Okanagan Historical Society Reports

Reprint of report numbers 7, 8, 9, 10 of the Okanagan Historical Society Okanagan Historical Society 1971

Item Metadata


JSON: ohs-1.0132250.json
JSON-LD: ohs-1.0132250-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): ohs-1.0132250-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: ohs-1.0132250-rdf.json
Turtle: ohs-1.0132250-turtle.txt
N-Triples: ohs-1.0132250-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: ohs-1.0132250-source.json
Full Text

Full Text

 Reprint of Report  Numbers 7, 8, 9, 10  of the  ., .N. Atkinson) MUSEUWk  / 785 MAIN STREET  PENTICTON, B.C.   V2A5E3  TO  THE   NAITAKA,  OR   OGOPOGO,  IN OKANAGAN LAKE  Sara Jean McKay  Last of a race primeval, while men are sleeping,  Do you not laugh that they would tame you to their wills;  You who hold through all years in your royal keeping  The strange elusive secrets of the silent hills?  Weird monarch, safe in your domain, should your laughter  Shake the hill silence with echos as of thunder,  We shrll know you laugh because the years hereafter  Will but keep your kingdom safer still from plunder.  Lord of crystal clean and sanded halls of lake blue;  When potlatch fires burned and the Redman's songs were sung,  Know you, fools even then did not believe in you;  You who were old in wisdom when the hills were young.  Let scientists map the stars, and proudly swagger,  And boast of their achievements and of knowledge wide;  They will never find the proper kind of dagger  To probe your secret — or to pierce your armoured hide. ON THE WEST KETTLE RIVER ROAD  George E. Winkler  This is the old log stopping place  Where Gorman West held sway;  Abandoned now, and gone to waste  Since Gorman passed away.  And here the ancient dining room,  Where hungry men were fed;  And in this bar they looked upon  The wine when it was red.  And heard the man who sat apart,  And sang familiar lays;  The old, old songs that touched the heart,  Recalling bygone days.  And when the singer's song was done,  All took up the refrain,  And in full-throated unison  They roared it out again.  And Father Pat within this room,  With Irish wit enticed,  Many a mining man to come  And hear the words of Christ.  The peaceful flowing river winds  The stately spruces through;  And few remain of olden times  That Gorman's hostel knew  A motor road new interests vest,  And strangers go their ways;  But Father Pat and Gorman West  Belong to other days. i_S  THE SEVENTH REPORT  of the  Okanagan Historical Society  of  Vernon,   Rritish Columbia  President  Leonard Norris  Editor  J.   C.   Agnew,   C. E.  Auditor  G.   C.   Tassie,  C. E.  Vice-President  F.  M.   Ruckland  Assistant Editor  H. M.  Walker  Secretary-Treasurer  Max H. Ruhman  I  Directors  Rev. John Goodfellow, W. T. Hayhurst, F. H. Barnes, Frederick  J. Murray, A. E. Sage, Joseph Child, Mrs. Angus Wood, A. E. Berry,  M. P. Williams, James Goldie, Grant Lang, T. Finley Mc Williams,  D. Lloyd-Jones, L. L. Kerry, Joseph B. Weeks, Burt R. Campbell,  Dr. F. W. Andrew,   T. G. Norris  Founded 4th September, 1925.  April 25th, 1937  Vernon, B.C.  List ox Members  Allen, M. V. Nelson  Bagnall, Guy P.    -  Bailey, E. R.    -    -  Ball,  F. J.  C.    -    -  Baldwin, C. W. A.  Baldwin, Dr. S. G.  - Vernon  Kelowna  Vancouver  Kelwona  - Vernon  Port Dover, Ont.  - -    Nanaimo  -    -    -    Kelowna  Vernon  - -    Enderby  -    Vernon  - Kelowna  ■ - Vernon  Salmon Arm  Barrett, Harry  Barraclough, W  Barton, C. W.    -   -  Barnes,   Stanley  Barnes, F. H.    -    -  Bartholomew, H. G.  Barrat, G. A.    -    -  Beddome, J. R,    -    •  Beech, Dr. A.   -   -  Bell, James    ------    Mara  Bloom, CD. Vernon  Blurton, H. J. - - - - Vernon  Bennett, Alex Jr. - - - Kelowna  Bowes, James - - - Salmon Arm  Boyce, Dr. B. F. - - - Kelowna  Boyce, Mrs. B. F. - - - Kelowna  Boyne, Frank - - - - Vernon  Brown, Geo. E. - - - Kelowna  Brown, Dr. H. Campbell - Vernon  Brown, George D. - - Kamloops  Brooks, Major Allen - Ok. Landing  Brooks, Mrs. Marjorie - Ok. Landing  Buckell, E. R. - - - Salmon Arm  Buckland, D. S. - - - Kelowna  Bulman, T. R. - - - - Vernon  Bullock-Webster, W. H. - Victoria  Burne, J. F.    -    -    -    -    -    Kelowna  Cameron, J. D.    -    -  Cameron, J. D.    -    -  Campbell, Burt R.    -  Campbell,   John  Carpenter, James    -  Carruthers, E. M.   -  Casorso, Leo    -    -    -  Casorso, Joseph    -    -  Catchcart, H.    -    -  Caesar, N. H.   -   -   -  Chambers, E. J.   -   -  Chapman, David    -  Chapin, H. F.    -   -  Cheyne, Robert    -    -  Clark, L. R.    -   -    -  Clemiston, T. J.   -   -  Clement, Edwin   -   -  Coleman,  James  Cooper, Frederick   -  Cools, Joseph   -   -   -  Corrington, Dr. C. W.  Cossitt, F. B.   -   -   -  Cosens, Arthur K. W.  Costerton,  John  Kelowna  - Penticton  - Kamloops  Vernon  - -    Vernon  •   -   Kelowna  - Kelowna  Kelowna  ■    -    Victoria  - Ok. Centre  - -   Vernon  - Kelowna  - Kelowna  - Kelowna  - -   Vernon  - Westholme  - Peachland  Vernon  - -   Vernon  Ok. Landine  - -   Vernon  - -   Vernon  - Vancouver  Vernon  Costerton, Martin - - Revelstoke  Crozier,  Ivan    - Vernon  Cunliffe, Major    - - - -    Vernon  Curry, Miss  Lila - - -    Vernon  Dalgliesh, R. L. - - - Kelowna  Davidson, John    -    -    -   Westbank  Deeks, W. H. Vernon  DeMara, Mrs. A. H. - - Kelowna  Denison, j£ H. R,    -    -    -    Vernon  DeWiele, B. Vernon  Dewdney, E. Nelson  Dewdney, W. R. - - Penticton  Dilworth, Leslie - - - Kelowna  Dunsden, Harry - - Summerland  Duncan, Mrs. Margaret    -    Vernon  Edwards, James G. - - - Vernon  Ellis, Miss J.'E. - - - - London  Emory, W. - - - - - Kelowna  Estabrooks, Otto, - - - Penticton  Evans, H. H.    -   -   -   -    -    Vernon  Fallow, H. J. Vernon  Faulder, E. R. - - - Summerland  Fenton, Miss Annie - - Enderby  Fifer, A. J. - - - - Armstrong  Finlaison, Charles - Shuswap Falls  Fisher, E. Kamloops  Fitzmaurice, R. - - - - Vernon  Fleming, Archibald, - - - Vernon  Fleming, John C. - - Penticton  Fox, Harry S. - - - - Duncan  Fraser, J. A. - - - Prince Rupert  Fraser, Mrs. Elspeth - Kelowna  Fraser, Mrs. H. A. - - Armstrong  Fraser,   George    -    -    -    Osoyoos  Galbraith, Horace - - - Vernon  Gardom, Rasil - - - Vancouver  Gellatly, Mrs. Dorothy - Westbank  Genn, Anthony - - - Victoria  Gibson, G. M. - - - - Ok. Centre  Gleed, J. A.    -    -    -    -    Ok. Centre  Gore, S. M. Kelowna  Gowan, Miss Mary - - Peachland  Graham, T. W.    -   -   -   -   Vernon  Gray, A. W. Rutland  Groves, Ernest - - - Armstrong  Gummow, Mrs. B. F.   -   Peachland  Haldane, W. H. M. -    - Victoria  Hammond, H. J.    - -    - Vernon  Hamilton, Mrs. S. H. -   - Vernon  Hankey, G. A.    -    - -    - Vernon  Hankey, Mrs.  G. A. -    - Vernon  Handcock. Claude S. - -   Grindrod  Harris, W. S.   -   -   -   -   - Vernon  Harwood, Joseph    - -    - Vernon 8  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  Harvey, Dr. J. E. - - - Vernon  Harding, Henry - - - Armstrong  Hassen,  Matt    -    -    -    Armstrong  Haug, Roy Kelowna  Haverille, R. T. - - Ok. Mission  Hayhurst, W. T. - - - Armstrong  Hayhurst, Miss E. N. - Armstrong  Hayhurst, J. W. - - - Armstrong  Hayhurst, A. E. - - - Vernon  Hayman, Mrs. Gwen - Naramata  Hayes, Thomas N. - - - Larkin  Heighway, John - - - Lumby  Helmer. R. H. - - - - - Milner  Hembling, 0. R. - - - - Oyama  Henderson, G. A. - - - Victoria  Herbert, Gordon - - Kelowna  Hewitson, H. J.   -   -   -   -   Kelowna  Hill, T. P. Vernon  Holliday, C. W. - - - Armstrong  Hopping, Ralph   -   -   -   -   Vernon  Horn, J. Ok. Mission  Hunter John   -   -   -   -   Armstrong  Howe, A. T. Vernon  Howse, A. E. - - - - Princeton  Howay, Judge F. W., New Westm'ster  Hoy, Ren Kelowna  Jacques, George   -   -  Jamieson, J. E.    -   -  Johnson, Mrs. G. A.  Johnson,  Cecil    -    -  Jones, J. W.    -    -  Kennedy, W. F.   -   -  Kent, A. J.    -    -    -  Kennard, H. B.    -   -  Kerr, R. D.   -   -   -   ■  Kerry, L. L.    -    -  King-Baker, S. J.   -  Knox, Dr. W. J.   -   -  Lamb, Dr. W. Kaye  Lang, Dr. Arthur H.  Lang, Grant    -    -   -  Lang,  Hamilton    -  Landon, G. L.   -   -  Lantz, L. A.    -    -    -  Larnie,  John  M. -  Larson. S. T.    -    -  Leathley, John   -   -  Leauime, Bernard   -  Leslie, Mrs. S.   -   -  Ley, R. W.    -    -   -  Lindsay, Gordon   -  Little, C. W.   -   -   -  Lloyd-Jones, David  Lloyd-Jones, W.    -  Llovd, A. E.    -    -  Llovd, W. E.   -   -  Llovd, Miss M. H.    •  Logie, J. W. S.   -   -  Lysons, H. B. D.   -  -   -   Vernon  - Armstrong  - -    Duncan  - -    Vernon  - -    Victoria  - -   Victoria  - -    Vernon  - -    Vernon  Grand Forks  - -    Kelowna  - -   Enderby  - -   Kelowna  - -   Victoria  - Vancouver  - Peachland  Vernon  Grand Forks  - -   Vernon  Vancouver  - Greenwood  - -   Kelowna  - -   Kelowna  - Ok. Landing  - -   Vernon  - -   -   Vernon  - -   Vernon  - -   Kelowna  - -    Kelowna  - -    Rutland  - Kamloops  - -    Oyama  -   -   Victoria  - Ok. Mission  Macdonald, Neil - - Ocean Falls  Macdonald, J. S. - - - Victoria  Macdonald, A. W. - - Vancouver  Marshall, G. - - - Ok. Centre  Martin, Mrs. Stuart - - Vernon  Matheson, Dr. R.    -   -   -    Kelowna  Megaw, Earle Vernon  Mitchell, Charles - - Armstrong  Monk, H. R. - - - - - Vernon  Morkill, George H. - - - Vernon  Morley, W. - - - - - Vernon  Morrow, G. H. S. - - - Kelowna  Morrison, W. B. - - - Vancouver  Muirden, S. H. - - - - Kelowna  Munro, Bert   -   -   -   -   Grand Forks  Munro, J. B. Victoria  Murray, Thomas    -    -    -    Kelowna  McAdam, W. A. - - - - London  McArthur, Miss Aena - Vancouver  McGusty, R. M. - - - - Vernon  McKelvie, Bruce A. - - Victoria  McKenzie, George - - Kelowna  McKenzie, W. D. - - - Vernon  McKay, Miss Sara Jean - Victoria  McNair, David    -    -    -    -    Vernon  Naoier, Col. R. Ross - - Victoria  Neil, Richard W. - - - Vernon  Norris, T. G. - - - - Victoria  Norris, Miss M. J. - Langley Prairie  Ootmar, Dr. G. A. - - Kelowna  Ormsby, Miss Margaret A. - Vernon  Owen, Walter   -   New Westminster  Palmer, R. C. - - - Summerland  Parkinson, R. F. - - - Kelowna  Paterson, D. C. - - - Kelowna  Patterson, Miss L. - - Kelowna  Percy,  James -    - Vernon  Poole, Mrs. F. E.    -    -    Armstrong  Pope, C. A. Victoria  Pout, Harry Vernon  Pound, W. C. - - - - - Vernon  Powers, David - - - Kamloops  Powley, K. - - - - - Kelowna  Pringle, J. F. - - - - Calgary  Prowse, E. W.    -    -   -    -    Vernon  Rattenbury, D. H. - - - Kelowna  Reekie, John E. - - - Kelowna  Reid, Charles - - - - Vernon  Richards, Leonard - - Kelowna  Robison, Delbert J. - - Vernon  Robertson, W. H. - - - Vernon  Robertson, Thomas - - - Vernon  Roberts, John R. - - - - Vernon  Roberts, 0. P.    -    -    -    -    Vernon  Rogers, A. Vernon  Rolston, W. J. - - - - Vernon  Rose, George C.   -   -   -   -   Kelowna  Ross, G. M. Field  Rosoman, Graham   -   -   - Enderby Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  Sauder, I. V.   -   -  Schubert, James A.  Schubert,  Augustus  Seaton, Miss Bessie  Sevmour, S. P.    -    ■  Shatford, S. A.    -    •  Shatford, W. T.   -   .  Shields, William   -  Sigalet, Andrew   -   •  Simms, James    -    -  Simmons, John    -  Skelton, J. W.    -    -  Smith, Alexander    -  Smith.  W.  J.    -    -  Stephen, J.  F.    -    -  Stirling. Hon. Grote  Stubbs. R. H.    -    -  Spurrier, J. P.    -   -  Swanson, Mrs. H.    -  - -    Vernon  - Tulameen  Armstrong  - -   Vernon  - -    Vernon  - -    Vernon  Moravia, Cal.  - -   Lumby  - Mabel Lake  - -    Vernon  - -    Vernon  - Enderby  - -    Vernon  Armstrong  - -    Ovama  •   -   Kelowna  Ok. Mission  - Kelowna  - Armstrong  Taite, H. B.   -   -  Thorn, A.    -    -    -  Thompson, J. H.  Thompson, W. H.  Thornloe, F.    -  Toombs, A. E.    -  Trench,  W.  R.  Tripp, L. E.    -    -  - Vernon  - Vernon  -    Kelowna  Ok. Centre  Kelowna  - Vernon  Kelowna  - Vernon  Walsh, Anthonv    -  Warner, Miss Alice  Warner, Fred    -  Weatherill, H. O.  Weddell, E. C.   -   •  Weddell, A. D.   -   •  Wentworth, Miss    ■  West, J.    -   -   -   -  Weidart, Miss E. M.  •    -    Oliver  - Vernon  - Lumby  - Vernon  - Kelowna  - Kelowna  Ok. Centre  - Vernon  Penticton  White, Dr. R. B.    -   -  White. Ronald E.    -  White, John    -    -    -    ■  Whvte, Bryson McK.  Whitehead,  G.    -    -    -  Whitham, J. D.    -   ,-  Wiglesworth, J.   -   -   -  Wilson,  J.    -    -    -    -  Williams, Hugh    -    -  Williamson, Mrs. Gladv  Willis, H. A.    -  Wills,  F.  J.    -    -    -  Wilcox, J. C.    -    -   -  Wilde,  A.   E.    -    -    -  Winkler, George E.    -  Witt, Walter O.    -    -  Wood, Jack    -    -    -    -  Wollaston, F. E. R.   -  Young, Vance - - -  Young, Arthur - - -  Young, Frank   -   -   -   •  - Penticton  Kamloops  •    -    Vernon  ■    -    Vernon  - Vernon  Kelowna  Armstrong  Armstrong  - Penticton  s   -   Vernon  Kelowna  Kelowna  Summerland  Vernon  -    Victoria  Kelowna  - Vernon  - -   Vernon  Armstrong  Armstrong  Armstrong  Universities: Oregon, Washington, British Columbia.  Public TJbraries: Calgary, Vancouver, Victoria, New York City,  and Spokane, Wash.  Schools: Kelowna, 5; Vernon, 5;  Penticton. 4: Summerland, 3: Lumby, 2; Armstrong, 2; and Cherry-  viPe, Shuswap Falls, Creighton  Valley, Mabel Lake, Hilton, Trinitv  Vallev, Oliver, Mara, Peachland.  Coldstream, Winfield. Rutland,  Keremeos, Enderby, Oyama and  Okanagan Centre, one each. 10  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  Princeton Place Names  Rev. John C. Goodfellow  A Paper read before the Similkameen   Historical   Association,  July 26th, 1936.  There are few studies more  delightful, or more profitable, than  the place names of our Province.  In this paper I propose to confine  myself to the place names of  Princeton. The wealth of history  locked up in such names- is a  worthy reward of patient research.  There are seven names of particular interest to all who live in  Princeton. Two of these names are  of Indian origin. We turn to the  two Indian names first which, of  course, are Similkameen and Tulameen,  I. Similkameen. There is no  agreement as to the meaning of  Similkameen. We know it as the  name of our valley which, as old  Charley Squakin used to say, was  called after the river which flows  through it. It has many variations  in spelling and pronunciation, and  the meanings attached to it are  varied.  Moberly writes "Shemilkomean"  in his Rocks and Rivers of British  Columbia, (p. 34). In The Mission  Field—a monthly record of the  proceedings of the Society for the  propagation of the Gospel at home  and abroad (London, 1870; Vol. XV,  p. 239)—we find the name spelled  as if it were two words:  "And what shall I say of poor  Ouonilquali, the blind chief of  Simil Kameen? He is one who regards himself in the light of Rarti-  meus of old and, being led by the  hand, has come all the way from  Nicholas to follow Jesus . . . ."  Local Indians pronounce the last  syllable as in the Scotch word  "enough". In The Similkameen  Star for 23rd Nov., 1910, we find  the amusing variation "Jimhilka-  meen".  The meanings given for the word  are as varied as the spellings.  According to Teit and Father Le  Jeune it is a word descriptive either  of the people or of the land in  which they lived. We have no one  alive to-day so well qualified to  interpret the word, yet the defini  tion they give is delightfully vague.  For the rest we have a choice of  Yellowa earth, Waters' meet, Swift  water, Muddy water, etc.  One thing is certain—the affinity  between Similkameen and Tulameen suggested by the common  ending is quite misleading. There  is no such affinity in the original  words. The endings have been  forced into the same phonetic  groove by the white people of the  valley.  It is quite likely the Indians had  a definite name for the site we now  call Princeton. It was not Similkameen. More likely it was a word  signifying "the forks of the rivers".  In the early sixties the Tulameen  was also known as the North Similkameen. The north and south  branches took the name Similkameen.  II. Tulameen. There is no such  ambiguity about the word Tulameen. This sister-word looks pleasant to the eve and sounds musical  to the ear. White men to-day pronounce the word in a sharp, crisp,  business-like way, but only to those  who linger on the word—giving the  old Indian values to the long syllables—does it suggest anything of  the past glories of a passing (?)  race. Listen to the Redman echoing the syllables of the word, mark  the rise and fall, mark the cadence  of the voice, and one almost believes that the hills and valleys  have given something of their rise  and fall to the melodious pronunciation of the word. Moreover, Tulameen is the custodian of history  and art. She guards her secrets  jealouslv, and only the patient  wooer can win the knowledge she  has to bestow. She is older than  we might expect, and her mind is  a veritable treasure house. Dame  rumor has so read many contradictory tales. W^e must proceed  cautiously.  Mrs. S. L. Allison was the second  white woman to visit our valley,  and the first to remain.    She came Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  11  here in the sixties. I called to see  her one morning, and, in the course  of conversation, asked the meaning  of the Indian word Tulameen.  "Well," she said, "my husband came  here in 1858. He knew Douglas,  ;mk! the Hudson's Bay people. He  learned from them — and they  should know. Tulameen means  'red earth'. The Indians used to  Let this at Sam Pierce's Bluff. With  Ih's red earth or red ochre, they  smeared their faces, and made pic-  lures on the rocks. It was very  highly valued, and the Blackfoot  Indians and the Kootenays came  long ways here to trade for the  red earth. They traded blankets,  and headwork, and other things for  this red paint. This place (th" Allison home on Allison flat in 1887)  was then called Yak-Tulameen,  which simply means 'the place  where red earth was sold'. It was  the market place."  This answer suggested both history and art to my mind. I asked  what she meant by "our" Indians,  and learned that in early days (a  very elastic phrase) numbers of  Cbilcotins had come here. Presumably they had come to trade, hut  remained to fight. War and Commerce often go hand in hand down  the long avenue of history. It was  a bitter fight. Many were killed but  I lie newcomers held their own.  They could not be dislodged. They  had come to stay. Arrowheads frequently plowed up confirm the tra-  dition. One has only to close one's  eyes, recall that Tulameen means  "red earth," "red paint", and the  imagination will do much to recreate the oast, when Might was  R'ght. and the Redman's word was  law—before the coming of the  white man.  We have learned this much about  the nlace names of Princeton—that  the flat now known as Allison's flat  was known to the Indians as Y«k-  Tnlnmeen, or "the place where red  earth was sold."  TIL Red Earth. We now come  to our English names. We need not  be surprised to learn that the earliest name we have been able to discover is Redearth, or Red Earth  Forks. This is simply an English  translation of the Indian word  Tulameen.    Sam Pierce's Bluff, re  ferred to by Mrs. Allison, is a large  outcropping of red ochre between  Princeton and Coalmont. We can  trace the name on early maps, and  in early literature.  I am indebted to Major G. G. Aitken for this first reference: "An  item of mapping interest is the map  'B.C. Vancouver Island, J. Arrow-  smith, 1859—Routes and Communications with Gold Reaches of  Fraser' chiefly compiled from  routes of A. C. Anderson and Mr.  McKay. Redearth appears in the  position of Princeton. Black mountain is shown 30 miles north-westward of Redearth. Blackey's camp  is shewn about 23 miles east of  Black mountain, and on a route  which is named 'Blackey's Portage  to Fort Hope'. Blackey's camp is  depicted about seven miles north of  'Encampment des Femmes'. The  outline is so sketchy to what we  know now that Blackey's portage  intersects a section of what may be  read to be Tulameen river." (Letter  19, 7, 1935).  Governor Douglas also mentions  Red Earth Forks in an early report  to the Colonial Secretary.  Another reference to this name  is to be found in a little book called  The Rocks and Rivers of British  Columbia. It was written by Walter Moberly C.E., and printed in  London, England, in 1885. The  copy I possess was given me by  Denys Nelson, who was particularly  interested in the place names of  the Lower Fraser vallev. In chanter XIII (pp. 33, ff.) Mr. Moberlv  tells us that in the spring of 1800  he visited New Westminster and  "entered into a contract, in partnership with Edgar Dewdney, to  build a trail from Fort Hone on the  Fraser River to Shemilkomean River on the east side of the Cascade  Range of mountains, to reach the  gold diggings on the latter river,  where gold of a very fine auality  had been discovered." Meeting  with a severe accident he was laid  up for some days in a miserable  swamp. His only companion was an  Indian bov. During the night a  panther tried to get into the house  where Moberly lav sick. When Mo-  berly's work on the trail was drawing to a close he went to "Shemil- 12  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  komean to sell some surplus stores  to me miners there".  Moberly tells us that he started  "at the persuasion of a person who  had openea a house at the Red  Earth Forks of the Shemilkomean  and who had stayed a day or two  at one of my camps, aeparting in  great good humor as I hari given  him a small keg of mv nest H. B.  Company's rum. I reached the  mining camp and went to my  friend's house six miles further on,  where I made the acquaintance of  one of the first Gold Commissioners  of British Columbia. We passed a  pleasant evening, drank several  glasses of the rum I had given the  proprietor of the house and consumed some fresh eggs. On leaving in the morning I was at a loss  to know whether to offer to pay for  my night's entertainment or not, as  I was an invited guest. However,  I suggested in a delicate manner  that in such a country it was necessary to pay. My landlord, my supposed host, without hesitation produced a small slate with my bill  already made out: meals 2 dollars  50 cents each; drinks, 50 cents  each; the confounded eggs 1 dollar  apiece, and 75 cents per pound for  the barley for my horse. I paid the  bill and jumped on my horse vowing it would be some time before I  accepted another invitation or enjoyed the luxury of fresh eggs."  Apart from the story itself which  is worth retelling, there are three  points to notice in this question.  First, the mining camp. Later on  in our story we shall come back to  it. But there was a mining camp  six miles distant (in a westerly  direction) from the forks of the  river. The second point to note is  that Moberly tells us that his host  had opened a house at the Red  Earth Forks. This is definitely one  of the names for the site now  known as Princeton. Lastly, at the  Red Earth Forks Moberly made the  acquaintance of one of the first  Gold Commissioners of British Columbia. This was in the fall of  1860.  The Gold Commissioner referred  to was P. O'Reillv who was stationed at Hope in 1860. He was the  nearest Gold Commissioner to Sim  ilkameen. Under him were W. G.  Cox at Rock Creek and J. C. Haynes  as Revenue Collector, also staticned  at Rock Creek in 1860. We know  tnai Mr. John Fall Allison was also  a Gold Commissioner, but his appointment as such did not take  place until 1885, the year Mr. Mo-  herly's book was published in England. We shall have occasion to refer again to the mining camp, six  miles west of Red Eart Forks. Meanwhile we turn to the fourth name.  IV. Allison. Before thinking of  Allison as a place name let us recall  briefly the story of the man whose  name has become a household word  in our valley.  John Fall Allison was born at  Leeds, England, in 1825. At that  lime his father was house surgeon  lo the Leed's infirmary. The son's  education was begun at Leeds, but  in 1837, at the age of twelve, he  came to the United States, settling  in Illinois where his education was  continued. In 1849 he answered  the call of the West, and joined the  gold diggers in California. The  journey was made by Panama, and  Mr. Allison remained in California  until 1858. By this time the gold  excitement in California had died  down. The centre of attraction  was now British Columbia. Mr. Allison was 33 years old when, in  the language of today, he "followed the birds to Victoria". He arrived armed with introductions to  Governor Douglas by whom he was  sent to prospect the Similkameen  and Tulameen for gold. Meeting  with success he returned to Victoria, and the following year came  back to Similkameen. Here he continued to stay even when most of  the miners had been lured away by  the more promising discoveries in  Cariboo.  Governor Douglas employed him  to work out the shortest route  across the Hope mountains, and to  locate and construct what is now  known as the Allison trail. This  dore he entered into partnership  with an American named Hayes,  buying a band of Durham cattle and  settling down as a stock raiser. In  1867, the year of Confederation, he  was married to Miss S. L. Moir,  youngest daughter of Stratton Moir, Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  13  Ceylon. In 1876 he was appointed  J. P., and in 1885 Gold Commissioner. In October 1897, he died in his  72nd   year.  This bare outline gives little idea  of how much Mr. Allison contributed to the life and development of  our valley, but it must serve as an  introduction to this section of our  study of the place names of Princeton.  The valley of the Similkameen is  a land of light and shade. There is  seldom fog in the valley, but the  winters are long and often severe.  Nature has a delightful wav of  striking a balance. Life is full of  cmnnensations. Wherever winters  are severe hearts are warm. When  the struggle for existence is hard  the finer qualities of the human  heart seem to thrive. Friendshin  and courage often take firmest root  in stony soil.  The old timers in these parts  had an interesting way of marking  distances. Mr. Allison, as we have  noted, was one of the earliest settlers here. Now he sleeps with  others of his family at the base of  a little mountain, known locallv as  Castle Rock. In early days Allison  had often sat on the summit of this  height. Looking west he would see  the Similkameen and Tulameen  come together. In the forks of the  two rivers is the Princeton of today. Looking east the united  streams, under the name of Similkameen, wind their way between narrowing heights. It is a glorious  oanoramn this vallev of the SimM^a-  meen. How truly the home of th^  ARison valley became the centre of  this valley is evidenced by the fact  that even todav distances are still  determined as from this first centre  of modern civilization in our valley. The creeks east of Princeton  are still called, One Mile, Five Mile.  Twenty Mile, because the olace  where they joined the Similkameen  was that number of miles from the  original Allison home. And the  the roads following these creeks are  known respectively, as One Mile  road. Five Mile road.  There is no doubt that before the  present townsite of Princeton was  established Allison was used as a  place name just as much as Prince  ton. Thomas Elwyn, Deputy Provincial Secretary, in the eighties,  was sent into Granite Creek to report on the gold discoveries. In the  Annual Report of the B.C. Department of Mines, 1886, o. 492, Mr. Elwyn writes: "This stream (Granite  Creek) is a tributary of the Tulameen or north fork of the Similkameen, and flows into that river on  its right bank, about 12 miles above  its junction with the south Similkameen at Princeton—perhaps better  known as the Vermillion Forks, or  still better as Allison's."  Thus it would seem that not only  was there a townsite east of us  known as Allison, but even the  present site of Princeton—the  Forks—was formerly definitely  known as Allison. When we come  to sum up the place names of today  and see how they keep in remembrance the pioneers of old, we shall  have more to say about Allison. For  the or^sent, let us turn to the name  Vermilion Forks which in 1885,  was more familiar than Princeton,  and only less popular than Allison.  V. Vermil(l)ion. The questions  that naturally suggest themselves  regarding the word Vermilion are  bv whom, when, and why was the  place so named. Strictly speaking,  our study does not call for any digression into the origin of the word  itself, but this is so interesting that  a reference to it may Pe aporecia-  t^d. Tt is interesting to learn from  the Oxford Dictionary that the  word means "brilliant red", and  was originally given to a pigment  of that color. The old French  word, vermillion, was born of the  Latin, vermiolus, the diminutive of  vermis, which means a worm. The  particular little worm from which  the brilliant red pigment was derived was the kermes insect. The name  of this insect leads us still farther  afield. It is derived from the Arabic and Persian word, miirmiz. The  insect referred to was the pregnant  female, which was formerly taken  for a berry. It fed on the kermes  oak, an ever-green oak of southern  Europe and northern Africa. From  the dried bodies of these insects  was made the dve. bright red in  color, which we call vermilion.  The word today is usually spelled 11  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  with one T. In Douglas's Diary for  1860, concerning his visit to this  part of the Interior, we find the  word spelled with twro "l's". Both  spellings are given in the U. S.  Handbook of Indians (Vol. 2, p.  882). It has, however, become customary to use only one "1".  I have not been able to discover  by whom the name was first suggested. E. Waterman of Princeton, and  Wr. C. McDougall of Olalla, both  have recounted local legends accounting for the name.  According to E. Waterman credit  for the name is given to Dr. G. M.  Dawson. Looking up the Tulameen  one evening he saw the red bluffs  bathed in the light of the setting  sun, and the name Vermilion suggested itself to him.  But W. C. McDougall has always  understood that the name was suggested by the sun's reflection on  Old Red Too—the massive landmark behind Wolf Creek, which we  know today as Agate mountain. He  quoted Allison as his authority, but  agreed with E. Waterman's story so  far as Dawson was responsible for  the name. Anyone Avho has seen  the setting sun shining on Agate  mountain will have no difficulty in  believing it might have been responsible for the name Vermilion.  When we consider the matter in  the light of chronology Dawson is  definitely ruled out as the originator of this place name. Dawson's  earliest Reoorts are dated 1877-~8  Governor Douglas, in 1860. makes  frequent mention in his Diary, of  Vermillion or Vermillion Forks. In  the man made bv th" Roval F.ngin-  em-s, dated 24th Nov. 1859. the  place is marked, Vermillion Forks.  Maior G. G. A'tken has sunnier! a  transcript of the paae titles of th^  o'-;<nnal "Survcu of Princeton, etc."  Th*» survey was mad" in October  1800. and Vermillion Forks is men-  ti(M->"d a number of times in the  fieTd hncfr of Sergea-it W. M-Coll.  In 1859 Lieut. H. Soencer Palmer.  R.F.. explored as far east as Fort  Colville. and made a renort which  is daWl ?9fh Nov. 1859. Her"  Palmer states that "the iunetiou of  the two rivers is named Vermillion  Forks from the existence in its  neighborhood   of   a   red   clay   or  ochre from which the Indians manufacture paint." From this we may  safely conclude that the place was  so named in 1859 and that Dr. Dawson had nothing to do with the  naming of it. In September 1851  James Douglas was appointed Governor of Vancouver Island. His  commission arrived in November  of that year (Sage p. 171). In a  very early report to the Colonial  Secretary, Douglas mentions Red  Earth Forks. We seem to have no  such early mention of Vermilion.  When Mr. Sands, son-in-law of J. F.  Allison, sold his land (now the site  of Princeton) to the Company  which was formed to plot out and  sell the new townsite, it took the  name of The Vermillion Forks Mining and Development Companv.  That was in October, 1897.  VI. Blackfoot. We come now to  a name which seems to have disappeared from human ken, Blackfoot.  The only place of that name recorded in the Geographical Gazetteer of British Columbia—1930 is  the name of a creek in the Kootenay  country. One day this summer E.  E. Burr asked me where Ruby City  was. I suggested that he meant  Ruby Creek, but he was quite emphatic that it was Rubv City, and  that it was in the vicinity of the  Similkameen valley. Then he told  me it was one of the ghost towns  of our Province, and that it hs»d  once existed near Nighthawk. All  trace of it seems to have disannear-  ed.    It is hardly a memory now.  In mv turn I asked Mr. Burr  wb^re Blackfoot was, telling him  that a place of that name had existed six miles from Princeton, and  that it had forty houses including  miners' cabins. He said he had  never heard of the place. Neither  hf>ri t until a week before when mv  curiosity was aroused by the following paragraph cooied from an  early issue of the British Colonis1,  and sent to me by W. A. Newcombe  of Victoria.  "Princeton (laid out by order of  the Governor last fall) seven miles  below Blackfoot is almost deserved.  Blackfoot Flat and its immediate  neighbourhood contains 40 houses  including miners' cabins."  Later, Miss M. Wolfenden of the Society of Vernon, British Columria—1937  15  Provincial Archives Dept. sent me  this further reference, taken from  the Colonist of the 14th. Sept. 1865:  "Great stampede of miners to the  Blackfoot   mines The   gold  region is said to extend from the  creeks and tributaries."  I could not discover a single person in Princeton who had ever  heard of the place. The nearest  approach to such person was Bob  Jameson, who scratched his head  and said, "I seem to have heard that  name before."  My first clue came from E. Waterman who said that it must have  been at Kruger's bar. This is not  far from Bob Jameson's house. The  only place he knew that suggested  the name was Black mountain, bui  that was too far away.  My next clue came from Mrs. R  B. White, Penticton. She was able  Jo produce a bill headed "Blackfoot  flat, May (ith, 1861." This hill was  addressed to Marshall & Co., and  was from Theodore Kruger. Now  here the two names were brought  together, Blackfoot and Kruger's  bar. This, then, was the mine that  Walter Moberly had in mind when  he spoke of "his friend's house" six  miles further on, at the Red Earth  Forks of th" Similkameen. Curiously enough the first item on th" h»J"  is   "1   Bttl   Rum    $3.00."     Later  another bottle of rum is recorded-  I  Bttl  Rum   (sinking a shaft,  goo''  pr-snocO    S3.00.    Still  later.  1 Bttle Rum (house raising) $2.50  Items such as these are interspersed  v;th items of candles, butter, coffee, etc.  Wondering how this place came  to b" named Blackfoot, I remembered that Mrs. Allison had said that  Blackfoot Indians had come lc  tn>de at Ynk-Tulamecr "or red  paint, but this fact may not have  accounted for the origin of the  name. In a sense Blackfoot cannot  he included as a Princeton name.  but it seems to have been the very  first community of any size in our  whole ncighhonrhood. As such it  should not be forgotten. It is also  worthv of note that Kruger is often  quoted as having settled at Princeton. To the oMtimers the two may  have been synonymous.  VTT Phixceton. The last, and  best known, name with which we|  are concerned is Princeton. Here  is a paragraph which I prepared  for the Princeton Star in March,  1932:  "Who named it? Princeton was  named in honour of Edward Prince  of Wales, afterwards King Edward  VII. As Prince of Wales he visited  Canada, and the eastern states of  the American Union, in 1860. The  story of this tour is contained in an  ample book, printed bv John Lovell  in Montreal in 1890. The full title  of this volume, 'bv a British Canadian' is 'The Tour of H.R.H. the  Prince of Wales through British  America and the United States'. At  the time of the Prince's visit, British Columbia was not part of Canada. It remained a Crown Colony  till 20th July, 1871. The original  townsite was surveyed by the Royal  Engineers under Col. Richard (.lenient Moody, in the early sixties.  Governor Douglas is given credit  for the selection of the name. In the  early days it was spelled, Prince-  town. These statements regarding  the name are part of local tradition.  The Provincial Archives have been  ransacked in vain for documentary  proofs. But we shall continue to  cherish our connection with Edward the 'Peace-maker'."  In the above paragraph there is  little to change. The date of the  original survey, given as "the early  sixties" should be altered to read,  Oct. 18(H). And it should be cleaHv  noted that the Prince of Wales  comes into the picture only because  the townsite was named in his  honour in the same year in which  he visited Canada. The only living  Fnk Princeton has with the visit of  Edward. Prince of Wales, to Can-  aria in 1860 is Mr. A. E. Howse. He  •-till rememhers being taken to see  the proceedings on the occasion of  the Prince's visit. He was only five  years old at the time, when in  Grimsby, Ontario, his uncle Jacob  Beamer hoisted the little Albert  Edward on his shoulder so that he  misht get a good view of the Prince.  We do not know who was resoon-  sible for suggesting the name: local  tradition gives the credit to G^v"r-  nor Douglas, and it is quite likelv  that this is correct. But we cannot  no;r* io :>nv ''eflnite source as authority for this. 16  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  In Sit James Douglas and British  Columbia, by Dr. W. N. Sage (Toronto, 1930) we have extracts from  the Governor's Diary covering his  visit to the Similkameen in 1860.  The journey to Rock Creek was  made from Victoria via Hope, Yale,  Lytton, Nicola and Keremeos: "The  return journey was made by way  of Vermillion Forks along what  Douglas characterizes as a 'good  road, fine grassy plains' . . .The  next day, Oct. 2, Douglas instructs  Sergeant McColl, R.E., 'to continue  the road to Vermillion Forks or as  far as requisite, and to act in all  other respect under the instructions  issued to him by Col. Moody.' He  was also to 'mark out the lower  townsite at Vermillion Forks and  to push on over the watershed without delav before winter sets in'."  (pp. 318-319).  The original townsite was about  a mile east of the present townsite.  and was about a mile and a quarter  square. Its eastern boundary was  the Allison creek; its western, a line  running from Swan Lake to the  River. When the present townsite  was surveyed and mapped out into  lots, the name, Princeton, was finally adopted.  With the exception of Red Earth  and Rlackfoot all the names we  have reviewed are perpetuated in  some connection. Similkameen remains the name of the river and  valley as well as a political division.  Until a few years ago when it was  burned down, we had the Similkameen   Hotel.     And   our   Historical  Association is called the Similkameen. Mrs. Allison has been our  Honorary President since it began  in April, 1932.  Tulameen is also well remembered. Resides being the name of the  river, it is the name of one of the  Princeton hotels, a coal company,  and also the name of a settlement  a few miles west of Coalmont. The  lake at that point is often called  tulameen although its official name  is Otter Lake.  Allison, too, has given its name  to a railway station on the Great  Northern Railway only a few miles  east of Princeton. The flat formerly known as Yak-Tulameen is  known today as Allison's Flat. The  Allison Trail and the Allison Pass  have been much in evidence these  days since the construction of the  road between Princeton and Hooc  has been commenced. Then we  have Allison Creek which is the  official name for the creek usually  known as One Mile Creek, and formerly as Hunter's Creek or Graveyard Creek.  Vermilion was the name of the  company formed to develop Princeton and Vermilion is one of its  principal streets, and the Vermilion  caves still have a peculiar interest  to all who are interested in our  local history.  Princeton   is   reminiscent   of  the  "early  days", of the Roval visit to  Canada in 1860, and of Sir ,Tam"s  j Douglas and Col. Moody, and of the  j Royal Engineers. Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  17  Over the Penticton Trail  Bernard Lequime  When my parents first came to  British Columbia in 1858 we lived  for a time on Strawberry Island,  an island in the Fraser River about  half way between Hope and Yale.  In the spring of 1861 they travelled  over the Hope trail to Rock Creek  which was then booming. They  were on their way to the Wild  Horse Creek mines, but Rock Creek  was flourishing and the prospects  for it seemed so bright my father  decided to cast in his lot with the  camp.  I was born at Jamestown, California, on the 30th April, 1857, and  I was therefore a little over three  years old when we reached Rock  Creek, and I had a younger brother.  There was also a little girl in the  camp, Mary Mansfield, a daughter  of one of the miners. The camp  was unfortunate for my brother  and me. He was drowned in a  miner's ditch and I was kidnapped  by the Indians.  Naturally we three children were  great favourites with the miners;  they would do anything for us and  were always ready to play with us.  My mother never insisted on keeping me close to the house, but allowed me considerable freedom in  playing around. She knew when I  was with the miners I was safe.  When the Indian carried me off she  did not miss me for a while, but  when she gave the alarm the miners  dropped their tools. The Indian  came from some place near Chee-  saw across the Boundary line. He  was well known to my parents as  be had often been to our store. He  always took great notice of me and  was always ready to play with me.  They suspected him at once, and  the miners formed themselves into  a posse and followed him. They  rescued me and the Indian was  never seen or heard of afterwards.  If the law now in force in the  United States which decrees death  as the punishment for kidnapping  was enforced on that occasion, the  miners said nothing about it.  In the spring of 1861 the miners  began to desert Rock Creek, and  ny father and Joseph Christian decided to go to Cariboo. On the trail  between Penticton and the Mission  we met Father Pandosy who recommended my father to settle at the  Mission and start a trading post  with the Indians. And on my father  saying that he would not like to  settle with his family near so many  Indians, and that he would not stay  if Joseph Christian went on to  Cariboo, Father Pandosy replied  that he thought he had some influence with Christian and that he  would speak to him. I believe it  was on the recommendation of  Father Pandosy that my father and  Joseph Christian decided to stay  instead of going on to Cariboo.  It is strange how impressions  received in childhood's hour will  remain with one through life. When  we came over the trail I was a little  over four years old and of the  journey I remember but two things  and of these I have to this day a  clear-cut, distinct recollection—  the appearance of Father Pandosy  when we met him, and of the cow  I was being carried on. Father  Pandosy had a long beard and was  bald-headed and dressed in a suit  of buck skin, and was mounted, and  had no hat. The sun was shining  on his bald head and I suppose it  fascinated me. As for the cow, I  knew her as I knew my own father's face. She was roan colored  and had short stubbv horns. Strange  to say I saw one at the Mission recently which reminded me of her  very much.  Even in 1861 there was quite a  settlement at Okanagan Mission,  among others, Father Pandosy,  Father. Richards, Rrother Vernaine,  Theodore Lawrence, Suprient Lawrence, Francois Ortoland, John  McDougall, William and Gideon  Peon, and in 1862, August Calmel  and Chaprius and Victor Barre.  John McDougall, the founder of the  McDougall family, was then running a branch store at what is now  the Guisachan Ranch for the Hud- 18  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  son's Bay Company under Chief  Factor McLean who was then at  Keremeos. I knew William Peon,  the discoverer of placer gold on  Cherry Creek.  In 1861 the priests had a grist  mill near the Mission. It was not  much bigger than a coffe mill and  was operated by a sweep with a  horse attached. The bolting cloth  was coarse and let a lot of the  shorts or middling through and the  flour was brown in color. This  mill was operated for some years  after our arrival.  In his letter to Father D'Herbomez of the 9tb Oct. 1859, Father  Pandosy mentions some grape vines  he was going to bring in and  plant, and then, he said, they would  be able to sing:  "C'est  surtout  a Pabri  du  vent  Qu'il se chaulfe au soleil levant  C'est une vine."  But if any such grape vines were  brought in I never saw or heard of  them.  The apple trees the priests first  planted grew to be enormous trees.  They have since been removed,  when, and by whom, I do not remember. The trees there now bearing the small under-sized appiles  must be of a subsequent planting.  When we first came to the Mission we had no way of telling the  time. Clocks were not articles of  furniture the miners packed over  the trail. My father had followed  the sea for many years and had  some knowledge of navigation and  he soon improvised a sundial. By  setting up two stakes in a line with  the polar star he obtained the direction of true north and south, and  he then staked out with some degree of accuracy no doubt, the  hours on the ground from six to  twelve and from twelve to six so  that we could always tell the time  as long as the sun was shining.  I remember the late Mrs. B. F.  Young very -well when she was living with her uncle and aunt. Mr.  and Mrs. Joseph Christien. There  was also a Frank Christien who  lived with Joseph for a time. Some  of his descendents are now living  on  Kettle River.  The incident of the Indian attacking my father with a knife, as  related on page seven of our first  Report, is quite true. My father  saved himself by out-speeding the  Indian to the house and shutting  the door. When the door was slam  med-to it caught the Indian's arm  ana held it fast, and my father  shouted to my mother for the axe  to cut the arm off, but my mother's  softer counsels prevailed—it would  cause further trouble with the Indians, she said. W. G. Cox, the  Gold Commissioner, in passing  through, always stopped at our  place, and on my father telling him  of the attack his advice was: "Mr.  Lequime, if anything like that happens again be sure to get in the  first shot, and it will be all right"  . . . there would be no lengthy and  troublesome legal investigation  over it. When the whites first arrived the Indians were opposed to  their settlement on the land, and  some of them were very bitter  about it  Some time after this two Indians  came into the house during my father's absence, and made themselves quite at home.  There was a large trunk setting  alongside the fireplace in which we  kept our most precious possessions.  The Indian after standing in front  of the fire for some time, asked my  mother to open it, which she refused to do. Not liking the demeanor of the Indians my mother told  me to go to the Lawrence house,  about half a mile away, and tell  the men to come over at once. The  Indians when they saw the men  coming decamped, but that night  thev returned and after pounding  at the door and demanding to be  admitted they tried to get in at  the window. My mother drew the  sixshooter which my father had  left with her, and when they appeared at the window, she told  them that when she counted three  she would fire. They did not wait.  That was the only time my mother  was molested by the Indians while  my father was absent.  For three and a half years—  1.869-1873—I went to school in New  Westminster. Among my school  mates were Captain John Irvine  who died recently, W. H. Keary,  Thomas Fraser York and Alexander McClure of Sumas, Alexander  and  Donald  McLean  of  Pitt  Mea- .Society of Vernon, Rritish Columbia—1937  19  (lows, and Tilman and St. John  Herring. The Herring brothers  lived across the river at what was  then known as Brownville, and  they brought milk across every  morning and delivered it to their  customers before coming to school.  For two years I lived in Victoria  learning carpentering, and while  so employed I worked on Judge  Begbie's house which was then be-  in<? built.  In 1877 Phil. Parkes built the  waggon road from Priest Valley to  the Mission. There was a man  named John Birmingham who had  a sub-contract under Parkes, and  when the road was finished this  man, Birmingham, built the first  Mission Creek bridge. His foreman  on the bridge was named Curvreau  who later was foreman on the  Coldstream. I knew him well and  followed him and worked on the  ranch for six months.  It is very, noticeable how fast  Ihe wild sunflowers are dying out.  At one time they grew in profusion.  There was one place in particular,  on the north side of the Coldstream  valley commencing about opposite  to the place where the buildings  now stand and running up the val-  lev towards the old Kieffer place,  which every year in early summer  was a blaze of color, the soft golden yellow of the sunflowers  blending harmoniously with the  dark green of the new bunch grass.  The smell of the sunflowers and  the bunch grass was peculiar. It  was like the fragrance of fresh  meadow grass with a wild acrid  tang added. It was very noticeable  as one rode along. There was a  horse thief from Oregon in the val-  lev for a while and he always said  Okanagan was the great land of  sunshine, sunflowers and sons of  b——hs.  Our stone grist mill was built in  1887. The turbine wheel which  drove the mill and the upper stone  rotated on the same shaft. While  the mill was being built there was  considerable discussion among our  neighbors as to whether the power  would be sufficient. The fall was  only eight feet clear and some said  the fall was not enough, but Ihe  ditch and short flume which delivered the water to the wheel was  five feet wide by four deep so that  the large volume of water com pen-  sated for the short fall and we always had lots of power.  We brought the mill in over a  very narrow and rough road between Enderby and Sicamous. It  was the first year the road was  opened. I went out for the mill in  June, 1887, with two four-horse  teams and three or four men. In  mv team I had two stallions and  some of the horses had not been  broken in to work very long and  it was a hard team to handle. On  my waggon there was no proper  brake, only an improvised one rigged up with a rope wound around  a log with a spoke in it. I drove  and Joe Bishop, who at one time  was very well known around the  Mission, tended brake.  In coming home all went well  until after we crossed the divide  south of Vernon when, in going  down a hill, the horses began to  travel pretty fast, and Joe Bishop  instead of sticking to his post got  scared and jumped. With the brake  released any chance I had of controlling the team vanished and they  ran away. Fortunately at the foot  of the hill I managed to switch  them off the road and run them up  a steep slope and bring them to a  standstill. When I looked around  for Joe Bishop to tell him what I  thought of him, he was on the road  to Mission and travelling fast. He  did not wait to hear what I had to  say to him and it was just as well  for him that he did not. He should  not have jumped and left me in  the lurch as he did. I never saw  Joe Bishop after that day.  When Norman McDonald who  was driving the second team came  up he said in a soft, drawling way  he had of speaking, "You know,  Bernard, people have been saying  you would not have fall enough  for this mill of your's, but when I  saw your team running away I  thought for sure, you would soon  have more fall for it than you  would know what to do with." Such  was life in those days.  We Lequime boys in choosing  our wives, stuck pretty closelv to  the pioneers. My youngest brother,  Leon, was married on the 5th.  April,    1893,    at    the    church    at 20  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  O'Keefe's, by Father Walsh to Miss  Delphine Christien, the eldest  daughter of Louis Christien and a  niece of Joseph Christien who came  over the Penticton trail in 1861  with my father. My next brother  Gaston was married in 1885 to  Marie Louise Gillard, a niece of  August Gillard who settled at the  Mission in 1862, and I was married  in San Francisco, Cal., on the 21st  Sep. 1892, to Miss Margaret Dow-  ling. Mrs. Lequime was born in  San Francisco, and is a daughter  of James Dowling, a native of Dublin, Ireland, who came to California in 1852, and was in the vanguard  of the miners when they first  reached Cariboo in 1859, where he  mined for several years.  The first church, a log building,  and the first grist mill was built at  the Mission in 1861, and the second  church in 1886. On the Lequime  ranch the house was built in 1872,  and the store in 1875. Last summer (1936) I went over the ground  again and marked the sites of these  buildings, and the sites were afterwards surveyed by G. C. Tassie.  C.E., of Vernon, who tied up the  surveys with Government survey  posts in the vicinity. He also made  a very good map of part of the old  Mission property and of part of the  Lequime ranch, showing the location of the sites. A copv of the map  was given to the Okanagan Historical Society, and another will be  deposited in the Okanagan Museum  at Kelowna.  I left Okanagan Mission to live at  Kelowna in 1895. My brother Gaston died from injuries received  while riding after cattle in 1889,  and Leon died at Lewiston, Idaho,  on the 15th April, 1935.  On page 202 of our Sixth Report  Judith N. Pope gives 1857 as the  date of the founding of Okanagan  Mission, while in our First Report  F. M. Buckland gives 1859 as the  date. The founding of the Mission  would relate back to the date on  which the Church first decreed  that a Mission should be established. But after it so decreed considerable time would necessarily  elapse in arranging for men and  money to carry out the project.  The Mission would be founded before it would be a going concern,  as it were. As far as I am aware  both dates are correct. The Mission was probably founded in 1857  but the necessary buildings were  not erected and the Mission was  not established until 1859. There  is a distinction between founding;  and establishing. Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  21  The Welby Stage Coach  Jessie Ewart Bird, B. A.  Pioneers and oldtimers in the  Similkameen and Okanagan Valleys  will know that Princeton and Penticton have only been connected by  a road since after 1900. The Welby  stage coach, now owned by the  Similkameen Historical Association,  is well known to many of them.  They all remember its owner, Mr.  W. E. Welby, and any trip travelled  in the coach between Penticton and  Princeton is vivid in their memories.  The story of this coach, the  events leading up to its need, the  vivid personality of its owner, the  roads of the Similkameen, the years  of active use of the coach, its gradual disuse, its abandonment ana rehabilitation is a fascinating one,  and one that has been a privilege  and pleasure to study and discuss.  The heartfelt thanks of the writer  must be expressed to the oldtimers,  of Princeton, Hedley, Keremeos and  Penticton who so freely gave their  time and reminiscences to assist her  in finding the material  This mining boom, when Hedley  grew with amazing rapidity, necessitated a regular mall route and  express service, but it was not until  1903 that tenders for a bi-weekly  mail contract were called for. The  contract from Princeton to Hedley  was awarded to Mr. Fred Revely,  (who was killed in January 1937 in  a motor accident in Vancouver)  and from Hedley to Penticton to  Mr. W. E. Welby.  On the strength of this contract  Mr. Welby bought the L. C. Barnes  Livery Barn in Penticton and used  it as his headquarters. At first he  used a democrat on the route, but  as the volume of business increased he invested in a coach. There  is a note in the Hedley Gazette,  April 6th, 1905: "Fred Baker came  in on Saturday with a brand new  Concord, which has been placed  on the Penticton - Hedley stage  route. The quality is all right, but  it is a little out on the score of frequency. So fine a rig should be  seen   oftener   than   twice   a   week.  In   1898   a   well   known   mining  Proprietor Welby fs bound to keep  engineer, Mr. M. K. Rogers, during  a visit to a mining exhibition in  Victoria, noticed some very interesting gold ore samples. Instead of  going to Alaska as he had intended,  be went to Hedley and examined  the claims on which this ore had  been found, and as a result of his  examination, in 1899 work was begun on the now famous Nickel Plate  Mine. At this time Princeton was  connected with the outside world  bv a stage coach line from Soences  Bridge via Nicola and Granite  Creek. The southern part of the  valley was reached by a trail which  was used by pack trains and ranchers who brought their cattle to  the higher lands for summer pasture. The definite discovery of gold  and the consequent influx of people   made   a   connecting   road   be  abreast of the times."  This coach was built by Henderson & Sons of Stockton, Calif., and  according to Mr. T. Roadhouse,  who was manager for Mr. Welby  for a number of years, it came  brand new, direct from Stockton in  1905 and was used only on the  Penticton - Hedley route and later  through to Princeton. As the coach  has the letters "U.S. Mail" on its  sides, it has been presumed by  some that it was used for that purpose on the other side of the line.  It is doubtful if this was the case,  a* the Similkameen Historical Association has a letter from the  Stockton Chamber of Commerce  stating that coaches similar to this  type were manufactured up to  about 1903 or 1904, and il would  ppear  that   this   particular   conch  tween Penticton, Keremeos, Hedley | was built as a regular type then  and Princeton a necessity. During | being sold to the U.S. Government  1899 and early 1900 a road was j for use in carrying the mails. This  built from Penticton through Kere- coach is a thoroughbrace model  meos and to Hedley, and after and the only one of this type used  much delay, was finallv completed between Penticton and Princeton,  lo Princeton in the fall of 1901.     I An article called "When Life and 25!  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical.  Oeath rode West" describes them  thus: "It is swung on leather straps  attached to "C" springs front and  rear—and are claimed to be the  easiest riding overland stages ever  invented." It is a covered model  with rolled up doors or shutters,  seats six in the cab, and the driver  and one or two others on top; has  a boot front and back, both of  which are used for mail and baggage—and the power required to  draw it—four horses.  This thoroiighbrace model was  a well known sight on the road  between Penticton and Hedlev from  1905 to 1913. Here is a day's schedule, the rate being $7.00 Penticton  to Hedley one way. Leavine Penticton at 7 a.m. it arrived at Clark's  on the Green Mountain Road for  lunch and change of horses, in  Keremeos from 4 to 5 p.m., and  again changing horses and it reached Hedley between 8 and 9 p.m.  This was the schedule spring, summer, autumn and winter, at first  twice a week and later three times,  and it carried, according to Mr,  Welby's advertisement in the Hedley Gazette,  "Royal Mail, Passengers  and  Express"  The first few years were the golden ones for our stage. During this  time it carried to Penticton the  gold bricks from the Nickel Plate  Mine. These bricks were about  5 by 14 inches, and were packed in  a wooden box. This box was put  in sacks with the ore and taken  through as ore samples. The sacks  were placed in the front boot and  often Mr. Rogers rode on top beside the driver. Mr. George Rid-  dell of Hedley told me the driver0  never knew when this gold brick  was going to be sent out. Only once  did the carrying of this brick require   an   armed   guard   and   this  a rumour of a  On this occasion  were   placed  in  when   there   was  pending hold-up.  four   armed   men  front and two behind.  The stage was not always business bound; on such special festive days as the Queen's Birthday  or Dominion Day, it extended its  journey to Princeton with a load of  merrymakers. The fare for the  round trip from Hedley to Princeton was $5.00.   It is easy to imagine  the coach with its four horses gayly  decked with ribbons, driver on top  of the front boot, flanked by a passenger or two and a full coach  bowling quickly along the road and  over the hill into town, its arrival  announced by the blare of a bugle.  This bugle is the best remembered  part of the coach and was a true  touch of old England and most satisfying to Mr. Welby. It was later used on a rural mail route in  Penticton and is now in the possession of Mrs. A. H. Wade.  It was not only an ornament; it  had its use during the hot and  dusty summer months. Mrs. Tweddle of Keremeos told me that often  when the coach was coming down  the long hill at Green Mountain,  the passengers would see a cloud  of dust near the bottom and not  know if it were a freighter or a  herd of cattle, the driver would  blow a mighty blast on the bugle,  and if the dust was caused by a  teamster, he would pull his wagon  to one side and give the coach the  right of way, while it would entail  a long and dusty manoeuvre to pass  cattle.  Mr.    Welby's    advertisement    of  1907 reads:  "A   beautiful   drive   over   the   best  of roads,  Fast stock and the best of drivers."  No doubt he was quite correct  about his stock, drivers and the  beauty of the road but all old timers who remember the stage and  the trip are most emphatic about  the condition of the road, and according to their stories it was far  from "the best of roads". Mr.  Roadhouse very graphically described the Green Mountain road  which consisted of miles of steep  pitches and downhill grades and  wound over the too of a mountain.  In winter the trip was through  snow, in spring through mud and  in summer the dust was everywhere and many an old timer told  me tales of dusty, bumo trips.  In suite of the condition of the  road, in searching the pages of the  Similkameen Star and the Hedley  Gazette there were few records of  accidents. One incident reported  in the H&dley Gazette on December  7th. 1905, reads as follows:  "Welby stage broke down on Sat- Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  23  urday between Olalla and Keremeos. As the stage was going  through some of the short pitches  on the road the tongue broke. The  resourcefulness of Driver McKenzie was, however, equal to the occasion and lashing the broken  tongue together with sundry ropes,  he arrived safely in Keremeos."—  and it goes on to say "after speedy  driving between Keremeos and  Hedley the stage was only two  hours late into Hedley."  However, the following incidents  though not stories of Mr. Welby's  coach, will illustrate some of the  trials and troubles of the road. The  first, referring to Mr. Revely's  stage is dated July 6th, 1995, in the  Hedley Gazette—"Princeton stage  was late on Monday. On making  enquiries the cause was learned—  a mishap on the way. One of the  hind wheels came off and allowed  the axle to plow through a mud-  hole. When the passengers had  scrambled out they resolved themselves into a committee of ways  and means., The axle was cleaned,  the wheel put on again, but on a  dry axle—what was to be done?  There was no dwelling within  miles; the driver was in despair,  the male passengers had gone their  limit, when a lady passenger came  to the rescue and produced the  thing necessary—a lubricant—this  she fished out of her travelling bag  in the shape of a bottle of castor  oil and all went merry as a marriage bell. Castor oil is an old  standby—good alike for babies and  stages—God  bless the  ladies."  The other happened on the Nicola route and is from the Similkameen Star Local and Personals,  March 21st. 1903: "Mr. Silverthorn  returned from the Coast on last  week's stage, at least as far as Otter Canyon, when the stage got  stalled in a snowslide. Mine host  of the Hotel Jackson found walking poor between that place and J.  Thynne's, a distance of nine miles.  Mr. Silverthorn finally arrived here  Wednesday on the top of a load of  hay after spending nearly a week  on the road between this place and  Nicola Lake. Such is life in the  far West."  And here are some of the questions   curious   and  interested   pas  sengers asked of the driver. "Are  your horses skittish? What size is  the axle? Are there no highwaymen along the route?" Similar to  those questions asked the bus-driver today, though, of course, applying to a different type of vehicle.  From 1905 onwards a branch of  the Great Northern Railway, the  V. V. and E. (Vancouver, Victoria  and Eastern) was being built into  British Columbia via Oroville,  Chopaka, Keremeos and Hedley to  Princeton. It was completed to  Keremeos in 1907 and to Princeton  about 1914. Mr. Welby still ran  his stage line but after 1908 mail  was carried only from Penticton to  Keremeos, the Great Northern having the charter from Keremeos to  Hedley. Gradually the competition of the train and the advent of  the motor car signalled the end of  the career of the stage coach. By  1911, old timers remember that  cars, or more accurately, one or  two cars were being used as jitneys  to Penticton and the period from  1911 to 1913 seemed to have been  one of gradual decline both for  Mr. Welby and the coach. It has  been extremely difficult to find any  exact data concerning these years.  Mr. Welby still owned his livery  stable in Penticton and the coach  was housed in the barn and possibly used occasionally. In 1913  this stable was burned and Mr.  Welby lost much of his equipment  and several head of stock. This  fire put an end to his stage line.  The Concord was one of the few  pieces of equipment saved from  the fire, and in 1914 it was bought  bv a Mr. Adams and driven to  Princeton. For a period of six  months to a year he used it on the  Princeton-Copper Mountain route.  But a stage coach was no longer efficient and the motor car definitely  showed that the era of the coach  was finished forever in this country.  Mr. Adams sold the stage line to  Mr. Frank Buckless in 1916 and the  coach passed into his hands along  with other effects. Now, as far as  Mr. Buckless was concerned, the  coach was an out-moded and outworn contrivance, almost a liability, and something that was continually in the way, so it was left 24  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  outside to the mercy of the elements. The coach was returned to  Ihe limelight during Richter's Rodeo in 1917, when Mr. A. D. (Cowboy) Kean made a film of the  countryside around Princeton. It  was used in a number of scenes  and Mrs. Elizabeth Daly of Keremeos and Mr. Jim Wallace (deceased) of Princeton rode in the  coach and played the part of the  pioneers of the story. These two  were also pioneers in their own  right as both had come to the Similkameen valley many years before.  After this exciting event the  coach was forgotten and it stood  in a shed behind the F. P. Cook  Estate store, to be remembered  only on occasions of hilarity and  deviltry. Once or twice, drawn  by exuberant guests, it conveyed a  bride and groom through the  streets of Princeton, but mostly it  lay a prey to the hands of vandals  and small boys on Hallowe'en.  Rut it's fate was not to deteriorate and gradually crumble into oblivion. Princeton had the good  fortune to have called to the pulpit of the United Church, Rev.  John Goodfellow, a person of great  capability and keenly interested in  British Columbia history. He saw  it and enquired about its story and  began to find ways and means of  preserving it. In 1931 through his  instigation, the Similkameen Historical Association was formed  and one of its first acquisitions 'was  the coach which was presented to  the association by Mr. Perley Russell,   manager   of  the   F.   P.   Cook  Estate. It was then renovated and  repainted in colours as near the  original as possible.  Its lirst appearance after the renovation was on the occasion of  the Silver Jubilee of King George  V. It was driven in a parade by  Mr. W. A. (Podunk) Davis, who  says he is a mere chee-chako who  came to the Similkameen in '85.  Its passengers were Mr. and Mrs.  A. E. Howse, old timers of the Nicola and Similkameen Valleys,  dressed in the fashions of the  1900's. Needless to say, the coach  and its occupants were the objects  of much admiration and favorable  comment.  Shortly after the Jubilee celebration destruction again menaced the  coach when the arena in which it  was housed was entirely demolished by fire. Fortunately it was saved and now has found another temporary shelter. It is the ambition  of the Similkameen Historical Asi-  sociation to erect a suitable structure to serve as a permanent home  for the coach and also to act as a  museum for its pictures, manuscripts and relics of past years in  the  Similkameen.  Thus Mr. Welby's coach, which  was used during the last decade  of coaching in British Columbia,  and did much to assist in the opening up and developing of the Hedley and Princeton districts, has at  last arrived to sanctuary and care  —truly a museum piece of much  value and interest, at last protected  from a society that did not realize  its historical significance.  "SaaB* Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  25  Why the Okanagan Is a Dry Belt  George  W.  Johnson  Although this valley is generally  referred to as "the dry belt of British Columbia", precipitation is by  no means evenly distributed. It is  heavier in the north end. diminishes towards the south as will be  seen from the following averages  of yearly precipitation taken over  a number of years. In calculating  precipitation, 10 inches of snow  is regarded as equivalent to one  inch of rainfall. Vernon 15.54  inches; Kelowna 11.50 inches;  Summerland 9.72 inches; Penticton 10.64 inches and Oliver 7.94  inches. Fairly central in the limits covered by these north and  south boundaries is Summerland,  and as meteorological observations  have been taken at the Dominion  Experimental Station over a period of twenty years, we will take  this as the point of our investigation.  A glance at a topographical map  of the Okanagan valley will show  that it is surrounded on all sides  bv mountains and high plateaus.  The Lake itself is 1130 f^* above  the sea. Those hiffh altitudes to  the west of the Valley are of particular significance as it is from  the west that a large proportion of  the moisture-bearing clouds approach the valley. Meteorologists  tell us that the majority of the  storms that aoproach the southern  part of British Columbia originate  in the Pacific Ocean, generally to  the south of Japan where the polar  continental air currents from Asia  come in contact with tropical maritime air from the warm Japanese  current and the resulting disturL.  ance causes storms which ultimate-  ly strike our continent.  Cloud formation is the first stage  in the production of rainfall and  it is necessary here to digress brief-  lv to show how this is brought  about. Cloud is formed bv the condensation of the invisible water  vapour present in the atmosphere  into the form of small liquid drops.  To bring this about air must be  cooled to below the dew point.  The only process in nature that is  capable of giving rise to sufficient  condensation to produce an appreciable amount of rainfall is that  involved in the cooling caused by  a transfer of air from low to high  levels. The principal causes for  the rise of air are the meeting of  currents with different temperatures, when the colder, being the  heavier, thrusts itself under the  warmer and lifts it up, and the  passage of air currents from lower  to higher levels on the earth's surface.  As we know, air always contains  moisture in the form of invisible  vapour, and the amount of waler  which can be carried before the  air reaches saturation, varies with  the temperature. Warm air is capable of carrying more moisture  than cold air. At 60° F. there may  be as much as 5.8 grains per cubic  foot of air, whereas at 40° F. the  air may contain 2.9 grains only.  Therefore if a cubic foot of saturated air at 60° F. is cooled to 40°  F.. 2. 9 grains of water will be condensed on the dust particles floating in the air and appear as fog  or cloud. At the lower levels, provided no heat is supplied from an  independent source, air cools approximately at the rate of 1° for  each 180 feet of rise, and conversely heats at 1° for each 180 feet  of fall; this rise and fall being quite  independent of the path the air  may take.  As we have said most of the  storms which reach this section of  British Columbia originate in 'he  Pacific Ocean, and in imagination  we will endeavour to trace a unit  of air, say, a cubic foot, from the  neighbourhood of the Philinoine  .Islands in its course across ihe  ocean to its destination in the  southern interior of British Columbia. When it leaves the tropical regions iust north of the equator, it is picked up by a good stiff  breeze and carried many miles in  the prevailing winds in a northerly  direction. As it approaches Japan  it turns almost due east. We will  assume that the temperature of this 26  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  cubic foot of air is 60° F. When it  started out it was comparatively  dry, but as it passed over the ocean  it soon sucked up moisture and approached saturation which as we  have seen would be a content of  5.8 grains of invisible moisture. In  its course across the ocean it encountered various obstacles, shed  a little moisture here, picked up a  little there, eventually reaching our  coast cooled slightly by land  breezes but still carrying its quota  of moisture. On striking the mainland, it encounters a further shock.  Land surfaces are generally cooler  than water surfaces, and as it  passes over Vancouver it sheds a  little moisture. It continues up  the Fraser valley still shedding  moisture until it reaches the mountains in the Hope and Coquihalla  districts. Here it is forced up the  mountain sides to an altitude of  from five to seven thousand feet.  A plateau of about this height continues for several miles. The once  moisture-laden atmosphere at 60°  F., by the simple process of rising  and thereby expanding, has been  cooled off to, say, 20° F., at which  temperature a cubic foot of air can  only carry 1. 23 grains of water in  the form of invisible vapour. The  balance has been disposed of in the  form of cloud, rain, hail, snow,  dew or some form of precipitation. As already stated, the temperature falls at the rate of approximately 1° F. for every 180  feet of rise in the lower levels, and  conversely rises as it comes down  to sea level. Thus, it will readily  be seen, in crossing this plateau  the air will be depleted of a great  deal of its moisture.  Ry the time the eastern slopes of  this plateau are reached the atmosphere, although perhaps still  carrying moisture almost to the  point of saturation for the higher  altitudes, begins gradually to descend. In the process of descending it becomes heated by compression, and thereby capable of carrying more moisture. There is a  slight dip in the neighborhood of  Princeton, but it is not until Osprey  Lake (3606) is reached that the  real descent begins. From this  point there is a gradual fail to  Okanagan Lake (1130 ft.). The  complete journey down these eastern slopes involves a fall of nearly 5000 ft. a rise in temperature of  about 30°, so that we now have an  air temperature of 50°, capable of  carrying nearly four grains of water, and the atmosphere instead of  shedding moisture, is taking it up  by the process of evaporation, and  this current of air which we have  traced for so many thousands of  miles across the ocean, that mighl  have done so much for us in bringing us copious and refreshing  showers to revive and replenish  the earth, wmen it does reach our  valley it comes down out of the  hills like a marauder and robber  licking up every bit of moisture  going and carrying it off.  These are the simpler and more  obvious factors which account for  our light rainfalls and cloudless  days. There are, of course, many  others, each .contributing to the  ultimate result, but these are a subject more for the meteorologist  than for a paper such as this. ••• • ■ ,Wfr---K.-:-  Society of Vernon, British Columria—1937  27  The Manson Mountain Grave  Rev. John C. Goopfellow  In the fall of 1935 Walter Jameson of Princeton, and Harry Squa-  kin of Chu-chu-a-waa (the Indian  village near Hedley) reported the  discovery of a grave on Manson  mountain. At the time there was  some doubt regarding the name of  the man commemorated by the  lonely headstone, but it was known  lhat about the middle of the last  century, one of the Hudson's Bay  Company servants had been killed  by a falling tree, somewhere along  the old Brigade Trail where it  crosses Manson mountain. This  mountain is south of Pierre river,  east of Hope, and in the Yale District. The site of the grave is  marked by a rock standing upright.  On the brigade trail trees have  grown up and are now "thicker  around than a telegraph pole" to  use   Harry   Squakin's  description.  In answer to an inquiry, the  Editor of The Beaver, says Douglas  McKay, communicated with the  Archives Department of the Hudson's Bay Company, and received  the following reply from London,  England.  Extract from letter from Chief  Factor James Douglas, to William  G. Smith, Secretary of the Hudson's  Bay Company in London, dated,  Victoria, 7th August, 1855.  "This moment, as the 'Otter' is  starting for San Francisco letters  have   arrived   from    Langley,   an  nouncing the death of Chief Trader Fraser at 'Campment de Chev-  ruiP. A tree fell on him, and he  survived the accident only about  an hour, and never spoke.  "The other particulars of that  melancholy event, by which the  Company has lost a zealous and  devoted servant and his colleagues  a warm hearted friend, will be  gathered from Chief Trader (Donald) Manson's letter, which is herewith transmitted  . . . ."  Letter from Chief Trader Donald Manson to Chief Factor James  Douglas, dated 'Campment de Chiv'  29th   July, 1855.  "I have this moment (1 p.m.) arrived here from the Quaquyalla  where I left Mr. McLean, at 6 a.m.  this morning, with our Brigade—  I am now very, very sorry to inform you of the death of our old  and worthy friend Mr. C(hief) Trader Paul Fraser, poor Gentleman  he only survived the blow about  an hour, and during that time he  never spoke. I shall see the body  interred and arranged as well as  our means admit, and bring the  Kamloops Brigade on with me to  that place where I shall leave Mr.  C(hief) Trader McLean in charge  until further instructions from the  Board.—On reaching Kamloops I  shall have his papers collected and  sealed  up  immediately N.B.  He   died   vesterdav  about   6   p.m."  — (H.B.C. Archives A. 11/56.) 28  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  Municipalities  Max H. Ruhman  The following is a list of all  municipalities incorporated in the  Okanagan Valley, with the dates  of incorporation and the names of  the first Mayors and Aldermen, or  Reeves and Councillors as the case  may be, and the names of the first  City or Municipal Clerks.  City of Enderby. Incorporated  March 1st, 1905*". Mayor, George  Bell. Aldermen: Robert P. Bradley, Joseph W. Evans, Noah H.  Kenny, George R. Sharpe and Edward T: Smith. City Clerk, Graham Rosoman who still holds the  position, and is also Police Magistrate for the City, and Stipendary  Magistrate for the District.  City of Armstrong. Incorporated  March 26th, 1913. Mayor, James M.  Wright. Aldermen: F. C. Wolfenden, T. K. Smith, A. E. Morgan, J.  Leveripgton, H. A. Fraser. City  Clerk, A. J. Fifer, who still retains  the position.  City of Vernon. Incorporated  Dec. 30th, 1892. Mayor, W. F.  Cameron. Aldermen: S. C. Smith,  J. A. Schubert, James Lyons, A. G.  Fuller and W. J. Armstrong. City  Clerk, R. J. Davies.  City of Kelowna. Incorporated  May 4th, 1905. Mayor, Henry Wil-  lam Raymer. Aldermen: Elisha Re-  seau Bailey, David Lloyd-Jones,  Colin S. Smith, Daniel Wilber Su  therland, Simon Tackett Elliott.  City Clerk, Robert Morrison.  District of Spallumcheen. Incorporated July 21st, 1892. Reeve, Donald Graham. Councillors: Robert  Wood, John A. Cameron, Thomas  N. Hayes, and Donald Matheson.  Municipal Clerk, Henry Seydel.  District of Coldstream. Incorporated Dec. 21st, 1906. Reeve, W.  C. Ricardo. Councillors: R. Gillespie, J. L. Webster, B. C. S. Turner,  and John Kidston. Municipal Clerk,  A. T. Kirkpatrick.  District of Peachland. Incorporated January 1st, 1909. Reeve, W.  A. Lang. Councillors: S. F. Callen-  der, M. N. Morrison, L. D. McCall,  C. G. Elliott. Municipal Clerk, H.  McDougall. The first meeting of  the Municipal Council was held in  the Orange Hall on the 1st. Feb.,  1909.  District of Summerland. Incorporated Dec. 1st, 1906. Reeve J. M.  Robinson. Councillors: R. H. Agur,  James Ritchie, J. R. Brown and C.  J. Thomson. Municipal Clerk, J. L.  Logie. The first meeting of the  Municipal Council was held on Jan,  21st, 1907.  District of Penticton. Incorporated Dec. 31st, 1908. Reeve, A. H.  Wade. Councillors: L. C. Barnes,  Sydney Hatch, Henry Murk and  John Power. Municipal Clerk,  Charles Were. The first meeting of  the Municipal Council was held in  the Court House on Feb. 1st, 1909. Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  29  Canada Kept Faith  L. Norris  In the year 1868 the colony of  British Columbia was not prosperous. The output of gold from  Cariboo had been declining for  some years, and the discovery of  placer gold on the Rig Bend of the  Columbia River in 1865, which at  one time had raised expectations so  high, proved to be something of a  flash in the pan.  To improve conditions the Government turned its attention towards securing closer connection  with eastern Canada, and in 1868  J. W. Trutch who was then Chief  Commissioner of Lands and Works  for the Colony, laid before the  Government a plan for building a  road across the Rockies. The pro-  proposed waggon road was to be  of Ihe same character and width as  the road from Yale to Cariboo. A  branch of the Cariboo road had  been built into Savona, and  Trutch's estimate of the distance  and cost of the proposed road from  Savona to the mouth of the Rra-  zeau River by way of Yellowhead  Pass, was 515 miles and $1,050,000,  and in his reports he added: "From  the mouth of the Brazeau River  there is good steamboat navigation  to Fort Garry with the exception  of one spot at the Great Rapids, 12  miles upstream from the mouth of  the Saskatchewan."  In the meantime conditions in  eastern Canada were changing rapidly. The confederation of the  eastern provinces took place in  1867, and bv a Deed of Surrender  dated the 30th Nov. 1869, the octopus-like hold of the Hudson's Ray  Company on what is now the three  prairie provinces had been broken,  and Sir John A. Macdonald, who  was then in power, was preparing  lo carry into execution his plan for  connecting the whole of British  North America with a railway from  sea to sea.  His overtures to the colonists of  British Columbia to enter the Canadian confederation as a province in  1869, were welcomed if not with  the desperation of a drowning man  clutching at a straw, at least with  ihe relief a swimmer in difficulties  feels when he clutches the side of  a substantial raft.  The delegates appointed to represent the Colony in settling the  terms on which the new province  was to enter confederation were  J. W. Trutch. Dr. J. S. Helmcken  and Dr. R. Wr. W. Carroll. They  left Victoria on the 10th Mav,  1870.  When they returned the terms  upon which the Colony would be  admitted to Confederation were so  liberal that when they came before  the Legislative Assembly for ratification they were accepted unanimously, in fact with a unanimity  that to some seemed almost indecent. The Victoria Colonist thus  desribes the scene in its issue of  the 19th Jan. 1870: "Our Legislature yesterday presented a strange  study. Just think of it. A Legislature created we might say for the  express purpose of deciding the  great question of confederation  giving a unanimous vote in silence,  save only what was said by the  mover and seconder. A little opposition would have been preferable to a silence which was scarcely becoming."  When the Bill came before the  House of Commons at Ottawa there  was no unseemly unanimity manifested. The opposition fought the  measure tooth and nail, led by Alexander Mackenzie who declared that  it was an insane bargain impossible  of accomplishment, and that Canada had been betrayed. The section  of the Act over which the controversy raged the fiercest was the  railwav clause which reads:  "II The Government of the Dominion undertakes to secure the  commencement simultaneously, within two years of the date of the  Union of a Railway from the Pacific towards the Rock Mountains, 30  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  and from such point as may be  settled, east of the Rock Mountains,  towards the Pacific, to connect the  sea board of British Columbia with  the Railway system of Canada, and  further to secure the completion of  such Railway within ten years  from the date of Union."  The Bill finally passed on the 1st  April, 1871, but only with the majority the Government usually had,  greatly reduced. The Railway clause  was later modified by a Resolution  of the House of Commons and by  a speech made by J. W. Trutch.  The Resolution was passed on the  11th April, 1871, and reads: "That  the Railway referred to in the address to Her Magesty concerning  the union of Rritish Columbia with  Canada, adopted by this House on  Saturday, 1st April, instant, should  be constructed and worked by private enterprise and not by the Dominion Government, and that the  public aid to be given to secure  that undertaking should consist of  such liberal grants of land, such  subsidy in money or other aid not  increasing the present rate of taxation, as the Parliament of Canada  shall hereafter determine."  This Resolution virtually made  the building of the road contingent  on Canada being able to build it  without increasing the rate of taxation.  Mr. Trutch's speech was made at  a banquet in Ottawa, on the 10th  April, in the presence of every  member of the Cabinet except Sir  John A. Macdonald who was in  Washington at the time. He was  then the accredited Agent at Ottawa, of the Colonial Government.  He said, among other things:  "When he came to Ottawa with his  co-delegates last year they entered  into a computation with the Privy  Council as to the cost and time it  would take to build the line, and  they came to the conclusion that it  could be built in ten years. If they  had said twelve or eighteen years,  that time would have been accepted  with equal readiness, as all that  was understood was that the line  should be built as soon as possible." (R. C. Sess. Papers, 1875,  page 618).  These words cannot be taken as  the  utterance   of  an   irresponsible  man spoken casually and without  particular import. The time, the  place and the circumstances indicate that his words were well considered, and that the speaker in  giving utterance to them must have  realized that what he was saying  would have, should at any time a  difference of opinion arise as to  the proper interpretation of the  Terms of Union, an important bearing on what the two parties really  meant when they were agreed on,  especially the Railway clause.  One of the other delegates, Dr.  Carroll, who was made a Senator  made a speech in the Senate on the  6th April, 1875, which is thus reported in Hansard: "Hon. Mr. Carroll said as one of the negotiators  of the first treaty (Terms of Union)  with Canada he understood it to  mean that the Dominion should  commence the survey, locate the  line and construct the Pacific Railway as soon as was compatible  with its resources, but in order that  the clause (Railway clause) should  not be too vague, we put in a term  of years."  The Union became effective on  the 20th July, 1871, and the same  day a party of Dominion Government engineers left Victoria bound  for Tete Jaune Cache. When the  Report of the Chief Engineer, Sandford Fleming, was given to the  public the following spring, it was  then known that the route from  Tete Jaune Cache westward was  found to be impracticable, and that  a very good route was found from  Tete Jaune Cache to the head waters of the North Thompson.  Everything now pointed to the  route which Trutch had selected  for his waggon road in 1868, and  now followed by the Canadian National Railway, being adopted. The  Yellowhead Pass is less than four  thousand feet (3746) above sea  level with exceptionally easy approaches to the summit from both  east and west, and on the 2nd  April, 1872, it was adopted as the  pass for the Railway through the  Rockies. There were no engineering difficulties from the prairies to  the sea except in the Fraser River  Canyon above Yale, and that those  difficulties could be surmounted  1 was   amply   demonstrated   by  the Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  31  building   of   the   Cariboo   waggon  road.  In the speech from the throne in  the local House this reference was  made to the Railway. "The Dominion Government has also prosecuted the preliminary survey of the  Canadian Pacific Railway with such  energy and success that if any doubt  ever existed as to the certainty of  the work of construction being undertaken within the time limit  in the Terms of Union it can now  be no longer entertained." (17th  Dec, 1872).  Early in 1873 everyone anticipated the early selection of the Yel-  lowhead - Burrard Inlet route, the  eommencem e n t of construction  within the two years, and the completion of the Railway within the  ten years tentatively mentioned in  the Railway clause. And then came,  like a bolt from the blue, the Order-  in-Council of the 7th June, 1873,  naming Esquimalt as the terminus.  An untoward event had happened  in the fall of 1872. something not  contemplated when the Terms of  Union were framed, the importance  of which seems to be strangely  overlooked.  The award of the German Emperor of the 21st Oct., 1872, gave San  Juan Island to the United States.  This meant that if war broke out  between the United States and  Great Rritain, all shipping by thp  usual route between Esquimalt and  Victoria and the terminus of the  Railway, if located on Rurrard Inlet, would be intercepted, and all  ships bound for the open sea, even  vessels carrying coal from Nanaimo to the naval base at Esquimalt,  would have to proceed around the  north end of Vancouver Island. It  was a serious matter. The Victoria  Colonist in its issue of the 10th  Dec. 1872, refers to the award of  the German Emperor as "the transfer of the kev of British Columbia  to the United States."  War with the United States wa;s  not then the remote possibilitv that  it is today. The relations between  the two countries were being continually strained, and neither nation ever lost sight of the possibility of war, in dealing with the  other.  Sir John  A.  Macdonald  had  al  ways looked upon his pet scheme  of a transcontinental Railway as  something which would not only  help to bind the different parts of  British North America together, but  also as an Imperial Highway which  would serve to bind the different  parts of the British Empire together as well and- help to consolidate  and conserve it. And now he was  confronted with the possibility, on  a certain contingency arising, of  seeing this Imperial Highway terminate in something like a cul-de-  sac in the hands of the enemy.  The Chief Engineer, Sandford  Fleming, estimated the cost of  building the line from Fort William  to Port Moody at $60,000,000. Had  the Railway been built through to  Esquimalt it would have had to be  taken to Rute Inlet, the Gulf of  Georgia bridged at Seymour Narrows, and then carried down the  east coast of Vancouver Island at  an additional expense of at least  «»0.000.000 more. It is very unlikely that Macdonald ever serious-  lv contemplated building the Railway to Esquimalt. The Government at Ottawa was nonplussed  for the time being. The Americans  had been awarded San Juan Island,  and had the rock bluffs commanding the narrow neck of water which  separates it from the mainland of  Vancouver Island surveved, and  hf>d scored a point, and Macdonald  countered by naming Esquimalt as  the terminus of the Railway. It was  tit for tat and honors for the time  being were easy, but the Canadian  Government was far from finding  a satisfactory solution of the grave  problem which confronted it.  A careful examination of the  facts will make it clear that Burrard Inlet would have been adopted as the terminus in 1873 instead  of Esquimalt. had it not been for  the loss of San Juan Island.  In after years when Macdonald  was in power again he saw to it  that at least the naval base at Esquimau was linked up by a railway  with the coal mines at Nanaimo.  The people on the Island were then  content; they considered they w^re  compensated for the delay in build-  in0 the Railway.  The two years within which  work was to be commenced was up 32  The Seventh Report of toe Okanagan Historical  on the 19th July, 1873, and on that  day work was commenced at Esquimalt. What was done is thus described in the Victoria Colonist of  the 20th July: "The terminus of  the Canadian Railways was located  yesterday. It is at the northeast  corner of the fence which surrounds the Admiral's residence at  Thetis Cove and is marked by one  of the posts of the fence on which  is written 'C. P. R. S. July 19th.  1873'. Mr. Smith with his force cut  a broad trail through the brush and  saplings for a distance of several  hundred yards driving stakes at  short intervals. No sod was turned  except by some of the visitors by  way of a lark, and we learn that a  telegram was received from Ottawa in the morning that the commencement of the location survey  on or before the 20th July, is considered as keeping the terms of the  Treaty of Union". The work was  continued for two days after the  19th. We do not know how much  was accomplished but evidently  there was enough to constitute a  legal commencement.  The law is the same for a rail  way as it is for a house, and all the  authorities seenl to agree as to what  is a legal commencement. Broadly  it means that if the commencement  is made with the bona fide intention of completing the structure  and the work is prosecuted afterwards with reasonable diligence, it  is enough if the surface of the  ground is disturbed and changed  sufficient to show the nature and  character of the work in hand.  In Words and Phrases Judicially  Defined a standard American work,  the following passage appears on  page 1286: "Work done in the  breaking of the ground for a cellar  is the commencement of a building  because it must have changed the  appearance of the ground so as to  show the nature of the work. A  statute giving a Mechanic's Lien  priority of a Mortgage recorded  after the 'commencement of the  building' means the first labour  done on the ground which is made  Ihe foundation of the building, the  effect of which is apparent, such  as the beginning to dig the foundation" or work of like description  which everyone can readily recog  nize  as the  commencement of the  building."  The American and English Encyclopedia of Law on page 314, Vol. 3  says: "Commencement of a building is the first labour done on the  ground which is made the foundation of the building, and to form  part of the work similar and necessary  tor its construction."  In Halsbury's Laws of England  page 1052, this rule is also laid  down: "Written agreements must  also be construed with reference to  any particular customs and usages  applicable to the circumstances of  the case."  In dealing with contracts on the  Intercolonial Railway, the commencement of the location survey  was always considered by the Dominion Government as the commencement of construction. So  that technically and according to  the customs and usages applicable  to the case, the work done at Esquimalt on the 19th July, and subsequent days, constituted a valid and  legal commencement of construction.  But the advantage gained by a  valid and legal commencement of  construction may be forfeited by  interruption of the work or failure  to prosecute it with reasonable diligence. The authority above quoted,  Words and Phrases Judicially Defined, in reference to the same subject elsewhere says: "Rut such  work must be done with an intention and purpose then formed to  continue such work to the completion of the building, and work done  on the ground without any design  or purpose to construct a building  at the time and which is intermit-  tant is not sufficient."  In this case there could be no  auestion raised of the intention of  the Government. From the time the  Bill was passed on the 1st April,  1871, onward, the people of Canada  were behind the proiect and were  determined to have the road built.  Both parties were agreed on this,  and the people cheerfully, in the  face of the Resolution passed on  the 11th April, 1871, consented to  an increase of fifteen per cent in  the general rate of taxation to meet  the expenses incurred. Nor was  there any interruption of the work. ;  Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  33  From the time the survey party left  Victoria on the 20th July, 1871,  until the last spike was driven on  the 7th Nov. 1885, the Government  never ceased in forwarding the  project. There were not two projects, two Railways. There was one  Railway only and its construction  went on without interruption until  it was completed.  It might be contended of course  that while the trifling amount ot  work done at Esquimalt in July,  1873, might at the time have been  a valid and legal commencement ot  construction, when the work of actual construction was resumed at  Yale in 1880 it could not be regarded seriously as the commencement of the construction of a transcontinental railwyay, after the lapse  of seven years when the elements  had pretty well obliterated all  traces of the work.  But to render this argument  sound it would be necessary to  show that time was of the essence  of the contract which it was not.  When time is not of the essence of  the contract and the structure is  not finished within the time mentioned in the written agreement.  the contract is not cancelled. It  still remains a subsisting contract,  and the aggrieved party has his  remedy in an application to the  Court for specific performance of  contract and for damages, and the  contractor is entitled to a settlement on an equitable basis. But if  time is of the essence of the contract and the structure is not finished within the time mentioned in  the written agreement, the contract  ceases to exist, and the contractor  is not entitled to a settlement on an  equitable basis.  In this case where time is not of  the essence of the contract it is difficult to see how what was once a  legal and valid commencement of  work should lose its status as such  through the mere lapse of time  while the contract remained a subsisting contract.  The law on the subject is quite  clear:  Law Dictionary, C. S. West, a  standard work, says: "When a contract limits time for the performance of an act, the promissor has  the right  of performing it within  a reasonable time after the date  unless it appears that performance  within the time was intended to be  of the essence of the contract."  Chitty on Contracts, page 458:  "Unless a different intention appears from the terms of the contract, stipulations as to the time of  payment are not deemed to be of  the essence of the contract."  And in the Western Weekly Reports, Vol. 1, page 1922, Hayden vs.  Rudd. "In equity as a rule time will  not be regarded as of the essence  of the contract unless it affirmative  ly appears that the parties regarded time as an essential element of  their bargain."  In any case the contract between  the two governments, insofar as  it implied or required a continua •  tion of the work of construction at  Esquimalt was null and void as  being adverse to the public interest.  The situation was this: The plans  of the Dominion Government had  been upset by the loss of San Juan  Island. There were three places  available as a terminus, Burrard  Inlet, Bute Inlet and Esquimalt. The  Government did not know then, and  could not know, which was the  most suitable. Under the circumstances, to have spent several hundred thousand dollars at Esquimalt  only to find later that some other  place was the most suitable for the  terminus of the Railway, and that  fhe money spent at Esquimalt was  wasted, would have been an act of  culpable recklessness without justification or legal sanction.  "Any agreement which tends to  be injurious to the public or against  the public good is void as being  contrary to public policy" is the  way the rule is laid down on nage  304. volume 7, of Halsburi^s Laws  of England.  Work w7as discontinued at Esquimalt three davs after it commenced  and on the 26th July, 1873, a stiff  note was sent from Victoria to Ottawa protesting against the nonfulfillment of the Railway clause  bv the Dominion Government. To  contend that the Provincial Government was right in its interpretation of the Railway clause  would be to argue that a contractor who had spent several hundred  dollars in excavating the cellar for 9 1  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  a house, if he went for one day to  the quarry for stone would find on  his return that the contract was  broken, that he was a tresspasser on  the premises and unable to collect  pay for the work he had done. The  Provincial Government always interpreted the Railway clause as if it  expressly stipulated that time was  of the essence of the contract and  the commencement of construction  should be followed thereafter by a  vigorous prosecution of the work  with the number of men employed  and the expenditure of money commensurate with the magnitude of  the undertaking. Neither of these  two provision are in the Railway  clause, yet the Provincial Government always interpreted it as if  they were.  If the Provincial Government  honestly believed that time was of  the essence of the contract and that  the agreement was broken when  the work at Esquimalt stopped,  its interpretation of the Railway  clause was so widely different from  that of the Dominion Government  that there was virtually no bargain,  no agreement.  Canadian Encyclopedic Digest,  Vol. 2, page 842: "Consensus ad  idem, For a contract to come into  being the minds of the two parties  must meet in one and the same intention, and if it be clear that there  has been no consensus what might  have been written or said becomes  immaterial. If one of the parties  intends to contract in one set of  terms and the other intends to contract in another set of terms, there  is no contract unless the circumstances are such as to preclude one  of the parties from denying that he  agreed to the terms of the other."  Leake on Contracts, page 2. "A  consensus ad idem is a prime essential to the validity of a contract,  and if one party has not agreed to  all the terms there is no contract."  But in this case there was no  impairment of the contract through  want of a full understanding,  through one party thinking in one  set of terms and the other in  another set of terms. Both were  thinking of the same thing and  both agreed to the same thing as  will be shewn.  Sir John  A. Macdonald resigned  on Nov. 5th, 1873, and Alexander  Mackenzie, the leader of the opposition, after forming a Ministry,  went to the country, and during the  ensuing election campaign he repeated what he had said in the  House of Commons, viz., that in  undertaking to commence work  within two years and to complete  the Railway in ten years the Conservative Government had acted  with insane recklessness, and he  pointed triumphantly to the fact  that the Tories themselves were unable to carry out what they had  undertaken to do.  From the time Mackenzie took  office onward there was complete  agreement between the twro Governments, both agreed that the Dominion Government had failed in its  engagement. Rut because the two  Governments—the debtor and the  creditor—agreed that the bargain  had been broken, the one for the  purpose of making political capital  out of the situation, and the other  for the purpose of extorting compensation, it did not necessarily  follow that such was the case, that  the bargain had been broken.  Had there been the intervention  of a third-party interest both Gov-  erments would soon have found  that what they had mutually agreed  to was immaterial, that the question  would have to be dealt with on its  merits, and that they had no case.  The Raihvay clause does not set  forth or embodv what the Dominion Government undertook to do,  because the Rill which includes the  Railway clause was not passed by  the House of Commons until after  the leader of the Government assured the House that the Resolution  making the building of the Railway  (dependent upon Canada being able  to build it without increasing the  rate of taxation, would be introduced and passed later. The Rill  passed, but with the majority the  Government usually commanded  greatly reduced, the presumption  therefore is that if this assurance  had not been given the Rill would  have been defeated. British Columbia entertA-JW* no protest  against the Resolution, which entirely altered the import and meaning of the Railway clause, being  introduced    and    passed    by    the -Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  35  House, nor did British Columbia  repudiate the speech of her accredited agent, J. W. Trutch, or offer any  explanation. The presumption,  therefore is that the Province at  that lime, acquiesced in both, in  making the building of the Railway  contingent upon the Dominion Government being able to build it without increasing the rate of taxation  and without time being of the essence of the contract.  The Bill was passed on the 1st  April, and the Resolution on the  11th April, 1871, and in the interval, on the 10th April, in the presence of the Dominion Ministers.  Trutch made his speech in which  he said "all that was understood  was that the line should be built as  soon as possible."  Now bearing in mind the Resolution of the 11th April, and what  il implies, and having regard to the  frank admission of the accredited  agent of British Columbia, made in  the presence of the Dominion Ministers the day before, any claim  which might be set up that there  was a misunderstanding, that the  two parties were thinking each in  a different set of terms from the  other, or that the Dominion Government was bound to do more  than complete the Bailway within  a reasonable time, would fall to the  ground and with it the claim implied by British Columbia that time  was of the essence of the contract,  and that when work wras stopped at  Esquimalt the agreement was broken. British Columbia never had  an equitable claim against the Dominion for delay in the construction of the road. No lawyer coub1  lake such a case into court, and  expect to succeed. If he did he  would find himself blocked at  every point.  In the spring of 1874 the Dominion Government commissioned  J. D. Edgar to proceed to Victoria  and make a new bargain with the  Provincial Government, a new  agreement. He was authorized to  ask the Province to agree to an extension of the time within which  the Bailwav should be completed,  from 1881 to 1890 and to offer to  build the Railwav from Esauimalt  to Nanaimo as compensation for  the extension of time.    There was  no necessity for making this offer.  Canada was never bound to complete the road by July 20th, 1881.  Two of the three delegates representing the Provincial Government  when the Terms of Union were settled, admitted in the most public  manner that all that Canada had  agreed to do was to complete the  Bailway "as soon as possible" or  "as soon as was compatible with  her resources" and that the ten  years mentioned in the Railway  clause was inserted tentatively as  without some term of years, any  term, being mentioned the clause  would be too vague. Nevertheless  it suited the Dominion Government  to fall in line with the Provincial  Government's interpretation of the  Bailwav clause.  When negotiations fell through  and G. A. Walkem, the Provincial  Premier, was preparing to go to  London to lay his shadowy grievances "at the foot of the throne",  Lord Carnarvon, who was Secretary of State for the Colonies at  the time, in a letter to the Governor  General. Lord Dufferin. dated 18th  June, 1874, offered to act as arbitrator between the two Governments, but expressly stipulated that  he would do so only if the two  Governments agreed beforehand to  accept his decision.  Had Lord Carnarvon faced the  facts frankly and with an open  mind he would, at least, have insisted on the question being submitted  fo the Supreme Court, and a decision secured first before meddling  with it.  British Columbia agreed to accent Lord Carnarvon's decision,  whatever it might be, and the following dispatch was sent from Victoria to London on the 3rd Aug.,  1874: "Colonial Secretary. London,  Upon advice of Responsible Ministers T accept on behalf of British  Columbia arbitration offered in  your dispatch to Lord Dufferin 18th  June. Acknowledge receipt, J. W.  Trutch.   Lieutenant-Governor."  Mackenzie, on behalf of the Dominion Government, flatly refused  to be so bound. Nevertheless the  arbitration proceedings went forward, and when the award was  handed out. Mackenzie who had.refused to be bound by it, willingly 36  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  accepted it, while Walkem, the  Provincial Premier, refused to accept it.  When the offer was made  through Edgar to build the Island  Railway it was clearly understood  by all parties that it was in compensation to the people of British  Columbia for the delay, for the extension of time within which the  Railway should be completed. But  Lord Carnarvon in his award, while  he makes provision for the extension of time and the completion of  the Railway in 1890, and for the  building of the Island Railway,  makes no mention of compensation  thus leaving the whole question  open.  Had he added a single sentence  to his award clearly stipulating that  before it would be binding on either party it would first have to be  accepted by a vote of the Parliament of Canada and by a vote in  the Legislative Assembly in Victoria, and that when the Island Railway was built all claims the Province might have against the Dominion for any delay would be  extinguished, it would have cleared  up much. Rut he did not do this  and the consequence was that his  award when it was handed out,  instead of bringing the two Governments into agreement, proved to be  a document which was well calculated to., and did, drive the two  parties farther apart than ever and  left the whole matter more embroiled than it was before. A man in  Lord Carnarvon's position might be  expected to act with more prudence  and foresight than he did. It was  this defect in the Carnarvon Terms,  in not more clearly defining what  would be expected of both parties,  that led to the rejection bv the  Senate of the Esquimalt and Nanaimo Railway bill later on.  No one to this day knows what  the Carnarvon Terms mean. The  subject was frequently debated in  the House of Commons. On the 5th  and 20th March, 1875, they were  at it hammer and tongs, some contending that the Island Railway  was for compensation to the people  of British Columbia and other refusing to concede the point. The  Carnarvon Terms were never binding on the Dominion Government.  Mackenzie accepted them as far as  he was able to, but the Bill giving  effect to them was rejected by the  Parliament of Canada. There are  not two Parliaments in Canada.  The B.N.A. Act is quite clear on that  point: "There shall be an Upper  House to be known as the Senate  and the House of Commons". Any  Bill that does not pass in both  Houses is rejected by the Parliament of Canada.  When Walkem was on his way  back from England he stayed over  at Ottawa and had an interview  with Premier Mackenzie. The Dominion Premier was verv cordial  and friendly. He seemed to think  that all differences between the two  Governments had been adjusted  and that they were now in agreement, and he assured Walkem that  the Dominion Government would  accept the Carnarvon Terms, and  that the Island Railway would be  built with the least possible delay,  and these facts were communicated  to the Government at Victoria in a  telegram by Walkem. Mackenzie  appears to have frankly accepted  the Carnarvon Terms and was prepared to adhere to them, and was  much disappointed when the Rill  for the construction of the Island  Railway was thrown out by the  Senate.  Had Walkem accepted the Carnarvon Terms with the same frankness and loyalty, the people of Rritish Columbia would have had their  Island Railway built then instead  of having to wait for ten years  longer for it.  But Mackenzie made the same  mistake that Carnarvon did, he did  not have it clearly stipulated and  understood that when the Island  Railway was built it would be accepted by the people of Rritish Columbia in ful^ satisfaction of all  claims the Province might have  against the Dominion. Roth seem  to have taken this for granted. Evidently thev did not know their  Walkem. It was this oversight on  the part of these two men which  shaped the policy of the Provincial  Government.  When the Carnarvon Terms came  up for consideration in the Legislative Assembly in Victoria, the  Premier,  G.  A. Walkem, promptly Society of Vernon, Rritish Columbia—1937  37  shifted his ground and declared  that there had been no arbitration  and no award, only "friendly intervention", and his Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, Mr.  Beaven, assured the House that  nothing had been changed and that  the Terms of Union had not been  altered.  It seems extraordinary that the  Dominion Government was prepared to contribute a very large sum,  at that time when the resources of  the country were so limited, towards a project involving an expenditure of about two millions,  for the purpose of compensating  the Province for the delay in building the Railway, without first having it clearly understood and stipulated that the Province would  accept this enormous sacrifice in  satisfaction of its claims, and would  agree to the extension of time asked  for.  It was Senator Dickey who called  attention to the blunder the Government was making in committing itself irrevocably to the building of the Island Railway, and leaving the Government at Victoria free  to regard it not as compensation  but as part of the mainline of the  Canadian Pacific, and free to still  pester the Home Government with  their groundless claims.  It was probably his speech made  on the 6th April, 1875, that killed  the Island Railway Bill. It is thus  reported in part in Hansard: "He  maintained that it was not a treaty  a« the Chief Commissioner of Lands  and Works of the British Columbia  Government (Mr. Beaven) slated in  the Legislature on the 10th March  last, on the occasion of Mr. Walkem  laving on the table the report of his  mission to England, in reply to a  member 'Now, if hon. members will  read the reports they will find that  no arbitration or legislation took  place upon them and that the old  terms (with Canada) remain intact'. He made use of these words  again 'Although the British Columbia Government had preserved the  terms intact'. That was the view  of British Columbians of what was  called here a new treaty. Under  these circumstances he did not see  how this Government was justified  in  putting this  heavy  expense  on  the Dominion for what his hon.  friend (Mr. Carroll) had truly called a local work."  The Senate in rejecting the Bill  for once justified its existence.  When Alexander Mackenzie  found himself balked in his efforts  to bestow upon the Province compensation to which it was not entitled, he turned his attention to  continuing the surveys for three  years at an expense of nearly three  million dollars thus proving by  spirit level and chain what everyone already pretty well knew, viz.  that no other route offered so many  advantages as the Burrard Inlet  route, and, incidentally, what an  insane bargain the Tories had  made.  In 1876 Lord Dufferin, the Governor General, visited the Province,  and in his speech at Victoria on the  20th Sept. he said in reference to  the Bailway: "The terms of that  treaty (the Terms of Union) were  that Canada undertook to secure  within two years of the date of  the union the simultaneous commencement at either end of a railway which was to connect the seaboard of British Columbia with the  railway system of the Dominion,  and that such railway was to be  commenced, within two years of  the date of the Union in 1871. We  are now in 1876. Five years have  elapsed and the work of construction even at one end can be said  to have only just begun. Undoubtedly under these circumstances  everyone must allow that Canada  has failed to fulfil her treaty obligations towards this Province."  (Victoria Colonist, 21st Sep. 1876).  Whether the circumlocution was  intentional or not, he intended his  hearers lo understand that Canada  had broken her engagement.,  On the date on which the speech  was made the Dominion Government had legally and according tc  the customs and usages applicable  lo the case, commenced the construction of the Railwray on the Pacific coast, had raised the general  rate of taxation fifteen per cent to  meet the expenses incurred bv  building the Railway, something it  was expressly exempted from bv  the Resolution of 11th April. 1871.  and had then  four years  and ten 38  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  months within which to complete  the road within the ten years mentioned tentatively in the Railway  clause, and it was a well known  fact that the first transcontinental  railway built in the United States  —the railway connecting Omaha  with the Pacific—had been built in  less than four years.  If there is one rule more generally adhered to than another in  English Colonial law it is that the  Governor of a Colony that has responsible Government, shall not take  sides in party politics. Notwithstanding anything he said to the  contrary, Lord Dufferin descended  into the arena of party politics, espoused the wrong side, and in his  speech made statements inconsistent  with the facts and, in so doing,  maligned the country whose Governor General he then was, and tarnished and blackened the fair name  of Canada.  When the last spike was driven  on the first transcontinental railway built in the United States, on  the 28tb April, 1869, (Rancroft)  the Americans were very proud of  the accomplishment, of their railway 1775 miles long, and quite  justly so. It was a splendid achievement. But when the building of  Canada's first transcontinental railway is mentioned—a railwav 2500  miles long, and built by Canada  with a population of only about one  tenth of the United States, and one  tenth of her wealth—it arouses little enthusiasm in the breast of the  average British Columbian. It reminds him of the Carnarvon Terms  and the Pacific Scandal, and these  he is apt to interpret, the Carnarvon Terms as meaning that Canada  inveigled British Columbia into  joining the Confederation by promising to build the railway and then  refusing to do until she was more  or less coerced into keeping her  engagement by the Home Government; and the Pacific Scandal as  meaning that Sir John A. Macdonald and his colleagues narrowly escaped having to go to jail for the  theft of public funds.  Canada broke no engagement,  and the Carnarvon Terms never  amounted to more than an abortive  and rather stupid blunder on the  part of Lord Carnarvon, and there  was nothing in the Pacific Scandal.  In 1871 Sir John A. Macdonald and  his colleagues did no more than  what every Government in Canada  is doing today, and what every  Government has done since Confederation, and what every Government in England has been doing  for a thousand years past, viz., accept contributions from their  friends towards a fund for defraying legitimate election expenses.  Whether it is right or not for a  political party when in power to  accept such contributions from  men with whom the Government  then has business relations, is a  question we leave to casuists to decide. We are here dealing with  the facts.  It is time Canadians aroused  themselves and insisted on the facts  being admitted and acknowledged.  Canada has lain too long under the  unjust imputation of having broken  her engagement with British Columbia.  Amid all the welter of confusion  and misunderstanding created by  the blundering ineptness of Carnarvon, Dufferin and Mackenzie, and  the shifty dishonesty of Walkem,  the man who stands head and shoulders above them all is Sir John A.  Macdonald. His honesty, his frankness and candor in confronting  facts, and his common sense, mark  him out as a man apart, a man in a  class by himself. There are two  men—Macdonald and Douglas—of  whom British Columbians may well  be proud.  Obviously, the subject cannot be  dealt with clearly and adequately  in an article of this length. It is  intended rather as a serious challenge to anyone to show that Canada broke her agreement with British Columbia over the building of  the Railway. Society of Vebnon, British Columbia—1937  39  The Log Cabin at Summerland  J. W. S. Logie  In the winter of 1921 - 22 the  officials of the Labor Party in Summerland were confronted with the  fact that many of their members  were unemployed and in dire need  of the necessities of life. The problem of seasonal occupation is always a pressing one in an agricultural country and the casual worker is the first to suffer. The field  of co-operative effort was thoroughly canvassed and it was decided  that the establishment of cottage  industry, or some form of handicraft, offered the easiest solution  to the problem.  It was then found that a high  standard of artistry was essential  if the product was to command a  ready sale, and a branch of the B.  C. Art League was organized to coordinate design and color schemes  and to supervise all manufacture  undertaken oy the group. A sales  room was the next step and the  Log Cabin seemed most fitting for  a Western environment. Sceptics  said that there were no artists in  the community and no funds available, so the problem was thrown  back to the Labor Party where it  originated. The members thought  that community effort would solve  the difficulty so a bee was organized  and in one day sufficient logs were  cut to erect a log cabin.  The neighborhood was combed  for specimens of variou's handicrafts, a great deal of unknown talent was discovered and the Log  Cabin, as headquarters of the Art  League, was officially opened on  June 1st, 1922, by Mr. J. W. Jones,  M. P. P.  The next step was to discover  branches of handicraft which  would be most suitable for the district, and to secure capable teachers. During the next few months  experiments with the local clays  were carried on and, although experts in Ottawa said that our clay  banks were not suitable for pottery  making, we decided to try it anyway and found that with special  treatment a first class product  could be obtained.  Miss Mary Young who was at  that time conducting art pottery in  Banff was engaged as teacher and  classes were opened in connection  with the night school in March,  1923. The mixing and preparation  of the clay was first taught and the  moulding of bowls and other vessels by hand followed in due  course. We w7ere told that it would  take seven years to learn the use  of the potter's wheel but some of  our workers learned to be quite  proficient in half as many months.  A kiln was purchased in collaboration with the school board and with  wheels made from old Ford parts  we were prepared to take up the  manufacture of pottery in earnest.  Miss Young returned in November  of that year to install the kiln and  give instruction in glazing.  The group specialized in two  types of pottery— the glazed, and  an Indian motive finished in the  natural color of the baked clay  prepared to make it waterproof.  Special mention should be made of  the very artistic work turned out  bv Miss Doris Cordy, Miss Marion  Cartwright, Mrs. Cordy, Mrs. Iverson, Mrs. Croil and others who developed a talent bordering on genius in the beauty and finish of their  product. A professional potter who  had spent his whole life in the industry visited the Log Cabin the  following year and said that in his  whole experience he had never  seen anything to approach the artistry of the product with such a  short period of training. Which  only goes to prove the contention  of the writer that in every home  there is latent talent which only  needs training and encouragement  to bring about the most surprising  results.  Miss Cordy is still producing pottery on a commercial basis, and a  visit to her home will prove interesting and instructive.  Basketry was the next handicraft  to be taken up, and Mrs. Armstrong  of Keremeos supervised the manufacture of many interesting designs  in  raffia,  pine  needles  and 40  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  reed. Then a spinning wheel and  loom were acquired and experimentation begun with local wools  and other fabrics. Mr. Amundson  of Faulder contributed some clever  specimens of wood carving and the  development of other crafts was  planned  as  opportunity  offered.  The entire venture was on a cooperative basis, the main object being to furnish a lucrative employment to the fruit growers and casual workers who were forced to be  idle during the winter months. The  idea is by no means new as it furnishes the bulk of the income of  the agricultural sections of Europe,  the reputed prosperity of the Scandinavian countries being due to the  fact that the peasants and working  classes are to a great extent self-  supporting and able to make their  own clothing and most of the  household utensils needed in their  daily life.  A district like the Okanagan,  with no large-scale industry, could  add very greatly to the income of  the Valley by making use of cottage industry for the manufacture  of articles for home consumption  and for sale to tourists who will  come into the country in increasing numbers as time goes on. When  the movement at Summerland was  being organized the writer made  the statement that the time would  come when the farmer could no  longer buy the products of the factory and would be compelled to  rely more on the things which he  could make for himself and his  family. This is not with the idea of  rationalising a condition of scarcity in the midst of plenty but, apart  from the cultural value which is  incalculable, we have here the  foundation of a new type of indus  try which we arc told is to be based  in the future on production for use.  Summerland was by no means  the only district where cottage industry was being fostered as it  could be found in all sections of  the Valley, mainly sponsored by  the various Women's Institutes who  conducted training classes and organized exhibitions and sales. The  crying need today is just the same  as we found it in Summerland sixteen years ago, and that is for an  organization such as the Art League  which can supervise the manufacture of such articles as are found  to have the most ready sale and who  can place them on sale in the centres of population and where the  tourist traffic is heavy enough to  warrant it. The Island Weavers  of Esquimalt have had to import  weavers from Scotland and cannot  begin to supply the demand for  their handwoven materials.  In 1927 the writer was given the  privilege by the Dominion Government of building Log Cabins on  the Cariboo Highway in order to  exhibit ana sell the products of  Summerland and of other places in  the Okanagan. His health broke  down and he was compelled to  abandon the entire project and  leave for California. The plan is  still entirely feasible, but should be  carried out under Government subsidy and patronage until the undertaking can become self-supporting.  Some form of co-operative society  is indicated and should receive the  consideration of Women's Institutes, Service Clubs and all those  who are interested in the future  development of th Okanagan. The  main portion of the history of the  development of Cottage Industry in  the Okanagan still has to be  written. Society of Vernon, Rritish Columbia—1937  41  The Gold Brick Robbery  at Camp McKinney  Arthur K. W. Cosens  The "Cariboo Mine" at Camp  McKinney of which Robert Jaffray  was president, George B. McAulay,  managing director, and Joseph P.  Keane, superintendent, was a paying proposition from the grass  roots down. James Monahan of  Spokane was also a director of the  Company and very instrumental in  getting it under way after purchasing the property from the first  owners, McKinney and Rice.  Monahan brought in the first unit  of the stamp mill from the State of  Washington,    hauling   it    in    with  teams, and passing the customs at  Osoyoos.    It was said that he presented a check for the amount of  the   duty which  was  accepted  by  Theodore Kruger, Customs Officer,  although it lacked a signature, and  that bv the time  it  again reached  Monahan   with   a   request   that   he  remedy this oversight the mill was  running and producing enough bullion to meet all requirements.   This  story was  currently  accepted, but  truth compels me to add that it was  with   the   consent   of   the   Deputy  Minister of Customs at Ottawa that  the mill was brought in and erected  before the duty was paid.    In the  year 1896 the  Camp was running  very smoothly.   The stamp mill was  pounding away incessantly day and  night with only a cessation of the  noise from the  falling stamps  for  a short time twice a month during  the time the "clean up" was in progress.   After the amalgam had been  retorted, the quicksilver being retained, the  gold bricks  of an  approximate   value   of   $30,000   per  month were ready for shipment to  the mint at San Francisco by express   from   the   nearest   railway  which was at Marcus at one time,  and later at Midway, after the advent of the railway to that point.  A certain amount of caution was  usually taken when the bricks left  Camp.    Sometimes  I  have  known  them thrown into the jockey box  of one of the wagons hauling con  centrates or tailings to the railhead  for shipment to the smelter at Tacoma. In this case the wagon  would be met at its destination by  one of the officials or trusted employees of the Company, the brick  extracted and shipped, sometimes  without the driver of the wagon  knowing that he had been its custodian at all.  At other times it would be hidden in a sack of concentrates and  the same procedure followed.  Then again it would be taken by  the Superintendent on horseback,  or driving a buckboard and followed by an armed employee a hundred yards or so behind.  The morning of the robbery in  August, 1896, Geo. B. McAulay, who  had been spending a few days in  Camp and was returning to Spokane, left Camp at 7 a.m., driving a  buckboard and had the proceeds of  the last clean up with him. some  $14,000 in the form of three bricks,  the value of the smallest brick being $1,600. About two miles from  Gamp on the road lo Rock Creek he  was ordered by a masked man who  stepped from the woods with leveled rifle, to throw out the bullion  and "keep going". McAulay obeyed until he reached the ranch of  C. W. Hozier some eight or ten  miles farther on. Here he enlisted  the services of Hozier's son, Leonard, a boy of some twelve years of  age, to ride to McKinney and notify us of the happening. Leonard  reached the Camp store which was  ;n chnrge of the writer about ten  o'clock—no time was lost in informing J. P. Keans the Superintendent, of the occurrence.  There was one person in the  store besides the writer when Leonard arrived with the news—standing with his back to the'stove—one  Matt Roderick. It seemed to the  writer that a slight smile passed  over Roderick's face when Leonard  imparted his message.  Camp McKinney at that time was 42  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  what was known as a "One Man  Camp", that is to say, that "The  Cariboo McKinney Mining and Milling Co. Ltd." was the only company  operating and the only employer  of labor—therefore a miner who  worked for wages, or a laborer, had  really no chance there unless he  Was acceptable to the management  of the Cariboo McKinney Mining  and Milling Co. Ltd. The rest of  the population wras composed of  claim owners and old time prospectors with interests, or a stake  in the country.  There was, besides the boarding  house and store which was quite a  popular place for the men to "hang  around" when not on shift—especially those who did not drink—  a saloon run by Hughie Cameron.  The Camp later boasted no less  than five saloons.  On being informed of the holdup the Superintendent called out a  number of the men and a thorough  search of the woods in the vicinity  was made, howTever, without result,  nor was at that time the slightest  suspicion attached to anyone. Local amateur Pinkertpns were entirely at a loss and that the robbery  had been committed by one of their  own men was certainly farthest  from their thoughts.  Matt Roderick, who hailed from  Tacoma, Wash., had been emploved  by the Company as a miner for  some time. He was a very reticent,  quiet man, very well built, of medium height, and neither drank nor  smoked, but he was an inveterate  gambler. Every pay day he would  get his cheque cashed, pay his bills  at the store and immediately get  into a poker ganie where he would  usually stay until broke—sometimes  over a period of two or three days  —ignoring the time he was due to  go on ghift. He lived in a cabin on  the outskirts of the Camp and at  the time of the robbery was laid  off—ostensibly being sick. The writer remembers that he was looking  extremely pale, and owing to his  indisposition there was nothing unusual for him to be in the store at  10 a.m. on the morning of the robbery. Some days later he stated  that he had better go home to Tacoma and would return when he  felt better—he had had  the usual  gambling reverses and I believe was  assisted financially by some of the  boys to enable him to go home. The  stage left at 7 a.m. Roderick climbed aboard sitting next to the driver  in the front seat. He had with him  a roll of blankets (it was customary, and I might say, a sign of respectability for a man to travel with  his own blankets in those days).  Just as the stage was leaving Keane  appeared, and Roderick said to him.  "W^ill it be allright for me to come  back to work when I feel better,  Joe?" Keane replied, "You needn't  bother coming back, Matt." Hearing this conversation I took it that  Roderick's work had not been satisfactory and that Keane did not want  him again for that reason. Reing a  "One Man Camp" this prevented  Roderick returning in the ordinary  way, and accounts for the way in  which he eventually did return. But  there was not the slightest suspicion attached to Roderick at that  time.  The management enlisted the services of a detective agency in the  State of Washington. First thing  they did was to check up on the  movements of the few individuals  who had left Camp since the robbery—among them. Matt Roderick.  They found that shortly after his  return home he was paying up taxes  on some property which had been  considerably in arrears, and generally spending money freely. This  naturally threw suspicion upon him  and his movements were continually watched. Soon it became apparent that he was preparing for  a journey. The supposition was  that he had brought out the small  $1,600 brick with him, concealed  in his blankets, and disposed of it  and intended to return for the two  larger bricks, which he would  probablv have cached in the vicinity of his cabin. The Camp was  notified that Roderick was headed  north and instructed to keep a close  look out for him. It was also ascertained that he had purchased a  fine iron grey saddle horse from  the Sheriff in Conconelly, Wash.,  and that it would be his means of  transportation.  There were two roads leading  into Camp McKinney, from the  south and southwest, one from An- Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  43  archist Mountain, known as the  Sidley Road, the other, from the  Okanagan, known as the Fairview  Road. These roads converged  about two miles from Camp. At  this point of vantage an Indian, one  Alexine from Inkanip, selected for  his intelligence and woodcraft, was  stationed with instructions to notify the Superintendent of the approach of anyone unknown to him  coming toward the Camp after  dark.  On the evening of October 26,  1896, at about ten o'clock the writer  had just closed the store and adjourned to Hughie Cameron's saloon, and was watching the various  card games. Two provincial constables, Louis V. Cuppage and  Deane were present, also J. P.  Keane, when a knock came at the  door. It was Alexine with a request to speak to J. P. Keane. The  message was, "He is coming". We  left the saloon hurriedly for the  store where the writer at their request provided the constables with  six-shooters. The store always had  quite an arsenal as many of the  miners from the States often carried guns and in Canada left them  with the storekeepers for safe  keeping. It was an absolutely pitch  black, dark night. Keane, who was  a very alert man of very quick action was on his way, followed by  Thomas Graham, before the constables had finished selecting their  weapons.  Less than a mile from Camp,  Keane overtook Roderick walking  in the same direction leading his  horse. As he was upon him almost  before he realized it owing to the  darkness, he accosted him, "Is that  you, Matt?" Roderick whirled  around, involuntarily the muzzle of  the rifle which Roderick was carrying in the crook of his arm was  raised. Keane thought he intended  to shoot and quick as a flash discharged his own gun. Roderick  fell dead, shot through the heart.  Upon examination Roderick's rifle  was found to have a piece of rag in  the muzzle and the six-shooter  found in his pocket was quite rusty  He had evidently just taken them  from their hiding place and was  proceeding towards the place  where the bricks were hidden. The  body was removed to the Company  office. The following day Dr. Jakes  from Greenwood, coroner for the  district, arrived and held an inquest, the following jury being empanelled :  Henry Nicholson, foreman; A. Atwood, W. H. Blick, George Bennett,  V. R. Swanson, and A. Cosens.  The bullet from Keane's gun had  entered Roderick's body just below the left nipple and was just  under the unbroken skin in the  back. Dr. Jakes removed the bullet  with a hair pin.  Roderick had left the Camp  broke, but on the body about $100  in cash was found, and under his  coat a canvas harness with two  pockets, one under each armpit,  of just the right size to accommodate the two larger gold bricks. The  jury's verdict was "justifiable homicide". There was not the slightest  doubt as to the guilt of Roderick.  It was most unfortunate that  Keane's precipitate action prevented the capture of Roderick as he  might easily have been trailed to  the hiding place of the bricks and  been taken together with the swag.  As it is the bricks were never  found—they still await someone to  stumble upon them in the jack  pines at Camp McKinney.  Keane was tried for manslaughter at the Spring Assizes the following year in Vernon, Monday, June  14, 1897, with Chief Justice McCall  presiding. A. G. Smith, Deputy-  Attorney-General, prosecuted. The  defense was conducted by Mr. Cas-  sidy and J. P. McLeod. of Greenwood. The sentence was one day's  imprisonment, which had already  been served. 44  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  Mrs. T. A. Norris  Mrs. Angus Wooo  The death occurred on the 21st  Oct., 1936, of Mrs. T. A. Norris, at  Lumby where she had resided for  a long time.  She wras a pioneer and the daughter of pioneers, the daughter of Mr.  and Mrs. Louis Christien, and a  niece of Joseph Christien who came  over the Penticton Trail with Eli  Lequime in 1861, and settled at  Okanagan Mission. The Christien  brothers, seven in number, played  an important part in the early development of this valley.  She left to mourn her loss her  husband and mother, two sons,  Louis and Charles; two daughters,  Mrs. C. W. Wills of Vernon, and  Mrs. E. R. Pierce of Lumby; a brother, Charles J. Christien of Lumby,  and two sisters, Mrs. David W. Wilson of Rossland and Mrs. Leon Lequime of Lewiston, Idaho, then on  a visit at Lumby. There were also  four grandchildren. The maiden  name of her mother, now Mrs. Oliver Ronneville of Lumby, was Se-  lina Quesnel, one of five sisters, all  of whom were pioneers of this  Province.  Mrs. Norris was born at St. Anicet  Quebec, on the 14th Nov., 1882,  where her parents lived for a short  time, coming to Okanagan with  them in 1887, and she was married  in her father's house in Vernon on  the 26th Feb,, 1900, by Rev. Mr.  Muir, to Thomas Alfred Norris, the  first school teacher in White Valley.  It was intended at first that the  funeral should be a private one,  with only the relatives and a few  intimate friends present, but the  large number in attendance of  friends and acquaintances, from  Vernon* Armstrong, Kamloops and  Lumby,  and  the large  number of  floral tributes bore testimony to  the respect and esteem in which  she was held. The funeral service  was conducted at the house oy the  Rev. J. Rrisco, the resident Anglican  clergyman, interment taking place  in the cemetery on the hill side  above White Valley, about a mile  east of Lumby.  There is perhaps no more beautiful spot in Okanagan than White  Valley and on this occasion it was  at its best. The valley was bathed  in the warm autumn sunlight of  a perfect afternoon while the variegated colors of the forest trees  lighted up and rendered beautiful  the slopes of the surrounding hills.  It was a fitting setting, so calm and  peaceful, for the sad ceremony of  laying to rest one who all her life  adhered so closely to the Christian  precepts of unselfishness, charity  and devotion to duty. She was a  devoted wife and mother, her whole  life being given up to her family.  Always tactful and helpful, and  friendly in her demeanor, few wilh-  in the circle of their acquaintances  had a proportion so large of warm  and sincere friends.  Many of the old-timers, as many  as were here at the time, will remember very well the bright, vivacious little girl, dark-haired and  dark-eyed, Edna, the youngest of  the Chrisitien children, going to  school in Priest's Valley forty-five  and forty-six years ago who was  such a general favourite and in  whom so many were interested.  And now we have laid to rest the  matron, the mother and grandmother, and another link with the  past—a link rendered beautiful by  the tender memories which cling  about it has been broken by the  death of Edna Mary Norris. Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937  45  NOTES AND COMMENTS  We have now proof that the  Aurora is audible without going  outside of Vernon for it. It was  heard here, quite distinctly, at  11.55 p.m. on the night of June 18th,  1936, by Douglas Kermode, of Vernon, a credible and reliable witness,  during an unusually brilliant display of the Aurora. Mr. Kermode  describes the sound as "shwoo,  shwoo" or like distant waves receding over a pebbly beach.  At last a start has been made towards solving an important problem. In his article in this Report.  George W. Johnson, of the Dominion Experimental Station at Summerland, has done good work in  tracing the course of a unit of air  on its journey from the Philippine  Islands, to the interior of British  Columbia. Further investigation  along these lines will no doubt in  the end, give us the explanation of  the intrusion of the Upper Sonoran  Life Zone into British Columbia at  Osoyoos.  *    *    *    *  Cosens Bay. Among Okanagan  place names this one is of interest.  It is the name of a large bay at the  north end of Kalamalka Lake, bordering on the Coldstream Ranch,  and named after Cornelius Cosens.  Mr. Cosens was born in Sussex,  England, in 1837. He came to the  Okanagan Valley in 1893 with his  two sons, Arthur K. W., and Spencer, and was joined later by his  eldest son Sidney Cornelius. He  died in Vancouver in 1930, at the  ripe old age of 93 years. Arthur  Cosens is now a well known business man in Vancouver. Sidmey  owns and operates a fruit ranch  near Kelowna, and Spencer died  some years ago in the Chilcotin  country where he was cattle ranching. ,    ,    »    »  In 1935 a survey of our lakes was  made for the Pacific Biological  Station of the Dominion Government, at Nanaimo, B.C. A report  of the findings will be published  later on. In the meantime the Director, Dr. W. A. Clemens, has released certain particulars relating  to Ihe maximum depths ascertained  and the oxygen content of the waters of our lakes which are interesting.  Okanagan Lake. Depth 760 feet,  between Carr's Landing and Nahun.  The bottom water remains very  cold throughout the year and the  percentage of oxygen is high, even  near the bottom of the lake.  Kalamalka Lake. Depth, 425 feet.  Temperature and oxygen conditions  similar to Okanagan Lake.  Duck Lake. Depth, 16 feet. There  is some drop in oxygen in the bottom.  Beaver Lake. Depth, 79 feet.  There is little oxygen below 25 feet.  Chute Lake. Depth, 46 feet. The  bottom waters of Chute Lake seemed to be absolutely devoid of oxygen.  • * * *  The Gosnell Fossil. In July, 1931,  a fossil Sea Urchin was found by  Bichard M. W. Gosnell, a boy then  of about ten years of age, on the  shore of Loon Lake, a lake of about  250 acres in extent, lying about  half way between. Enderby and  Salmon Arm and about two miles  west of the Enderby-Salmon Arm  road. It is generally conceded that  the sedimentary rocks of the Okanagan Valley are of fresh water origin rather than of salt water origin,  and the finding of this salt water  fossil is of more than ordinary  interest.  About a month after the finding  of it two affidavits were prepared  by R. R. Earle, K.C., of Vernon, and  signed by Richard Gosnell, the boy  who found it, and by W. R. Gosnell,  the boy's father, on whose farm the  fossil was found and who knew of  the finding of it, thus establishing  the time, the place and the circumstances under which it was found.  It was then sent to Dr. M. Y. Wil-  liams, Professor of Palaeontology  at the University in Vancouver, B.C.  Dr. Williams in his letter to this  Society, of the 23rd  Oct. 1931, savs:  "I have now gone into the mailer  of the fossil Sea Urchin more fully  and find it is most closely indenti-  fied with a form found in Germany,  genus Ismidaster. nossiblv specie'-  Tulai. It is very different from most  forms found in America and as the  Cretaceous rocks to which the  German form belongs have never  been recognized near your localitv  it causes me to wonder how this 46  The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  specimen could have been carried  where it was found, unless, b>  chance, it had been dropped by  some one who brought it from the  Old Country. I am informed that  German immigrants to this country  have frequently carried such specimens as luck stones, and as this  does not show the slightest wear,  such as beach gravel usually acquires. I am extremely doubtful of  its local origin."  It is possible that it was dropped  by some one. but any one who has  visited Loon Lake and has seen its  surroundings and its isolated situa  tion will recognize how improbable such a contingency is. In the  meantime we can only wait and see  if other fossils of the same kind are  found there. We are under an obligation to Dr. Williams for his  courtesy and for the time he spent  and for the trouble he took over  this fossil.  *'ñ† * * *  The New B. C. Quarterly. The  first number of the British Columbia  Historical Quarterly appeared in  January last. It is a pamphlet of  some 68 pages containing much interesting information about early  days on the Coast. The Editor is  Dr. W. Kaye Lamb, Provincial Librarian and Archivist, and the Advisory Board consists of Rev. John  C. Goodfellow. Princeton; Judge F.  W. Howay, New Westminster; Dr.  T. A. Rickard, Victoria, and Dr. W  N. Sage of the University of British  Columbia.  It is printed by the King's Printer  and is the official organ of the British Columbia Historical Association, the principal historical association of the Province, and as  the Association has not published a  Report since 1929, the need for  some publication of this kind was  becoming more sensibly felt from  year lo year.  Among other papers there is an  interesting article by Dr. Lamb dealing with the letters written by Sir  James Douglas to his daughter  while she was at school in England; a bit of excellent work by  Judge F. W. Howay in clearing up  the history of shipping and saw  milling on Burrard Inlet between  the years 1863 and 1870, and an  interesting paper by Dr. Sage deal  ing with Peter Skene Ogden's  Notes on Western Caledonia. Dr.  Sage has also reviewed our Sixth  Keport at some length. His review  is itindy and appreciative, and he  ends it with: "A word should be  added regarding the poems which  are placed at the beginning and  end of the Report. They breath  the spirit of the frontier and portray those characters of the cattle-  range, the cowboy and the tenderfoot."  We hope the members of the  Okanagan Historical Society will  support this new Quarterly. The  names on its advisory board and  that of its editor are a sufficient  guarantee of its future excellence.  The regular subscription is $2.00  per year, but all members of the  British Columbia Historical Association receive it free.  *     *     *     .  The Okanagan Museum and Archives Association of Kelowna B.C.  is incorporated and Was registered  in the Office of the Registrar of  Joint Stock Companies in Victoria  on the 2nd Decv 1936, under the  "Societies Act". Its operations  will be chiefly carried on in the  territory now covered by the  Okanagan Historical Society, viz.,  those portions of the Province  drained by the three rivers, the  Similkameen, Okanagan and Spallumcheen. The Directors as registered are: David Chapman, 0. L.  Jones, A. E. Henderson, J. W7. N.  Shepherd, S. M. Simpson, E. R.  Bailey, and E. C. Weddell, all of  Kelowna.  Among other objects the aim of  the new Association is "to collect,  purchase, secure, catalogue, index  and preserve all relics, books,  maps, documents, papers, photographs, and things of historical  value, specimens of rocks, ores and  fossils, specimens of Indian work  and craftmanship, human and animal bones of more than usual interest, and specimens of the plants  and trees indigenous to the Province of British Columbia."  It would be hard to over-estimate  the importance of the work here  outlined, or its cultural, educational and historical value to the people in the Okanagan Valley.  The Association in its appeal to Society of Vernon, British Columbia^1937  47  the public for support has pertinently observed: "Numerous articles and records of historical value have been lost or destroyed  through lack of a Museum, and a  responsible body to arrange for  their collection and safe keeping.  Throughout the Okanagan Valley  there are still many collections and  records which will meet a similar  fate unless some steps are taken  for the proper housing and preservation of them."  We hope the public will support  this movement in a manner commensurate with its importance. The  names on the Board of Directors  are sufficient guarantee that the affairs of the Association will be  managed with efficiency. The new  Association will have the hearty  support and close co-operation of  the Okanagan Historical Society in  helping   them   to   carry   out   their  splendid undertaking.  *    *    *    *  For over eleven years the principal officers of this Society, the  President, Vice-President, Editor  and Secretary-Treasurer, have stuck  to their posts. They are now beginning to display some of the  staying qualities of some of the  old-time pre-emptors who lived on  their claims for forty and fifty  years. Perhaps the fact that so  many of the decent, intelligent people of the Okanagan Valley would  be disappointed if the work thev  are now doing were stopped or interrupted, has confirmed them in  their determination to see it  through as at first outlined. During  those eleven years the utmost unanimity and concord has prevailed  among our members and officers, at  least on one point, viz, that the affairs of the Society were badly  managed. All our members though;  so, and so expressed themselves,  and all the officers from the President down, agreed with them. But  for all that we have accomplished  something.  Until the publication of our  Beoorts no one knew anvthing  about the past history of the Okanagan Valley, and there was no information to be had, at least, no  information that was readily available. The new arrival in the valley, avid of information about its  past history, and the tourist passing through, had to pick up as best  he could what information he could  get, and often from some miner or  prospector who delighted in the  time-honoured pastime of "stuffin'  a towerist", or from some garrulous  old timers whose sense of any obligation he was under to speak the  truth, was blunted by his eagerness  to please and amuse his visitors.  Hence much that was currently accepted as facts had its origin in  stories that were fantastic, absurd  or misleading. To some extent we  haAre remedied those conditions.  The Canadian Historical Review  of the University of Toronto in a  recent issue in reviewing our last  Report says: "The Okanagan Historical Society was founded in the  city of Vernon, B.C., in 1925. During the past ten years six reports  have been issued dealing with  every phase of the history and territory of the Okanagan Valley. The  Sixth Report, for 1935, has recently  been received by the Review and  it is listed in our bibliography relating to Canada. The society deserves to be congratulated on the  excellent work of historical research that it is doing in the Okanagan area."  John Ridington, the Librarian at  the University of -B.C., in a letter  to our Editor, says: "The Library  is indeed glad to receive this interesting work of more than three  hundred pages. It is the repository  of a vast amount of miscellaneous  and interesting information. I  know of no part of Canada in  which this work is done more effectively—and certainly there is no  part of British Columbia where the  work is done as well."  And Dr. W. N. Sage in the British  Columbia Historical Quarterly, says  "The Society was organized in Vernon in 1925. Its object has been to  record the history of the Okanagan  Valley, although it has never ceased  to be interested in the history of  the Province as a whole. The present Beport shows how the Society  is accomplishing its purpose. It is  a storehouse of information."  This is what we have accomplished and it is on this we rest.  the    end 48 The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  AT THE BALL  At a cowboy dance a notice was usually tacked up  above the piano which read, "Please don't shoot the  pianist.   He is doing his best.'*  If shooting is done, have a care,  Don't shoot the man pounding the keyes;  His playing makes everyone swear,  Although he is anxious to please.  It is fun, and never a crime,  For a guest to draw and to shoot  In marking a change in the time,  The heel off another man's boot.  But if a man flashes his gun,  And, blazing away without care,  Hits some one and breaks up the fun,  The guests will not like it—beware.  When all the bright lights in the room  Are shot out, they'll pick upon you  For plunging the place into gloom*  And their aim is deadly and true.  And the ladies you think so dear  And sweet, with a pistol can hit  Four bits at full fifty yards clear,  And smiling, think nothing of it.  Then treat them to bunch-grass cocktails.  Meaning rye whiskey and water,  If the time or melody fails—  Join in their fun and their laughter.  Go slow, and don't try to be smart;  Don't splinter his backbone and chest,  And break up the dance, have a heart—  The fellow is doing his best. Society of Vernon, British Columbia—1937 49  ON OKANAGAN LAKE  A creature strange swims in the Lake;  A harmless thing and goggle-eyed,  With sheep-like head, and scaly hide,  And leaving ripples in its wake.  Its name and nature no one knows;  But suddenly it comes and goes,  A visit brief and void of harm;  And then about its size and form  Men argue, and becoming warm,  Dispute, and almost come to blows,  And every day the wonder grows—  A creature strange.  The cowboy wonders more and more,  At what he never saw before,  And greets it with wild whoops and yells;  And then the strangest tales he tells  In camp, of how it made great swells  That broke in waves along the shore,  And of its size, its snorts,.and roar—  A creature strange. 50 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  Some Place-Names  L. Norris  Jones Creek : Named after Robert Jones, an old Cariboo miner, a Welshman, who pre-empted land on Jones Creek on the 22nd September, 1891,  Record No. 1,168. Not much is known about this man. While living on  his pre-emption claim he did some packing into Cherry Creek.  Nicklin Creek and Lake: Named after Frank Harold Nicklin, who  came to Okanagan from Hampshire, England, in 1903. On the 20th June,  1895, he pre-empted land at the mouth of Jones Creek, which is a tributary  of Harris Creek, Record No. 4,812. He is now retired and living in  Vernon, where he was in business for twenty-four years.  Camagna : This post office in the Cherry Creek district was opened  on the 1st November, 1909, and closed on the 1st April, 1919. E. Camagna,  after whom it was named, was postmaster during the ten years it was open.  He pre-empted the N.W. ^ of Sec. 28, Tp. 57, on the 27th April, 1909,  and the Crown Grant for it was issued to him on the 10th June, 1912.  CherryvillE : This post office is virtually the same as Camagna. It  was opened on the 1st November, 1919, with Mrs. A. J. Hanson in charge.  A. J. Hanson, pre-empted the N.W. ]/$ of Sec. 22, Tp. 57 on the 13th  November, 1908, and the Crown Grant for it was issued to him on the  19th September, 1912. He is still living on the place, and Mrs. Hanson is  still postmistress.  Cherry Creek : The post office of Cherry Creek was opened on the  1st November, 1895, and closed on the 1st November, 1899. J. S. L. Hughes  was the only postmaster. It took its name from Cherry Creek, the creek  which flows through the Cherry Creek district, on which there was considerable placer-mining activity in 1861-1862.  Reiswig : George Reiswig, after whom the post office was named, preempted parts of Sees. 3 and 4, in Tp. 44, and parts of Sees. 33 and 34 in  Tp. 45 on the 4th September, 1903, and his Crown Grant for his preemption claim was issued on the 14th January, 1910. The post office was  opened on the 1st May, 1904, with George Reiswig as postmaster. He  resigned on the 8th November, 1909, and on the 1st January, 1910, Stanley  Foulds was appointed in his place. This post office was closed on the 7th  February, 1913.  Vaseaux Lake: The name Vaseaux looks like a corruption of the  French word vaseux, meaning slimy or muddy. The French word for  slime and also for mud at the bottom of a lake or pond, is vase, pronounced  va-ze, and the adjectives formed from the substantive, vase, are vaseux  (masculine) and vaseuse (feminine). Hence a vaseux lake would mean  a slimy or muddy lake. But the plural of the French word for water, eau, is  eaux, and vase-eaux would make slimy or muddy waters. We do not know  who named the lake; but the name is Vaseaux, not Vaseux as it is sometimes written. Vaseaux is the name on all the Provincial Government maps,  and is the name mentioned in the Geographical Gazetteer for British  Columbia, published by the Provincial Government in 1930. The local  pronunciation is vass-o. Society ok Vernon, British Columbia—1937 51  1  HAVE  BEEN IN SIMILKAMEEN  I have been in Similkameen  With the bunch grass growing green,  And the wild rose blushing red  By the lupin's azure head;  Blossoms basking in the sun  Where the sparkling waters run,  With the hill tops mounting high,  Pile on pile into the sky;  Saw the wonders of the Lord,  Read the import of His word,  Graved by fire and earthquake shocks  On the battlemented rocks;  Formed when first the earth was made  And its deep foundations laid;  Primal masses foulded bent  By a hand omnipotent;  And I walk as one apart,  With a humble, chastened heart,  By the things that I have seen—  T have been in Similkameen.  THE  EIGHTH REPORT  of the  Okanagan Historical Society  of  Vernon, British Columbia  Price $1.00  VERNON ROOFS  Sara Jean McKay  T   SAW the roofs of Vernon town,  As I was passing by,  By Mission Hill quiet and still  Against a blue-gold sky;  Bright roofs there are in lands afar  By roads the Romans knew—  In Vernon town they're plain and brown  With peaks that welcome you.  So did I come to fix my home  Near by down Vernon way,  Where Stardust whites the roads o' nights  And sunshine crowns the day  From  Coldstream down to Vernon town,  Warm lights on either hand  When  shadows glide at eventide  Adown the slumberous land.  Friend, should you tramp along with me,  Of magic pray speak well;  On weary eyes, on hearts world-wise  Dreams weave a wondrous spell.  Sometimes in haze of summer days  A beckoning hill I try,  And see far down fair Vernon town  As I am passing by. ITCHY FEET  George E. Winkler  H^HERE'S a strike at Misty Moon Lake,  Wa>  up on the Monashee Range,  And I'm set and ready to go;  For there is ground that one can stake  But covered at present with snow.  So I'll wait till the hills get green,  Way up on the Monashee Range,  And then I'm off to hit the trail;  I want to see what's to be seen  Whether we strike it rich or fail.  It's a long way off from the road,  Way up on the Monashee Range,  And the climb a hard one to take;  But my feet itch to pack a load  On the trail to Misty Moon Lake. THE  EIGHTH REPORT  OF THE  Okanagan Historical Society  OF  Vernon, British Columbia  939  EKEATA  Page 19. The date on line 20 should read "1860."  Page 22. The date on the footnote should read "1873."  Page 23. Line 26, read "apt," not "able."  Page 57. The 4th line of the second verse should read,  "For ever onward took his way,".  This Report is dated April 25, 1939.  (Founded 4lh September, 1925)  THE  Okanagan Historical Society  OF  VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA  □ □  President  Joseph B. Weeks  First VIce-President  John C. Goodfellow  Second Vice-President  Max H. Ruhmann  Third Vice-President  A. E. Sage  Editor  Margaret A. Ormsby  Archivist  R. H. Denison  Librarian  James G. Simms  Auditor  G. C. Tassie  Secretary-Treasurer  Leonard Norris  Honorary Member  W. H. Barret  Directors  Claude S. Handcock, Matt Hassen, W. T. Hayhurst, F. H.  Barnes, Fred J. Murray, A. E. Berry, A. E. Toombs, T. A.  Norris, Agnes Wood, Grant Lang, James Goldie, L. L. Kerry,  T. F. McWilliams, D. Lloyd-Jones, Dr. F. W. Andrew, George  Fraser, R. D. Kerr, Dorothy Gellatly, Burt R. Campbell,  Arthur K. W. Cosens, W. A. Rhodes, H. M. Walker.  List of Members  Allen,   M.   V Nelson  Anderson,   Oscar    Vernon  Asher,   Miss   Ethel    Vernon  Bagnall,   Guy   P Vernon  Baird,   George    Revelstoke  Barnes,   H.   D     Hedley  Barratt,  G.  A Kelowna  Barraclough,   W Nanaimo  Beaven, M. H. C Vernon  Beddonic,   j.   R Vernon  Bird, Mrs. P. F Prince Rupert  Bishop,  J.   A Vernon  Bloom,   C.   D Lumby  Blurton,   H.  J Vernon  Bowes,  James    Salmon  Arm  Bowman,   1 lenry    Vernon  Bowell,   S:.inuel   ....New  Westminster  Boyne,   Frank     Vernon  Boyce,   Dr.   B.  F Kelowna  Brayden,  Rev.  E.  D Vancouver  Brent,   William    Lavington  Brixton,  John    Okanagan   Centre  Brown,  J.  D Grand Forks  Brown,   G.   D Kamloops  Brooks,   Allen   ....Okanagan   Landing  Bruhn,   R.   W Sicamous  Buckland,   F.   M Kelowna  Bulman,  T. R Vernon  Bullock-Webster, W.  H Victoria  Bull, C R Rutland  Burtch,    Henry     Kelowna  Caesar, N. H Okanagan Centre  Calvert,    Dr Armstrong  Cameron,  J.   D Penticton  Canadian   Legion     Armstrong  Carswell,   Robert     Kamloops  Casorso,   Anthony    Kelowna  Casorso,   Joseph     Kelowna  Chambers,   E.   J Vernon  Chapin,   H.  F Kelowna  Chapman,    David     Kelowna  Cheyne,   Robert    Kelowna  Child,   Joseph    Vernon  Clark,   1.   R Vernon  Clarke   j. E Armstrong  Clarke,  Everard    Vernon  Clemitson,  T.  J Westwold  Coleman,  James    Vernon  Collins, A. F. L Vancouver  Cooper,   Frederick    Vernon  Cooper,   P.   V Vernon  Cools,   Joseph    Okanagan   Centre  Cosens,   Sydney    Kelowna  Costerton,   John    Vernon  Coursier,   Dr.   H.  L Vernon  Crozier,   Ivan    Vernon  Cullen,    Stanley     Vancouver  Dawson, Mrs. Helen M.   ...Vancouver  DeBono,   Paul     Vancouver  Deeks,   W.   H Vernon  Dent,   Dr Vernon  Deschamaps,   Clifford    Oyama  Dewdney,   Edgar     Nelson  Dewdney, Walter R Penticton  Dewilie,   B Vernon  Dobie,   Miss   Mabel    Vernon  Duggan,   Mrs.   T Kelowna  Duncan,   Mrs.   Margaret    Vernon  Dunsden,   Harry    Summerland  Earle,  R.   R Vernon  Estabrook,   Otta    Penticton  Edwards,   James   G Vernon  Emory,   W Penticton  Fallow,  H. J Vernon  Faulder,  E.  R Summerland  Fenton,   Miss  Annie    Enderby  Fifer,   A.  J Armstrong  Fitzmaurice,   Raymond     Vernon  Fleming,   A Vernon  Finlaison,  Charles    Shuswap  Falls  Fisher,   E Kamloops  Foote,   Horace    Vernon  Fox,  Harry S Duncan  Fraser,  J.  A Kamloops  French,   Frank     Hedley  French, Percy    Vernon  French,   George     Vernon  Furber,   Mrs.  M Vancouver  Gardom,   Basil     Vancouver  Genn,   Anthony    Victoria  Gibson,  G.  M Okanagan Centre  Gibson,  S.  R Princeton  Gleed, J. A Okanagan Centre  Gowan,   Miss  Mary    Peachland  Grant,   Adam    Vernon  Greene, Rev. H. K Agassiz  Guichon,   Lawrence     Quilchena  Gummow, Mrs. B. L Peachland  Haywood,   Milford    Vernon  Hembling,   O.   B Oyama  Heighway,   J Lumby  Herbert,   Gordon    Kelowna 10  LIST OF MEMBERS—Continued  Holland,  Mrs.  R.  E Kelowna  Holmes,  W.  H Coalmount  Hopping,    Ralph     Vernon  Howay, Judge F. W. New Westminster  Hoy,   Ben    Kelowna  Howe,   A.   T Vernon  Howrie,    David     Vernon  Irvine,  Miss   Barbara    Oyama  Isaacs,  D>^Godtrey    Oyama  Jack, Mrs. Lucy    Hamilton, Ont.  Jameson, J. E Armstrong  Jensen,    Dorothy     Vernon  Johnson,   Cecil     Vernon  Johnson,  G. A Victoria  Jenkins,   A.   C Vernon  Johnson,   George     Summerland  Johnstone,   Col.  G.   C Vancouver  Jones,  W. J.    Victoria  Kelly,  Mrs. L. A Vancouver  Kelley,   C.   C Vancouver  Kennedy,   W.   F Victoria  Kirk,  Mrs. T.   11 Vancouver  Knox,   Dr.   W.  J Kelowna  Lamb,   Dr.  W.  Kaye    Victoria  Lambly,    Robert     Kelowna  Landon, G. L Grand Forks  Lang,   1 lamilton    Vernon  Lang,   Dr.   Arthur    Vancouver  Lantz,  L.  A Vernon  Larnie,   John   Al Vancouver  Learmouth,   R.  L Kelowna  Lefroy,  C.  B.  L Vernon  Lindsey,   Gordon     Vernon  Lloyd-Jones,   \\ Kelowna  Lloyd,  Miss  M.  H Oyama  Lysons,  H.  B.  D Kelowna  Lysons,   R Penticton  Macdonald,   Neil    Vernon  Maclean,   C Vancouver  Maitland,  R.  L Vancouver  Mann,  Mrs.  Allen    Vernon  Marshall, G Okanagan Centre  Matheson,   Dr.   R Kelowna  Mathewson,   K Armstrong  Mattock,   H Vernon  Meeres,   George   A Mara  Milne, Miss H.  M Vernon  Miles,   F.  A Vernon  Mohr,   C.   W Vernon  Monk,   H.   B Vernon  Montague,   J.   E Vernon  Morley,   W'illiam    Vernon  Morse, J. J Kamloops  Mortimer,   Bruce   G Vancouver  Munroe, J. E  .Victoria  McAdam,   W.   A London  McBean,  George    Peachland  McCallam,   H Armstrong  McCluskey, J. W Vernon  McClelland,   J Kelowna  McClelland,  S.  D.   ..North Vancouver  McCulloch,   J Vernon  McDonell,   Lawrence    Vernon  McGinn,    Charles     Vernon  McGusty,   R.   M Vernon  McKay,   Alexander    Peachland  McKay,   Sara  Jean    Victoria  McKechnie, Dr. R. E Vancouver  McKenzie,   George   S Kelowna  McKelvie,  Bruce  A Victoria  McLaine,   F.   W Vancouver  McLaren,   Shaw    Oyama  McNair,   David     Vernon  Napier,  Col, R.  Ross    Victoria  Neil,   Richard  W Vernon  Nicklin,  F.   11 Vernon  Norris, T. G Vancouver  O'Keefe,   Tierney    Okanagan  Owen, Walter   New Westminster  Palmer,   R.   C Summerland  Parham,   R.  J Penticton  Parker,  G. E Okanagan  Centre  Pearse,  Dr. J. A Victoria  Pegg,   L.   Kern    Vancouver  Pellett,   V.   T Armstrong  Percy,   James     Vernon  Peters, W Vernon  Phillips,   James     Armstrong  Pound,   W.   C Vernon  Pout,   Harry    Vernon  Pope,  Charles A Victoria  Powers,   David    Kamloops  Pringle,  J.   F Calgary  Prickard, A. O. R Oyama  Pridham,   F Kelowna  Redgrave,  Harold    Vernon  Reid, Dr. R. L Vancouver  Ricardo,   W.   C Vernon  Richards,   Leonard    Kelowna  Ritchie,   Robert    Rutland  Robertson,  W.  H Victoria  Robertson,  R.  M Kamloops  Robison,   Delbert  J Vernon  Roberts,   John   R Vernon  Rogers,   A Vernon LIST OF MEMBERS—Continued  11  Rolston,  W.  J Vernon  Rosoman,   Graham     Enderby  Ross,   A.  J Victoria  Rourke, W. R Vernon  Russell,    Perley     Princeton  Seymour,   S.   P Vernon  Shatford,   S.  A Vernon  Shatford, W. T Monrovia,  Cal.  Shields,   W Lumby  Simmons,   John     Vernon  Similkameen   Hist.   Soc Princeton  Smith,   W.   H Vernon  Smith,  A.  J Vernon  Smith, W. A Armstrong  Smith,    Oliver     Vernon  Stanhope, P.  B Devon, England  Stirling,   Grote    Kelowna  Sutherland,   Miss   Marion   ..Vancouver  Taite,  H.  B Vernon  Teakle, Thomas   Spokane,  Wash.  Thorburn,   J Vernon  Thompson, W. H.  ...Okanagan Centre  Tripp,  L.   E Vernon  Tupper, C. H Penticton  Vanderburgh,   Airs.   A.   W.   Summerland  Venables,   Peter    Vernon  Vincent,   A.   E Peachland  Ward, F. B Douglas Lake  Walsh,   Anthony     Oliver  Walker,  W.  D Okanagan  Mission  Walmsley,  Mrs.  S. A Vancouver  Warner,  F. E Mabel Lake  Watkins, Joseph    Vernon  Weatherell, H.  O Vernon  Webster,  J.  I Vernon  Weddell, E. C Kelowna  Weddell,  A.   D Kelowna  Wentworth,   Miss   ...Okanagan   Centre  West,  J.  C Vernon  Weydert,   Miss   Elizabeth   ...Penticton  White,   John    Vernon  White,    Ronald     Kamloops  White, Dr. R. B Penticton  Whitehead,   G Vernon  Whitehouse,  T.  W.  D Armstrong  Whitham, J.  D Kelowna  Wiglesworth,    J Penticton  Wilde,  A.  C Vernon  deWolf,   F.   G Vernon  Wollaston,  F.  E. R Vernon  Wood,  Jack    Vernon  Wood,  W.  W Kamloops  Woods, J. J \gassiz  Young,   Vance    Armstrong  Young, Arthur    Armstrong-  Young,   Frank    Armstrong  Youatt,   J Kelowna  Universities:  Washington,   British   Columbia,   Toronto.  Archives:  Victoria,     Vancouver,  Seattle.  Public Libraries:  Portland,  Portland, Seattle, Victoria, Vancouver, Spokane, Toronto, New  York.  THE  Okanagan Historical Society  OF  VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA  First Discovery of Gold in  British Columbia  Arthur H. Lang  TT was revealed recently that gold was found in the Okanagan Valley  -Mn 1833, twenty-four years earlier than the date of the first serious gold  mining on the mainland of British Columbia. This fact was discovered  by Dr. T. A. Rickard, of Victoria,1 who came upon the following passage  in a paper read by Captain W. C. Grant before the Royal Geographical  Society in 18592: "There can be little doubt that it (gold) exists in the  mountains of New Caledonia3 to the northward of where men are now  looking for it, and also a little to the southward, where several years ago  David Douglas, the eminent botanist, found enough whereof to make a seal.  This occurred on the shore of Okanagan Lake, a beautiful lake, from  whence the northern branch of the Columbia takes its rise." Although this  accidental discovery, by Douglas, the first discovery of gold in British  Columbia of which we have any record, had no bearing on later events  it is worthy of a little elaboration, for it took place well before the California gold discoveries and only ten years after the first gold discovery in  Canada, which occurred in the Eastern Townships of Quebec in 1823.4  David Douglas, a distinguished Scottish botanist, was sent to North  America in 1823 as a collector for the Royal Horticultural Society. During  the succeeding ten years he travelled through much of the western part  of the continent, discovering many new botanical species, inclndinT the  Douglas fir which bears his name. In 1833 Douglas went from Fort Vancouver on the Columbia River, to the confluence of the Okanagan River,  where he joined a Hudson's Bay Company pack train, which he accompanied to Stuart Lake via the Okanagan, Thompson and Fraser valleys,  returning by the same route.5  The following year he was killed in the Hawaiian Islands, so there can  be little doubt that 1833 was the year of his gold discovery.  1 British Goln-nbia Historical Quarterly, Vol. II, No. 1, 1938, p. 4.  -Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, XXXI, 1861, p. 213.  :J The  fur-trade  name  for  much   of  what   is  now   British   Columbia.  4 MacKay,   B.   R.     "Eeucevillc  Map-area,   Quebec."     Geological   Survey,   Canada,   Memoir  127   (1921),  p.   70.  5 Oregon Historical Quarterly, VI  (1905), p. 309,  13 14 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  Vernon, Enderby and O'Keefe  Charles Allen Crane  r~PHERE are three place-names  in the  Okanagan  Valley,  the derivation  ■*- and   meaning   of   which   will   bear   some   elaboration,   viz.,   Vernon,  Enderby, and O'Keefe.  Vernon : According to Surnames of the United Kingdom, by Henry  Harrison (two' vols., London, 1912-1918), the Anglo-Norman family of  Vernon derives its name from the ancient town of Vernon, in the French  Department of Eure, Normandy. He also says the name is from the same  root as Verny, which is itself derived from the Low Latin vernetum, an  alder grove, "etum" being the plantation suffix; Gaulish, Vernos, an Alder-  tree, akin to Welsh, Gwernen; Breton, Guren; Irish, Fearn (Old Irish,  fern) alder-tree. An old Gazetteer of the world, published in 1858, mentions the town of Vernon. It had then a population of 3,500, with some  manufactures.  Enderby : Besides the three names, Wood Enderby, Bag Enderby and  Mavis Enderby, mentioned on page 28 of our Fourth Report, Cassell's  Gazetteer of Great Britain and Ireland mentions a place called Enderby in  Lincolnshire, and there is an Enderby near Leicester. Anderby and  Enderby both, doubtless, come from the same origin, and mean Andrew's  estate, the second element being the old Norse By-r, an estate, and the first  clement akin to the German Endres, Andres which is Andrew.  O'Keefe : On page 242, Vol. I, of Surnames of the United Kingdom,  mentioned above, the following appears: "Keef, Keefe, Keeff, Keeffe.  (Celt—Kind, Beloved, Gentle), (Ir. and Gale. Caomh [mh as v] gent.  Caoimh as in Ir. O'Caoimh [O'Keefe] equal to the Grandson or Descendant of Caomh.)" And again on page 48, Vol. II, of the same book the  following passage appears: "O'Keef, O'Keefe, O'Keeffe (Celt.) the Ir.  O'Caoimh [mh as v] equal to Descendant of Caomh; that is, the Beautiful."  Here we have two meanings of the same word given by the same author.  On page 141 of our Sixth Report, there is the following passage: "The  name O'Keefe is Irish, pure Irish, and is said to mean, 'of the church.' "  It has been suggested that all three interpretations are admissible, that at  first it meant something ''of or belonging to" (the Norman possessive)  "the Church," and by extension it came to mean, kind, gentle, beloved, and  the beautiful. We are reasonably sure that the word O'Keefe is derived  from the Irish Caomh or Caoimh because other authorities agree with Harrison in this, but its meaning will bear further investigation. SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 IS  Trutch's Speech  L. Norris  IT was the tenth of April, 1871, at Ottawa. Sir John A. Macdonald had  been absent all winter attending the conference at Washington which  preceded the Treaty of Washington, and the House leadership of the  Government had devolved on Sir George E. Cartier. The terms of union  had been agreed to, and the Bill authorizing the address to Her Majesty,  as provided for in Section 146 of the British North America Act, praying  for the admission of British Columbia into the Dominion as a Province,  had been passed in Victoria on the 20th of January, and J. W. Trutch, the  Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works in the Colonial Government,  had been sent as a delegate to Ottawa on behalf of the Colony. A similar  Bill to that passed in Victoria had been passed at Ottawa on the 1st of April.  The Bill had passed at Victoria without a single dissenting vote, but  when the Bill for the union came up for debate at Ottawa considerable  opposition to it developed among the supporters of the Government. The  Leader of the Opposition, Alexander Mackenzie, during the debate, warned  the Government that by Section 11 of the terms of union, usually referred  to as the Railway Clause, the Government was undertaking a greater  obligation than they could possibly carry out, and many of the Conservative Members were concerned about its adoption. But this Railway Clause  had been agreed to, and had been adopted by the Legislative Assembly at  Victoria, and if it were altered, it would be necessary for the Legislative  Assembly of British Columbia to be reconvened and a new Bill passed.  Sir George E. Cartier then hit on the expedient as the best way out  of the difficulty of having the Railway Clause passed without change, and  later on having a Resolution passed, very materially altering it. On this  understanding the Bill was passed on the 1st April with the majority which  the Government usually had on a division of fifty or sixty reduced to  seventeen or eighteen. It Was a close shave. The House was no longer  under the capable leadership of Sir John A. Macdonald.  And now the House was to be asked to repudiate on the 11th of April  what they had agreed to on the 1st. Apparently Mr. Mackenzie was to  be vindicated.  Section 11 of the Bill, the Railway Clause,-reads thus: "11. The Government of the Dominion undertakes to secure the commencement simultaneously, within two years of the date of the Union of a Railway from  the Pacific towards the Rocky Mountains, and from such point as may be  settled east of the Rocky Mountains towards the Pacific, to connect the  seaboard of British Columbia with the Railway system of Canada, and  further to secure the completion of such Railway within ten years from  the date of the Union."  The Resolution modifying this clause, as it was passed on the 11th of  April, at Ottawa, reads thus:  "That the Railway referred to in the address to Her Majesty, concerning the union of British Columbia with Canada, adopted by this House on  Saturday, 1st April, instant, should be constructed and worked by private  enterprise and not by the Dominion Government, and that the public aid  to be given to secure that undertaking should consist of such liberal grants  of land, such subsidy in money or other aid not increasing the present  rate of taxation, as the Parliament of Canada shall hereafter determine." 16 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  It will be seen at a glance the Resolution profoundly modifies the Railway Clause, and makes the building of the Railway contingent upon  Canada being able to build it without increasing the rate of taxation, something never contemplated when the terms of union were agreed to and  settled by the Government and the delegates from British Columbia in  the winter of 1870.    The situation was delicate.  Of course if British Columbia agreed to this modification of the terms,  nothing further could be said. But if British Columbia stood out and  insisted upon the terms as agreed to as being observed and no change being  made, it would have placed the Government in an awkward position, which  would not have escaped the watchful eye of the Leadc; of the Opposition.  If they passed the resolution over the protests of the Government of British  Columbia, they would have stood convicted of having acted in bad faith  towards that Colony, or they would have had to reverse the policy of the  Government and withdraw the Address. It would probably have resulted  in the defeat of the Government.  It all depended on J. W. Trutch, the accredited agent of British  Columbia, and an opportunity was given him to express his views.  A complimentary dinner was tendered him on the 10th April, the day  before the Resolution was to be voted on. About two hundred guests were  present, including all the Cabinet Ministers except Sir John A. Macdonald.  Sir George E. Cartier presided, and the speech made by Mr. Trutch was  reported in the Montreal Gazette, and la*er, as so reported, was published  in pamphlet form. This report of the speech is therefore generally taken  as the authorized version.    Among other things, Mr. Trutch said:  "And now, Sir, I speak with special care, as I desire that full weight  should be given to every word I utter on this point, that is to say, as to  the understanding which I had when this clause (the Railway Clause) was  framed, and still have, of the intention of this engagement by the Dominion  to construct the Canadian Pacific Railway within ten years. When we  came to you in June, last, we proposed that you should build at once a  coach road from Fort Garry to the Pacific, and within three years to begin  a railway, and we sought to bind you to spend a million of dollars annually  on the section of this railroad to British Columbia, and to complete the  construction with the utmost possible dispatch. We fully understood then  that once the road was commenced it must be urged to its completion as  a matter of course as a business necessity, and that, instead of $1,000,000.00  being spent, probably $5,000,000.00 would be yearly expended in British  Columbia. We knew, in fact, that if the road were to be completed at all,  it would have to be proceeded with at a far faster rate than a million a  year would insure. But there were those in British Columbia who thought  that Canada would not undertake the work at all, and it was to satisfy  their doubts to secure their adhesion to the scheme that the guarantee of  the expenditure of the $1,000,000.00 annually was asked. The Government,  on conference with our delegation, at once expressed their readiness to  commence the railroad to the Pacific, and to complete it as soon as it was  practicable to do so, but the coach road was objected to as an unnecessary  expense in view of the immediate construction of a railroad. We from  British Columbia were prepared to accept this amendment of the scheme,  and we accordingly proceeded to calculate the time it would probably take  to build the railroad, and we agreed upon an estimated period of ten years.  If it had been put at twelve or fifteen years, British Columbia would have  been just as well satisfied, and if the estimated period had been reduced  to eight years, she would scarcely have been better pleased; but some  definite period for the completion of this work the British Columbia dele- SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 17  gates insisted on, as a necessary safeguard to our colony in entering into  the proposed union. To argue that any other interpretation will be placed  on this railway engagement by British Columbia than that which I have  given, to argue that she expects it to be carried out in the exact interpretation of the words themselves, regardless of all consequences, is a  fallacy which cannot bear the test of common sense. The case stands thus:  British Columbia is about to enter into a partnership with Canada, and  one of the terms of the article of partnership is that we are, under the  partnership, to construct a railway upon certain conditions. Is British  Columbia going to hold her partner to that which will bring ruin and  bankruptcy upon the firm? Surely you would think us fools, indeed, if  we adopted such a course. I would protest, and the whole of British  Columbia would protest, if the Government proposed to borrow  $100,000,000.00 or $150,000,000.00 to construct this road, running the country into debt and taxing the people of British Columbia, as well as the  rest of the Dominion, to pay the burden of such a debt. Why, Sir, I heard  it said the other evening that British Columbia had had the most Jewish  bargain with you in these terms, but even Shylock himself would not exact  his pound of flesh if a portion of it had to be cut from his own body. I am  sure that you will find that British Columbia is a pretty intelligent community which will be apt to take a business view of this matter. She will  expect that this railroad shall be commenced in two years, for that is  clearly practicable, and she will also expect that the financial ability of the  Dominion will be exerted to the utmost within the limits of reason, to  complete it in the time named in the agreement; but you may rest assured  that she will not regard this railway engagement as a "cast-iron contract"  as it has been called, or desire that it should be carried out in any other  way than as will secure the prosperity of the whole Dominion of which she  forms a part. I have understood this railway engagement in this way from  the first, and I still so understand it."  The speech goes farther than the Resolution in modifying the Railway  Clause. He extended the time for the completion of the railway from ten  years to fifteen years. Time never was of the essence of the contract between  British Columbia and the Dominion. It might have been made so at the  time the Railway Clause was drafted, but this was not done, and when he  admitted that British Columbia did not expect the Railway Clause to be  "carried out in the exact interpretation of the words themselves regardless  of the consequences," and that if the time for the completion of the road  had been put at "twelve or fifteen years, British Columbia would have  been just as well satisfied," he virtually established the 20th July, 1886,  as the earliest date after which British Columbia could with reason complain of the non-completion of the railway.  It was an important speech. Every word uttered by Mr. Trutch on  that occasion was binding on British Columbia, whose accredited representative he then was. It is true that had the Government of the Colony  repudiated the speech and the Resolution, British Columbia would not  have been bound by either. Any time after the 11th of April and before  the 20th of July, when the union became effective, they might have entered  a protest with the Dominion Government and with the Home Government,  refusing to be bound by either, in which case the speech and the Resolution would not have changed the original contract or bargain between the  two parties, as far as British Columbia was concerned, in the least. But  they did not do this. Probably the Government of British Columbia, at  that time, would have consented to even greater modifications rather than  miss the opportunity of the Colony becoming a Province and securing the  construction of the railway. 18 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  Having acquiesced in, presumably because it was in her interest to do  so, and consented to these modifications, and allowed the time to go by  within which she could have entered an effective protest, in 1871, British  Columbia could not repudiate them in 1876 simply because it would have  been in her interest to do so then.  Before making the speech, Trutch was in 'Äûduty bound to consult his  principals, the Government in Victoria, and to defer to some extent at  least to his former colleagues, Dr. Carroll and Dr. Helmcken, the men  who with him had framed the Railway Clause in 1870. But he did not do  this; as far as we know, he consulted no one.  The speech must have been very gratifying to Sir George E. Cartier.  The most that he could have expected from a man in Trutch's position  was that he would remain neutral, would refrain from openly protesting  against the Resolution. But when Trutch came out with such a sweeping  endorsation of the principles of the Resolution, it took the wind out of the  sails of the Leader of the Opposition, and left him with nothing to criticize;  it vindicated the policy of the Government and reassured its supporters.  Mr. Trutch, on that occasion, rendered a very valuable service to the  Government at Ottawa.  But one may ask what was he doing in that camp? He was not sent  there to help an incompetent House leader out of a difficult position, and  by letting down the bars, render the bargain between the two Governments  less advantageous to British Columbia. When he extended the time for  the completion of the road from ten years to fifteen years without first  consulting his principals and obtaining the consent of the Government at  Victoria, he was guilty of an act of bad faith; he was untrue to the trust  reposed in him. The position he occupied was peculiar. The two Bills  had been passed, and the Government he represented would disappear on  the 20th of July. The situation, therefore, offered to an unscrupulous man  a golden opportunity to. make something out of it for himself. J. W.  Trutch was an unscrupulous man, and he made the most of the opportunity.  Naturally around Ottawa, about the 10th of April, 1871, there was much  speculation going on as to who would be the Lieutenant-Governor of the  new Province. Everything pointed to Hon. S. L. Tilley, C.B., as the  man. The Victoria Colonist, in its issue of the 9th April, 1871, contains  the following: "The dispatch tends still further to confirm what we  have been long prepared to expect, that is, that Hon. S. L. Tilley, C.B.,  is to be the first Lieutenant-Governor of the Pacific Province. British  Columbia may consider herself particularly fortunate in getting such a  man as Mr. Tilley." And again on the 23rd April, 1871: "As soon as the  result of the decision last night (the passing of the Railway Bill on the  1st April) was made known, Sir George Cartier sent a beautiful little  bouquet of flowers to Mrs. Tilley, who was in the Speaker's gallery. This  incident, taken in connection with the rumour that Mr. Tilley is to be the  first Lieutenant-Governor of British Columbia is by some people thought  to be attended with some'political significance."  She, Mrs. Tilley, must have been a happy woman that night, to have  it thus publicly signalled to her that her husband was going to be the  first Lieutenant-Governor of the new Province on the Pacific, British  Columbia, the land of gold and of adventure and romance. But that was  before Trutch made his speech.  After the speech all was changed. It was Mr. Trutch who was made  Lieutenant-Governor, and not Mr. Tilley. The Dominion Government kept  faith with him. They made him Lieutenant-Governor, they paid him his  thirty pieces of silver, and Mrs. Tilley was left holding the bouquet. -■-,.'. -."■'.;  SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 19  San Juan Island  L. Norris  DY a treaty signed on the 20th October, 1818, the forty-ninth parallel  *-* of north latitude was agreed to as the boundary-line between the  United States and the British possession, from the Lake-of-the-Woods to  the Rocky Mountains. The United States, at the time, offered to accept  the forty-ninth parallel as the boundary-line continued through to the  Pacific, but the British declined to accept the offer because if they accepted  it they would lose the south end of Vancouver Island, and the matter stood  open until a new treaty was signed at Washington on the 15th June, 1846.  By the new Treaty the forty-ninth parallel was taken as the boundary  from the Rocky Mountains to the Gulf of Georgia, which cut off Point  Roberts, and thence continued, to quote the words of the Treaty, "to the  middle of the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver  Island and thence southerly through the middle of the .said channel and  of Fuca Strait to the Pacific Ocean." In 1856 two Commissioners were  appointed, Archibald Campbell by the United States, and James C. Prevost  by England, to decide what was meant by "the channel," but they failed  to agree. The English Commissioner insisted that the Rosario Straits  which runs well to the south of San Juan Island was the channel meant,  while the American Commissioner stood out for the Canal de Haro which  runs between San Juan and Vancouver Island. From 1680 on, owing to  a local disturbance, San Juan island was held in joint military occupation,  each nation maintaining thereon a small force of armed men. Thus matters stood with regard to San Juan Island until the Treaty of Washington  was concluded on the 18th May, 1871.  The conference met at Washington, D.C. The United States was represented by Hamilton Fisk, Robert C. Schenck, Samuel Nelson, Ebenezer R.  Hoard and George H. Williams, and England by Earl Grey, Sir Stafford  Northcote, Sir Edward Thornton, Sir John A. Macdonald, and Professor  Montague Bernard.  Sir John A. Macdonald, in a letter dated 4th February, 1871, to the  Governor General, in which he explained why he consented to appear as  one of the English representatives, among other things says:  "But then we must consider that if Canada allowed the matter to go by  default, and left its interests to be adjudicated upon and settled by a Commission composed exclusively by Americans having an adverse interest,  and Englishmen having little or no interest in Canada, the Government  would be very much censured if the result was a sacrifice of the rights  of the Dominion." 1 These were the conditions he expected to find, and  these were the conditions he did find, at Washington. He complained  bitterly while the conference was in session and afterwards of the apathy  and indifference shown by the Englishmen when any matter affecting  Canadian interest solely came up for discussion.  Three important matters came up for discussion at the conference,  namely, the Atlantic fisheries, the Alabama claims, and San Juan Island.  The first was settled, the second referred to five arbitrators appointed, one  each by England, the United States, Italy, Switzerland and Brazil, and the  possession of San Juan Island was left to the decision of the Emperor of  Germany as sole arbitrator.  1 Memoir* of Sir John  A. Macdonald, by Sir Joseph  Pope,  page   113. 20 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  The possession of San Juan Island should never have been left to  arbitration. England had a natural right to the island so strong as compared with any claim the United States could advance that had she insisted  on its possession, had she made its retention by her in all negotiations a  sine qua non, she, in the end, was bound to win out. It belongs naturally,  to Vancouver Island. It is of little intrinsic value, sixty-one square miles  in area, one-third of it agricultural land, and the rest pasturage, with no  mines or timber. It could be of value to the United States for one purpose  only, namely, it would give the United States an undue advantage over the  English in case of war.  The Canal De Haro runs between San Juan Island and Vancouver  Island, while the Rosario Straits runs so far south that it takes in not only  San Juan Island but also the islands of Lopaz and Orcas, both as important as San Juan, and, in fact, a whole archipelago of islands of no particular value to England. There was no reason why either the Canal De Haro  or Rosario Straits should have been adopted. Neither one is mentioned in  the Treaty of the 15th June, 1846. The language used is so indefinite—  "the channel which separates the continent from Vancouver Island"—that  to say those who framed the Treaty had in mind some channel more frequently navigated in the past than any other or some channel to be agreed  upon and adopted at some future time, is mere conjecture.  The two contracting parties at Washington in 1871 were free to adopt  any channel, and had the British offered to accept the channel which separates San Juan Island from Lopaz and Orcas, thus giving to England San  Juan Island and to the Americans the rest of the archipelago, the case for  England would have been so strong that no impartial tribunal would have  decided against her.  This solution of the difficulty was suggested by Dr. Helmcken in the  Legislative Assembly in Victoria during the winter of 1871.  But the English representatives at Washington appeared to know a lot  about the Canal de Haro and the Rosario Straits and little else of the true  conditions, and the Americans were playing their own game. But if the  English found that a compromise was beyond them and they were forced  to resort to arbitration, it was still not necessary for them to accept the  one sovereign in Europe the most unfriendly to England and most inimical  to her interest as the arbitrator. When the United States representatives  succeeded in having the German Emperor accepted as the sole arbitrator they  had virtually won their case.  Early in January, 1871, the Franco-Prussian war was over. The armistice was signed on the 28th January, and William had been proclaimed in  the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, Emperor of the new German Empire.  The final Treaty was signed at Frankfurt on the 10th May, 1871, and by  it France ceded to Germany Alsace, part of Lorraine and the city of Metz,  and agreed to pay an indemnity of five billion francs, German troops to  remain in possession at the expense of the French until the indemnity was  paid. It was a drastic settlement despite the efforts of the English at Frankfurt to secure for France more favourable terms, but by the end of September, 1873, the last franc had been paid and the last German soldier had  left French soil.  Count Bismarck had always enjoyed the full confidence of his Sovereign, and no matter of any importance was ever decided by the Prussian  Government without it being referred to him. But after the war he was  supreme in Germany. He was made a prince on the 21st March, 1871, and  Chancellor of the German Empire.  During the war the sympathies of the English Government were on the  side of France, especially after the battle of Sedan, and England had been SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 21  so liberal in supplying the French with war material that it drew forth  diplomatic protests from the Prussian Government. In after years  Bismarck, who was alarmed at the quick recovery of the French nation,  succeeded in making defensive treaties with Russia, Austria and Italy, but  not with England. Then as now England was friendly with France, and  then as now the relations between the English and German governments  were not cordial.  When the San Juan question reached the German Emperor, he submitted  it to three doctors, learned in law and jurisprudence, of the German universities, Dr. Kiepert, Dr. Grimm and Dr. Goldschmidt. The written opinions  of these men when handed in may have been learned and erudite, and the  voice may have been the voice of the Emperor, but the hand was the hand  of Bismarck. A man like Bismarck would see at a glance the mistake the  English had made in ever allowing the question of the possession of San  Juan Island to go to arbitration. He must have chuckled to himself over the  situation as it was in October, 1872, when, on the 21st of that month, the  award was handed out. An award which brought the boundary-line within  three and a half miles of the shore of Vancouver Island and thirty-three  miles from the American mainland and would, in case of war, shut off  the Gulf of Georgia from the Pacific Ocean.2  Viscount Milton, who came over the Rockies with Dr. Cheadle in 1863  and had travelled all over San Juan Island and knew it intimately, makes  these observations: "On a just and equitable solution of the so-called  San Juan Water Boundary Question depends the future of British Columbia  and also the entire British possessions in North America." And again:  "The island of San Juan has been aptly termed the 'Cronstadt of the Pacific'  Its confirmation is such that a few batteries skilfully placed would render  it almost impregnable. Imagine, then, the position of Victoria, the capital,  with the adjacent harbour of Esquimalt, cut off from communication with  British Columbia, and the Dominion cut off from the seaboard of the  Pacific." 3  Caleb Cushing was one of the foremost statesmen in the United States.  A lawyer by profession, he was senior counsel for the United States when  the Alabama claims came to be argued before the Arbitration Tribunal in  Geneva in 1872, and at one time he was offered the Chief Justiceship of  the Supreme Court of the United States by President Grant, an honour  which he declined for political reason, and no one was better acquainted  with conditions on the Pacific coast than he. He wrote a book, The Treaty  of Washington, and in it he makes these observations:  "To Great Britain it can be of no possible consequence which of the  lines of boundary should be established. What possessions remain to her  on the northwest coast of America, Vancouver Island and British Columbia  can never be of any military advantage to the Canadian Dominion; nor can  they be of special importance to her as a military post or as a colony, and  they may, on the contrary, constitute in her hands a temptation to needless  expense in fortifications, notwithstanding which, owing to the remoteness  of these countries by land and their inaccessibility to her by sea, the  Dominion will find them quite untenable in the presence of the powerful  American States on the shores of the Pacific Ocean.  "To the United States, on the other hand, it is important to have had the  question decided in our favour.    We are now a real power on the Pacific  2 The distances, as ascertained in the office of the Chief Geographer, Victoria, are:  From Vancouver Island to San Juan Island six and three-quarter miles, and from Vancouver Island to the American Mainland, thirty-six and three-quarter miles. What are  shown on many maps as peninsulas along the American coastline are really, geographically,  islands  and  not  peninsulas.  SA History of the San Juan Water Boundary Question, by Viscount Milton London  1858,   pp.   8   and   11. 22 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  coast which Great Britain is not and cannot be. Holding the territory of  Alaska to the north of the British possessions, the territory of Washington,  the State of Oregon and the great and rich State of California, ceded to us  by the Mexican Republic, with khe growing states and territories on their  rear, it would have been intolerable to us to be excluded from the great  channel between Vancouver Island and the mainland or to traverse it only  under the guns of British fortresses on the Island. Such a settlement would  have had in it the germs of war; the present affords assurances of peace." *  Allowance must be made here for the natural elation of a man who  believed his compatriots had scored a notable victory over the English  diplomats. And while the writer may be a bit naive in his solicitude for  the welfare of the Canadian people and forget that during the Revolutionary War and the war of 1812 the Canadians were quite able to take  care of themselves, this passage is of value to us as showing the enormous  importance the Americans attached to the acquisition of San Juan Island.  They believed they had succeeded in doing in 1871 what they tried to do  but failed in 1846, namely, eliminate England as a sea power from the  Pacific coast. This book was published in 1873, and its perusal could not  have been very comforting to those who represented England at the conference at Washington in 1871. It must have brought home to them the  fact that in their complaisant liberality in dealing with Canadian territory  they had overstepped the mark and seriously damaged Imperial interests.  The consequences of the award of the German Emperor in British  Columbia were disastrous. The people felt the loss of it keenly. It was  British troops that had to withdraw after twelve years and not the Americans, and they were disappointed. They also realized its importance. The  Victoria Colonist said on the 15th April, 1871: "Great Britain cannot surrender San Juan. To her the question involves more than mere pride. It  involves the surrender of the key to the western door of the Empire of  British North America," and again on the 10th December, 1872, it said  the loss of San Juan meant "the transfer of the key of British Columbia  to the United States." During the summer of 1878—the year of the election when Mackenzie was defeated—up to the time Burrard Inlet was named  as the terminus on the 12th July, the expression was often heard in Saanich  and Victoria: "They are bound to bring the railway to Esquimalt now  that we have lost San Juan Island."  In the summer of 1872 everything in connection with the building of  the railway was working out to schedule and following a normal course.  The preliminary surveys on the Burrard Inlet-Tete Jaune Cache route were  well advanced. On the 2nd April of that year the pass of Tete Jaune Cache  had been adopted as the route through the Rocky Mountains, and it was  expected that Burrard Inlet would be adopted as the terminus of the railway, and that in the spring of 1873 all would be ready for the commencement of construction and its vigorous prosecution, and that the road would  be completed within the ten years mentioned tentatively in the Railway  Clause.  But with the loss of San Juan Island the whole situation had to be  revised. On the 7th June, 1873, Esquimalt was named as the terminus,  and several years were spent in a fruitless endeavour to find a route along  which the railway could be built to its terminus on the west coast of Vancouver Island. This delay in railway construction gave rise to the popular  misconception that Canada had broken her engagement with British Columbia, whereas Canada had broken no engagement.  It is very noticeable how popular the fiction became, that Canada had  broken her engagement with British Columbia, after 1873.  * The Treaty of Washington, by Caleb Cushing, New York,  1878. SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 23  J. W. Trutch, the Lieutenant-Governor, was the first to set the ball  rolling. On the 19th and 20th of July a technical and legal "commencement of construction" had been made at Esquimalt to comply with the Railway Clause, but it was impossible, owing to the dislocation of their plans  for the building of the railway occasioned by the loss of San Juan Island,  for the Government to go on with its construction until it was ascertained  what route should be adopted to meet the new conditions. Nevertheless,  the following dispatch was sent to Ottawa:  The Lieutenant-Governor to the Secretary of State  (Ottawa).  Government House,  26th July, 1873.  Sir:  I have the honour to enclose, at the request of my Ministers,  for submission to His Excellency the Governor General, a minute  of my Executive Council representing the non-fulfilment by the  Dominion of the Eleventh Section of the Terms of Union of British  Columbia with Canada expressing regret that the railway has not  been commenced, and strongly protesting against the breach of a  condition of the Terms of Union so highly important to this  Province.  I have, etc.,  Joseph W. Trutch.  The Government at Ottawa might have retaliated by quoting Trutch's  speech at Ottawa:  "I am sure that you will find that British Columbia is a pretty intelligent community which will be able to take a business view of this  matter," etc., but they refrained.  The Premier, G. A. Walkem, espoused it enthusiastically. It gave him  an excuse, without waiting to ascertain the best terms for the Province he  could get from the new party in power at Ottawa, the Reform party, to _tart  on a junketing trip to England at a cost to the Province of $3,500.00, an  enormous sum in those days.  It was good politics for the Reform party to accept it. It showed that  the Conservatives had made a bargain which they themselves could not  carry out. Lord Dufferin, who was Governor General from 1872 to 1878,  and Lord Carnarvon, who was Secretary of State for the Colonies from  1874 to 1878, both, with an ulterior object in view, accepted it without  question or hesitation, and Sir John Macdonald and the remnant of the  Conservative party were left with no one to heed their protests.  Walkem had quarrelled with Edgar, the man sent out by the Premier,  Mr. Mackenzie, to arrange new terms with British Columbia, and on his  way to England he stopped off at Ottawa, and had an interview with Mr.  Mackenzie.  On that occasion, Mr. Mackenzie asked Mr. Walkem to submit in writing any proposition he had to make and it would be considered by the  Government. This left the door open for further negotiations, and it  was clearly Walkem's duty, in the interest of the Province, whose Premier  he was, to ascertain the best terms the Dominion was willing to concede  before proceeding further. But he refused to do so. He probably knew  that if he did the terms offered would be so fair and liberal that it would  leave him without anything within reason to complain of when he reached  London, and Walkem's objective was "the foot of the throne." He was  not going to be done out of his free trip to London. 24 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  When Mr. Walkem readied London, it was clearly Lord Carnarvon's  duty to recommend a resumption of the negotiations. The dispute was a  matter which, under the B.N.A. Act, could only be settled by the two  parties themselves. The Colonial Secretary had no right whatever to  interfere.    To do so was unconstitutional.  It is noticeable that neither Lord Carnarvon nor Lord Dufferin ever  touched upon the question of the validity of the claim advanced by British  Columbia. Both accepted it as a valid claim without qr?stion or hesitation, and both gave it their official endorsation, although they must have  known that in determining what was due to British Columbia, Trutch's  speech and the Resolution of the 11th April should be read in with the  Railway  Clause.  Lord Carnarvon offered to act as arbitrator, and in making the offer  he was guilty of a grave dereliction of his duty. It was not his business  to interfere. He was the one man who was prohibited by his office from  so acting. How could he as Secretary of State for the Colonies do his  duty by his own Government and at the ^ame time act as an impartial  judge between the Province and the Dominion when all three, the Home  Government, the Province and the Dominion, were directly interested in  the same matter, the subject in dispute, the building of the Island Railway? Had he been actuated by a sense of duty he never would have  made the offer.  But having once made it, he might have exhibited greater discernment  than he did. In a case of arbitration there is, there can be, no such thing  as coercive jurisdiction. The only authority an arbitrator has is derived  from the consent and submission of the two disputants, and this is something he never had. In fact, it has never been clearly shown that he had  the unqualified submission and consent of either party. Yet he proceeded  with his adjudication as if he were a duly constituted arbitrator. His  award, when made, usually referred to as the Carnarvon Terms, never had  any legal sanction. It was never binding on any one, it was never more  than the futile gesture of an unscrupulous man who used his official position to try to impose something on the people of Canada.  It would have saved the people of British Columbia and the Dominion  at large a vast amount of trouble and misunderstanding had Lord  Carnarvon adhered strictly to his duty.  Throughout it all Alexander Mackenzie was honest and sincere. He  believed the policy of the Conservative party was wrong, and that it would  ruin the country if followed. He believed the true policy was to build the  railway slowly and by degrees, according to the ability of the country to  stand the financial strain with the settlement of the prairies keeping pace  in some measure with the construction of the road. And perhaps he was  right. Perhaps Sir John A. Macdonald's views were too imperialistic to  suit the circumstances, and that the interests of the Canadian people would  be better served by hastening slowly.  Legal technicalities did not appeal to him. He refused to accept the  trifling amount of work done at Esquimalt as a bona fide commencement  of the construction of a transcontinental railway. He believed, too, that a  new understanding should be reached with British Columbia, a new bargain made, and, if necessary, the Province compensated. Whereas to the  legal mind of Sir John A. Macdonald such was not necessary; there had  been a legal commencement of construction, and the Government was  prohibited from spending more money until the final location of the road,  because to do so would be against the public interest, against public policy. .  SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 25  As illustrating the attitude of the two men on this question, the following extracts  from Hansard are given:  "House of Commons, 29th March, 1875.  "Hon. Mr. Tupper—It was so in the case of the Intercolonial Railway. The late Government regarded the work of construction as commenced when they proceeded to locate the line.  "Hon. Mr. Mackenzie wished to ask one question: "Would the Right  Honourable Leader of the Opposition say that the commencing of a survey  was the commencement of the construction of the road within the terms  of agreement with British Columbia of 1872. (sic) He was perfectly  aware that the honourable gentleman had sent a telegram something to  the effect: but it was well known that the Government of British Columbia  refused to recognize that as a commencement of the road. Now he would  like to get the legal opinion—not the parliamentary opinion—of the  honourable gentleman upon the point, as to whether the beginning of a  survey was the commencement of construction of the line.  "Sir John A. Macdonald said he had no doubt that a location survey was  as much a commencement of the construction of the railway as the actual  breaking of the ground; but he would not consider that preliminary surveys  were the commencement of construction.  "Hon. Mr. Tupper said that he hoped that the First Minister, having  taken the legal opinion of the gentleman of his own selection, he would  now abide by that opinion. He was glad to have that point disposed of;  it was important."  And, as illustrating Mr. Mackenzie's candid opinion of the Railway  Clause and the whole bargain with British Columbia, the following passage  is also given:  "House of Commons, 23rd April, 1877.  "Hon. Mr. Mackenzie—Why, Sir, were we to refuse to carry out the  terms after this legislation had been made, after the solemn treaty had  been entered into by gentlemen opposite ?—a treaty I stamp now, as I have  always stamped it, as one of the most insane acts of legislative madness  ever known, and I say the men who perpetrated it deserve, I might say,  the everlasting execration of the country, because they introduced an  element of confusion. They knew they were undertaking a project which  could not be carried out."  Both men were honest and upright and true patriots. Never for a  moment would either of them think of sacrificing the interest of Canada  for a personal advantage. They held different views, and probably at times  hated each other and were unfair to each. other in debate, but such is  human nature. Both were men who held office during difficult and trying  years, and both worked unceasingly and earnestly for the advancement  of Canada and for the welfare of the Canadian people. In those days we  had some splendid men at Ottawa on both sides of the House, men of  character who adhered strictly to their duty as they saw it.  In 1870 the Northwest Territories had been taken over from the Hudson's Bay Company, and the new Province of Manitoba had been created,  and during the following years the Government had to meet many difficult  situations in settling disputes between it and the different Provinces, and  were faced with many and serious problems to deal with. There was much  to be done in consolidating the new Dominion. 26 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  During those years of stress and strain for the Dominion Government,  the facts show that Lord Dufferin as Governor General and Lord Carnarvon as Secretary of State for the Colonies, both acted unconstitutionally in  unduly interfering with the domestic affairs of the Dominion. They were  especially at fault in interfering between the Dominion and the Province  of British Columbia over the building of the railway. It was a matter  which, under the provisions of the B.N.A. Act, should have been left to  the Province and Dominion to settle between themselves without any interference whatever by either of them. They tried to force upon the Dominion  the building of the Island Railway, a railway which would connect the Gulf  of Georgia with the Pacific and link up the coal fields of Nanaimo with  the naval station at Esquimalt, and thus render less glaring the blunder  the British diplomats made when they allowed the question of the possession of San Juan Island to go to arbitration. And they could have had San  Juan Island, at one time, had they asked for it.  And to crown it all, the London Times took upon itself to admonish the  people of Canada over the building of the railway, and to point out that as  a British colony, it was incumbent on Canada to adhere to the British  tradition of fulfilling every engagement undertaken, etc. Canada broke no  engagement, and under the circumstances the people in this country could  have rubbed along first rate without the admonition. SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 27  The City of Vernon  (The first year of incorporation)  Burt R. Campbell  ONE of the most important events in the history of the Okanagan Valley  was the construction of the Shuswap and Okanagan Railway from  Sicamous to Okanagan Lake, and one of the results of railway construction was to transform, in a very short time, the sleepy little cow-town of  Priest's Valley into the city of Vernon.  The contractors arrived to build the railway some time in August,  1890, and in less than eighteen months thereafter Vernon was incorporated, by Letters Patent, dated 30th December, 1892. The year 1893,  therefore, is usually taken as the first year of incorporation.  The notice of intention to apply for incorporation as gazetted on the  17th October, 1892, is signed by Robert McDougall, Gideon Milligan,  J. A. Schubert and W. J. Armstrong. The limits of the territory incorporated are thus given in the Letters Patent: W. y2 Sec. 2, S. l/2 and  N.E. % Sec. 3, Tp. 8, Lots 74 and 75, and that part of Lot 71 lying  within Sec. 33 and that part of Lot 66 lying within the S.W. 34 Sec. 33,  Sec. 34 and the N.W. 34 Sec. 35, Tp. 9, Osoyoos District. The area of  the new city in square miles was 3.12. The areas of the other cities in the  valley also in square miles are: Enderby, 1.02; Armstrong, 1.56; Kelowna,  2.00; and of the rural municipalities: Spalhimcheen, 101.56; Coldstream,  26.56; Peachland, 5.50; Summerland, 20.31 and Penticton, 11.00.  The first election, which went by acclamation, was held on the 21st  January, 1893 (nomination day). W. M. Cochrane was Returning Officer;  W. F. Cameron was returned as Mayor, and James Lyons, A. G. Fuller,  James A. Schubert, S. C. Smith and W. J. Armstrong as Aldermen. R. J.  Davies was later appointed City Clerk, H. R. Parke, Assessor and Chief  Constable; C. W. Ireland, Police Magistrate and H. Millar, Night Constable and Pound Keeper. In June H. Millar was dismissed for partiality  in enforcing the Pound By-Law, and A. C. Buchanan, who later taught  school and married Miss Alice Mabee, was appointed in his place. The  city offices were upstairs in the Schubert Block.  Two men who took a prominent part in the movement for incorporation were Moses Lumby, Government Agent, and G. G. Mackay, the President and Manager of the Okanagan Land and Development Company. As  something of a coincidence it may be mentioned that both died within the  first year of incorporation, Mr. Mackay on New Year's Eve, and Mr.  Lumby on the 22nd October,  1893.  During the year 1892 there was considerable building activity, and  among the buildings then erected which have become more or less identified with the history of the city since, may be mentioned:  Kalamalka Hotel, first contract    $16,000.00  G. G. Mackay, two residences, Barnard Avenue   5,000.00  T. E. Crowell, residence, Mara Avenue    2,500.00  W. M.  Cochrane, residence,  Mara Avenue     3,000.00  J. A. Coryell, cottage, Schubert Street    1,200.00  T. Milne, two cottages, Schubert Street    2,000.00  F.  H.  Latimer, residence, Langill  Street     2,500.00  New Court House, Coldstream Street    8,000.00  Gilmour's Block, Barnard Avenue     5,000.00  H. J. Hoidge, residence, Mission Street   1,500.00 28 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  Presbyterian Church, Mara Avenue    $2,500.00  W.  Sulley, three cottages, Seventh  Street     4,000.00  Church of England, Tronson Street    2,000.00  Wulffsohn & Bewicke's Bank, Barnard Avenue     4,000.00  Jam Factory, Mason Street    3,000.00  F. A.  Meyers, residence, Pleasant Valley Road     4,000.00  E. C. Thompson, residence, Pleasant Valley Road .... 2,000.00  F. McGowen, residence, Pleasant Valley Road    2,000.00  C. H. Archibald, residence, Pleasant Valley Road   1,500.00  Edwin Harris, residence, Schubert Street    800.00  The total list for Vernon and vicinity that year was estimated at over  $125,000.00.    So that the new city was getting off to a good start.  The city proper at the time of incorporation was confined to a few  streets—Barnard Avenue, Mara Avenue, Schubert, Langille, Seventh, Mission and Coldstream, with a few scattered residences on Pleasant Valley  Road, of which Copley Thompson's was the last. All beyond Fuller Street  on the north was bush, the three cottages on the corner of Fuller and  Seventh Streets being the last in that direction. To the east, the city was  skirted by Price Ellison's wheat fields to the brow of the hill at Fourteenth  Street and on Mission Hill, like conditions were found. There were a few  small houses along Long Lake Creek. South and East of the Presbyterian  Church was bare hillside extending to the park. Mara Avenue bordered  the bush with a few residences, of which the one on the northeast corner  of Schubert and Mara Avenue was the most northerly. The Lyons Estate,  extending northward between Pleasant Valley Road and Mara Avenue,  was largely promoted for desijable ten-acre building lots. This, however,  was in a forest state, partially cleared off and only accessible by logging  roads. Maple Street had been cleared, but was as yet ungraded, and was  the only semblance of laying out and making roads in that locality.  The chief source of supply for water for domestic and fire-fighting  purposes in the new city was the spring creek flowing in a ditch across the  townsite near Schubert Street. This creek is fed by springs arising along  the base of the hill below the Pleasant Valley Road. At one time the city  Council seriously considered using these springs as a source of supply for  the city waterworks. They were to be developed and all collected in one  place, where a pumping plant would, be installed to raise the water to a  reservoir at a high level on the hill to the east of the city. While the subject was under consideration, a sample of the water was submitted to  Frank Shutt, Dominion Government Analyst at Ottawa, who pronounced  it excellent and superior to the water in Long Lake. The first fire-engine  brought into Vernon will be the subject of a separate article later on. It  did not arrive in Vernon until the 20th August, 1894.  In 1893 the oost office was in the brick building on the lower end of  Barnard Avenue, now occupied by J. Holland, and Robert McDougall  was the postmaster, assisted by Mrs. McDougall.  In our Sixth Report the statement appears that the post office was  moved in 1891 from Luc Girouard's cabin to the brick store on Barnard  Avenue. This is not strictly correct. Until the brick store was completed  it was kept for some months in a one-story frame building on the north  side of Tronson Street behind the Vernon Hotel and moved into the brick  store in January, 1892. This information was supplied by Reuben Swift,  now living in Vernon. He came to the valley in 1889. Most of the lumber  for the Kalamalka and Coldstream Hotels came from the coast, and was  brought up the river from Sicamous on the Red Star steamer to Enderby.  Wright and Lawrence had the contract for hauling it to Vernon, and  Reuben Swift was one of the teamsters, and for six weeks he was engaged SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 29  in hauling this lumber. In 1892 he married Miss Armine Duteau, and in  1902 he sold the Duteau ranch to J. P. Bardolph for $32,000.00. In 1905  he built the Royal Hotel (now the National) in Vernon, and the Royal  Hotel in Kelowna (now a rooming house). He served for eight years  on the Vernon city council as Alderman.  The men in business in Vernon in 1893 were W. R. Megaw, who occupied the brick building on the corner of Barnard Avenue and Mission  Street now occupied by Guy P. Bagnall and W. C. Pound, with J. A.  McKelvie as manager, M. Davison, accountant, and Ralph Smailes, D. J.  Stewart and W. R. Robertson, clerks. J. A. McKelvie left his employ in  the fall of the year, and Ralph Smailes was made manager. In 1885  W. R. Megaw had built a store on the corner of Mission and Coldstream  Streets, and put in a stock of goods, with R. D. Kerr, now of Grand Forks,  in charge. This store he used as a harness shop in 1893 with E. Driscoll  in charge.  Farther west on Barnard Avenue the Hudson's Bay Company occupied  the store they built in 1887, with A. G. Fuller as manager, and C. D.  Simms as assistant. The second store the Company built, a brick building  still standing, was built by T. E. Crowell in 1893. In a large two-storey  building (frame) on the "V" opposite the Vernon Hotel, W. F. Cameron  kept a general store on the ground floor, while the upper story was used  as a public hall, and, for a time, as a schoolroom:. His nephew, David H.  Cameron, who is still living in the valley, was clerk in the store.  In the store now occupied by F. C. Cooper, W. T. Shatford, who is  now living in Monrovia, California, kept a stock of groceries and men's  clothing. His clerks were S. A. Shatford, now living in Vernon, and  Arthur K. W. Cosens, now in business in Vancouver. On the site of the  Royal Bank, Martin Bros. (James, William and John) had a hardware  store with James McLean in charge of the tinsmithing, and W. J. Armstrong had another hardware store in the premises now occupied by Kwong  Hing Lung & Co., with Leslie Birnie assisting him as tinsmith.  Campbell Bros. (John C. and Angus) kept a furniture store in the west  half of the Schubert Block. They were also undertakers. The firm is still  in existence. Barnes and Morand (F. H. Barnes and Louis Morand) carried a small stock of furniture in addition to their line as contractors and  builders. Their place of business was opposite the Government offices, the  old white cottage on Coldstream Street.  Building: contractors and carpenters: Thomas E. Crowell, W. F.  Cameron, Thomas Milne, F. H. Barnes, Louis Morand, J. J. Hull, Edward  Harris, J. J. Holland, Robert Carswell, J. Carswell, D. Gellatly, W. A.  Cryderman, S. T. Elliot, George Cartwright, S. P. French, Ir., T. R. French,  Joseph B. Weeks, E. Blythe. William Drury, T. W. Gully, J. McKinnon,  Robert Fraser, Hugh Bell and John R. Smith, and R. B. Bell, still living  in Vernon, was the only architect.  Masons, plasterers and helpers, C. H. Archibald, John Highman, John  Mitchell, John Brown, John Thomas, David Thomas, Andrew Baird,  Gilbert Brown, "Big Tom" (negro) Joseph Dawson. The lathers were  Joseph Salter, George Spink and William Cartwright, and the painters,  George Mabee, Gilph Mabee and Fred Evans.  A. C. McNaughton, who owned nearly all the block of land bounded  by Maple, Pine and Elm Streets and Mara Avenue, cleared up a lot of land  in those days. He was assisted by Fred, and John Stuckey. In 1893 the  first skating-rink was built bv S. T. Elliott next to and west of the Vernon  Hotel.  The first exhibition of the Okanagan and Spallumcheen Agricultural  Society was held in the Kalamalka Hotel, then under construction, in 1891.  The second was held in 1892, in the Columbia Flour Mills warehouse, next 30 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  to the Vernon Hotel, and the third in 1893 in the same place. In 1893  the race track was opened, and could then be reached by the Kamloops  road. There was no bridge on Elm Street over Swan Lake Creek. The  exhibition building on the rock bluff (since burnt clown) was built in 1894.  On Barnard Avenue W. C. Pound had a furrier and taxidermist business in the store next to the present Bank of Montreal, and next to his  store Miss Helen Riley had a millinery shop, in which her sister, Miss  Letitia Riley, who later became Mrs. S. A. Shatford, helped. There were  two book stores, one owned by Smith Bros, and the other by A. C. Cann,  who sold out to the Smith Bros. (Saul L. and Frank) in 1893. Saul L.  Smith is now living in Vancouver, and Frank Smith in Vernon.  A. E. Cooke and J. E. Matheson carried on business as tailors separately, the latter having as assistant Miss Kate Wright who later became  his wife. In 1893 A. J. Venn came over from Kamloops and opened up  a boot and shoe store opposite the post office. Richard N. Taylor had a  drug store, and F. B. Jacques a jeweller's store.  Francis H. French, now living at Hedley, had a fruit and confectionery  store on Barnard Avenue, and whenever they churned at his father's ranch  Frank brought the buttermilk over to his shop and retailed the milk at five  cents a glass: it never lasted long. Buttermilk was a luxury in those days,  and the quality Frank retailed was particularly appetizing. 'ñ† William Byshe  had a barber shop next to Frank French's place, and Henry Mark also  did business as a barber on Barnard Avenue, while Porter Watson, the  veteran barber of Vernon, held forth on Coldstream Street opposite the  Victoria Hotel.  Mrs. E. Mitchell had a millinery shop on Coldstream Street opposite the  Victoria Hotel. She had as assistant Miss Annie Wright. Mrs. Mitchell  later married Walter H. Lawrence, who was H. W. Wright's partner.  Henry W. Knight had a butcher shop on Barnard Avenue next to W. R.  Megaw's store, and John McKinnon had another on Coldstream in the  premises now occupied by A. C. McCulloch.  The first sidewalk was laid down on the south side of Barnard Avenue  in 1893 by Samuel and Thomas French.  The early part of 1893 saw the erection of the brick school on Coldstream Street near where stood the one-room school house. During construction, school was held in Cameron's Hall, with H. J. Hoidge (a  brother-in-law of Carlos and William Cryderman) as teacher. When the  new school was opened, Angus Buchanan was on the teaching staff.  F. Adrian Meyers had a private school at his house on the corner of Pine  and Pleasant Valley Road. Edward Goulet was the C.P.R. Agent, and  Mike  Sullivan was  freight and baggageman.  Up to 1893 the only church building was the Presbyterian church, which  was opened in February, 1892, with Rev. P. F. Langill, the pastor, 'in  charge. The Methodist church, which had as pastor Rev. Thomas Neville,  had been using the Presbyterian church. The Methodist church on Tronson  Street was opened on the 21st May, 1893. The Rev. J. F. Bctts was the  principal speaker, with Rev. T. W. Hall, of Kamloops, present. The rules  of the church required a change at stated intervals, and Rev. Mr. Neville  was succeeded by Rev. J. A. Wood on the 1st June, 1893.  The lawyers in Vernon in 1893 were W. M. Cochrane, who had articled  to him as a student his son. Walter B. Cochrane. Later he took in as  partner Frederic Billings, of Toronto, Ontario, who later married Miss  Maud Cochrane. Frank McGowan and C. W. Ireland were also practising.  The medical directors were Dr. D. L. Beckingsale, Dr. W. Reinhard and Dr.  John Chipp. Dr. Chipp had moved over from Kamloops, and was practising in Vernon. He died at his residence on the corner of Coldstream  and Girouard Streets on the 15th August,  1893.    The same year Dr. O. SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 31  Morris arrived, and following soon after came Dr. H. G. Williams. The  civil engineers were Coryell and Burnyeat (J. A. Coryell and J. P.  Burnyeat), F. H. Latimer and Forbes M. Kirby.  In 1893 there were five hotels in Vernon: The Kalamalka and Coldstream, built by the townsite company; the Okanagan Land and Development Company, and in 1893 W. J. Meakin was the lessee of the Kalamalka,  and the Coldstream was operated by H. G. Muller. The Victoria Hotel was  owned and run by E. J. Tronson, and Harry Macintosh was the lessee of  the Vernon Hotel on Barnard Avenue. The Okanagan, on the corner of  Vance Street and Barnard Avenue, was owned by Gideon Milligan.  The destruction of the Okanagan Hotel by fire on the morning of the  10th August, 1909, was a'terrible tragedy. Eleven persons lost their lives  in the fire despite the heroic efforts made to save some of them. Archie  Hickling, a young man living in Vernon, was sleeping in the hotel that  night. He escaped safely, although rather badly burned, from the hotel,  but when he saw a woman belonging to the hotel at an upper window  screaming for help, he turned, and with the exclamation, "I'll save her  or die in the attempt," he went back into the building and was never seen  again alive.  At the next meeting of the Board of Trade, on the 12th August, the  President, James Vallance, appointed a committee to take up a public subscription and erect a monument to his memory. The committee consisted  of L. Norris (Chairman), M. J. O'Brien, W. R. Megaw, W. H. Husband  (the Mayor), and G. A. Henderson, and the monument was erected which  now stands in Poison Park to the memory of Archie Hickling, a true hero,  an heroic soul: "Greater love hath no man than this that he lay down his  life for his  friends."  In addition to the five hotels a boarding-house was kept by Daniel  Buchanan on the corner of Schubert and Mission Streets at which Miss  Kate Fraser was the popular waitress. The hotel employees in 1893 were  Archie McGillivray, W. Hamilton, Alexander McAuley, A. Grant, Mike  Holland and Mike Healy. Those engaged in teaming and the livery business were Wright and Lawrence (H. W. Wright and Walter H. Lawrence), who established the business later carried on by R. W. Neil and  Carlos Cryderman, Gallagher and Stevenson (Daniel Gallagher and Thomas  Stevenson), who had the Palace Livery barn on Tronson Street, T. W.  Fletcher on Mason Street and Simmons Bros. (Leo and Ed.) on Vance  Street. The teamsters included Robert Perry, Thomas Glendenning, Denis  Healy, Dan Healy, Edward Mortimer, Thomas Robinson and Reuben Swift.  The first bank in Vernon was a private bank opened by Wulffsohn and  Bewicke, of Vancouver, in October, 1892. They did business in the frame  building on Barnard Avenue opposite the Schubert Block. G. A. Hankey  was manager, and S. G. Robbins, accountant. Shortly after, early in  November, the Bank of Montreal opened up in the Schubert Block, with  G. A. Henderson as manager, W. L. Germaine, accountant, and Wil'iam  Richards, janitor. Shortly after the Bank of Montreal started to do business, Wulffsohn and Bewicke discontinued banking, and took over the  agency of the Townsite Company, the Okanagan Land and Development  Company, and carried on a general real estate and insurance business which  was later absorbed by G. A. Hankey & Company. C. F. Costerton was the  first real estate agent, and at first handled the real estate of the Townsite  Company. The firm of.C. F. Costerton, Limited, was incorporated later  on, and this firm continued to do business as real estate and insurance agents  until 1938.  There were two photographers' studios, one kept by A. D. Worgan on  Seventh Street, and one by C. W. Holliday on Barnard Avenue. E. Copley  Thompson had a dairy farm on Pleasant Valley Road.    His assistant was 32 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  Anthony Genn, who married the eldest daughter of R. B. Bell, and is now  manager of Kelly Douglas & Co. in Victoria. S. P. French, Sr., had a  large garden on Price Ellison's land on the White Valley Road, and supplied the city with vegetables.  Two wagon makers were doing business: Aaron Johnson on Mission  Street and A. J. McMillan on Tronson Street. Smith & Clerin (S. C.  Smith and G. P. Clerin), operated the business, which paved the way for  the present large and up-to-date sash and door factory now carried on by  the S. C. Smith Lumber Company. In addition to the harness shop of  W. R. Megaw on Coldstream Street, early in 1893 H. C. Cooper arrived  from Kamloops, and opened another across the street from the post office.  Most of the harness was made in those days by hand on the premises.  James Pearcy manufactured pumps on Mission Street, and there were two  blacksmith shops. The one now occupied by Norman Bell on Mission  Street was owned and operated by A. Birnie, who had as assistant his son,  Alexander, and the one now occupied by D. J. McKay on Tronson Street  was operated by Henry Schultz. The Spring Brewery on the Okanagan  Landing Road was owned and operated by R. Ochener, and J. W. Murtche-  son manufactured aerated waters in a small building near where the Park  School stood. Bricks were made in the brickyard on the Coldstream Road  by J. W. Bailey, and C. H. Archibald had a lime kiln at the foot of the  bluff of rock behind the old cemetery on the Kamloops Road.  Of all the men who were doing business on Barnard Avenue in 1893,  the only one left is W. C. Pound, who is still doing business on the Avenue.  Thomas D. Shorts, who figured prominently in mining matters, made  Vernon his headquarters in 1893. He was born at Adolphustown, Bay of  Quinte (near Kingston), Ontario, and first came to the Pacific coast in  1857.    At the end of 1893 the population was estimated at six hundred.  William Ward Spinks was County Court Judge in Vernon in 1893. He  lived with Moses Lumby, the Government Agent, in the first Government  offices,  the  old  white  cottage  on  Coldstream   Street.  Moses Lumby died in the hospital in Victoria on the 22nd October, and  Leonard Norris was appointed. The following two extracts, taken from  the Vernon News of the 2nd November, would indicate that the appointment was popular:  "All last week more or less excitement prevailed as to the probable  appointment of a successor to fill the position of Government Agent and  Assistant Commissioner of Lands and Works made vacant by the death of  Moses Lumby. Mr. Norris, as far as we know, took no action whatever,  not even putting in an application, but trusted to the wisdom and justice  of the Government in whose services he had laboured faithfully and to  the best of his ability as the Provincial Constable in Vernon and along the  line of the S. & 0. Railway during its construction.  With his friends, however (and they proved to be the people of the  entire district) this was not sufficient, and the popular demand for his  appointment was not to be restrained but found vent in numerous petitions  being circulated in all directions asking for his appointment. A notable  feature, too, in connection with these petitions, they seemed to be spontaneous, for each community seemed to have taken the matter up without  communicating with others, and the curious incident was in some cases witnessed of canvassers going over ground previously canvassed by others for  the same purpose, but in the hurry to get them off, many were missed who  expressed their displeasure by being thus slighted. Some of these petitions  are no doubt going around yet in more distant parts of the district, where  they have not yet heard of the appointment having been made." And again,  "A little more liberty than usual was exhibited by some parties on Saturday .  SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 33  evening. They were going along the sidewalks in a somewhat shaky condition, and the only reason they could give for the little celebration was that  'Norris was appointed.'"  The meetings of the Lodges of the various fraternal societies were  held in a lodge room over W. R. Megaw's store.  Vernon Valley Lodge, No. 20, I.O.O.F., had been early in the field, and  the officers installed in January by E. C. Davison, of Kamloops, were J. A.  MacKelvie, N.G.; F. B. Jacques, V.G.; W. C. Pound, R.S.; J. C. Campbell, P.S.; T. E. Crowell, Treasurer; Rev. P. F. Langill, Chaplain; William  Drury, Conductor; J. F. McCall, W.; S. C. Smith, R.S.S.; O. J. Vail,  L.S.S.; J. Piercy, R.S.N.G.;. W. J. Armstrong, L.S.N.G.; R. Lowe,  R.S.V.G.; F. H. Barnes, L.S.V.G.; S. T. Elliott, I. G.; A. McGillivray, O.G.  Miriam Lodge A.F. & A.M. No. 20. The dispensation for this Lodge  is dated 3rd May, 1893, and the first meeting was held on the 27th May.  The warrant is dated 3rd July, and it was duly constituted on the 29th of-  July by M. W. Sibree Clarke, Grand Master of British Columbia. The  officers were Ainsley Megraw, W.M.; J. A. Venn, S.W.; J. P. Burnyeat,  J.W.; W. Reinhard, Treasurer, and W. L. Germaine, Secretary.  Steps were taken in 1893 to form a Lodge of the Knights of Pythias,  but it was not until the 24th January, 1894, that Coldstream Lodge No. 18  was instituted. Those on the charter list, including the officers, were W. T.  Shatford, C.C.; Alex Muir, V.C.; Wm. Sivewright, P.; A. McAuley, M. of  W.; D. J. Buchanan, M. of W.; E. F. Mortimer, M. of F.; Ed. Goulet,  K.R.S.; G. P. Clerin, M. at A.; W. B. Cochrane, I.G.; H. G. Muller, O.G.;  J. W. Bailey; J. P. Burnyeat; W. T. Cameron; J. A. Coryell; C. E. Con-  terton; Angus Campbell; B. F. Davies; J. A. Downie'; A. Grant; D. A.  Harding; W. H. Lawrence; L. Lequime; B. Lequime; E. L. Morand;  O. Morris; H. J. Murk,- A. McGillivray; S. B. O'Neal; R. Ochener; D.  Sinclair; Thos. Riley; H. D. Tann.  The Salvation Army was early in the field with quarters on Coldstream  Street to the rear of W. B. Megaw's store.  The Vernon News, Okanagan's oldest newspaper, was started by A. K.  Stuart and W. J. Harber in 1891. The following year they sold it to  Ainsley Megraw, of Paisley, Ontario, who sold it to Price Ellison in 1893.  J. A. McKelvie was working in W. R. Megaw's store at the time, and he  was made Editor of it, a position which he held, with one short interval,  until the election in 1920.  Mr. McKelvie was born in St. John, N.B., in 1865, served through the  North West Rebellion, and came to the Okanagan Valley in 1888. He was  married to Miss Jessie Mclntyre in February, 1902. He represented the  Yale-Cariboo district in the House of Commons at Ottawa from 1920 to  the time of his death. He died in Ottawa on the 4th June, 1924, and was  buried at Vernon on the tenth.  The first issue of the Vernon News, with A. K. Stuart as Editor,  appeared on the 14th May, 1891. Ainsley Megraw's name appeared as  Editor for the first time in its issue of the 11th August, 1892, and J. W.  McKelvie's on the 9th November, 1893.  If we could see Barnard Avenue, Vernon's principal business street, as  it was in 1893 perhaps what would arrest our attention first would be the  number of horses on the street, and the number of hitching-posts along the  sidewalks put there for the accommodation of people entering the stores.  The estimated population in 1893 was six hundred. In the following  year, 1894, an election was held, and the number of persons whose names  were on the Voters' List who gave Vernon as their place of residence was  179, but this included the Coldstream and B. X, districts and Okanagan  Landing as well as the city proper, 34 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  Girlhood Days in Okanagan  Eliza Jane Swalwell  7 REMEMBER this valley when everything was in a wild state, before  J- there was any wagon road and everything had to be brought in by packtrain, and all our dishes were of tin, and we baked bread and pies and  roasted meat in a Dutch oven. There was great rejoicing when the road  was completed to the Mission. I was grown up and married before the first  buggy arrived. It caused quite an excitement arrfong us girls who had been  born here and had never been out of the valley. It seemed to us to be the  last word in luxury and a pleasant method of travelling, and we were all  eager for our first ride in it.  Before the arrival of the wagon road every one had to learn to ride, as  it was the only means of getting anywhere, and we girls were all proficient  horsewomen. We could round up a band of horses, drive them into a  corral, rope the one we wanted and saddle him up as expertly as a man  could do it.  And here let me give any one who is contemplating buying a saddle  horse a straight tip, although it is rather late in the day to mention it. If  you want to know how big your horse is, throw a saddle on to him and see  if it takes a long girth to go around him behind the shoulders. If it does  and he is big there, he is a big horse, but if he is small behind the shoulders he is a small horse no matter how big he may look. If he is big behind  the shoulders and his legs are sound, the rest of him does not matter much.  The Okanagan range horses were noted for their large girth and their  stamina and powers of endurance.  The first real industry of this country was cattle raising. Wherever  you looked over the hills and ranges you saw cattle, and the sight of them  coming out of the timber where they had been resting in the shade of the  trees and scattering all over the ranges in droves to feed, with the little  calves jumping and skipping wherever you looked, was a sight never to be  forgotten. The two great events of the year were the coming of the cattle  buyers in May and September. They usually sent word ahead to let us  know they were coming, and then we all got busy, and everyone, girls as  well as the men, assisted at the round-up.  On these occasions we girls felt that we were coming into our own.  We could handle a horse about as well as the men, and we could show  them that we amounted to something more than a mere nuisance about the  place, as they sometimes seemed to think we were.  The conversation sometimes around the supper table would sound rather  strange today. Occasionally you would hear such remarks as: "That  pinto of mine can turn on a four-point blanket." (This would be said  boastfully) or "I saw a steer to-day with a wattle on the left jaw and a  swallow-fork on the right ear, but the brand was blurred. I wonder who  owns it." Now a four-point blanket was the largest blanket sold by the  Hudson's Bay Company, and when a steer was being chased he sometimes  bolted as quick as a flash to the right or left to get away from the horse,  and if the horse could turn as quickly as the steer without losing time he  was said to be able to turn on a four-point blanket. Some of the horses  were very quick, and if the rider did not watch out he would find himself  on the ground while the riderless horse still pursued the steer. .  SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 35  Sometimes in marking the calves in the spring, they made a half-moon  shaped incision in the skin on the jaw, which caused the skin to sag, and  when the wound healed over it left a lump which in after years was easily  discernible. This was called a wattle on the jaw, but usually the wattle  was made by nicking the dewlap and letting it hang down in front, a very  good mark. Again, in marking the ear instead of slitting it, they sometimes cut out a V-shaped piece which left the two points wide apart and easy  to see.    This was a swallow-fork.  Everyone in those days had a brand, and everyone seemed to know  everyone else's brand. In the selection of brands all sorts of combinations  of the letters of the alphabet and the numerals were used. But a brand  could not always be seen in winter when the hair was long, and sometimes  the animal had to be thrown and the skin shaved before they were sure  of the brand, hence the use of wattles and ear-marks.  Somehow it seems to me the men were better satisfied with the work  they had to do when they were engaged in cattle and grain raising, before  they became involved in this endless fussing over insect pests, corky core,  etc., and the proper functioning of the single disk. They must get tired  of it sometimes. In early days they were at least less vocal over their  troubles, they did not shout so loudly when things went wrong.  It sometimes amuses me at the picture show to see how the cowboys  disport themselves on the screen. They usually leave the yard or corral  at the full gallop, and more than once I saw a cowboy mount his horse  from the off side. If a cattle man saw a cowboy gallop his horse out of  the corral or mount his horse from the off side, he would fire him on the  spot.    He would take it for granted the cowboy was locoed.  It was a matter of professional pride with a cowboy to take his horse  from the corral to the range, where the serious work of the day began,  as quietly as possible. A* cowboy will always spare his horse whenever he  can. If he can induce his horse on the way to work to jog along quietly,  he will do so, and if he hears his horse softly champing his teeth as he  jogs along, and hears the soft purr, purr of the horse rolling the wheel on  the Mexican bit with his tongue, it is music to his ears. He knows then  his horse is happy and contented and ready for anything.  When the people of Kelowna finish building the road to Naramata, and  build a museum, an effort should be made to secure a complete cowboy's  outfit and place it in the museum—long-legged boots with high heels, chaps,  Mexican spurs, quirt, Mexican bit and pleated raw-hide bridle. The accoutrements of a cowboy will soon be rarities. How many living here have  ever seen a genuine Bowie knife? Yet a few years ago they were not rare.  In the picture shows the cowboys are represented as loquacious men.  This is not correct. The genuine cowboy had little to say for himself, and  when he had anything to say he hinted it rather than made a direct statement which, I suppose, was his way of being polite. He softened down  the bluntness and asperity of a positive and direct statement by indirect  speech. A funny story is told of a clergyman who, in marrying a cowboy,  had the greatest difficulty in getting him. to say, "I do." "I ain't a-kickin."  "Didn't say I wouldn't," "This goes for me," were some of the answers he  gave. "Yes" and "No" seemed to them unnecessarily positive and direct,  and therefore impolite, and when they used these terms in a discussion the  altercation was getting pretty close to a fight.  Some of them were as vain as a schoolgirl, and when they were rigged  out in full cowboy regalia with a silk handkerchief around their neck  they rather fancied themselves. They thought they were "some spuds"  all right.    Most of them that I knew were rascals. 36 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  It was nice to ride over the range in the morning and see the bunch  grass, sunflowers and lupins, springing up so abundantly and to feel your  horse springing under you at every step as if he, too, were enjoying the  promenade, as no doubt he was.  There were no fences in those days, and the bunch grass grew so high  it waved in the wind like a field of wheat.  The Lewisia Redivia is a peculiar flower. It was named after Meriwether Lewis of the Lewis and Clarke expedition across the Rocky Mountains in 1804-6. It grows in the Okanagan on sandy and arid ridges where  the moisture in the soil is not sufficient to support an ordinary growth of  bunch grass. The blossoms, which vary in colour from pale pink to rose  in different plants, are about the size of a tulip and appear on a stalk about  an inch and a half long without leaves, the leaves coming later so that this  beautiful flower growing so close to the ground without leaves has the  appearance of a flower recently picked and thrown on the ground. The  leaves when they come later are very short and narrow. The plant is very  noticeable when it is in bloom, but when the bloom fades the plant apparently vanishes, only to revive again the following year, hence its second  name. It is sometimes called the "Sand Rose," and sometimes the "Ground  Rose."   The Indians call it spetlam, and use the roots for food.  To me it was an exquisite pleasure as a girl to ride over this green  and gracious pasture land in the mornings, and to see it stretching before  me for miles with the Sand Rose lying scattered on the ground as if a  fairy princess had passed that way at dawn and children had strewn flowers  in her path, and to see the sunlight on the hills. On such occasions I have  sometimes seen things, or rather sensed something, so serene and beautiful  that it left me weak and weeping as I sat in the saddle.  I do not know whether this responsiveness tc certain beautiful aspects  of nature comes to me from my Indian mother or from my father's side  of the house, but it probably comes from my mother's side. It seems to  me the whites are too much bound and limited, too much enslaved by their  written creeds and confessions of faith. The Indians are free of that, and  consequently they are closer to nature and reality, and to the Creator, than  the whites. You cannot argue about such things, you cannot clothe what  is eternal and infinite in finite words. Any attempt to do so only leads to  an impasse, and too often to a certain hardness of heart that has no reverence for anything and remains unmoved by mystical experiences.  I was taught by my mother to pray to the Great Spirit, my father told  me to pray to God, and the priest at the Mission told us we should pray  to the holy Virgin Mary, the Mother of God, and I still think the advice of  all three was good. One can do more for himself, more in straightening  out his mental kinks and twists and putting his inner or subconscious self  in harmony with his surroundings by following: the advice of any one of  those three excellent persons than the most skilful and expensive psychiatrist can do fdr him, and that door is always open.  In this connection, let me here quote from Sir William Dawson's Fossil  Men. On page 280 he says: "I by no means desire to unduly exalt prehistoric religions, but I wish distinctly to affirm that they and what we call  the heathenism or animism of untaught tribes were nearer to God and truth  than are either the ritualisms and idolatries or the materialistic scepticisms of more cultivated times," and again on page 337: "Paul perceived  that the Athenians were 'very religious,' because they had an altar to the  unknown God; and so in every human heart there is an altar to God as  known or unknown, as a father and friend, or as an equitable ruler."  Elsewhere, after giving his reasons for so saying, he couches his conclusion in the following words:    "How much happier than either are those SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 37  on whose last days shines the brighter hope of the light and immortality  revealed by the Gospel." Perhaps he is right; I don't know. You can only  live such things. The highest and best things in life cannot be clothed  in words.  Standing as I do between the two races I could never see that intellectually the Indians are not the equals of the whites. The Indians are  sadly lacking in culture; that is seen at a glance, but social grace and  refinement are things which can be acquired.    In Pope's well-known lines:  "Lo, the poor Indian with untutored mind  Sees God in clouds or hears him in the wind."  The non sequitur is as obvious as the false rhyme. Why should any man,  whether Indian or white, be commiserated because he sees in the workings  of nature manifestations of the Creator? He would be a dolt if he did not.  James Coleman, the Indian Agent at Vernon, an intelligent man who  has had a long and varied experience with the Okanagan Indians, had this  to say of them in-his letter to the local paper of the 4th November, 1937:  "While the Indian Department might achieve much in this direction (in  the direction of educating the Indians), despite public indifference, the  shortest road to the best results will be via a return to the old-timer attitude  on the part of the public, looking on the Indian as good timber in our  Empire building activities, and surely there never was a time in the history  of the Empire when the full co-operation of a good and loyal people was  more urgently needed than at present.  "The Indian on the Reserve is a dignified and shrewd debater as a rule,  and his seat in the Council of his white brother would not be a disadvantage  to the white brother. May the day of mutual understanding and appreciation soon arrive."  The whites say, you should love your neighbour as yourself, and in  one place the rule is laid down thus: "And if any man will sue thee at the  law and take away thy coat, let him have thy cloak also. And whosoever  shall compel thee to go a mile with him go twain." Yet, in dealing with  each other, they are hard. In a horse trade they would skin their neighbour out of his eye-teeth if they could.  I loved and respected my father, and I loved and respected my mother.  Both were strict and conscientious in the discharge of their duty, each as  they understood it.  My father was George William Simpson. He was born in Philadelphia,  the son of a Scotch Presbyterian minister. He died on the 22nd February,  1902, aged eighty-five years.  He was a studious man, and all his life his Bible was his constant  companion. He always took it with him when off on prospecting trips.  The one he had when he died was printed in Oxford by the University  Press in 1870. It contains the well-known dedication to King James,  beginning with the words: "Great and manifold were the blessings, most  dread Sovereign," etc. Dirty, ragged and thumb-worn, it is to-day my  most precious possession. As it was so well known throughout the valley  at one time (Simpson's Bible), it is now of some historic import and value.  Some day I may bequeath it to a museum.  As illustrating the failure of the whites to understand the Indians  something which happened in the County Court in Vernon may be mentioned. An Indian at the head of the lake had married a girl under  fifteen. The parents of the boy and the parents of the girl had given their  consent, and everything was quite correct and proper, according to Indian 38 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  customs and usages. The boy, however, had committed an offence under  the Criminal Code in marrying a girl of that age without first obtaining  an order of the Court permitting him to do so, something of which the boy  probably knew nothing. The judge in sentencing him reminded him that  the Government had been generous in the allotment of Indian Reserves,  and that the least the Indians could do in return was to refrain from  breaking the law and give no trouble. By similar reasoning all free miners  should be careful to give no trouble and obey the law, because the Mining  Act is just and equitable. If it is fair and reasonable in one case it is fair  and reasonable in the other.  When the Consolidated Land Act of 1874 was passed, it was disallowed  at Ottawa for the reason that the title of the Province of British Columbia  to the public lands within the Province was clouded, the territorial title  of the Indians had not been extinguished. In his letter of the 15th January,  1875, disallowing the Act, the Deputy Minister of Justice says, among other  things: "There is not a shadow of doubt that from the earliest times,  England has always felt it imperative to treat with the Indians in council and  to obtain surrenders of tracts of Canada, as from time to time such were  required for the purposes of settlement." And he concludes his letter in  the following terms: "Considering, then, these several features of the case,  that no surrender or session of their territorial rights, whether the same be  of a legal or equitable nature, has ever been executed by the Indian tribes  of the Province—that they allege that the reservations of land made by the  Government for their use have been arbitrarily so made, and are totally  inadequate to their support and requirements, and without their assent—  that they are not adverse to hostilities in order to enforce rights which it is  impossible to deny them, and that the Act under consideration not only  ignores those rights, but expressly prohibits the Indians from enjoying the  rights of recording or pre-empting land, except by consent of the Lieutenant-Governor—the undersigned feels that he cannot do otherwise than  advise that the Act in question is objectionable, as tending to deal with lands  which are assumed to be the absolute property of the Province, an assumption which completely ignores, as applicable to the Indians of British  Columbia, the honour and good faith with which the Crown has, in all  other cases, since its sovereignty of the territories of North America, dealt  with their various Indian tribes."  The Dominion Government was always willing to recognize the territorial rights of the Indians, but the Province consistently refused recognition. At one time the Indians tried to get their case before the Privy  Council, but failed.  Sir Wilfrid Laurier remarked to a deputation which waited on him at  Ottawa on the 26th April, 1911: The matter for us to immediately consider  is whether we can bring the Government of British Columbia into Court  with us. We think it is our duty to have the matter inquired into. The  Government of British Columbia may be right or wrong in their assertion  that the Indians have no claims whatever. Courts of Law are just for that  purpose—where a man asserts a claim and it is denied by another—but we  do not know if we can force a Government into Court. If we can find  a way I may say we shall surely do so, because everybody will agree it is  a matter of good government to have no one resting under a grievance.  The Indians will continue to believe they have a grievance until it has been  settled by the Court that they have a claim or that they have no claim."  The Indians here have been treated with less consideration than in any  other part of Canada, and it is a sore subject with them to-day. If the  Judge did not know this, the Indian did. The incident in the County Court  was thus reported in the local paper of the 5th April, 1934:   "Judge Swan- SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 39  son was pointed in his remarks, reminding him that he and all other  Indians were well treated by the Department, and given good reserves. The  least they could do in return, he added, would be to try to live decently  and give no trouble."  When for any reason we were sleeping out in the open in summer the  night wind always interested me. It would start up every morning about  two o'clock. Everything would be perfectly calm and quiet, and all at  once in the distance you would hear it rustling the dried grass and sunflower leaves, apparently quite a breeze, and this would go on for about  ten minutes or so and then it would die away, and everything would again  be quiet and calm for awhile. And again it would start up in a totally  different direction, never twice in the same place, with the same persistent  rustling of dried grass and leaves. It never occurred on a side hill, only  in the bottom of a valley. I could understand a wind blowing for a considerable time in one direction, but this wind seemed to rise from the ground  in spots and blow with considerable force for a short time, and then die  away without going anywhere. And when it did reach you it stole across  your cheek and around your neck and through your hair, oh, so gently.  It was so warm and soft and searching. I did not understand it. And now  the modern aviators seem to have found the explanation of the occurrence of this mysterious wind which puzzled me so much when I was a girl.  Frederick G. Vosburgh, in the Geographical Magazine for July of this  year (1938) in dealing with air conditions confronting those who ride in  gliders and sailplanes, among other things, says: "The result was confirmation of the theory that the warm air rises in a succession of enormous  bubble-like masses. Most astounding to me is this further fact; that apparently it is possible for mere man to shake one of these bubbles loose.  "A modern sailplane flight, in competition, is never over until the ship  is actually on the ground, and stubborn pilots, fighting to the last for a  breath of breeze that would keep them in the air, discovered something.  They found that if a man dived his ship at high speed, seventy or so,  above a promising source of thermal currents such as a corn field, banked  sharply when only one or two hundred feet from the ground, and spiralled  upward in tight, climbing turns, a surprising thing sometimes happened.  A sudden thermal current caught the ship and carried it up, up, up to the  neighbourhood of the clouds again. The swirling sweep of the fifty-foot  wing-spread, travelling at seventy miles an hour and suddenly twisting  upward in corkscrew fashion, had apparently dislodged a thermal bubble  which had been trembling on the verge of rising.  "When the first report of this came from a pilot in Germany, most  American soarers were sceptical. But they tried it, and found it often  worked. Richard du Pont told me he had successfully used this manoeuvre  several times. Meteorologists say it is entirely credible. One might use  the analogy of a drop of water trembling on the tip of a faucet. If the  drop is almost ready to fall, a surprisingly light tap on the faucet will  dislodge it."  This seems to afford a reasonable explanation of this eerie and mysterious night wind which so aroused my curiosity when I was a girl. One  can easily understand how it would work out. After the sun went down  the air in the valley would cool off while the air close to the ground would  remain at a higher temperature from the heat of the warm, dry earth.  And as the night advanced the difference in temperature between the two  strata would become more marked until the lighter air broke through, and  then the ascending column would be fed from all sides by the light warm  air near the surface of the earth until the supply became exhausted and 40 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  the  movement ceased.    This  explosion  or breaking through  of the  light,  warm air would account for the night wind.  In our last Report, George W. Johnson explained why the Okanagan  is a dry belt, and so from year to year we are learning more about the  Okanagan Valley.  At one time there were two Indian Chiefs, one was Enoch who lived at  Duck Lake, and the other Chief Pantherhead who lived at Westbank.  Chief Pantherhead had two sisters, one was my mother who married G. W.  Simpson, and died in 1901, one year before my father. The other sister  married a Frenchman, named Boriot, who had a cattle ranch near Kamloops. He went on a visit to France, and while there was conscripted and  killed in the Franco-Prussian war. His son, Victor Boriot, and his wife  are now living on the Duck Lake Reserve. After her husband's death, my  aunt came to live with her brother, Chief Pantherhead, and later she married Chief Enoch. These two Chiefs, Pantherhead and Enoch, were highly  respected by both Indians and whites.  I was born on the 14th December, 1868, and married Thomas Jones on  the 6th April, 1884. He died on the 30th July, 1888. On the 10th May,  1892, I married again, my second husband being William Pelissier Swalwell. He got his second name by being named after the French Marshal  who commanded the French Army at the time of the Crimean war in 1854.  This name was very popular about the time he was born. My husband  was a cousin of the Postill brothers.    He died on the 14th March, 1926. SOCIETY OF VERNON. BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 41  Life On Red River  Frank Bouvette  T WAS born at St. John, on Red River, in 1861. My paternal grandfather, FVancois Bouvette, was a native of Bordeaux, h ranee, and my  father, also Frank Bouvette, was born at St. Boniface. He was scouting  for the United States troops at the time of the Minnesota massacre, in 1867,  when he was shot with an arrow through his shoulder by an Indian.  My maternal grandfather, Andre Gaudrie, was born in Paris in 1764,  and died in 1870 at the ripe age of one hundred and six years. He  was a stonemason by trade, and worked as such at the building of the first  cathedral at St. Boniface. He came to Norway House on Lake Winnipeg  in 1789, when twenty-five years old.  There were few of the social amenities of civilized life enjoyed by the  people of Red River, or of modern conveniences when I was a boy. The  country even then had a considerable historic background. It was in 1734,  one hundred and twenty-seven years before I was born, that the first fort  was built on Red River. It was named Fort Maurepas, in honour of the  then Minister of the French colonies.1 Its exact location is not known,  but it is supposed to be about six miles north of Selkirk.  The first church was built at St. Boniface in 1818, and the second in  1823. In 1832 the foundation of the first cathedral was laid;2 this was the  building which was burned down in 1860. A newspaper, The Press, of  Victoria, B.C., in its issue of the 14th March, 1861, gives this account of  the fire: "On the 14th December last (1860), the Roman Catholic Cathedral of St. Boniface at Fort Garry was destroyed by fire, together with  the Bishop's palace and their valuable contents. The fire originated in the  kitchen of the Bishop's palace, through the boiling over of a large kettle  of tallow. The loss of the buildings and contents, including a library of  five thousand volumes, furniture, and a fine chime of bells, is estimated  at $100,000. The cathedral was the finest building in Rupert's Land. It  was one hundred feet long by sixty broad, and forty feet high with two  spires, each one hundred and eight feet high."  My father worked at the construction of the second cathedral. He  also worked on the flat boats on Red River, shoulder to shoulder with  James J. Hill, who built the Great Northern Railway. This, of course,  was before Hill made his first stake in the country. The second cathedral  has only one spire, and naturally in after years visitors to St. Boniface,  remembering Whittier's well-known lines:  "The  bells  of  the   Roman   Mission  That call from their turrets twain  To the boatman on the river  To the hunter on the plain."  sometimes look for the two spires.    They miss the "turrets twain."  I was ten years old when a band of Fenians, led by J. B. O'Donahue,  captured  the   Hudson's   Bav   Company's  store  at  West   Lynn   on  the  5th  October, 1871.  At the time there were four villages in the vicinity, known locally as  the "four corners."    West Lynn was west of Red River and north of the  'Nellie  M.   Crouse  in   the  Canadian   Historical   Review,   1928.  -Manitoba and  the North-West, by  -lohn   Maegoun. 42 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  boundary-line, and Pembina, also west of Red River, was south of the  boundary-line. Across the river from Pembina and south of the boundary-  line the village of St. Vincent was situated, while north of the boundary-  line and across the river from West Lynn was the village of Emerson;  all four were on the banks of Red River. A short distance north of  Pembina but south of the boundary-line there was an outpost of the United  States Army known as Fort Pembina. The garrison that year consisted  of six companies of foot soldiers, with Captain Wheaton in command.  We were then living at Pembina. That morning my mother and I  and a younger brother drove to West Lynn to get some things at the store.  As soon as we drove up one of O'Donahue's men tied our horses up and  made us prisoners. A short time after Mrs. Wheaton, the Captain's wife,  was driven up by one of the soldiers from the Fort, and they were treated  in a similar manner. Soon there were about twenty-seven of us all prisoners, and all herded together in a large log storehouse which happened  to be empty at that time. It had a cellar, and we soon found that I was  small enough to crawl through an opening in the wall of the cellar through  which the potatoes were dumped in the fall when they were harvested.  They gave me very minute instructions as to what I should do. I was  to play around with some other children who were running about until the  soldiers got accustomed to seeing, me, and then I was to work my way  gradually towards the brush along the bank of the river. Mrs. Wheaton  wrote a note to her husband, and pinned it inside my coat. It was nearly  three hours, after I got outside, before I reached the Fort. Instantly the  "long roll" was sounded, and in a very short time two companies of  soldiers were on the march with two cannons, while I trailed along behind  to see what would happen.  It would appear that when Captain Wheaton advanced on the store  O'Donahue was taken entirely by surprise. When they arrived the soldiers  deployed in single file so as to surround the store, but before the cordon  was complete a lot of the Fenians, including O'Donahue, made a break for  liberty. Some of them swam Red River in their eagerness to escape.  O'Donahue was later captured by two Canadians about five miles north of  West Lynn, and later handed over to Captain Wheaton. My recollection  of the matter is that about forty prisoners were taken, including O'Donahue,  his two Generals and Colonel Curry. Later on from time to time I saw  these men working around the Fort, shovelling snow, etc. I do not remember what their uniform was like, but it was not very distinctive. None of  them were punished for taking part in the raid.  There were two steamers on the River at the time. The International,  an American boat built at Georgetown, Minn., on which the Overlanders  came down the River in 1862, and the Selkirk, built at Fort Garry. I  knew the master of the Selkirk very well, Captain Griggs. The Fenians  came down the River on the Selkirk, but they must have sent their arms  on ahead. Their rifles were cached in a small gulch on the bank of Red  River about half a mile north of the boundary-line. When I saw the long  square boxes in which the rifles had been packed I thought at first they  were coffins.  O'Donahue at one time was treasurer of the provisional government  set up by Louis Riel and Ambrose Lepine, but he was an Irish Fenian and  hated everything British, and for that reason Riel and Lepine broke with  him, and broke definitely. During all those troubled years the Metis population and the Roman Catholic clergy never swerved from their allegiance  to the British Crown.  After his break with Riel, O'Donahue tried to enlist the support of  the Fenian Brotherhood of New York.    The Brotherhood was sympathetic, SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 43  but they would give him no financial backing, and he was thrown on his  own resources. Had he succeeded in establishing himself at West Lynn,  he might have caused the Canadian Government a great deal of trouble  and annoyance. West Lynn might have become the rallying point for all  the disaffected in the country, and for other Fenians from the United States.  But he blundered when he made Mrs. Wheaton and the United States  soldiers prisoners. Had it not been for that strategic error, it is unlikely  Captain Wheaton would have led an armed force into British territory for  the purpose of turning a handful of Fenians out of a Hudson's Bay store.  He was also guilty of a grave military fault when he allowed himself and  his forces to be surprised. After his short but decidedly inglorious career  as a military strategist, he went to St. Paul, Minnesota, and there practised for some years as a criminal lawyer.  In those days we knew just about where the boundary-line would run.  It was the forty-ninth parallel, and any land surveyor by putting up his  instrument could locate it with some degree of accuracy. It was finally  established in 1873 by a joint commission appointed by the two Governments.3 It is the longest boundary-line dividing two countries, following a  compass point, in the world. It extends from, the Lake-of-the-Woods  westward to the middle of the Gulf of Georgia, 1,281 miles.4  Some historians refer to Wheaton as Colonel Wheaton, and to his men  as cavalrymen, but the following letter, written by him on the day of the  raid, apparently after he had returned to the Fort and before O'Donahue  had been handed over to him, establishes his rank and the kind of forces  he commanded:  Headquarters,  Fort Pembina,  October 5th, 1871.  J. W. Taylor,  United States Consul,  Winnipeg.  Sir:  I have captured and now hold "General" O'Neill, "General"  Thomas Curley and "Colonel" J. J. Donelly. I think further  anxiety regarding a Fenian invasion of Manitoba unnecessary.  I have, etc.,  Lloyd Wheaton,  Captain 20th  Infantry.5  The following dates may help the reader to get a better perspective of  the events of 1869-70:  1869  28th September—Hon. William McDougall appointed Lieutenant-Governor of the North West, to take effect on the transfer of the territory by  the Home Government to Canada.  11th October—Canadian Land Surveyors stopped by the Red River  settlers.  30th October—Hon. William McDougall met at Pembina by Riel and  Lepine, and turned back.  24th November—Provisional Government established.  1st December—First Bill of Rights drafted by the Provisional Government.  3 Ibid.  4 Charles  0.   Paulin   in  the  Canadian  Historical  Review,   1928.  '■'History  of  the North-West,  by  Alexander  Begg,   Vol.   2,  p.   1. 44 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  2nd December—A false and lying proclamation issued by Hon. William  McDougall at Pembina in the name of the Queen, proclaiming that Canada  had taken over the North West territories as from the 1st December,  whereas the transfer was not made until 15th July, 1870.  1870  29th January—A second Bill of Rights drawn up by the Provisional  Government.  4th March—Thomas Scott executed.  23rd March—Demands of the Provisional Government taken to Ottawa  by three delegates, namely, Rev. Pere Richot, Alfred H. Scott and Judge  Black.  20th April—The flag of the Provisional Government lowered, and the  Union Jack hoisted over Fort Garry.  12th May—The Act.creating the Province of Manitoba assented to by  the Governor General.  21st May—Colonel Wolseley and staff left Collingwood for Winnipeg.  17th June—Rev. Pere Richot returns to Winnipeg with the Act creating the Province of Manitoba.  24th June—The Act creating the Province of Manitoba formally accepted  by the Provisional Government which, after this date, ceased to function.  15th July—Manitoba becomes a Province.  23rd August—Colonel Wolseley arrives at Winnipeg with an armed  force of 1,431 men. A half-dozen policemen would have been equally effective. The settlers were assured of reasonable consideration, and the Provisional Government had served its purpose. There was nd longer any  discontent, and no need for an armed force.  When I was a boy Pembina was a frontier town, and it was a rough  place. On one occasion a detective who had been for a long time following a man who was wanted by the United States authorities, met his man  coming out of the post office. The two men fired at about the same instant,  and both were killed, dying almost instantly.  The detective fell back on to the floor of the verandah, and the outlaw  fell back through the door into the post office. I was about eight years  of age at the time, and I and another boy of about the same age were  in the lobby getting mail when the shooting took place.  When we heard the shots we ducked for shelter behind the stove, while  the postmaster ran out from some inner office shouting, "Hi, hi, none of  that; get right out, both of you." But the warning came too late, by that  time the men were dead, at least they were quite dead by the time they  came to pick them up. The detective's wife later on got the reward offered  for the apprehension of the outlaw.  For many years my brother, J. E. Bouvette, has owned and published  the Kittson County Enterprise, of Hallock, Minnesota, and in 1931, to mark  the fiftieth anniversary of its first publication, an especially large issue was  printed. In it there is a picture, evidently from a photograph, of Pembina  as it was when I was a boy. It shows the old school-house where I first  went to school, and the old post office where the shooting took place. I  have a copy of the paper, and as soon as the people of Kelowna get through  building the road to Naramata and build a museum,, I intend to place the  paper in it.  Pembina, St. Vincent and Emerson have become considerable places,  but West Lynn remains pretty much as it was. SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 45  I was driving a street car in Winnipeg in 1884, and in the same year  came to Okanagan Mission. One of the first men I worked for was William Smithson. He was one of the very early settlers, a Justice of the  Peace and one of the first trustees of the Old Okanagan Mission School.  The first buggy and the first sulky plow were brought into the valley  by him. On the 10th March, 1888, I was married to his eldest daughter  Rose, who died on the 10th March, 1910. My second wife was Miss Mary  Agnew, an English trained nurse, who had attended my first wife during  her last illness in the Vancouver General Hospital. We were married on  the 18th May, 1914, and she died on the 9th May, 1929.  My first wife and I raised a family of nine children, five boys and  four girls. The girls were employed by the Telephone Company, first at  Kelowna and Vernon, and later in Vancouver. They are all married now,  while all the boys have good situations, and I am happy to say the wrhole  family is now comfortably settled in life and doing well, while I, in my  comfortable little home at the Five Bridges, have enough to keep me in  modest comfort for the rest of my days, and find happiness in the prosperity of my children. Take it all in all, I have much to be thankful for.  The Okanagan Valley has done well by me. 46 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  Making History  Elsie Foote  ON the 15th December, 1938, Oscar Ericson jumped off the bridge over  the first narrows in Vancouver.  He was a high-rigger in the logging camps, and perhaps the distance  from the bridge to the water below did not look very considerable to him.  He had been in the city for a short holiday, and had gone out to have a  look at the new bridge. On the way out he was friendly with the taxi  driver, George Pierce, and was singing to himself and appeared to be at  peace with himself and all the world. When they arrived he said he would  walk across the bridge, and when he reached a point said to be 212 feet,  above the water he made the jump. Heretofore it had been thought  impossible for a human being unprotected to fall for 200 feet into water  and live. In the interest of aviation the subject demands further investigation and elaboration. It should be ascertained without loss of time at what  height an aviator can jump from a plane in flames into water with a fair  prospect of saving his life.  It is said the place on the bridge from which Ericson jumped is 212  feet above the water, that the highest jump heretofore made was 133 feet  off the Brooklyn Bridge in New York, and that the human body cannot  fall at a greater velocity than 116 miles per hour. We vouch for the correctness of none of these figures, but Trautwine has given us figures which  are reliable and suggestive. (The Civil Engineer Reference Book, Montreal, 1929, page 348.)  The following table, taken from Trautwine, is for an object at rest  falling in a vacuum. The distances are given in feet, the time in seconds,  and the velocity in feet per second.  Seconds First Second Third Fourth  Distance the object will fall     16.1     48.3      80.5     112.7  Total  distance      16.1     64.4    144.9    257.6  Velocity at the end of each second 32.2    64.4      96.6    128.8  Thus the object in four seconds will fall 257.6 feet and attain a velocity  of 128.9 feet per second, which is equal to 87.81 miles per hour. It will  also be observed that the increase in the velocity is a constant factor,  namely, 32.2 feet per second, and not variable, so that at the end of four  seconds the velocity is exactly four times as great as at the end of the first  second.  Ericson accomplished a great feat. He broke by a wide margin the  world record for a high jump into water. He pushed back the horizon for  us, and made an addition to the sum total of human knowledge. He  enlarged the field of what men were known to be capable of doing, and  opened up possibilities which, if intelligently followed up, may be the means  of saving valuable lives. His jump opens the question of the protection  the human body needs to enable a man to fall from a great height into  water without fatal results. There will be lots of fighting in the air over  the English Channel in the next war.  His was a greater feat than Corrigan's when he flew the Atlantic. No  one had ever heard of Douglas Corrigan until he landed in Dublin on the  morning of July 18th, 1938, and now we know a lot about him.   And it is SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 47  all good. He is a splendid type of a young man, enterprising, capable, and  modest. But he accomplished little. He was the eighth to fly the Atlantic  solo, and the plane he had was of the same vintage as the one used by  Lindbergh when he flew the Atlantic in 1927. He broke no record. In  fact, he broke nothing except the law, which is something most of us  can do in a pinch. But that should not be held against him. He proved  that he is enterprising and capable and willing to take a chance, and we  hope the fortune he is making will grow until it is colossal.  At the civic reception tendered him in New York in August, more than  a million people turned out to greet him. And in all that vast throng perhaps no one was more surprised at the wonderful reception he had than  Corrigan himself. And perhaps our man Oscar Ericson was surprised at  the reception he got.  First his sanity was questioned; but that was too preposterous. Then,  five days after he made the jump, he was thrown into jail on a charge of  attempted suicide. The charge was silly and trumped up, without a particle of evidence to support it, and when he was let out of jail he was  hounded out of the city, and chased into the woods as if he were a leper  or something unclean, and no one has seen him since. And in the meantime at the World's Fair in New York this summer, 1939, a replica of  the Brooklyn Bridge will be erected with the figure of a man jumping off  it into water, and millions from all over the world will be reminded of the  jump Steve Brodie is alleged to have made of 133 feet, some years ago.  The persecution of Ericson after he got out of the water was senseless  and insane. It was the head under the policeman's helmet that should have  been examined.  May the best of good luck go with you, Oscar Ericson, wherever you are.  You are a man after my own heart, you are not afraid to try anything  once. Our treatment of you has been shabby beyond words, and will bring  the blush of shame to our cheeks for many a year to come. You are of a  different race. Our young men have lost the spirit of enterprise and  adventure. They are beautiful, these young men of ours, graceful and  have their hair waved. A few attend the universities, but most of them  are looking for a job or are on relief, and they are hard-boiled. They  ask skeptically, "But what did he get out of it?" The gain that is in the  doing, the joy and exultation of accomplishment when difficulties are overcome, the virtue that is its own reward, are things which elude them. They  do not understand. Only men like yourself understand. We are a fat-  headed lot, we Canadians. We ruined our country by spending two billion  dollars in building and acquiring a vast system of railways, and, when we  arrived on the Pacific coast with it, we built the terminal station in a  swamp where ships cannot get near it. And we spent twelve millions of  the people's money in building a huge hotel that was no more wanted than  a fifth wheel on a wagon, and it has been standing empty ever since. In  this age of sick, sloppy pessimism, when all enterprise seems to have  vanished from the land, your bold plunge into the bosom of the unknown  and the untried, came like a lightning flash athwart the gloom and carried  us back in imagination to a far time and place. To the time when men  rigged up their crazy little ships which had only one sail each and pushed  boldly out into the Atlantic. In the days when Erik the Red discovered  Greenland in 984, and Lief Erikson discovered America hundreds of years  before Columbus was born. They were rude men these, as they are depicted  by our artists. The only wave they knew was the water wave which is  not permanent. But they were men like yourself, they refused to believe  that because something had never been done it was, therefore, impossible  of accomplishment.    And when they returned from their voyages, drunk 48 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  with the intoxication of success, they must have felt abundantly repaid  for their labour and for the hardships they endured. You accomplished  a feat which will be remembered as long as the world stands. And what  difference does it make after all, if you have been hounded into exile like  an outcast and pariah? Men like you understand what Longfellow meant  when he wrote:  "No endeavour is in vain  Its reward is in the doing  And the rapture of pursuing  'Ģ   Is the  prize  the vanquished gain.';  And I say, again quoting Longfellow:  "Skaol; to the Northland, skaol." SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 49  The First Fruit Trees in Similkameen  Elizabeth Richter Pendleton  MY  father,  Francis Xavier  Richter, was born in Friedland,  Bohemia,  on the 5th November,  1837.    He died in Victoria, British Columbia,  on the 25th December, 1910, and was buried at Keremeos.  He was placer mining on the Columbia River, near Colville, when he  heard of this valley from the Hudson's Bay Company's packers, and in  1864 he and his partner, King, went to Butter Creek, Oregon, and bought  forty-two head of cattle which they drove north, arriving here in October.  In the spring of 1865 he pre-empted land and made his home on it until  1885, when he sold out to R. L. Cawston and Mrs. Ella Lowe.  The first fruit trees ever planted in the Similkameen Valley were brought  in by him. He bought them from William Clarkson, who at the time had a  small nursery at New Westminster, and he brought them into the valley  over the Hope Mountains. Some of the trees had the tops of them pretty  well eaten off by the pack-horses, but most of them survived, and were  planted on what is now known as the Cawston Ranch. Among the varieties were the Red Astrachan, Rambeau, Golden Russet, and the Orkney  Belle.  After he sold his first pre-emption, he took up another in Boundary  Valley, and continued raising cattle there. In 1895 he bought a ranch near  Keremeos from Francis Suprenent (Frank Surprise), and it was on this  place he planted the first commercial orchard in Similkameen in 1897, the  trees coming from the Layritz Nurseries, Victoria. There was about an  acre of apple trees on the place when my father bought it, which had been  planted by Frank Surprise who brought them in from the Murray nurseries  at Molest, Washington, but they did not amount to much.  My father was very well known throughout southern British Columbia  at one time, so well known that I am sure a letter addressed to Frank  Richter, British Columbia, and dropped in a post office anywhere between  Vancouver Island and the Tobacco Plains of Kootenay would have reached  him without much delay. 50 The Seventh Report of the Okanagan Historical  THE APPLE HARVEST  Under a soft and cloudless sky  The scented mild autumnal breeze  Gently kisses in passing by  The teeming fruitful apple trees;  And on the apple-scented gale,  From hapless tillers of the soil,  There comes a sad despairing wail,  The cry of unrequited toil.  While purring motors speed their way,  Bearing the blessed earth's increase;  The owner views with grim dismay  The mounting costs of gas and grease,  And scans his tires with anxious dread  Because full well he knows he stands  Only a jump or two ahead  Of service at the Sheriff's hands.  And merry maids a lovely band,  To pick the fruit upon the trees,  Trip through the orchards pail in hand,  In skimpy skirts that show the knees;  They work and sing the livelong day,  Although they're meanly housed and fed;  And wonder if they'll have to pay  For straw they borrowed for a bed.  While all this store of nature's wealth,  Soon at the rate of one a day,  Will bring to each one perfect health  And keep the vile M.D. at bay;  From far and near a sullen roar  Comes from an ill-used race of men,  It is the growers waxing sore,  The price of fruit has dropped again. SOCIETY OF VERNON, BRITISH COLUMBIA—1939 51  GatcombE: In the spring of 1914 a Company backed by English capital had undertaken the development of Shuswap Falls as a source of power,  and a townsite was laid out at the Falls and named Gatcombe. Lewis  McAllister put up a building on it which was used as a general store and  post office. Owing to the outbreak of the war, the Company did not proceed with the development, and the store and post office was closed.  Although the Falls was later developed, no attempt has been made to  revive the townsite. The post office was opened on the 1st May, 1914,  with Lewis McAllister as postmaster, and closed on the 31st December,  1914. On appealing to James G. Simus, the Assessor at Vernon, he furnished us with a plan of the townsite and a full list of particulars regarding  its registration and final cancellation for non-payment of taxes, so that we  have at least one of the numerous ghost towns of British Columbia fully  accounted for. Mr. Simms has also given us permission to keep the plan  and particulars, and, as soon as the Okanagan Archives are established,  both will be deposited therein.  Hilton: This post office was opened on the 1st September, 1900, under  the name of Jackman, and the name changed to Hilton on the 1st May,  1905.   The following is a list of the postmasters and the period each served:  N. Jackman  1st September, 1900, to 4th January, 1905.  Avery Hiltz    1st April, 1905, to 19th March, 1906.  W. A. Hollingsworth  .. 1st April, 1906, to 20th February, 1909.  Frank Schiffer  1st June, 1909, to 18th April, 1910.  Reappointed  1st June, 1910, to 13th December, 1910.  W. F. Darrow  1st March, 1911, to 5th April, 1918.  Office closed   30th June, 1918.  (The Post Office Department informs us that there was no Richlands  Post Office ever opened in British Columbia.)  White Valley: The valley in which Lumby is situated was named  White Valley after George LeBlanc. He and Peter Bissette were partners  in a mine on Cherry Creek, and they are mentioned in the report on the  Cherry Creek mines made to the Government by Charles A. Vernon, dated  18th December, 1876. Peter Bissette pre-empted 320 acres adjoining what  is now the townsite of Lumby on the 6th March, 1877, afterwards surveyed and known as Lot 18. His Crown Grant was issued on the 23rd  October, 1885. He died on the 16th November, 1895. On the 27th March,  1877, George LeBlanc pre-empted 320 acres adjoining Bissette's pre-emption on the east, later known as Lot 17. He died (date unknown), and  the body was taken to Okanagan Mission for interment. The Crown Grant  was issued on the 26th October, 1883, to J. C. Prevost, Official Administrator, Victoria, who sold it to F. G. Vernon. These two pre-emption  claims later became valuable. H. J. Blurton, on page 16 of our First  Report, says that the first name given the place was Bull Meadows, and  this is the name given in a map of the vicinity compiled by Dr. G. M.  Dawson in 1877, but in a later map compiled by him in 1888 the name is  neither Bull Meadows nor White Valley, but Bisset. Peter Bessette, as the  name is now usually spelled, was virtually the founder of the French-  Canadian settlement at Lumby.  Lumby: This town is centrally situated and is the principal trading  centre for the Creighton Valley, Cherry Creek, Sugar Lake, Mabel Lake,  and Trinity Valley districts. It was named after Moses Lumby, who was  Vice-President of the Shuswap and Okanagan Railway Company, and, at  the time of his death,  Government Agent at Vernon.    He was born in 52 THE EIGHTH REPORT OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL  Lincolnshire, England, in 1842, came to British Columbia in 1862, mined  on the Stikene River and in Caribou, and at one time had the contract for  carrying the mails into the Big Bend mines on the Columbia River. He  settled in Spallumcheen in 1870, and died in Victoria on the 22nd October,  1893.  When the post office was first opened on the 1st August, 1889, it was  named White Valley, but the townsite laid out by Quinn Faulkner and  Louis Morand was named by them Lumby. Hence, there was the anomaly  of the village of Lumby with the post office called White Valley. The  name was changed on the 1st February, 1894. The following is a list of  the postmasters from1 the time the office was opened until the present time:  Postmasters Date of Appointment  Peter Bissette  1st August, 1889  A. M. Seed  1st March,  1893  S. Mcllvanie   1st October. 1894  Louis Morand 1st May, 1897  Walter F. Wood 1st May, 1902  William R. Megaw   1st July, 1904  Miss Blanche Morand   1st January,  1911  J. T. Bardolph  1st July, 1911  W. J. Shields   1st April,  1912  Alphonse  Quesnel    1st June, 1918  Philimin Quesnel   1st April,  1924  Jas. Vincent McAllister   1st February, 1930  (Still  in  charge)  Okanagan : In Sir William Dawson's Fossil Men, he discusses the  creed of the Indians of Stadacona, the ancient Quebec, and the name of the  Indian god, Cudrayny, and adds the following footnote to the bottom of  page 282: "This word (c