all members of the family"
Downtown    •    Brentwood
Park Royal
615 Btrrard St.      Vancouver, B.C.
For 4<S  years sennng ihe people
of  the  Lower Mainland
M   I'   M  H  F R      OF
GM Master Salesman's Guild
6 8 2 - 3 J 3 3
29 Walton - Galloway. Phillip W. Walton,
BCom'67 to Georgia Dell Galloway, BFd
'67. September 1968 in Vancouver
Wilson - Pearson. Bryan R. Wilson, BASc
'68 to Mary Catherine Pearson, June
12, 1968 in Vancouver.
Alumni Directory
Dr. George S. Allen, BASc'33, MASc'35,
PhD(Berkeley), September 4, 1968 in
Vancouver. Dr. Allen was dean of forestry at UBC from 1953 to 1961. During
that period he established the Sopron
School of Forestry on the campus and
was also closely involved in planning
the MacMillan forestry-agriculture building. After leaving UBC he was director
of forest research for the Weyerhaeuser
Company of Washington and later head
of the tree biology section in the federal
forest research branch in Victoria. Dr.
Allen was internationally famous for his
work in silviculture and seed research.
He is survived by his wife, daughter,
son, his parents and brother.
George J. Crane, BASc'41, August 5,
1968 in Toronto. At the time of his
death he was vice-president of Huron
Chemicals Ltd. He is survived by his
wife and four sons.
Mrs. Delbert O. Finlay, (Winnifred May
Wiggins), BA'33, MA(Smith), September,
1968 in Toronto. A social worker in the
Vancouver district for many years, she
was a case worker at Essondale hospital
and later worked with Family Welfare
and the Children's Aid Society. She is
survived by her husband and two sons.
George G. Gilchrist, BASc'20, September, 1968 in Toronto. He retired earlier
this year after 24 years with Teck
Hughes Mines at Kirkland Lake. For the
last 17 years he was mine manager. He
is survived by his wife and two daughters.
Rev. Takashi Komiyama, BA'35, September, 1968 in Vancouver. A graduate
of Union College, he died soon after
his return to Vancouver to become minister to the Greater Vancouver Japanese
United Church. He is survived by his
wife, two daughters and his father.
Dr. Alan Leslie Newhouse, BA'51, MD
'55, September 5, 1968 in Merritt, B.C.
He is survived by his wife (Harriet L.
Ried, BA'50), two daughters, his parents
and brothers.
Leslie G. J. Wong, BCom'45, MBA(Ber-
keley), October 19, 1968 in Vancouver.
Professor Wong was chairman of the
finance division of the UBC commerce
faculty. In the early 1960's he was responsible for setting up an exchange
program between Canada and Southeast
Asia. Through the Colombo Plan he
arranged scholarships for students from
Singapore and Malaya to come to UBC
for the MBA program while he and
four other UBC professors began commerce faculties at the universities of
Singapore and Kuala Lumpur. These
professors were later replaced by the
UBC-trained graduates. A memorial
scholarship fund has been started in
his name at UBC. He is survived by his
wife, four brothers and two sisters.
Alumni Association Executive Committee
President: Stanley Evans, BA'41, BEd
'44. Past President: Mrs. John McD.
Lecky, BA'38. First Vice-president: David Helliwell, BA'57. Second Vice-president: Dr. Walter G. Hardwick, BA'54,
MA'58, PhD(Minn). Third Vice-president: Sholto Hebenton, BA'57, BA, BCL
(Oxon), LLM(Harvard). Treasurer: William E. Redpath, BCom'47.
Mrs. Frederick Field, BA'42.
Peter C. Forward, BCom'53.
T. Barrie Lindsay, BCom'58.
Gerald A. B. McGavin, BCom'60.
John R. P. Powell, BASc'45.
Dr. Richard Stace-Smith, BSA'50, PhD
(Oregon State).
Frank C. Walden, BA'49.
John   C.   Williams,   BCom'58,   MBA
Ex-Officio Members:
Stanley Arkley, BA'25.
William  E.  MacDonald,  BA'63,  LLB
M. Murray McKenzie BASc'58.
Nick E. Omelusik, BA'64, BLS'66.
Board of Management
Degree Representatives
Agriculture: Alex Green, BSA'50.
Architecture: Richard B. Archambault,
BArch'55. Arts: Graham Nixon, BA'65.
Commerce: D. Ross Fitzpatrick, BCom
'58. Education: James Killeen, BA'54,
BEd'62. Engineering: Russell Fraser, BASc'58.   Forestry:   V.   Neil   Desaulniers,
BSF'54. Home Economics: Janet Pes-
kett, BHE'65. Law: Bruce Cohen, BA'62,
LLB'65. Library Science: Nick E. Omelusik, BA'64, BLS'66. Medicine: Dr.
Dwight Peretz, MD'56, MSc(McGill).
Nursing: Mrs. J. Thomas English, BSN
'62. Pharmacy: Gordon Hewitt, BA'41,
BSP'50. Physical Education: J. Reid Mitchell, BPE'49, BEd'55. Science: John R.
Gercsak. BSc'66.
Senate Representatives on the
Board of Management
David Freeman, BA'32.
Verne J. Housez, BCom'57.
Douglas Sutcliff,  BASc'43,  MASc(To-
Ex-Officio Members of the
Board of Management
Jack K. Stathers, BA'55, MA'58, Alumni Association Director.
Malcolm E. Elliott, BPE'68, Grad
Class Representative.
David Zirnhelt, President, Alma Mater
Don Aven, Treasurer, Alma Mater
Alumni Association Executive Staff
Executive Director:
Jack K. Stathers, BA'55, MA'58.
Director, Alumni Fund:
Ian C. Malcolm, DSW(Waterloo).
Director, Communication:
Clive Cocking, BA'62.
Director, Divisions:
Byron H. Hender, BCom'68.
Director, Programs:
Mrs. A. Vitols, BA'61.
'Pettd&i Realty
Res.: 266-8702
Office 682-1851
156  East Pender St., Vancouver 4,  B.C.
Write or Phone
Vancouver 8, B.C. 228-2282
whenever you need
Hard Back
Paper Back
30 What's so great about
phoning on Sunday?
*«t- -f
i-  riii
^^ Trans-Canada
^/ Telephone System
Costs one-fifth less-that's what!
Sunday is the put-your-feet-up-and-relax day. That's why we made it bargain
day for phoning. All day Sunday long distance calls cost around 20% less
than on weekdays — with a maximum charge of only $1.95 for a three-
minute, station-to-station call between any two points in Canada. This daylong rate reduction is particularly convenient when phoning relatives or
friends in eastern Canada, with its three to four hour time differential. The
same reduced charges apply each weekday evening after 6 p.m. So why
bother to write, especially on lazy Sunday?
270C-8-RLD Mrt,   RODLHRK   W   BELL
1816   WESTERN   PKwY Ol-uOH
VANCOUVER   b   B   C 0529400
Where There's A Will
There's A Way
Where there's no will there's no way a man can give substantial financial
support to his university after he dies.
And substantial financial support from grateful alumni is what makes the
difference between a good university and a great one. The University of
British Columbia has matured into one of the leading Canadian universities
. . . you can help push it that one step further to greatness.
In the interest of your family we hope that you will not neglect to make a
will as some eight out of 10 North Americans do. In the interest of your
alma mater we hope that, after you have properly provided for your family,
you will consider making a bequest to the University of British Columbia.
If you would like further information, without obligation of course, please
send this form to:
The Wills & Bequests Committee
Cecil Green Park
University of B.C.
Vancouver 8, B.C., Canada
Send me, under personal cover, the pamphlets as checked:
University of British Columbia


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