Okanagan Historical Society Reports

Forty-first annual report of the Okanagan Historical Society Okanagan Historical Society 1977

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 Forty-first Report  rSe* r&n e$e> *__*» r_W *__^ *4r> rlr* *._"♦ *4lr> *&"» rJb *JJr» r$r* rSSHll^Hll^rlt^'^rife?  Jgt»  «$.  JJw  «IJV  «p>  yp»  JJl»  «^V  Jf. vg* «<p» «JS» «^< «^» «^»  «^» «7* *Tr 'V* 'V*  lift   <ift   «^W   *^>   «^b   «^b   «^»   «^V   «^p»   «^b   »7JV   yjb   Jg,   Jf,   Jf,   Jf,   Oft   Jft   Jft   Jfi  November 1. 1977 -_-, L  • /    ^,- ,  •  i Ft  R. N. (Ren) Af/W* Museum  785 MAIN STREET  PENTICTON, B.C.    V2A5E3  i  ■  ■  FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL REPORT  ISSN-0317-0691  of the  OKANAGAN  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY  Founded Sept. 4, 1925  COVER DESIGN  The photograph is of Commando Bay on the east side of Okanagan Lake,  opposite the government campsite near Summerland. The bay has recently  been acquired by the government and has been incorporated into Okanagan  Mountain Provincial Park. See also the story in this Report. Photo credit,  Victor Wilson.  PENTICTON SECONDARY SGHOOLJJBRARY  ©   1977 OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS  OF PARENT BODY  PRESIDENT  Hume M. Powley, Kelowna  VICE-PRESIDENT  J. Armstrong, Enderby  SECOND VICE-PRESIDENT  Mrs. T. H. Lewis, Osoyoos  PAST PRESIDENT  Victor Wilson, Naramata  SECRETARY  Mrs. W.}. Zoellner, Kelowna  TREASURER  Miss E. Oram, Vernon  EDITOR  D. Thomson, Penticton  DIRECTORS  Armstrong-Enderby: A. Gamble, W. Whitehead  Kelowna: D. Buckland, Dr. W. Anderson  Oliver-Osoyoos: H. Weatherill, D. Corbishley  Penticton: D. Gale, M. Orr  Vernon: R. Robey, K. Ellison  Director-at-Large: H. Hatfield, Penticton  Auditor: F. MacKenzie, Vernon BRANCH OFFICERS  ARMSTRONG-ENDERBY BRANCH EXECUTIVE, 1977-78  PRESIDENT. Mr. Jack Armstrong; VICE PRESIDENT, Mr. Gerald Landon; SECRETARY-TREASURER, Mrs. Ruby Lidstone; EDITORIAL COMMITTEE, Mr. Jim Jamieson,  Mrs. Jessie Ann Gamble, Mrs. Ruby Lidstone; DIRECTORS, Mrs. Jessie Ann Gamble, Mr.  Bill Whitehead.  VERNON BRANCH EXECUTIVE, 1977-78  PRESIDENT, Lee Christensen; VICE PRESIDENT, Bert Thorburn; PAST PRESIDENT,  Ken Ellison; SECRETARY, Mrs. E. N. Denison; TREASURER, Jock Henniker; EDITORIAL  COMMITTEE, Mrs. H. Gorman, Mrs. C. Banner, Mrs. G. Leng, Mrs. A. Cail, Mrs. R. Deuling,  Mrs. R. Reader: DIRECTORS, Dr. H. Campbell-Brown. Ron Robey, George Melvin, Eric  Denison, Mrs. C. Banner, Michael Parson, Ernie Hunter, Peter Tassie, Mrs. Don Harwood,  Don Weatherill, Walter Cowan; LIFE MEMBERS, Mr. G. Bagnall, Dr. Margaret Ormsby,  Mrs. M. DeBeck, Mrs. N. Denison, Mrs. D. Greig, Mrs. I. Crozier, Mrs. H. Ingersoll.  KELOWNA BRANCH EXECUTIVE, 1977-78  PRESIDENT, Mr. Frank Pells; VICE PRESIDENT, Dr. W. F. Anderson; SECRETARY, Mr.  R. H. Hall; TREASURER, Mr. David Hobson; EDITORIAL CHAIRMAN, Mr. B. W. Johnston; DIRECTORS, Mr. G. D. Cameron, Mr. D. S. Buckland, Mr. J. J. Conroy, Mr. J. L.  Piddocke, Mr. R. C. Gore, Mr. L. M. Leathley, Mr. H. M. Powley, Mr. W. Spear, Mr. W. J. V.  Cameron, Mr. T. E. Nahm, Mrs. U. Surtees, Mrs. D. Zoellner, Mr. S. Ritchie, Mr. E. Chapman.  PENTICTON BRANCH EXECUTIVE, 1977-78  HON. PRESIDENT, Mrs. W. R. Dewdney; PAST PRESIDENT, Dr. John Gibson; PRESIDENT, Mrs. G. P. (Mollie) Broderick; VICE PRESIDENT, I. E. (Ivan) Phillips; SECRETARY,  Alan E. Bradbeer; TREASURER, Rob't (Bob) Pratt; EDITORIAL COMMITTEE, Ivan E.  Phillips, Chairman, Mrs. W. R. Dewdney, Mrs. Jacqueline Howe, Mrs. G. A. (Evelyn) Lundy;  DIRECTORS, Mrs. C. (Kae) Adams, P. F. P. (Peter) Bird. C. R. (Chuck) Blacklock, E. H.  (Hugh) Cleland. R. F. (Dick) Gale, Mrs. Jacqueline Howe, J. G. (Joe) Harris. Mrs. Mary  Orr, Eric D. Sismey, Lorenzo (Ren) Smuin, Mrs G. (Angeline) Waterman, Mrs. H. C. (Grace)  Whitaker, Scott Williams, J. W. (Pete) Watson, J. V. H. (Victor) Wilson.  OLIVER-OSOYOOS BRANCH EXECUTIVE, 1977-78  PRESIDENT, Carleton MacNaughton; PAST PRESIDENT, Hank Lewis; VICE PRESIDENT,  Harry Weatherill; SECRETARY, Mrs. Dorothea Lewis; TREASURER, Mrs. Ermie Iceton;  HISTORIAN, Miss Dolly Waterman; DIRECTORS. Mrs. Kate Willson, Mrs. Retta Long,  Mrs. Emily McLennan, Mrs. Stanley Dickson, Mrs. Aileen Porteous, Mrs. Buddie MacNaughton, Mrs. Elsie Corbishley, Don Corbishley, Ivan Hunter. Bob Iverson, Harry Sherling. EDITOR'S FOREWORD  The Okanagan Historical Society's Report is the vehicle which accomplishes the aims of  the Society: to encourage research on and writing of local history; to record and publicize  documents or information of a biographical, social or economic nature; and to promote an  interest in Okanagan history. With these goals in mind, the format of the Forty-first Report  has been modified, thereby categorizing submissions according to their nature. This format  will hopefully encourage particular types of submissions. Well documented research papers  that deal with important events, industries or organizations are encouraged. Biographies should  indicate the importance of individuals, either because of their stature in the community, or  their place in relation to events in the Okanagan or the province, or their contribution to  the region in another way. Various documents are worthy of publication: letters, diaries,  extracts from newspapers, old photos, or government correspondence. Submissions are also  invited for a Book Review section to be included in next year's Report.  Numerous persons helped with the preparation of this Report and their assistance is  acknowledged and appreciated. I thank Hume Powley, Victor Wilson. Al Hiebert, Robin  Laycock, Rob King, Joe Harris, Angeline Waterman, Jacqueline Howe, Linda Bleasdale, Carol  Thomson, Dr. Margaret Ormsby, the editorial committees and those who submitted articles  to be considered for the Report.  Water tower at Brookmere, on the Kettle Valley Railroad. CONTENTS  HISTORICAL PAPERS  AN EXERCISE IN FUTILITY: THE JOINT COMMISSION ON  INDIAN LAND IN B.C., 1875-1880 (Robin Fisher)   8  THE KEREMEOS GRIST MILL (Carolyn Smyly)  23  THE RISE AND FALL OF THE L & A RANCH  IN THE NORTH OKANAGAN (Jane Evans)  29  THE JOSEPH BASSETT DISAPPEARANCE, GRAND FORKS,  1922 (R. W. King)  35  SCHOOLS AT OKANAGAN MISSION BEFORE 1885 (David Dendy)   38  THE OKANAGAN SYMPHONY ORCHESTRA: THE FOUNDING YEARS.  1959-1976 (Eva Cleland)   44  PETER SKENE OGDEN'S JOURNALS (Barry M. Gough)  51  HEWERS OF GRANITE (David Falconer)  59  PROHIBITION COMES TO THE OKANAGAN, 1916 (A. J. Hiebert)  67  COMMANDO BAY (Debra Faraguna)  85  SKAGIT BLUFFS. A POEM (Isabel MacNaughton)   90  DOCUMENTS  TOM ELLIS DESCRIBES AN IRISH WEDDING (Margaret Ormsby)    92  DISTRICT OF OKANAGAN ASSESSMENT ROLL, 1879 (Al Hiebert)    97  POLICE REPORT: ILLEGAL VENDING OF LIQUOR (Robin Laycock)  100  ARCHIVES NOTES (R. W. King)  105  BIOGRAPHIES & REMINISCENCES  OUR PIONEERS - A HYMN OF PRAISE (Rev. Everett S. Fleming) 109  BREAD ALONE (Elspeth Honeyman Clarke)  110  DR. & MRS. H. McGREGOR (Jacqueline Howe)  114  DOCTOR ANTHONY WALSH: THE GENTLE REVOLUTIONARY  (Jean Webber) 126  THE CHAMBERS STORY (Claude Holden)  134  TOM CLARKE - PIONEER SURVEYOR OF RAILROADS AND HIGHWAYS,  PART II (A. Waterman) 141  MABEL BEATTIE - ENDERBY'S HONOURED PIONEER (Ruby Lidstone) 149  THE BAWTREE FAMILY (Ruby Lidstone) 153  MR. DAVID HOWRIE (Beryl Gorman) 157  MEMORIES OF PIONEER LIFE AT PRINCETON (Helen Reith)  161  THE HEYWOODS OF HEYWOOD'S CORNER (Doug Heywood) 165  ARTHUR COLLIS WILSON - KEDLESTON MOUNTAIN (Beryl Gorman)  171  THE SIMARD STORY (Isobel Simard)  173  HULLCAR DAYS (Stan Price) 176  OBITUARIES 177  BUSINESS AND ACTIVITIES OF THE OKANAGAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY  NOTICE OF ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING OF O.H.S., 1978 188  MINUTES OF ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING, 1977 189  PRESIDENT'S REPORT 1976-77 (Hume Powley) 194  EDITOR'S REPORT 1976-77 (Julian Fry) 196  SECRETARY'S REPORT 1976-77 (Dorothy Zoellner) 196  TREASURER'S REPORT 1976-77 (Edna Oram) 197  ARMSTRONG-ENDERBY BRANCH REPORT (Jack Armstrong) 197  REPORT OF O.H.S. ANNUAL FIELD DAY AND PICNIC AT MABEL LAKE  (Eric Sismey) 198  VERNON BRANCH REPORT (S. L. Christensen) 199  THE O'KEEFE STORY (Edna Oram) 199  KELOWNA BRANCH REPORT (Frank Pells) 201  PENTICTON BRANCH REPORT (Mollie Broderick) 201 CONTENTS (Continued)  ANNUAL FIELD DAY IN SUMMERLAND AND OPENING  OF MUSEUM  203  OLIVER-OSOYOOS BRANCH REPORT (Carleton MacNaughton)  207  TAMARACK, A POEM (Christine Sismey)  208  A DAY FOR KATHLEEN DEWDNEY: THE MIDWAY MUSEUM OPENING  (Eric Sismey) 208  REPORT OF THE PANDOSY MISSION COMMITTEE (G. D. Cameron)  212  REPORT OF THE TRAILS COMMITTEE (Harley Hatfield)  213  REPORT OF F_4r//£./v/Mr BOOK SALES (R. F. Gale) 214  MEMBERSHIPLIST, 1977 216  v * i*- t*«f» # *t HISTORICAL  PAPERS  PEtmCTON SECONDARY SCHOOL L'.-RAfflf  So 19- 7 AN EXERCISE IN FUTILITY:  THE JOINT COMMISSION ON INDIAN LAND IN  BRITISH COLUMBIA, 1875-1880  Robin Fisher  Editor's Note: Robin Fisher teaches history at Simon Fraser University. He  is the author of Contact and Conflict: Indian — European Relations in British  Columbia, 1774-1890, and numerous articles on the history of British Columbia.  This article is reprinted with the kind permission of the Canadian Historical  Association.  The Joint Commission on Indian Land was only a brief episode in the  continuing, and in many ways repetitive, story of Indian land claims in  British Columbia. Yet it was an interlude that threw into focus many of  the factors that have, to the present day, prevented a resolution of the  Indian land question. Most importantly, the failure of the Commission  to effect any significant change in Indian land policy demonstrated that  the provincial government, representing settler society, would not willingly  make any concessions to the Indians on the crucial matter of land.  Under the Terms of Union by which British Columbia had entered  the Canadian confederation in 1871 responsibility for the Indians and Indian  land was assumed by the dominion government. According to clause 13  of the Terms federal officials were to continue an Indian policy "as liberal  as that hitherto pursued by the British Columbia Government."1 However,  it soon became apparent to Ottawa that British Columbia's Indian policy  prior to union was remarkable for its lack of liberality and that, although  the Indians were now under federal jurisdiction, there was considerable  resistance in the province to any liberalization. During the early 1870's  there was a series of agreements and disagreements between the federal  and provincial governments over the amount of land to be reserved for  the Indians, but no final decision was reached, and the administration of  Indian land policy remained a shambles.2  By 1875 the province was under increasing pressure from some quarters  to modify its intransigence. The Indians themselves were appreciating the  value of their land in new ways at the same time as they were being hemmed  in on limited reserves by the advance of settlement. The government had  appeared before many of the Indians only in the form of a land agent,  and so it is not surprising that they concluded that taking their land was  the only official Indian policy. Many of the British Columbia Indians were  aware that, with the signing of the numbered Treaties, the Canadian  Government had allocated larger Indian reserves on the Prairies, and they  hoped that this more generous policy would be extended across the Rockies.  But during the four years that had passed since British Columbia joined  confederation little had been done about their reserves, and the Indians  were growing restless. The federally appointed Indian Superintendents in  British Columbia, Israel Wood Powell and James Lenihan, both publicized  the need to redress the Indians' grievances without delay, and Powell  claimed that it was pointless for him to visit the Indians to discuss any  matter while the land question remained unsettled.3 In 1874 the Governor  General of Canada, Lord Dufferin, wrote to the Colonial Office noting the fact that Indian policy in British Columbia was different from that  of the rest of Canada and pointing out that British Columbia's actions  in the past had created "a very bad feeling amongst the native tribes."4  Two years later, when he visited the province, Dufferin made the same  point to the local government and urged recognition of Indian rights.5 At  the same time newspapers in the east reported on the "high handed injustice" with which British Columbia had treated its Indians,6 and even some  local editors called for the government to stop behaving in a way that  was bringing disgrace to the province.7  Early in 1876, under mounting pressure, British Columbia came to  an agreement of sorts with the federal government on the Indian land  question. The basis of this accord was the suggestion of the missionary,  William Duncan, that Indian lands should be examined by a commission  and that, rather than alloting a set acreage per family across the province,  reserves should be allocated according to local situations. A federal order  in council was passed on 10 November 1875 recommending that a Joint  Commission be established to deal with Indian land in British Columbia.  The Commission would comprise one member appointed by the provincial  government, one by the federal government and a third selected jointly  by the two levels of government. The Commissioners would investigate  the "Habits, wants and pursuits" of the various Indian groups and, considering the amount of land available in each area and the claims of the European  settlers, allocate reserves. Any extra land required for Indian reserves would  be taken from crown lands, while any land taken away from a reserve  would revert to the province. Like all other Indian land policies in British  Columbia since 1864, this one was predicated on the assumption that the  Indians possessed no aboriginal title to the land that had to be extinguished  before settlement took place. The British Columbia Government agreed  to this federal proposal on 8 January 1876. Many hoped that the Indian  land mess in the province would now be sorted out? But these people  were too sanguine.  From the beginning the provincial government made every effort to  retard the work of the Commission. There had been no real change in  governmental attitude in British Columbia and the province's acceptance  of the proposed Commission was somewhat less than wholehearted. In  its letter accepting the federal proposal the Provincial Executive Council  noted that, now that Indian affairs were a federal matter, "strictly speaking"  British Columbia should not have to assume any of the expense of the  Commission.10 It was also portentous that the province deleted the words  "with a view to the speedy and final adjustment of the Indian Reserve  question" from its version of the first clause of the terms of the Commission.11 Early in 1876 Alexander Caulfield Anderson and Archibald McKin-  lay were appointed as Commissioners representing Canada and British  Columbia respectively, but there was delay over the appointment of the  joint representative. Anderson was constrained to address the provincial  government "pointedly" on a number of occasions before the third member  was appointed,12 and the summer, the best time for field work, had passed  before a decision was taken. Finally agreement was reached on the appointment of Gilbert Malcolm Sproat to represent both governments. The federal representative to the Indian  Land Commission, Alexander Caulfield  Anderson.  Photo Courtesy of the Provincial Archives, Victoria  Archibald McKinlay. former Hudson's Bay  Company employee was named as the provincial representative on the Joint Commission dealing with Indian land.  Photo Courtesy of Provincial Archives, Victoria  Anderson and McKinlay, both former Hudson's Bay Company men,  brought to the Joint Commission a considerable knowledge of the Indians  of British Columbia, but Sproat was the pivotal and most energetic member.  His earlier writings, in which he records his experiences during his residence  at Alberni in the early 1860's, reveal him as a thoughtful observer of the  Indians and their reactions to the presence of white settlers.13 Now, as  Reserve Commissioner, Sproat proved to be long-winded and opinionated,  sending a blizzard of letters to Ottawa. Other officials found Sproat's lengthy  letters and reports rather tedious. The Department of the Interior, for  example, was impressed with Sproat's ability, but thought him to be "somewhat prolix" when he sent "a volume as his first report."14 In British  Columbia the Premier, George Walkem, huffed that Sproat was "wholly  unfit for anything but verbose, voluminous, tiresome correspondence."15  But, the judgement of the province's first minister notwithstanding, Sproat's  letters to Ottawa provide a detailed and generally accurate account of the  working of the Joint Commission and the considerable problems that it  encountered. His letters also reveal Sproat's growing sympathy with the  Indians and, correspondingly, his increasing criticism of the provincial  government's dealings with them. In fact he defended his lengthy reports  on the grounds "that great evils have been caused in the past by loose  and curtailed records of many transactions of the government with the  Indians."16  The provincial government, ignoring growing Indian dissatisfaction  particularly in the interior, continued to procrastinate. After the delays  on the appointment of personnel, Victoria began to prevaricate on the  question of the expenses of the Commission. Because it still considered  Indian affairs to be a purely federal matter, the British Columbia Government was initially unwilling to contribute anything towards the cost of 11  the Reserve Commission. However, the argument shifted to quibbling over  the relative share that each government would bear. As a result of these  delays the Commission was not able to start work among the troubled  tribes of the interior during 1876, but had to confine its activities to the  lower mainland and Vancouver Island. The Commissioners were aware  of the urgency of their task and felt that these delays would produce a  "pernicious effect" among the Indians.17 But Sproat was hopeful that the  Commission's operations on the coast would begin to allay the fears of  the interior Indians. He realised that whatever they did on the coast would  be known by the inland Indians.18  The Reserve Commissioners began their work with an examination  of the reserve of the Musqueam, a Coast Salish group living on Point  Grey. Their deliberations and decisions on this first case indicated the basic  principles on which the Commission was to operate. A census was taken  so that, for the first time, reserves were based on some knowledge of the  Indian population in the locality. The Musqueam had their existing reserve  of 342 acres confirmed, but the Indians complained that another part of  their tribal land had been occupied by a European settler. The Indians  were told by the Commissioners that they would not interfere with the  land legally held by the settlers, but the Musqueam were given an extra  80 acres of land on Sea Island. This addition gave them 422 acres which  worked out at 15 acres for each adult male in the band19 considerably  less than the minimum of 160 acres that a European farmer could acquire.  The Indians of the lower mainland were informed that they would not  be given any more land than they could actively use, although the day  after McKinlay had made this point to the Musqueam he recorded in his  diary that it was a great pity to see so much fine farm land unused because  it was in the hands of white speculators.20 McKinlay, as the provincial  representative on the Commission, was particularly prone to delivering  homilies to the Indians on how the white man had improved the land  and the benefits that would accrue to the Indians if they followed the settlers'  example. However, the Commissioners had been especially instructed not  to make any attempt to alter radically the habits of the Indians, "or to  divert them from any legitimate pursuits or occupations."21 Within their  terms of reference the members of the Joint Commission did try to treat  the coast Indians with a modicum of liberality and justice.  Meanwhile the Indians of the southern interior were growing more  and more angry. The delays in the visit of the Commission had only  increased their discontent. They had expected the Commissioners in the  summer of 1876 and were exasperated when they failed to appear. It was  to be late in June 1877 before they arrived in Kamloops. Once again the  delays were the result of the parsimonious approach of the provincial  government which was already asking for the Commission to be abolished.  The province complained that the Joint Commission was an excessively  expensive way of settling land disputes with the Indians and, in any case,  that only those Indians presently in contact with settlers needed to have  reserves allocated. Throughout the greater part of the province, wrote the  Provincial Secretary, the Indians were likely to remain completely isolated  from the whites. Even if this were true it was evident that experience had 12  still not convinced the provincial authorities that the Indian land question  should be dealt with before it became a problem. Victoria now suggested  that in future Indian reserves be allocated by the Indian Superintendent,  subject to the approval of the Provincial Chief Commissioner of Lands  and Works.22 But, as Sproat rightly observed, if decisions were dependent  on the approval of the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works not a  single reserve would be laid out.23  Early in June the Commission's trip to the interior was still being  delayed by the interminable discussions between Victoria and Ottawa. Then,  suddenly, there was a demand for action. A member of the provincial  government came to the Commissioners' office in Victoria urging them  to leave at once for the interior. After their enforced inactivity the members  of the Commission found this sudden impetus for action surprising. They  later discovered that the provincial government was responding to settlers'  fears of an Indian uprising in the interior.24  There is conflicting evidence on whether the Indians were actually  planning militant action against the settlers of the southern interior in the  summer of 1877. Many settlers were quite sure that the Indians were  organising an uprising, while others thought that there was no cause for  alarm. The Upper Thompson, Shuswap and Okanagan Indians had always  been considered a greater threat to the settlers than most groups, so some  of those who predicted an outbreak were undoubtedly panicky. But other  quite level-headed individuals, who were careful to point out that they  were not alarmists, thought that there was serious cause for concern25  Growing dissatisfaction over the land question certainly reached a peak  among the Shuswap and Okanagan Indians during 1877. In their exasperation some Indians argued in councils that armed force was the only  way to extract concessions from an unresponsive government. There was  talk that the Indians were contemplating linking up with the Nez Perce  insurgents in the United States. Indians among the Shuswap who claimed  to have come recently from Chief Joseph's camp gave accounts of the battles  that the Nez Perce had fought.26 Other Indians were said to be in contact  with a Spokane sect which advocated complete withdrawl from any kind  of contact with the Europeans.27 There was a meeting of Indians to discuss  problems and tactics at the head of Okanagan Lake in late June or early  July. This council was an attempt to confederate the Shuswap and Okanagan  Indians, although it probably did not produce absolute unanimity. An  Okanagan chief known to Anderson for many years told him that the young  men at the meeting were eager to fight but that the older chiefs advocated  caution.28 What does seem to have come out of this meeting was a determination to present a united front to the Reserve Commissioners who were  expected in the area.  When the Commissioners finally arrived in Kamloops they were expecting to deal with Indian dissatisfaction, but they were not prepared  for the depth of disaffection that they encountered. At Kamloops they found  the Indian village to be nearly empty as most of the inhabitants were  away at the Okanagan meeting.29 Sproat, who said that he preferred to  gather his own evidence rather than to rely on the judgement of others  in Indian matters, concluded that those officials who felt that there was 13  Gilbert Malcolm Sproat as an Indian Land Commissioner, 1877.  Mrs. R. Maynard Photo. Courtesy of the Provincial Archives, Victoria  no cause for alarm were mistaken. He thought that settlers often did not  know what was going on right under their noses among the Indians, and  that if an attack were being planned the Indians would hardly be likely  to inform local officials of their intentions.30 While some settlers underestimated the gravity of the situation, the Reserve Commissioners were  sufficiently impressed to send a desperate telegram to Ottawa claiming  "Indian situation very grave from Kamloops to American border — general  dissatisfaction — outbreak possible."31  Sproat believed that any outbreak that occurred would be the logical  outcome of provincial policies. An Indian uprising "would not be a revolt  against authority, but the despairing action of men suffering intolerable  wrong, which the Provincial Government will take no steps to remedy."32  Ottawa concluded similarly. It is obvious, wrote the Minister of the Interior,  "that the discontent of the Indians is wholly due to the policy which has  been pursued towards them by the local authorities." He added that in  the event of an Indian war "the people of Canada generally would not  sustain a policy towards the Indians of that Province which is, in my opinion,  not only unwise and unjust, but also illegal."33  Peace in the interior was tenuous for a time, but eventually the Reserve  Commissioners were able to cool the situation off. Before leaving Victoria  Sproat had spoken to Sir James Douglas who recalled that he had always  been very careful to keep the Shuswap and Okanagan Indians in a good  humour.34 The Commission therefore gave the Indians time to express all  their complaints in their own way. The Commissioners realized that the  Indians had different concepts of time and methods of negotiating, and  they felt that there was a marked contrast between the attention that they 14  gave to the Indians and the abrupt manner in which they had been treated  by the colonial government35  But the ultimate tactic of the Reserve Commission was to divide the  Shuswap leaders, thus breaking up the nascent 'confederation'. The Roman  Catholic missionary, Father C. J. Grandidier, had persuaded the Adams  Lake band not to attend the council at the head of Okanagan Lake but  to meet with the Commission instead. So while the Kamloops Indians were  away at the meeting a settlement was reached at Adams Lake and with  another group on the North Thompson River. These northern bands had  always been among the most isolated of the Shuswap Indians.36 When  Louis, the Kamloops leader, returned from Lake Okanagan he was furious  with these Indians for settling with the Reserve Commission, but other  chiefs were now beginning to waiver. Messages were constantly passing  between the different bands and a settlement in one place facilitated  negotiations in another.37 Within some bands there were divisions between  young and old. The deliberations with the Indians at Spallumcheen, north  of Lake Okanagan, were crucial because it was the beginning of Okanagan  territory and the Commissioners realised that the Okanagan Indians were  more numerous, more hostile and more united than the Shuswap. In this  case the prestige of an old chief was destroyed when his views on the  land question were rejected by other Indians negotiating with the Commission.38 By playing the young off against the old, agreements were reached  in situations which had appeared impossible39  After leaving Kamloops, the Commissioners proceeded to Shuswap  Lake and then through the Okanagan Valley and into the Similkameen  area before winter caught up with them and their field work ended for  another season. The summer of 1877 was to be the last in which the Joint  Commission was active. In 1878 pressure from the provincial government  led to the dissolution of the three-man Commission and Sproat carried  on alone until 1880. Many Indians wondered if yet another change in  the manner of dealing with them meant that their needs were to be trifled  with once again, but, as sole Commissioner, Sproat continued to try to  achieve a reasonable settlement of the land question.  Sproat felt bound to speak for the Indians because they had great  difficulty in making even their most reasonable wishes known "through  an atmosphere thick with prejudice and injustice."40 He took a great interest  in the Indians' way of life and argued strongly that their "manners and  customs" had to be understood before reserves could be satisfactorily assigned to them. He pointed out that as different parts of the Indians' land  were frequented at different times of the year and were "linked to the  hearts of the people by many associations", it was impossible to open the  country for settlement without interfering with the Indian mode of life.  Sproat thought that this point had not been appreciated by the rulers of  British Columbia since Douglas had left office in 1864. The Indians of  the interior were constantly on the move and Sproat knew that it would  be dangerous to try to confine them to limited reserves. He concluded  that reserves could not be allocated as though assigning land to Ontario  farmers: giving so many acres to each individual. Many interior Indians  were not so much interested in acreage and good arable land as in the 15  "old 'places of fun' up in the mountains or some places of fishing .. .  where, at certain seasons, they assemble to fish, dig roots and race their  horses." Sproat sometimes had Indians beseeching him that if the Queen  could not give them good soil then would she at least give them the rocks  and stones of the "old loved localities" now possessed by the whites.41  While he appreciated many aspects of the Indians' traditional way  of life, it was also evident to Sproat that acculturative pressures were  changing the Indians. Among the Shuswap, for example, there had been  great changes since 1865 when the Gold Commissioner, Phillip Nind,  reported that they "do nothing more with their land than cultivate a few  small patches of potatoes here and there."42 Now they had large herds  of stock, and grew grain and root crops on most of their reserves.43 Following  Nind's report the Shuswap had been deprived of a large part of their reserve  land44 but now their stock numbers were increasing and they required  more land, particularly as overgrazing in the interior was already destroying  the natural bunch grass and replacing it with sage brush45 Sproat also  frequently pointed out that in the arid interior land without water was  useless. While provincial legislation laid down minimal Indian rights to  land, there was no mention of water rights46 There were desultory attempts  to deal with the land question but absolutely nothing was done to ensure  that the Indians had access to water.  Even as Sproat worked to solve some of these problems his time was  running out. Public opinion was rapidly building up against the Reserve  Commission. Many settlers, both on the coast and in the interior, thought  that the Commission was being too liberal towards the Indians. Sproat  had told the Indians that it was not possible to turn the country 'topsy  turvy' to settle land disputes. Instead compromises had to be reached47  But the settlers were unwilling to compromise. Although the Indians were  never given as much land by the Commission as they could have pre-empted  if they were white48 many settlers complained that the Indians were being  treated too generously. In the interior Sproat had tried not to interfere  with the interests of the settlers, but they still protested bitterly, when Indian  reserves were established adjacent to their land. One group of South  Thompson River settlers objected to Indian neighours as being "a constant  source of annoyance" because of their trespassing stock and "the well known  thieving proclivities of the Indians themselves."49 In a petition to the provincial government these settlers claimed that the result of having an Indian  reserve adjacent to their land would be that their property "on the improvement of which we have expended upwards of a decade of our most vigorous  manhood, will be confiscated, for property with such surroundings will  be utterly valueless in market."50  Other settlers protested about Indians trespassing on their land. William  Smith, who lived near the mouth of the Fraser River, wrote to the Indian  Superintendent that  their is some Indians settled on my Preemption and I can not get them off also  their dogs are a bothering my Stock and Stealing ever thing they can get hold  of and the Indians are a tramping down my dykes and when I say any thing  to them they call me all the mean names they can think of so I think it is  time they was moved off with strick orders not to come back on the place  any more.51 16  Other, more literate, complaints were received. Archibald Dodds, a  Cowichan settler, concluded that "there is no law or justice here for a  white man, the Indian has everything his way"52 and some wag in the  Okanagan said that the object of the Reserve Commission was to put the  Europeans on reserves53  Sproat realised that there was bound to be some conflict of interest  between farming settlers and farming Indians if the lands of the latter  were to be defined, but he felt that objections like these were "the angry  utterance of men steeped in prejudice."54 Like most forms of prejudice,  the settlers' was nurtured by ignorance, or, at least, by a selective retention  of information about the Indians. One of the most singular experiences  that Sproat had as Reserve Commissioner was his inability to gain accurate  information about the Indians from settlers who lived in their midst. He  was, for instance, told on occasions that the Indians were incapable of  building irrigation ditches "when ingeniously constructed ditches several  miles in length were almost visible." At Chilliwack he was told that the  Indians would not put up fences and the next day he observed over four  miles of Indian fencing close to his informant's farm55 This ignorance of  the Indians also operated at the government level. Sproat was amused  at the dogmatism of those members of the provincial government who  spent all their time in Victoria, and perhaps knew enough Chinook jargon  to ask an Indian to blacken their boots, and yet gave the appearance of  understanding the wishes, requirements and social condition of a large and  widespread Indian population56  Many settlers treated the Indians well, but when there was tension  between the interests of the two races, the settlers all took a similar position.  They forgot the "obligation of regarding the Indians as equal before the  law, in practice, as well as theory." When settlers thought that they had  been badly treated by the Commission they began to abuse it. They stirred  up the newspapers and, because most of its members were "farming settlers  with the prejudice of their class"57 settlers had a great influence on the  provincial government. Sproat began to "think that people here believe  that the Indians have no rights, and that they cannot acquire them."58  His assessment of the mood of the settlers was generally accurate, although  there was some disagreement with the majority opinion. The Inland  Sentinel's sentiments were more admirable than its spelling when it argued  that "it is far better to deal fairly with those whom the creator gave of  the Great Loan Land."59 But most settlers put their own interests ahead  of those of the Indians and they most assuredly had the ear of the local  government.  Perhaps the most publicized of the Joint Commission's decisions was  the laying out of Okanagan reserve number one at the head of Okanagan  Lake. In this instance it was difficult to extend the Indians' inadequate  reserve because all the land of any value had been taken up by settlers.  However, the Commission decided that some of the land claims of Cornelius  O'Keefe and Thomas Greenhow were illegal on two counts; because both  settlers held more than one pre-emption and because their pre-emptions  included Indian 'settlements'. It was therefore decided to give some of the 17  land claimed by the settlers to the Indians. This decision, of course, raised  a storm of protest and it was not ratified by the provincial government.60  The administration of Andrew Elliott, from February 1876 to June  1878, and George Walkem's governments, which preceded and followed  Elliott's, were all well tuned to the demands of settlers. The votes of settlers  in the interior could often be crucial to these governments, with their small  majorities. As Sproat asked rhetorically, "would a member or a minister,  himself a settler, disregard angry and prejudiced messages from his  neighbours, merely for the sake of the Indians."61 Elliott's Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, Forbes George Vernon, told Sproat that he  agreed with the Commissioner's views on the land question in the Okanagan,  but owing to the approach of his election in the district he could take  no action62 As far as Sproat was concerned there was little to choose from  between the two administrations on Indian land policy. As Walkem had  made the original agreement to establish the Reserve Commission, Elliott  argued that Walkem had made an extravagant and expensive concession.  What the Indians thought about the Commission, or the actual cost of  its operations, were irrelevant as neither the Commissioners nor the Indians  were consulted. It was the old story said Sproat, "anything will do for  the Indians."63  The attitude and inaction of the settler government in Victoria was  a constant impediment to the Commission's work. Sproat found it difficult  to negotiate openly with groups of suspicious Indians when behind him  the government exercised a virtual veto power over his decisions.64 To meet  with the approval of the provincial government, Indian reserves had to  conform to every letter of the law, while at the same time all kinds of  laxity was permitted with settler's pre-emptions. For instance, in 1878 Edward  Mohan, the Commission's surveyor, requested that the provincial government allow Indian reserves to be laid out without making exact surveys  through the most rugged areas. The Chief Commissioner of Lands and  Works replied that the Government would not issue crown grants to any  land before a complete survey was made.65 On the other hand, when Mohan  asked if the Department of Lands would survey the claims of settlers  adjacent to Indian reserves in order to facilitate the work of the Commission  the answer was no.66 The following year the Commission was informed  that the government would not recognise reserves that had not been surveyed according to the regulations laid down in the 1879 Land Amendment  Act. This act included seventeen instructions which had to be followed  by surveyors, and adhering to these provisions would result in greatly  increased expenditure by the Commission. Moreover, the act was to apply  retroactively to reserves already established67 In some places all the good  land had been taken up by settlers before the Commission arrived, making  it difficult to find land for the Indians. In other places the provincial  government allowed settlers to purchase land after it had been reserved  for the Indians by the Commission68 and in the interior white farmers  continued to run their cattle on winter range land set aside for the Indians.69  Sproat claimed that in the Osoyoos area a group of cattle ranchers  had used their positions as magistrate and land recorders, which during  the colonial period gave them the power to lay out Indian reserves, to deter other farmers from settling in the area. If a settler wanted to register  a pre-emption he would be told by these local officials that the land in  question was an Indian reserve, and, if necessary, a reserve would actually  be established, although the ranchers continued to run their cattle on the  land. After the Joint Commission had been through the area the land  assigned to the Indians was purchased from the Government by John  Carmichael Haynes, and seven years later the Osoyoos Indians were still  without a reserve. A similar situation developed in the Similkameen valley,  where Vernon allowed a settler named Daigneault to pre-empt part of  an Indian reserve.70  When Sproat wrote to officials of the provincial government about  such cases they frequently ignored his correspondence, although they always  paid prompt attention to any letter containing the complaint of a settler.  One government official told Sproat that drawing Walkem's attention to  a letter on Indian business "was like calling his attention to the presence  of a rattlesnake."71 When the Reserve Commissioner wrote to the Provincial  Secretary regarding the land fiasco in the Cowichan area, where a settler  had been given a crown grant to part of an Indian reserve, his letter was  annotated with finely reasoned comments such as "impertinence" and  "presumptuous assurance."72 It gradually dawned on Sproat that "no government of the province will effectually recognise that the Indians have any  rights to land. If it is possible to deprive them of their land, or to prevent  them getting a bit of land, it will be done."73 Under these conditions it  was very difficult for him to follow his instruction to convey to the Indians  the "anxious desire of the Provincial Government to deal justly and reasonably with them."74  Sproat had told Ottawa that basically there was little difference between  the two British Columbia governments under which he worked, but at  the same time he advised the federal government that it would be wise  to settle all Indian matters while Elliott was in office. He warned that  once Walkem and his two cronies, John Ash and Robert Beaven, got back  into power the situation would once again become impossible. They "will  do anything to embarrass and defeat the Commission", wrote Sproat prophetically.75 Walkem was called upon to form a government in June 1878  as public pressure continued to mount against the Reserve Commission.  Sproat perceived that the criticisms of him and his work were becoming  more bitter, The member of Parliament for Yale, Francis James Barnard,  said in the House of Commons that the Reserve Commissioner "seemed  to think all he had to do was give the Indians whatever land he fancied."76  Finally Sproat resigned from his position as Reserve Commissioner early  in 1880. James Fell, a Victoria businessman, wrote to congratulate Macdonald on this development as "it was high time that G. M. Sproat was  brought to book and put in his proper place, and you have just done  the right thing, one head is all that is required."78 Sproat had paid the  price of allowing Indian land policy to lapse into something approaching  fair treatment of the Indians.  It has been argued elsewhere that the difficulties between federal and  provincial officials over the Indian land question were the consequence  of the "frustration and bitterness engendered by the railway problem." 19  According to Robert Cail no other explanation for the Province's obstructionist tactics offers itself79 Undoubtedly it was unfortunate for the Reserve  Commissioners that they began their work during the period of the Liberal  administration in Ottawa, which was also the time of greatest dissatisfaction  in British Columbia over the federal government's tardiness on railway  matters. There was also local concern that land given up for Indian reserves  could not be used to attract railway lines. In 1878 Sproat was examining  the land claims of the Sliammon, Klahuse and Homathco, who lived on  the mainland shores of Georgia Strait, when he received a letter from  Walkem objecting to his proceedings. Knowing that there was a good deal  of speculation associated with "railway imaginings" on the coast, Sproat  felt that the individuals involved had influenced the government to try  to prevent the establishment of Indian reserves in the area.80 But while  concern that the Indians might be given land that could otherwise be used  for railways partly explains settler opposition to the Commission, it does  not provide a total explanation. The reasons for the opposition run much  deeper.  During his term as Indian Reserve Commissioner, Sproat had stated  publicly that there was an "inherent futility" in any adjustment of the  Indian land question which did not give the Indians sufficient land to  provide them with a livelihood.81 Herein lay the conflict with the settlers.  The Europeans, out of apathy or antipathy, did not want to share the  resources of the land with the Indians, at least not on an equal basis,  and it was this attitude which largely prompted the actions of the local  government. The Reserve Commissioners had cooled off a dangerous situation in the Kamloops area during the summer of 1877, they had defined  Indian reserves more accurately in some areas of the province, but they  had failed to effect any real change in Indian land policies.  Sproat was quite adamant that the Commission's adjustment of Indian  lands had been neither "speedy" nor "final" because of the attitude of  the British Columbia Government. On his resignation he submitted to  Ottawa a long list of matters outstanding with the Provincial government  including some that had been before it for two or three years.82 Two years  earlier, in complete frustration, he had told that Department of Indian  Affairs that the province would do nothing unless compelled, and he added  darkly that "it may become a practical question how to compel the Provincial Government."83 Even McKinlay, Victoria's own representative on the  Joint Commission, could not "think of anything more disgraceful" than  the Indian land policy of the British Columbia Government, which he  compared to the policy followed during the highland "clearances" in Scotland84 In 1878 Victoria had made it clear that it was not prepared to  regard any decision made by Sproat as final, although the government  added that it would interfere only in extreme cases.85 The British Columbia  Government must have regarded every decision made by the Joint Commission as extreme, because, at the time of Sproat's resignation, not a single  Indian reserve laid out by the Commission had received the approval of  the provincial Department of Lands and Works.86 20  NOTES  1. British Columbia, British North America Act, 1867, Terms of Union with Canada,  Rules and Orders of the Legislative Assembly. . ., (Victoria, 1888), p. 66.  2. For a more detailed analysis of Indian land policy in British Columbia in the  1860's and early 1870's see Robin Fisher. "Joseph Trutch and Indian Land Policy", B.C.  Studies, 12, Winter, 1971-72, pp. 3-33.  3. Powell to Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, 1 October 1875, and Lenihan  to Superintendent General, 7 November 1875. Canada. Annual Report of the Department of  Indian Affairs, 1875, (Ottawa, 1876) pp. 44 and 54.  4. Dufferin to Carnarvon, 4 December 1874, Great Britain, Colonial Office, Original  Correspondence, Canada, CO. 43/730, Public Archives of Canada (hereafter cited as PAC).  5. Speech of Dufferin at Government House, Victoria, 20 September 1876, in Henry  Milton (ed.). Speeches and Addresses of the Right Honourable Frederick Temple Hamilton,  Earl of Dufferin, (London, 1882), pp. 209-11.  6. Report in The British Colonist, 27 April 1875.  7. The British Colonist, 24 December 1875.  8. Report of the Privy Council, 10 November 1875, Report of the Executive Council  of British Columbia, 6 January 1876, in British Columbia, Papers Connected with the Indian  Land Question, 1850-1875, (Victoria, 1875), pp. 160-63 and 169-70.  9. See, for example, E.A. Meredith, Deputy Minister of the Interior, to Powell,  8 February 1876,1.W. Powell, Papers, MSS, Provincial Archives of British Columbia (hereafter  cited as PABC); and The British Colonist, 20 August 1876.  10. Report of the Executive Council, 6 January 1876, British Columbia, Papers Connected with the Indian Land Question, p. 170.  11. This point is made by G.E. Shankel, "The Development of Indian Policy in British  Columbia", (Ph.D. Thesis, University of Washington, 1945), pp. 124-25.  12. Anderson to Minister of the Interior, 17 August 1876, Department of Indian Affairs,  (RGIO), Black Series, Western Canada, vol. 3633, file 6425 (1), MSS, PAC.  13. See particularly Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, (London,  1868).  14. Meredith to Powell. 18 October 1876, Powell Papers.  15. Walkem to Macdonald, 1 March 1879, Sir John A. Macdonald Papers, MG26A,  vol. 293, MSS, PAC.  16. Sproat to Minister of the Interior, 22 March 1877, RGIO, vol. 3645, file 7937.  17. Anderson to Minister of the Interior, 29 September 1876, RGIO, vol. 3633, file  6425,(1).  18. Sproat to David Laird, Minister of the Interior, 30 September and 27 September  1876, RGIO, vol. 3637, file 7131 and vol. 3611, file 3756 (1).  19. Anderson to Minister of the Interior, 21 March 1877, RGIO, vol. 3645, file 7936;  McKinlay, Diary 9 November 1876, Archibald McKinlay, Diary 1876-1877, MS, PABC.  20. McKinlay, Diary, 9 and 10 November 1876.  21. Canada, Report of Indian Affairs, 1876, p. xvi.  22. A.C. Elliott to Minister of the Interior, 27 January 1877, RGIO, vol. 3641, file  7567.  23. Sproat to Superintendent General, 13 October 1877, RGIO, vol. 3641, file 7567.  24. Sproat to Superintendent General, 30 June 1877, RGIO, vol. 3650, file 8497.  25. See, for example John Tait and J.A. Mara to Indian Commissioners, 15 July 1877,  RGIO, vol. 3651, file 8540.  26. McKinlay, Diary, 17 August 1877.  27. Sproat to Superintendent General, 27 August 1877, RGIO, vol. 3653, file 8701.  28. Anderson to Meredith, 21 July 1877, RGIO, vol. 3651, file 8540.  29. Report of the Reserve Commission, 16 July 1877, British Columbia, Provincial  Secretary, Correspondence, 1872, MSS, PABC.  30. Sproat to Superintendent General, 27 August 1877, RGIO, vol. 3653, file 8701.  31. Sproat and Anderson to the Minister of the Interior, 13 July 1877, Canada, Indian  Reserve Commission, Correspondence, 1877-1878, MSS, PABC. 21  32. Sproat to Phillip Vankoughnet, Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs, 26  November 1879, RGIO, vol. 3612, file 3756 (2).  33. David Mills, Minister of the Interior, to Sproat, 3 August 1877, Canada, Indian  Reserve Commission, Correspondence.  34. Report of Sproat, 1 December 1877, RGIO, vol. 3612, file 3756 (16)  35. Sproat to Superintendent General, 27 August 1877, RGIO, vol. 3611, file 3756 (12).  36. See James Teit, The Shuswap, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History.  Franz Boas (ed.), n.p. 1909.  37. Sproat to Minister of the Interior, 16 July 1877, RGIO, vol. 3651, file 8540.  38. Reserve Commission, Journal, 23 August 1877, Journal of the Proceedings of the  Commission for the Settlement of the Indian Reserves in the Province of British Columbia,  vol. 1828. RGIO, MS, PAC.  39. Sproat to Superintendent General, 27 August 1877, RGIO, vol. 3611, file 3756 (12).  40. Sproat to Superintendent General, 10 November 1879, RGIO, vol. 3669, file 10,691.  41. Sproat to Superintendent General, 26 October 1878, RGIO, vol. 3612, file 3756 (1);  Sproat to Mills, 27 August 1877, vol. 3653, file 8705.  42. Nind to Colonial Secretary, 17 July 1865, British Columbia, Papers Connected with  the Indian Land Question, p. 29. Sproat, perhaps a little ingenuously, assumed that Nind's  earlier description, had been accurate at the time.  43. Enclosure in Sproat to Superintendent General, 6 February, 1878, RGIO, vol. 3657,  file 9360.  44. See Fisher, "Joseph Trutch and Indian Land Policy", pp. 9-10.  45. Sproat to Superintendent General, 16 November 1879, RGIO, vol. 3703, file  17,626(2).  46. Sproat to Provincial Secretary, 22 April 1878, British Columbia, Provincial Secretary,  Correspondence.  47. Sproat to Superintendent General, 26 October 1878, RGIO, vol. 3612, file 3756.  48. Report of Sproat, 1 December 1877, RGIO, vol. 3612, file 3756 (16).  49. Petition in A.M. Bryan to Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, 29 September  1877, RGIO, vol. 3668, file 10,344 (2).  50. Petition of Whitfield Chase, Alexander McBryan, D.G. MacPherson, and C.E.  Williams, 24 January 1878, British Columbia, Sessional Papers, (Victoria, 1878), p. 451.  51. Smith to Powell, 22 May 1875, British Columbia, Early Correspondence, 1873-1876,  vol. 1001, RGIO, MS, PAC.  52. Letter of Dodds, enclosure in Morely to Provincial Secretary, 23 May 1877, British  Columbia, Provincial Secretary, Correspondence.  53. Sproat to Superintendent General, 3 October 1877, RGIO, vol. 3612, file 3756 (2).  54. Sproat to Vankoughnet, 26 November 1879, RGIO, vol. 2612, file 3756 (2); Sproat  to Superintendent General, 9 January 1878, RGIO, vol. 3657, file 9193.  55. Ibid.  56. Sproat to Vankoughnet, 27 November 1879, RGIO, vol. 3612, file 10,776.  57. Sproat to Superintendent General, 30 October 1877, RGIO, vol. 3612, file 3756 (22).  58. Sproat to Superintendent General, 26 November 1878, RGIO, vol. 3670, file 10,769.  59. The Inland Sentinel, 10 June 1880.  60. Sproat to Superintendent General, 13 September and 3 October 1877, 15 August  1878, RGIO, vol. 3612, file 3756 (13, 17 and 22); Sproat, Memoradum on O'Keefe Case,  20 January 1878, British Columbia Sessional Papers, 1878, pp. 716ff.  61. Sproat to Superintendent General, 13 October 1877, RGIO, vol. 3641, file 7567.  62. Sproat to Superintendent General, 26 November 1878, RGIO, vol. 3670, file 10,769.  63. Sproat to Meredith, 9 April 1877, RGIO, vol. 3641, file 7567.  64. Sproat to Superintendent General, 29 April 1878, RGIO, vol. 3641, file 7567.  65. Vernon to Mohan, 1 March 1878, British Columbia, Lands Department,  Correspondence 1872-, MSS, PABC.  66. Mohan to Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, 22 April 1878; Walkem to  Mohan. 8 July 1878, RGIO, vol. 3633, file 6425 (1). 22  67. British Columbia Law Statutes, "An Act to Amend the 'Land Act, 1875," 42 Vict.,  Chap. 21, British Columbia, Statutes of the Province of British Columbia., (Victoria, 1879),  pp. 69-75. Mohan to Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, 23 June 1879, British Columbia,  Lands Department, Correspondence.  68. Sproat to Superintendent General, 1 May 1879, RGIO, vol. 3686, file 13,253; Powell  to Superintendent General, 5 November 1886, Canada, Report of Indian Affairs 1886, part 1,  p. 96.  69. Sproat to Superintendent General, 16 November 1879, RGIO, vol. 3703. file  17,626(2).  70. Sproat to Superintendent General, 26 November 1878, 25 February and 9 April  1879, IABS, vol. 3670, file 10,769, vol. 3679, file 11,990, and vol. 3684, file 12,836; Powell  to Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, 11 November 1884, RGIO, vol. 3684, file 12,836.  71. Sproat to Vankoughnet, 9 April 1879, RGIO, vol. 3684, file 12,836.  72. Pencil notes on Sproat to Provincial Secretary, 7 May 1878, British Columbia,  Provincial Secretary, Correspondence.  73. Sproat to Vankoughnet, 9 April 1879, RGIO, vol. 3684, file 12,836.  74. Sproat to Minister of the Interior, 26 October 1876, RGIO, vol. 3633, file 6425 (1).  75. Sproat to Laird, 30 September 1876, RGIO, vol. 3637, file 7131.  76. Canada, Parliament, Official Reports of the Debates of the House of Commons of  the Dominion of Canada, 1880, vol. IX, (Ottawa, 1880), p. 1633.  77. De Cosmos to Macdonald, 29 September 1879, Macdonald, Papers, vol. 293.  78. Fell to Macdonald, 25 January 1880, Macdonald, Papers, vol. 364.  79. Cail, Robert E., Land, Man and the Law: The Disposal of Crown Lands in British  Columbia, 1871-1913, (Vancouver, 1974), p. 202.  80 Sproat to Superintendent General, 4 September 1879, RGIO, vol. 3680, file 12,395.  81. [Gilbert Malcolm Sproat], Memoradum on Indian Reserves in the District of Yale,  (Victoria, 1878), p. 7.  82. Sproat to Vankoughnet, 30 January 1880, RGIO, vol. 3706, file 18,632.  83. Sproat to Superintendent General, 7 December 1878, RGIO, vol. 3670, file 10,769.  84. McKinlay to Tolmie, 22 May 1881 and 1 May 1882, Archibald McKinlay,  Correspondence Outward, 1871-1885, MSS, PABC.  85. A.N. Richards to Scott, 18 April 1878, British Columbia, Lieutenant-Governor,  Despatches to Ottawa, 31 July 1876-2 January 1893, MSS, PABC.  86. See British Columbia, Sessional Papers 1885, pp.392-402.  C.P.R. Steamer "Aberdeen".  Photo Courtesy of D. M. Waterman 23  THE KEREMEOS GRIST MILL  Carolyn Smyly  Drawings by John Smyly  When the Hudson's Bay Company closed its store in Keremeos, B.C.,  in 1872 and moved to Kamloops, the Company property was leased to  Barrington Price, an Englishman. Mr. Price ran the property as a stock  ranch, but he recorded two adjacent pre-emptions, on one of which he built  a water-powered grist mill in 1876. Until that year, flour had to be packed  in from Colville, 170 miles to the southeast by present roads, and in the  State of Washington.  The mill, which still stands in the almost-dry creek bed in Keremeos,  was built of logs, each hewn to shape, smoothed with a broadaxe and  pegged vertically with wooden pins to the log below. The corners were  neatly dovetailed. This kind of construction, when carefully done, seems  stronger than anything built with nails, and the excellent condition of the  mill today is proof of its durability.  A good proportion of the mill machinery has survived the years as  well, cleared out from the upper floor which is now used as an artist's  studio, but safely stored on the ground floor where a few weeks' work  by an expert millwright could restore it to running condition. Such a  Grist Mill — Keremeos.  Eric D. Sismey Photo - 1963 24  kC  III—III ^  F^S  -v  hs  f>  =f  f:::  O  Scale plan of a mill similar to the Keremeos mill showing the water wheel (1), spur wheel (2),  gear wheel (3), drive shaft (4), entrance door (5), bin (6), Eureka grain cleaner (7), bucket  elevator (8), bin (9), patent grinder (10), James Jones New Process mill (11), horizontal  screw (12), bucket elevator (13), and flour bolter (14).  millwright is Charles Howell, descendant of five generations of millwrights  and millers in England and now resident miller at the restored Philipsburg  Manor Mill, North Tarrytown, New York. Mr. Howell visited the mill in  1971 and was able to work out the plan and operation of the original  enterprise.  Perhaps the most fascinating aspect of water-driven mills is the ingenuity  with which the force of a current of water is captured and directed to  every part of the mill and every function of its machinery. Water was  diverted in this case from further up Keremeos Creek, brought along a  flume or head-race cut into the side of the embankment, and dropped  onto the top of the water-wheel. A gate in the head-race controlled the  flow of water, or diverted it back into the creek-bed, giving a simple on-off  arrangement.  The water-wheel itself (marked 1 on the sketch-plan), of wooden construction some ten or twelve feet in diameter by five feet wide, was turned  by the current of water, and as the wheel and its axle turned together,  the rotary motion was transferred to a spur wheel (2) on the same shaft  inside the mill walls. Of the water-wheel at Keremeos, only a portion of  the shaft remains, but the shaft hole in the wall, and the shingles nailed  to the logs to protect them from the splash of the wheel, attest to its original  position. 25  From the spur wheel, the rotary motion was geared up (3) and transmitted to a counter shaft (4) from which each machine was driven. From  thence onward, a subtle rhythm was set up. Water power lifted the grain  to the upper floor of the mill, gravity brought it down again, in a series  of operations which cleaned the grain, coarsely ground it, finely ground  it, sifted it into various grades of flour, and poured it into sacks ready  for shipment.  From Mr. Howell's observations, the wheat was probably received in  sacks through the entrance door (5) on the upper floor of the mill, on  the same level as the top of the steep bank. The wheat would be weighed,  and tipped into a bin (6) where it would feed down into the Eureka  grain-cleaning machine (7) on the floor below. This machine, which remains  in the mill, was manufactured by Howes, Babcock and Company, Silver  Creek, New York. Its purpose was to thoroughly clean and aspirate the  grain prior to grinding.  In an advertisement in a milling trade journal published in 1876, the  year the Keremeos mill was built, the Company claimed that the Eureka  Smut and Separating Machine was:  Still Triumphant. 9,000 machines sold in eleven years, and the present time  more Eurekas sold than all other Smut and Separating Machines combined.  This fact alone establishes its superiority over all others. The sale of the Eureka  extends to every State in the Union, Canada, and every country in Europe.  South America, and in fact to every country on the globe where there is wheat  to be ground.  Today called the S. Howes Company, this firm still manufactures milling  machinery for the flour industry.  As the cleaned grain emerged from the Eureka, it would have been  fed into bucket elevators (8) which would lift the grain into a hopper (9)  on the upper floor. Bucket elevators of the type used at Keremeos writes  Mr. Howell:  consisted of an endless leather belt revolving over a top pulley and under a  bottom pulley at a speed of about 25 revolutions per minute. Sheet iron buckets  about one foot apart were fastened ... to the belt. The belt and buckets were  confined in vertical, closed wooden spouts, each of which had one or more  glass windows or doors in them, for inspection and repair purposes. These spouts  were usually called 'elevator legs' and were just large enough to permit the  buckets to operate freely in them. The buckets filled themselves as they passed  under the lower pulley and emptied as they went over the upper pulley.  From the hopper (9) on the upper floor, the grain fed into a steel  fluted grain-grinding machine (10), almost like a large coffee mill, manufactured by Barford & Perkins of Grantham, England, which was powered  by a belt run off the line shaft. The resulting wheat meal would be rather  too coarse for good baking, and would therefore be sent through a spout  into a second milling machine (11) on the lower floor, for further grinding.  The second mill was manufactured by Jones, Ballard & Ball of Louisville, Kentucky, and was termed "The James Jones New Process Mill",  patented 1879. The patent date would suggest it was a later addition to  the Keremeos mill, either replacing an earlier machine, or brought in after  a few years of operation, to further refine the coarse product of the Barford  & Perkins mill. Partly dismantled, the James Jones mill stands on the lower 26  The James Jones New Process Mill  with stone roller was used to produce  a flour of fine consistency.  The Improved Corn Grinding  Machine was used to perform the  initial crushing operation.  Dismantled drive wheels and  pulleys lie in the basement  of the grist mill. 27  One of numerous wooden augers which were used to move grain along a trough within the  mill.  A diagram of a 19th century flour bolter or sifter which separated the ground grain into  different grades of flour. The cloth mesh through which the flour passed has been omitted  to show the construction of the rotating cylinder. 28  floor. It was fitted with a stone roller, instead of the usual paired grindstones.  The roller had horizontal lines cut into the surface, and it rotated against  a concave-shaped stone sleeve to give the grinding action. The stones were  set into a massive cast-iron framework with a sheet-metal casing to keep  the flour from sifting all over the mill as it was ground. The casing is  now gone, exposing the stones to view.  The resulting wheat flour would be quite fine, and would then be  transferred, perhaps by a horizontal screw (12) and a second set of bucket  elevators (13) to a bin on the upper floor of the mill above the head end  of the flour-dressing reel (14). Flour-dressing reels could be up to 20 feet  long by about 30 inches in diameter and were designed to sift the wheat  meal into two or three grades. The reel itself was simply a light cylindrical  wooden framework covered with silken cloths of different degrees of fineness, the whole being enclosed in a wooden chest. The reel was raised  slightly at the head end, and as the wheat meal fed into it, it revolved  slowly. The finest particles went through the fine meshed cloth, were trapped  by the enclosing chest, fell to the bin beneath where a screw conveyor  delivered the flour to a spout and thence to a sack below. The coarser  particles were similarly separated and packaged for animal feed. The remainder, the bran, passed out of the reel at its lower end.  The Keremeos mill operated for eight years under Barrington Price  and his partner, Henry Nicholson. Then, in 1885, John H. Coulthard bought  it and operated it until about 1896 when it ceased operation. Cheaper  flour was by that time available from the large, steam-powered mills constructed in New Westminster. The Keremeos mill was put out of business.  Even though its working life was comparatively short, the mill represents a necessary step in the development of a pioneer community, and  stands tribute today to the ingenuity and skill of its builders. It is uniquely  Canadian, both in its construction, and in its combination of English and  American machinery. For the student of industrial archaeology or the casual  visitor, it provides a fascinating insight into early industry, and illustrates  an important step in the history of milling techniques.  AN ACKNOWLEDGEMENT  In every organization there are individuals who toil long hours and  contribute substantially, but do not receive public recognition for their  efforts. R. C. (Bob) Harris of Vancouver is one such member of the O. H. S.  Bob has made generous submissions in the form of very superior maps  which appeared in the 39th Report and the 40th Report. Trails are Bob's  hobby and he is the most knowledgeable living person on trails in southern  B.C. The O. H. S. wishes to express its appreciation to Bob Harris for his  valuable contribution. Thank you, Bob. 29  THE RISE AND FALL OF THE L&A RANCH IN THE  NORTH OKANAGAN  Jane Evans  On a fine summer's day in 1867, two young men climbed a hill seven  miles north of the site which was to become the city of Vernon, and divided  between themselves the land which lay to the south of them. They were  Thomas Greenhow and Cornelius O'Keefe. With Thomas Wood, they had  come north from the United States with a herd of cattle destined for the  gold fields of the Cariboo. They had met at a fording place of the Columbia  River called The Dalles, decided to join herds and travel together, and  had made the 500 mile journey to the head of Okanagan Lake.  Cornelius O'Keefe with one of his fourteen children. 30  They had been more than three months on the road, averaging five  miles a day. The cattle were emaciated and the men exhausted, and on  reaching the head of the lake on June 15th, they camped, intending to  stay for a month to fatten the cattle and then continue on to the Cariboo.  At the end of the month, however, they were reluctant to leave. The beauty  of the place, and the rumours they had heard of the petering out of the  Fraser gold fields convinced them that this was the place for them. They  decided to stay, and it was then that they climbed the hill and planned  their empires.  The land they saw was different to that we see today, emptier of course,  but also more lush. The bunch grass grew so high it could be bent over  a man's saddle, and the hills were clear of scrubby growth; the Indians  burnt off the hills each year and the result was grazing for as many cattle  as a man could own.  Greenhow and O'Keefe built their cabins together, on land facing  the western side of Okanagan Lake. They were not the first white men  to settle in the area; A. L. Fortune, one of the Overlanders, had arrived  in 1866 and settled in what is now Enderby by the Shuswap River. O'Keefe  took up the first land, 162 acres in 1868, but he hoped eventually to have  all the land between Okanagan Lake and Swan Lake, extending south  to the eastern arm of Okanagan Lake, and Greenhow was to have the  land on the eastern side of Swan Lake extending south. Penniless as they  were, this was a grand plan for the two young cattle merchants, and once  they had made up their minds, every penny they had went toward the  acquisition of land, much of which was purchased for one dollar an acre.  O'Keefe kept the land around the cabins, but sold ten acres in the middle  to Greenhow for $50 an acre. They lived and worked here for ten years,  extending their boundaries and working together in a spirit of friendly  rivalry.  In 1877, O'Keefe went back to Ottawa to get married. Greenhow  accompanied him, and while there, he met and fell in love with O'Keefe's  niece, Elizabeth. They married, and both young men brought their brides  back to British Columbia. Mr. and Mrs. Greenhow lived in their cabin,  had two children, a son, Thomas, and a daughter, Mary Victoria, but as  the area became more settled, both families planned large impressive  residences for themselves. The spirit of rivalry was still at work, O'Keefe  built on to the front of his cabin, and the Greenhows decided to build  a grand new house. It was to have the elegant appurtenances of an Eastern  mansion, no expense was to be spared. Unfortunately, however, in 1889,  Thomas Greenhow died; he had become very stout and it is believed he  died of a stroke. He was not yet fifty years old. Mrs. Greenhow finished  the house; it was completed in 1894 for the enormous sum of $23,000  and had 21 rooms.  Mrs. Greenhow, in the pioneer tradition, stayed on and worked the  ranch herself with the help of a foreman, Sam O'Neal. O'Neal was later  to marry Mary Victoria Greenhow, and her mother built them a fine house  on the outskirts of Vernon. This house, now known as Vernon Lodge, was  also magnificent, and cost $24,000. Mary Victoria had the pleasure of having  the first steamboat on Okanagan Lake, the Mary Victoria Greenhow, named  after her, in 1886. 31  By the early 1900's, the ranch consisted of 8,000 acres of fine land,  1,000 acres roamed in wheat, and 250 acres in permanent meadow. Eight  hundred cattle roamed the extensive range land, and 35 horses. There were  ten men permanently employed, and on occasion, such as at hay time,  extra labour was taken on. The land extended from Vernon north,  completely encircled Swan Lake to a distance of ten miles, and extended  southeast for four miles to Okanagan Lake. On the outskirts of Vernon,  1200 acres of choice bottom land were for sale at this time. The area was  growing, more settlers were coming in all the time. The town of Vernon  had a daily train service, and a telephone service was promised for the  near future. Mrs. Greenhow had sold a small section of land to the Shuswap  and Okanagan Railway, and a railway spur was built on the ranch. All  the produce from the Greenhow and surrounding ranches travelled out  from this spur.  The growth of Vernon naturally affected the value of surrounding  land. Land of equal agricultural potential that sold for $20 an acre in  Enderby, commanded $30 around Vernon, as advertised in a 1906 Real  Estate pamphlet put out by agent H. P. Lee.  In 1907, a Belgian Company came to B.C. to buy land and approached  Mrs. Greenhow with a view to purchasing the Greenhow property. She  had been managing the ranch for almost 20 years, and had built it into  a magnificent property, but she decided to sell, and on December 9, 1907,  Elizabeth Greenhow, Thomas Greenhow, and Mary Victoria O'Neal, sold  the 8,900 acre ranch to the Land and Agricultural Co. of Belgium. The  Company also bought the major portion of the O'Keefe Ranch, and so  gained control of most of the agricultural land to the north of the city  of Vernon.  Much of the land was now put into fruit production. Some of the  orchards were planted to diversify the commercial operation of the L&A;  some were put up for sale in ten acre plots.  Irrigation was required for fruit growing and the recently formed White  Valley Irrigation and Power Company extended its service to cover over  7,000 acres of L&A property. The Grey Canal which ran along from the  B.X. Creek, along the eastern side of Swan Lake and then westward toward  Okanagan Lake, supplied water for freshly planted orchards.  A local manager was hired to oversee the operation. J. W. Hayward  was the first manager, but George Heggie is the man best remembered  in this post. Heggie came from Scotland where he was born in 1870 and  gained experience managing Sir Arthur Stepney's ranch near Enderby. He  was made manager of the L&A Ranch in October, 1910 and retired in  September, 1942. Hard-working and meticulous, George Heggie was a  perfect choice for the position he held for 32 years. He even found time  to serve as an MLA in the early 1930's to which post he was elected by  acclamation.  Heggie's working foreman, Ernie Skyrme, came along with him from  Stepney's. Skyrme lived on the flat land north of Swan Lake, where most  of the arable farming of the enterprise was carried on. There were a set  of farm buildings and a large bunk house for workmen and foreman; there  were stables for the horses, and a small ice house in back of the bunkhouse. 32  Ice from Swan Lake was cut and stored in sawdust. Sometimes the ice  lasted all year, until the first frosts of the following winter. Two Chinese  cooks were employed to feed the work crews, and much of the required  food — dairy products, poultry products, and meat — was produced on  the ranch itself. Much of the surrounding land was sold quickly, some  to Chinese market gardeners, from whom vegetables were later bought.  There was a blacksmith's shop on the ranch, and a Mr. James came  out periodically to mend the harness. A beautiful little horse barn, which  still stands today, was built in 1912. Bob Clarke, whose first job was on  the L&A, was set to work trimming the butts of the logs on this barn.  He subsequently bought land on the L&A Road from the Company, and  his widow lives there today. A small separate farmhouse for the foreman  was also built, to the west of the main buildings, and it too still stands,  surrounded by shade trees.  The Belgian Company opened an office in Vernon on Barnard Avenue  and built Mr. Heggie a pleasant house on bench land north of the B.X.  Creek. Here he lived with his wife and children, hosting occasional visitors  from the Belgian office of the company. They came to see the area, and  many of them stayed to build homes and farms. Much of the land sold  quickly, particularly after the First World War. The Soldier Settlement  Board helped many men to acquire a few acres, and the company offered  delayed payment plan to these men. They were allowed the first two or  three years of their occupancy with a down payment of only 20%, the  first of the five installments on the balance falling due after three years.  These terms were given on the understanding that the purchaser improved  his land or had the company do it on his account.  After W W I land prices rose sharply. Flat land at the head of Swan  Lake was now priced at $150 per acre, and a brochure of the company  in 1920 listed the total value of the 9,000 acres for sale, including cattle  and horses, at $326,640. The cattle were valued at the low price of $8,000  for a herd of six hundred, and the horses were valued at $100 each. Despite  the rapid rise of land values and the possibility of large profits on land  sales, the Belgian owners desired desperately to sell their entire holdings.  Perhaps post-war conditions in Europe were such that some of the investors  were desperate for money, or saw greater financial opportunities there.  Perhaps the Ranch was not that successful as a commercial venture. In  any case, for reasons they declined to divulge, the company was prepared  to sell the whole lot for $150,000. No buyer was found for the complete  property, and the lots continued to sell. Settlers from Eastern Europe,  Englishmen, many Chinese, and some Japanese bought land down near  Okanagan Lake and along the western side of Swan Lake. It was not until  1924 that an offer was made for the rest of the land; it was a ludicrously  low one, but it was accepted.  One of the shareholders of the Belgian company was a man called  Desjardins, whose son was the Consul in Winnipeg. The Consul had heard  from his father of the company's eagerness to sell the property, and in  1924, he and a man named Cross offered the company $50,000 for the  entire ranch. To their astonishment and some dismay, the offer was accepted.  They had made the offer out of bravado, they had no money at all, but 33  somehow they raised enough to satisfy the Belgians, and took over the  L&A Ranch. Cross was never interested in the place; he made several  visits there and there were quarrels because the ranch did not make money.  Mr. Desjardins was more involved. He fancied himself as the country  landowner and descended on the Heggie household from time to time with  a party of friends. He had a brace of pheasants sent to him weekly from  the plentiful supply of game on the ranch.  Mr. Heggie continued to run the ranch during the 20's and 30's, it  was fine land and produced many outstanding crops. One year, six large  railway cars of Marquis wheat went to Vancouver, all graded Number 1,  with no dockage for weed seeds or foreign matter. The grain was usually  threshed in the field by travelling drum. This drum was owned by Hoover  Brothers, who went from ranch to ranch with their own men, a steam  engine to run the drum, and a plentiful supply of wood to run the steam  engine. The first combine harvester, a Massey Harris model, began to  operate in British Columbia as late as 1935. Fine hay crops were gathered  each year. During haying horses worked until noon and then had to be  changed for fresh teams. Much of the ranch was now under irrigation  and the hay was cut with a mower, raked into rows, and piled on sloops  to be taken to the main stacks. Here, four men raised the stack with a  boom stacker, a complicated system of ropes and pulleys. A rough thatch  of hay was put on top for protection against the weather. The introduction  of mechanical balers, of course, changed this system. A photograph of the  time shows the teams of men in the field with the horses and wagons,  some are sitting beside the wagons, perhaps enjoying the crocks full of  hot tea Mr. Heggie sent out to them in the afternoon. No matter how  hot the weather, there was hot tea and homemade cookies in the afternoon.  Mr. Heggie did not forget his Scots heritage; he was canny, hardworking,  and utterly dependable. A photograph of him on a picnic shows him dapper,  in a white straw hat and summer suit, a pair of rubber boots on his feet,  polished to a high sheen. The ranch was neat, everything was kept in its  proper place, there were no heaps of wire or miscellaneous lumber lying  about. In the summer, the men scythed the weeds before they came to  seed, and in the busy season, in order not to lose a day's work, Mr. Heggie  employed Seventh Day Aventists on Sunday while his men enjoyed their  Sabbath. The last small parcel of land was sold from the ranch in 1937  to a Mr. John Chegensky, land that is now known as the Stepping Stone  Estate.  In 1939, Mr. Desjardins died, and his widow continued to run the  ranch under Mr. Heggie's management until, in 1941, Austin Taylor's A.C.T.  Stockfarm Ltd. bought it. The purchase comprised 1,000 acres of flat land  at the head of Swan Lake, and over 1,000 acres of range rising to the  east of the arable section. Shortly afterwards, B.C. Pea Growers bought  a share in the ranch, and Mr. Heggie, who was due to retire, suggested  a young Scot who worked for the Pea Growers, as his replacement. Jock  Paterson and his wife moved into the small farmhouse, and they and their  three daughters lived there for the next thirteen years.  In 1946, Buckerfield's, who had had a share in B.C. Pea Growers,  took over control of the ranch, and built a large building beside the Green- 34  how spur of the railway. They painted their name on the building, and  for a time, the ranch was known as the Buckerfield Ranch. In this building,  they installed a grass dehydrating plant and marketed the product under  the name "Vitagrass". In 1952, however, Vitagrass was priced off the market  when dehydrating plants were installed in the east, and Buckerfield's could  not compete while carrying the freight charge of $20 per ton. From then  on until the ranch changed hands once more in 1955, the regime was mixed  farming.  In 1955, Mr. George Reiswig of Winfield bought the ranch for $125,000  and ran it with the help of his son Del. Reiswig did not live in the ranch  house but remained in Winfield, and the small house was occupied by  a succession of hired men. Mr. Reiswig was not a farmer by profession,  and he did not believe in fertilizer. Buckerfield's had spread two or three  carloads a year but for the next twelve years, no fertilizer at all was used.  There was no real rotation of crops and weeds flourished. Mr. Reiswig  did, however, increase the size of the ranch by an additional 1500 acres  of range land.  In 1967, the ranch was bought by the Evaley Ranching Co., and was  run by Mr. Gwyn Evans. He had been farming in England since the war,  and had brought his family to British Columbia in 1966. He built a large  house on the property and became the first owner to actually live there.  He had a large family and was eager to make the ranch pay. This was  not easy, however, as the ranch had never been profitable for any length  of time; whether this was due to fluctuating markets, poor weather conditions, or farming methods is impossible to say. Wheat prices had not kept  pace with rising costs, and taxes which had been just over $1,000 in 1942  were nearly $8,000 in 1972. Also, high interest rates were a heavy financial  burden.  Mr. Evans found, too, that the location of the ranch was a disadvantage.  Its proximity to Vernon, which was spreading northwards, and the fact  that it was the last flat land of any size in the area, made it a magnet  for developers. As often as once a week, passersby stopped to inquire if  land was for sale. In 1972, Mr. Evans ran the ranch, including the arable  land, with the help of one man and occasional extra help, and at the end  of the harvest, he sold the ranch to a group of Vernon business men. The  Pleasant Valley Estates had no interest in the ranch except for development  purposes, the land was already divided into large sections, and most of  these were quickly sold off. The house has not been sold, and now stands  empty, as do the bunkhouse and the small manager's house. Mr. Jake  Reimer of Vernon farms the unsold land, (1973), but on weekends the  ranch is deserted.'  After just 65 years, the L&A, a large, important ranch in the North  Okanagan, is about to disappear.  Sources of Information  Interviews with Tierney O'Keefe, Jock Patterson, Sally Heggie Viel.  Vernon News, 1912 (Special Holiday Number).  Cochrane, Hilda, "Belgian Orchard Syndicate", Okanagan Historical Society Report, No. 26,  1962. 35  THE JOSEPH BASSETT DISAPPEARANCE  GRAND FORKS, 1922  R. W. King  Being a constable with the British Columbia Provincial Police during  the 1920's was often a thankless occupation. In many towns the duties  of law enforcement, as well as numerous other related responsibilities, fell  on the shoulders of one individual. This was certainly the situation in Grand  Forks, where Gilbert Freeman Killam was the constable in charge between  1920 and 1928. His responsibilities ranged from such diverse duties as  checking on noxious weeds and industrial sanitation to administering welfare and pension applications. These tasks were in addition to any criminal  investigations that had to be conducted. Admittedly, most crimes were of  a relatively minor nature involving liquor or prostitution. Occasionally,  however, a more serious matter would arise that would necessitate some  detective work on the part of the constable. In early 1922, one such case  came to Killam's attention. It appeared that a local man had deserted  his wife but this view was not shared by the constable who suspected he  had been murdered. The case was referred to as the "Joseph Bassett  Disappearance".  Joseph Bassett and his wife had come to the Grand Forks area from  Eastern Canada. Bassett was Swiss, his wife was French-Canadian. It  became apparent soon after they arrived that their marriage was not idyllic.  Part of the friction between the two was no doubt due to their affinity  for liquor. As Killam wrote: "I have at times observed either or both pretty  well under the weather in town, and I believe that frequently a supply  taken home was responsible for inharmonious conditions at the farm."1  Killam surmised that Mrs. Bassett was primarily responsible for many of  the arguments even without the addition of alcohol, however, because she  was considered to be of unsound mind.  The domestic situation became progressively more complicated because  of the appearance on the scene of Alex McDonald, Mrs. Bassett's younger  brother. Killam noted: "A very little acquaintance was necessary before  he gave the general impression that he had his full quota of the family  failings .. ."2  Due to McDonald's presence, the situation deteriorated until in early 1922  it was reported that Joseph Bassett had left his wife and returned to  Switzerland. The constable reported: "Mrs. Bassett stated that he had left  .. . claiming to have received a letter from him in Montreal stating that  he was sailing for Switzerland, and previously had received a telegram  from him at Marcus, Washington."3  Although Bassett's departure seemed plausible considering the couple's  marital problems, Killam was nevertheless suspicious: "About the time  that Bassett's disappearance was drawn to my attention Mrs. Bassett and  McDonald were both in Grand Forks on a prolonged drinking spree."4  In order to verify Mrs. Bassett's story, Killam sent a wire to Marcus,  Washington. He included a description of both Joseph Bassett and young  Alex McDonald, and requested to know who had sent the telegram. It  was Killam's suspicion that Bassett had met with foul play at the hands  of his wife and brother-in-law. 36  For my own part I am convinced that McDonald is criminally insane,  and I have enough links of the chain here that I could piece together  to warrant his being detained on suspicion, I believe, provided I could  also find means of showing what I am also convinced in my mind  is a fact — namely, that Bassett never sent the telegrams received here,  either from Marcus or Montreal.5  Correspondence received from H. G. Keith, the Great Northern representative, proved to be disappointing. Using Killam's descriptions, Keith  said that the agent who had been on duty "... felt certain that it was  Mr. Bassett who was at Marcus and sent the telegrams."6  There was, however, a surprising turn of events. A further passage in Keith's  report revealed that "under the date of February 14th/1922, register shows  the name of A. McDonald, Grand Forks, as staying at this hotel night  of February 14th."7 Upon comparing the signatures from the hotel in Marcus  with a copy of McDonald's that Killam had obtained previously, a match  was made. Thus it appeared that McDonald had been in Marcus the same  night as Bassett. It was an ominous coincidence.  Another curious fact was that there was no record of Joseph Bassett  at any of the hotels in Marcus. Theoretically, he could have sent the  telegrams and left town on the next train. There was, however, no record  of his purchasing a ticket from Marcus, either that day, or any subsequent  day. According to Mrs. Bassett, he was going to Switzerland, via Montreal,  and he had sent a letter from that city. She was unable to produce this  letter, however. In addition, it was learned that McDonald had indeed  been absent from Grand Forks during the period when Bassett had supposedly left.  It was at this point that the investigation was put into abeyance due  to the lack of any further information. Dealing with the evidence accrued  it is nevertheless possible to offer some speculations concerning the case.  For example, perhaps McDonald had followed Bassett to Marcus, waiting  for an opportunity to kill him. This opportunity came shortly after the  telegrams had been sent. Perhaps Bassett had gone straight to the telegraph  office upon arriving in town, therefore there was no record of him at the  hotels. After leaving this office, perhaps McDonald waylaid and subsequently killed him. He then spent the night in Marcus, and the following  day returned to Grand Forks.  Another rather bizarre possibility is that Bassett had been killed in  Grand Forks, and thus had never left the town. McDonald might have  then travelled to Marcus, disguised as Bassett, and sent the telegrams. Mrs.  Bassett, in collusion with her brother, might have simply manufactured  the story of her husband's desertion.  Whatever the case, Killam was convinced that Joseph Bassett had not  returned to his native land. Unfortunately, there was not enough evidence  available to put forward a charge against either McDonald or his sister.  This was frustrating to Killam, because as he noted:  I have had a good many petty complaints and reports against McDonald  since then and there are a number of things that I am confident in  my own mind are his handiwork that have been done, but done in  such a way as to leave no opportunity of connecting proof against  him, including one or two incidents of a maniacal tendency.8 37  The Bassett disappearance case was left open but it wasn't until 1926,  4 years later, that any new development appears. In a letter from J. H.  McMullin, Supt. of B. C. P. P., to W. R. Dunwoody, Chief of "B" Division,  there is a reference made to one of Killam's reports of October, 1925.  The report revealed:  there was at Grand Forks a person who stated to Killam that some  months before the disappearance of Bassett, Alex McDonald . . . told  this person that he was going to put Joe Bassett out of the road and  that he would get him over the head when he wasn't looking and  that would be the last of Joe Bassett.9  In this same report it is mentioned that there was another individual at  Greenwood who could make the same statement concerning McDonald.  Killam was advised by his superiors to act on this information. Unfortunately, there is no mention as to whether McDonald was ever arrested.  The Joseph Bassett disappearance was never adequately solved. There  is no record of a body ever being found, or of anyone being brought up  on charges. Because of the lack of hard evidence, it is even conceivable  that Joseph Bassett actually did just leave his wife and return to his Swiss  home. At any rate, he was never seen again, and even Constable Killam,  after considerable effort, seemed to be perplexed by the many unusual  aspects of this puzzling case. Killam wrote: "This letter is a little disjointed,  because I am the same, I guess. I hardly know how to look at this thing  yet, but will continue to think it over."10  BIBLIOGRAPHY  1. British Columbia Provincial Police Files, 1911-1932; Collection housed at the R. N.  Atkinson Museum, Penticton, B.C.  FOOTNOTES  1. Killam, G. F. to Fraser, J. A., 19 December 1922, British Columbia Provincial Police  Collection, 1911-1932, R. N. Atkinson Museum, Penticton, B.C., p. 1.  2. Loc. cit.  3. Ibid. p. 2.  4. Loc. cit.  5. Ibid. p. 3.  6. Keith, H. G. to Fraser, J. A.,  13 January  1923, B.C.P.P. Collection 1911-1932,  R. N. Atkinson Museum, Penticton, B.C. p. 2.  7. Loc. cit.  8. Killam, G. F. to Fraser, J. A., 19 December 1922, B.C.P.P. Collection 1911-1932,  R. N. Atkinson Museum, Penticton, B.C. p. 3.  9. McMullin, J. H., to Dunwoody, W. R., 28 September 1926, B.C.P.P. Collection  1911-1932, R. N. Atkinson Museum, Penticton, B.C. p. 1.  10. Killam, G. F. to Fraser, J. A., 18 January 1923, B.C.P.P. Collection 1911-1932,  R. N. Atkinson Museum, Penticton, B.C. p. 3. 38  SCHOOLS AT OKANAGAN MISSION BEFORE 1885  David Dendy  The history of schools at Okanagan Mission in the years prior to 1885  gives one an idea of the standards of education expected and provided  in such frontier areas in the nineteenth century.  The first white settlers in the region squatted there in 1857-58. After  the establishment of the Okanagan Mission by the Oblate Fathers in 1859,  settlers began to be attracted to the area by the proximity of the priests  and the other white farmers. By the end of July, 1862, at least fourteen  preemptions of land around the Mission had been recorded, and other  settlers simply squatted. The missionaries responded to the needs of the  new community by providing a school as early as 1863, for in late November  W. C. Young, the constable in charge of the Customs House at Similkameen,  travelled through the Okanagan and reported:  The priests have a school for the children of the settlers. On my return  I found the Rev. Mr. Richards in a neat school room teaching five  or six children to read and write. All instruction is given in this school  in the French language.  The language reflects the background of the settlers as well as the priests,  and relates to the French-Canadian  engages of British Columbia's fur  trading past rather than the American and British gold hunters who were  then pouring into the province.  In the spring of 1865 the Reverend L. Fouquet, teacher of an Oblate  school at St. Mary's Mission, Mission City, petitioned Governor Douglas  for financial assistance for the educational activities of both St. Mary's  The original Mission Schoolhouse 39  School and the school at Okanagan Mission, which served the local settlers,  and mentioned an intended expansion of the latter school. The Mission  "has made arrangements for the establishment there this year of a school  for the children of the aborigines."  Douglas made a friendly reply, but the amount of actual assistance  granted is not recorded. It would not, at any rate, be very much, for the  total appropriation for the support of education in the entire Colony of  British Columbia in 1864 was only $2245.  Although the Indian school does not appear to have actually been  established, the Oblate school for the settlers operated for a few years;  it is noted in government reports as having twelve scholars both in 1865  and 1866: six of each sex in the first year, seven boys and five girls the  second. But there are no further reports of its existence after 1866, and  it may be assumed that it ceased operations then or shortly after. Evidently  the priests were unable to keep up the school as well as their other duties,  and the settlers were forced once more to do their education at home or  send their children to the Coast for schooling.  This lack of schools continued for some eight years during which  time British Columbia changed from a Crown Colony to a Province of  Canada, and took proper responsibility for education with its Public School  Act in 1872. The first Superintendent of Education, John Jessop, was an  energetic man who toured the province organizing school districts. He first  visited the Okanagan in 1872, when he took an informal census of the  school-aged population, children between five and sixteen, but found no  school in operation. This he was not able to remedy until his tour of 1874,  when he made a lightning visit to the Valley, recorded in his diary thus:  June 8 — To Mission Valley — Held a meeting at 8 pm at Eli Lequime's  — Twelve of the settlers present — Addressed them on education matters  generally & gave full instructions for the formation of a school district  — there being 24 children of school age in the radius of a circle 2Vi  miles in length.  June 9 — Back to Head of the Lake — 36 miles.  The settlers acted quickly on Jessop's instructions, and at their application the Okanagan School District was created on July 31, 1874, its limits  being basically a five-mile square north of Mission Creek. They elected  their trustees, and found a schoolhouse. William Smithson sold his dwelling  house to the government for five hundred dollars, and donated the acre  of land on which it stood.  But getting a teacher was more difficult. A year after the establishment  of the school district, the position was still vacant. Jessop promised in August,  1875 that "the first available teacher [would] be sent up to open the school",  but it was not until nearly the end of December that one was finally  dispatched. In the letter of introduction, Jessop directed the school trustees  to "make things as comfortable for him as possible [as] it has been a very  difficult matter to get anyone to take your school on account of the distance  &c, &c."  The teacher, Angus McKenzie, was evidently an efficient educator,  for his accomplishments drew praise from the School Superintendent when  Jessop made his tour of inspection in 1876: 40  The children in this newly-established school are making remarkable  progress in their studies, especially when the fact is taken into consideration that many of them when they commenced were almost entirely  ignorant of the English language.  Mr. McKenzie was described as "very quiet & unassuming", and was said  to have gained the confidence of shy and backward children by treating  them to large slices of bread and syrup, but he .-was also an inveterate  complainer and his letters to Jessop were full of moans about the poor  treatment he was receiving. But despite these, he stayed on until the end  of June 1878, when he left to take up a position at Nicola.  Replacement was again slow, and it was not until October that Miss M.  Coughlan was appointed as teacher. She continued in the position until  the end of June, 1882. Her work was evidently satisfactory, for the trustees,  who ordinarily made no comment on the teacher, noted in their annual  report for 1881:  the deportment & progress of the pupils is very satisfactory and Miss  Coughlan is deserving of great praise for the pains she has taken with  the school.  Once again, finding a new teacher was difficult. C. C. McKenzie (who  replaced Jessop as Superintendent of Education) reported:  It has been found very difficult to supply the vacancy in this school  caused by the resignation of Miss Coughlan, no one being willing to  undertake its duties at a salary of $50.  Finally he managed to raise the salary by ten dollars per month, and at  that rate R. S. Hanna was engaged in October 1882, and taught there  until March 30, 1885.  The surprising thing is not so much that there was difficulty in getting  teachers, but that it was possible to get any at all. The average teacher's  salary in British Columbia in 1875 was $66.02 per month for men and  $56.11 for women; an overall average of $61.07. This was at a time when  board and lodging might run as high as forty dollars monthly in the Interior,  and when farm hands could earn as much as fifty dollars per month, plus  board, "thus clearing as much again as the educated school teacher." From  1874 to 1879 teachers in the Interior received an extra ten dollars per  month as compensation for the higher cost of living there, but then this  bonus was cut off. The Superintendent of Education, while admitting that  teachers' wages compared unfavourably with those of artisans and skilled  labourers, argued that because of the sure pay, holidays, short hours, and  "consequent many opportunities for mental improvement", the teachers  were actually well off. Prospective teachers were evidently persuaded by  these arguments, and by their position as a profession, even if an underpaid  one, for they continued to accept the poor conditions as the years went  by. Indeed, by 1890 the average salary had declined to $59.61 per month.  The teachers had problems other than those of income. Even with  the high cost of board prevailing, teachers in outlying districts usually had  difficulty in obtaining board and lodging. Mr. McKenzie was able to find  a place to stay, but he continually pressed the Department and the trustees  to build a teacher's residence connected with the school. There were sometimes other irritations — on one occasion he wrote a report to Jessop: 41  Please excuse its imperfections for I was half blinded and literally  covered by mosquitos while preparing it. I get no rest from them day  or night, ... and the people say they never saw them half so bad  before.  The quality of the education which was provided by the small schools  in the Interior was perhaps debatable. Isolated, small, and poorly-salaried,  these schools did not attract the better teachers. There were four grades  of teachers' certificates, in descending order of qualification and pay: First  Class, Second Class, Third Class and the Temporary Certificate, which was  issued to teachers who had not passed the examination but were needed  to fill empty posts. In 1880, six of the nine teachers in the Interior had  no more than Temporary Certificates, while only twenty-two of the fifty-  eight teachers in the lower mainland and on Vancouver Island had just  the Temporary Certificate. Another indication of the lower standard of  education in the Interior, and at the Okanagan School particularly, is that  in the ten years up to 1885 no pupils from that school passed the High  School examination. The teaching was of the most basic variety — reading,  arithmetic, grammar, and writing — although more esoteric subjects might  be included if the teacher felt so inclined. Geography, history, bookkeeping,  vocal music, and linear drawing were offered on occasion.  The system of school organization in force at the time was an extremely  centralized one, with almost all powers vested in the Provincial Department  of Education. The locally elected trustees' only real duties were to oversee  the condition of school property and to keep accounts. They had the legal  power to appoint teachers, although in practice this was still done by the  central authority, but they could only dismiss a teacher if the majority  of the School Board consented.  Such a strong degree of central control seemed reasonable when there  was no local school tax and all of the funding was provided by the provincial  government, but it did mean that the local people had little initiative to  take an interest in school matters when they had so little say in them.  Jessop complained that "in many districts, a deplorable want of interest  was manifested by Trustee Boards and parents in the success and progress  of their schools." However, the people of Okanagan Mission were perhaps  better than in many places, for they did make an effort to fix up a teacher's  residence for Mr. McKenzie and in 1876-77, for example, the account book  shows that local people contributed wood, flour, and sixty-three dollars  in cash, while the government appropriation for expenses, other than the  teacher's salary, was only one hundred dollars.  There was however, little community interest in the school meetings  and trustees' elections. At only one annual meeting, that of 1882, is there  record of a voter having any comment. The same men continued to hold  the trusteeships, apparently uncontested, from 1876 to 1886, except for  William Smythson (who had provided the schoolhouse), who resigned on  account of illness and was replaced by Alphonse Lefavre. The other two  trustees were Frederick Brent and Joseph Christian.  The trustees, although responsible for keeping the account books of  the school district, were not trusted by the central authority with cash.  Teachers' salaries were paid directly by the government, and the trustees 42  had to submit vouchers for the Superintendent's approval whenever they  wanted to spend part of the small amount of money granted by the Legislature for incidental expenses. This led to a great deal of correspondence,  such as the following letter from the Superintendent to a trustee:  I am directed to inform you that your requisition to be allowed to  build two privies for the use of the Okanagan School children has  been approved. You are not, however, in the items of Incidental Expenses for 1879, to exceed the vote for that year, namely $40.00.  The system of requisitions and vouchers also meant that people who did  work for the school might have a considerable time to wait before they  were paid. N. Duteau and C. Levasseur, for example, were not paid for  work they had done in October 1884, namely "mudding" the school and  building a privy and fence, until January 1886.  The one educational issue about which the people of British Columbia  did manage to become involved was that of religion in the schools. Actually,  this battle had already been fought, in the eastern provinces of Canada  before British Columbia joined the Dominion and in the Northwest Territories. The acrimony which had occurred there frightened British Columbian  legislators and they sought to avoid such problems by running a single  strictly non-sectarian school system. This was made particularly strict by  the amendments to the Public School Act in 1876, by which no clergyman  of any denomination was to be eligible for the position of Superintendent,  Deputy Superintendent, Teacher, or Trustee; and by which religious exercises  should be limited to the Lord's Prayer and the Ten Commandments, and  even these only at the option of the local Boards of Trustees. In 1879  such exercises were completely prohibited, although in 1881 the Lord's  Prayer was once again allowed.  The Okanagan School managed to involve itself in the fray over  "godless" education. Angus McKenzie, the teacher, wrote a letter to the  Victoria Colonist in which he attacked the amendments of 1876, saying  "I have occupied a considerable portion of time in giving religious instructions .... I consider it my duty to teach my pupils these religious views  and sentiments ..." For this he was rebuked by Jessop and ordered to  confine himself to the regulations of the Act. The feelings of the trustees  on the subject seem to have varied; in 1881 the Lord's Prayer was in use  during opening exercises, but not in 1885. The priests at the Mission  evidently avoided involving themselves in the matter, as their names are  not recorded in the lists of visitors to the school, but the schoolhouse was  on occasion utilized for Divine Services as was common in most frontier  areas.  The school enrollment remained steady throughout the period. It was  fifteen in the first year of operation, 1875-76, and varied from twenty-one  to twenty-six between 1876-77 and 1884-85. This does not properly reflect  the growing population of the Okanagan Mission area because in the early  years settlers in other parts of the Okanagan, including Similkameen,  Osoyoos, Okanagan Falls, White Valley, Head of the Lake, and other  locations, sent their children to board with people within the prescribed  school district during the school year. This practice slowly died out as school  districts were established in other parts of the Valley. The Okanagan School 43  long continued in operation, although other schools were built and the  district was changed several times. The original log building was torn down  and replaced in 1906.  Despite John Jessop's statement that "our country schools are small,  yet the time of each one of the pupils is as valuable as that of a pupil  in the most efficient of our city schools", the Interior country schools were  distinctly second-rate because of low salaries, remoteness and the high living  costs there. The government made little effort to counter this tendency,  particularly after the resignation, in 1878, of Superintendent Jessop, who  had been "particularly concerned with the problem of providing schooling  for the little mining and ranching communities of the vast interior plateau."  The lack of concern of his successors may be seen in the abolishment of  the ten dollar monthly bonus for teachers in the Interior in 1879, and  in the fact that while the Okanagan School had been twice inspected by  Jessop, in 1876 and 1877, it was not inspected even once between 1878  and 1885. The trustees accepted such neglect because, perhaps, they expected no better. It is significant that the only time they corresponded  with the Superintendent about the work of a teacher, it was because they  wanted their teacher forced to keep the school open until 5 p.m., working  hours for everyone else.  But perhaps the most important thing to note is not the negative aspects  of school policy, but the fact that after 1871 the government of British  Columbia did consider it part of its duties to provide a free, basic education  for all the white children of the province.  SOURCES  Some information about the Okanagan School comes from previous reports of the Society  and from Frank Buckland's Ogopogo's Vigil. Apart from these, the primary source is the  Annual Reports of the Public Schools of British Columbia, which are a mine of statistical  information. There also exist considerable manuscript materials relating to the school. These  include the "Okanagan Mission Public School Minute and Account Book, 1875-1909", which  is preserved in the Howay-Reid Collection of the U.B.C. Library; and John Jessop's "School  Inspector's Diary, 1872-1877" and the "Correspondence of the Superintendent of Education"  for the entire period, both of which are in the Provincial Archives of British Columbia. One  other book which gives some information, as well as an interesting wider view of the early  schools of B.C., is F. Henry Johnson's John Jessop: Goldseeker and Educator (Vancouver,  1971).  yfe*  ; "li k   B«^x  Ranchhouse at the Bar B.K. Ranch, Rock Creek. B.C.  ■^%5_i___i»-«al'^^ 44  THE OKANAGAN SYMPHONY ORCHESTRA: THE FOUNDING  YEARS 1959-1976  Eva Cleland  Editor's Note: This material is submitted by Eva Cleland (Mrs. Hugh  Cleland) of Penticton, who was a member of the founding committee,  Secretary-Treasurer from 1959 to 1963, Honorary President in 1963,  President from 1970 to 1972 and who continues to be an active member  of the Board of Directors and the Executive Committee.  The Okanagan Symphony Orchestra is an amazing phenomenon, one  which has surmounted geographic and financial difficulties to become a  vibrant expression of the musical life of the Okanagan.  It was an outgrowth of the many musical activities existent in the  Okanangan in the pre-war era, as recognized by Bill Stavdal in the 1960  Program.  In a sense, creation of the Okanagan Symphony Orchestra is a rebirth,  a phoenix-like rise from the ashes of the old Penticton Orchestral  Society. Founded in 1921 by H. K. Whimster, it had an important  place in the life of Penticton and area until its decline in the latter  1940's.  The chain of several fair-sized centres of population provided the milieu  for the co-operation and integration needed to establish throughout the  Okanagan area an unusually broad base not only for music but for all  the Arts. From the consistent growth of local choral and instrumental groups  plus a high level of private teaching such a development was inevitable.  In the early years an important contribution was made by the Annual  Music Festival which provided a meeting ground for such groups. The  Okanagan Valley Competition Music Festival was started in Kelowna in  1926 and ten years later expanded to be held successively in the three  centres, Kelowna, Vernon and Penticton.  Okanagan Symphony Orchestra and Okanagan Symphony Choir, under Director Leonard  Camplin, presenting combined choral and orchestral concert of commissioned works in program  of "OKANAGAN IMAGE 1976." 45  The Symphony's operation was colourfully expressed by George Nelson  in the Spring Program, 1973.  When I first stopped just being a listener and became a participant  in the Okanagan Symphony Society, I felt like the man who first saw  a giraffe. "There ain't no such animal, and if there was, how would  they feed it?"  Every other Sunday, fifty musicians come from as far away as Oroville  and Kamloops to gather at Vernon for a day-long rehearsal. On six  weekends they play pairs of concerts for audiences in Kamloops,  Vernon, Kelowna and Penticton. Travel, rehearse, break for a quick  lunch, play, travel, and do it all again tomorrow!  Behind the musicians are local committees in Valley towns raising funds  and making myriad contacts to smooth the way. And co-ordinating  the work of the committees is the Board of Directors for the Society,  the Executive Council and Mrs. Gay, secretary-manager.  We do it to enrich the cultual life of the large community. What does  that mean? For one thing it means four audiences, a hundred and  fifty miles apart, totalling nearly three thousand people thrilling to  THE MESSIAH (or Verdi's REQUIEM, Poulenc's GLORIA, or  Haydn's THE CREATION).  The whole thing works and it works well.  To trace the history of the present Okanagan Symphony Orchestra one  must start in August of 1959, when Willem Bertsch, a young Indonesian-  born Netherlander with a distinguished record as a conductor, came to  the Okanagan seeking a position as Director of Music in one of the school  systems. Along with this position he was determined to establish a local  symphony orchestra. Encouraged by local music lovers, he was convinced  that there was ample talent in the Valley not to mention the instruments  hidden in closets and cupboards, waiting to be played. His enthusiasm  caught on and through committees headed by Mrs. Muriel Ffoulkes in  Kelowna, Jean Bulman in Vernon and Mrs. Hugh Cleland in Penticton,  word went out to musicians in the valley that Willem Bertsch, conductor  of the New Westminster Symphony, would be available to the Okanagan.  However, the school position did not materialize and Willem Bertsch returned to Vancouver to complete his music degree work at the University  of British Columbia.  The proposed orchestra seemed doomed! At this point, C. E. "Mike"  Clay, Superintendent of School District # 15 was approached who, having  been convinced of the merits of the undertaking, was ready to "find a  way or make it". An invitation went from the Night School committee  of the Penticton Board of Trustees to musicians throughout the Valley to  attend a rehearsal with Willem Bertsch in the Pen Hi Auditorium on Sunday  afternoon, October 4, 1959. Twenty-four players turned up. An exciting  three hours followed and the idea of having an Okanagan Valley Symphony  Orchestra became a reality. Willem Bertsch agreed to come to Penticton  every two weeks to teach violin and other stringed instruments and to  conduct Sunday rehearsals with the orchestra under the Night School  program of School District #15.  Initial funding came from the Board of School Trustees, Penticton,  the Leon and Thea Koerner Foundation and the Kelowna and Penticton 46  Recreation Commissions. The Pen Hi Auditorium was made available for  rehearsals, concerts, teaching and meetings of the newly formed music club;  the Home Economics rooms supported the "Tea Hour" after rehearsals  where friendships were strengthened and plans and problems discussed  before leaving to drive many miles home.  By March, 1960, as a result of the twice-a-month rehearsals with players  from ten communities, a program was ready for concerts in Vernon, Kelowna  and Penticton and, by special request, Revelstoke. The chartered Greyhound  bus picked up players enroute and proceeded over the Mara Lake section  of the highway in the month of March making a trip that will never be  forgotten. Soloist in this first program was Josephine Karen, Vernon pianist,  playing Gershwin's "Rhapsody in Blue". (Mrs. Karen has maintained her  interest throughout the years and is now a Board member and Chairman  of the Vernon committee.) Also playing in these first concerts and still  members are Barbara Smith, Wilf Phillips, Walter Karen and by invitation  of the conductor as guest player, Victoria Kereluk, who was then living  in Lumby.  Many experienced players were available but the young musicians  in the Valley have been an important element of the Orchestra, at times  making up 50% of the player roster. Their term of service has naturally  been limited to two or three years prior to leaving the Valley to continue  their education. Junior activity, particularly string work, has been part of  the program throughout the years and while it has been hard to maintain  and develop over the years, many young people have achieved the ability  to play in the senior orchestra while others have developed a liking for  good music and sufficient experience to take part in the musical life of  their own communities. This junior program has been under the direction  and guidance of the musical director, with Barbara Smith a dedicated  assistant.  First Concertmaster of the newly-formed orchestra was John Matthews,  a student who had studied violin in Switzerland. In September, 1960, John  was invited to join the Vancouver Symphony Orchestra and Mrs. Trudy  Jackson of Okanagan Falls was Concertmaster for the following season.  Two young string players from Kelowna, Murray Hill and Peter Webster,  were charter members and both took private lessons from Willem Bertsch.  They were featured soloists in the second series of concerts given in the  fall of 1960. Murray served two seasons as Concertmaster before leaving  for university and a distinguished career in science. Peter chose to make  music his career and by way of U.B.C, the Vancouver Symphony and  study in the U.S.A. and abroad, is now lead violist with the National Arts  Centre Orchestra in Ottawa.  Other junior players in early programs to be recognized for outstanding  achievement in music are Steve Henrikson from Vernon, Linn Hendry from  Penticton and Jerry Summers from Kamloops. Many others have chosen  music as a full-time or partial profession, and are now scattered in centres  from coast to coast. For these young musicians, playing in a symphony  orchestra under professional direction provided an opportunity to assess  their own ability and desire for a career in music. A current group of  advanced music students who return to augment the Orchestra in concerts 47  are Sue Fleming, Margo Pritchard, George Kereluk, Jim Montgomery, Mike  Grieve, Steve Denroche ....  During the first five or six years, the Orchestra passed through many  important stages of growth and development under the guidance of Wilbur  Hill of Kelowna, Frank Laird of Penticton, Albert Millar of Oliver, Steve  Webster of Kelowna, and W. H. Whimster of Penticton, as presidents. In  1965, under Steve Webster, the objectives of the orchestra were set out  and listed in the Program as follows:  1. To expand and encourage the evident love of good music displayed  by a significant number of people within the Okanagan Valley and  neighbouring territory.  2. To provide an organized, effective and challenging outlet for the  talents of the musicians residing within the Valley and adjacent  area.  3. To foster and encourage an appreciation and enjoyment of fine music  among our young people.  4. To establish itself as a recognized cultural medium in the expanding  communities of the Valley.  By the 1967-68 season, a workable constitution had been developed and  the direction and scope of the Okanagan Symphony Society was established.  With the interest and activity extending beyond the valley to include the  Kamloops and Mainline area, the name was changed from the Okanagan  Valley Symphony Orchestra to the "Okanagan Symphony Orchestra" and  rehearsals were held in Vernon to reduce the travelling distance for the  majority of the players.  The last ten years have marked a tremendous development of the  Orchestra — more concerts, more demanding programs and increases in  qualified personnel within the orchestra. Most gratifying has been the  response from the community through increased financial support from  civic groups, the business sector, patrons, and associate members and from  local committees firmly established in each centre sponsoring the regular  symphony concerts.  The policy throughout has been to engage a professional director even  though it has meant travelling from Vancouver, Victoria or Calgary, mostly  by air, to make the Sunday rehearsals. The contribution made by these  fine musicians has perhaps been the most important factor in developing  the symphony. George Gay acknowledged the symphony's debt to their  conductors in the 1975 Program:  Willem Bertsch, conductor 1959 to 1964 — to his drive and his dedication that translated into reality what was at first merely a 'glorious'  idea.  Douglas Talney, 1964-5 — to his quiet but firm demand for excellence ...  Leonard Camplin since 1965 — to his superb musicianship and his  dedication to the idea of building the Okanagan Symphony to a stature  of real significance in the Province.  The hard core of accomplished musicians respresents centres from  Oroville to Kamloops and Cache Creek, from Ashcroft to Blue River and  from Princeton and Merritt to Grand Forks and Westbridge. Years of 48  Willem Bertsch, Indonesian-born Netherlander, first Conductor of the Okanagan  Symphony Orchestra, 1959-1961.  dedication to music have been committed by such people as Wilfred and  Clare Phillips of Vernon, Elaine Jameison of Lumby, Harry Aldred of  Oyama, Albert Millar of Oliver, Delmer Dunham of Summerland, Elsa  Fisher, Jean Bulman and Henry Henrikson of Vernon and Harry Kirk  who travelled for several years many miles from Grand Forks to lead the  cello section. To these people and the hard core group of the last 10 years  goes the credit for the development and standard of the present Okanagan  Symphony Orchestra — now one of four symphony orchestras in the  province supported by annual grants from both the B.C. Cultural Program  and Canada Council, as well as special grants from the Koerner Foundation,  the Vancouver Foundation and others.  Many individuals deserve recognition for their significant contributions  to the development of the Orchestra. In 1969, Victoria Sebastion Kereluk  of Kamloops, many times guest player and soloist, followed successive terms  of Trudy Jackson and Frank Hozek, as Concertmaster of the Symphony.  Vicci was the first fulltime member of the Orchestra with currently professional standing. Through teaching, conducting of small ensembles and as  Concertmaster of the Orchestra, Victoria Kereluk has aimed to keep the  standard of performance at the highest level possible. She has maintained  standards and a pattern of service which have helped to point a semi-professional direction for the Orchestra. With George Kiraly, professional cellist  as artist-in-residence, another step forward has been gained and the way  opened for more teaching, coaching, conducting and general upgrading  and broadening of the whole musical scene. Under the musical director,  Leonard Camplin, players are inspired to give their best. Seasoned players  recognize the challenge and young musicians realize the unique opportunity  of participating in an organization under such leadership. Captain Camplin  constantly strives for new heights in repertoire and high quality performance 49  not only of major works of the great masters but also modern and contemporary compositions particularly by Canadian composers. Local composers  whose works have been played and premiered include Frank Hozak, Ernst  Schneider and Arthur Lewis.  Long-term service recognition goes to Walter Karen, personnel manager and a strong and dedicated member of the Orchestra since its beginning;  and to Keith Simms, member since 1967 who has literally carried the  onerous task of supervising stage management and arrangements. Among  other positions of responsibility is that of librarian, difficult in view of  distances; Susan Meyers made a very real contribution in organizing and  carrying out this work over several years. Beverley Gay who took over  as Secretary-Treasurer in 1965 moved to Executive Secretary in 1966 and  then took on the added position of Manager of the Orchestra in 1967.  Bev has not only piloted the organization through countless uncertain and  difficult times into the present broad and well charted course, but along  with all this administrative work has found time and energy to develop  a deep personal desire to participate in music and is now a playing member  of the cello section of her beloved Okanagan Symphony Orchestra. The  same consistent interest and dedication has been shown by George Gay,  long time Director and Vice-President for Penticton and President for the  1975-76 season.  Mrs. Jocelyn Pritchard, of Vernon, organized  and directed the Okanagan Symphony  Choir, 1970-1976.  Mrs. W. G. Gay ("Bev") of Penticton,  Executive Secretary of Okanagan Symphony  Society and Manager of the Orchestra,  1965-76. 50  The urge for important choral work soon developed and in 1970 a  group of music lovers, imbued with the joy of singing, banded together  under the direction of Jocelyn Pritchard to form the Okanagan Symphony  Choir. Sigrid-Ann Thors who was Assistant Conductor of the Symphony  Orchestra under Douglas Talney, rallied to the choir project and has served  as accompanist and Assistant Conductor.  The Koerner Foundation provided the initial grant to establish the  Okanagan Symphony Choir and it soon grew from 70 to 100 voices. It  has joined the Orchestra annually in presenting major choral works such  as Handel's MESSIAH, Haydn's NELSON MASS, Verdi's REQUIEM,  THE GLORIA by Poulenc and Haydn's THE CREATION. These joint  choral and orchestral programs place musical undertakings in the Okanagan  on a level ahead of many more populous areas.  Small groups within the Okanagan Symphony Orchestra have not been  overlooked — a chamber music group from the strings, woodwinds or brasses  has many times been featured in special works or has provided accompaniment for solo works played by talented members or guest artists. An  Okanagan Symphony Trio has been sponsored and presented in concerts  by the Okanagan Symphony Society, made up of Victoria Kereluk, violinist,  Joselyn Pritchard, pianist, with cellist Harry Kirk and latterly George Kiraly.  The closing event of the 1975-76 season was part of "OKANAGAN  IMAGE 1976", a project sponsored by the Okanagan Mainline Regional  Arts Council, which really brought the Okanagan Symphony Orchestra  and the Okanagan Symphony Choir into the limelight. This program,  designed to reflect the Arts in the Okanagan Mainline area, included a  concert presenting premiere performances of works of area composers —  a symphonic work by Ernst Schneider, Michael Baker's composition for  ballet choreographed by Gweneth Lloyd which was taped by the Okanagan  Symphony Orchestra for performances and a challenging modern choral  work by Art Lewis performed by the orchestra and choir. Jean Coulthard's  "Kalamalka — Lake of Many Colours" which had premiered earlier was  also included. This was a unique undertaking of unbelievable proportions  for an area such as the Okanagan Mainline and was successfully carried  through by the conductor, musicians and committees and considered a  resounding achievement.  Increased financial support, larger audiences, more ambitious programs  and association with professional musicians and groups such as the Vancouver Radio Orchestra and the Purcell Quartet and membership in the  Association of Canadian Orchestras, all convey a measure of tribute for  the past sixteen years of continuous growth and development. The Okanagan Symphony is grateful to the citizens of their community and the citizens  must be equally grateful to those involved in the Okanagan Symphony  Society. 51  PETER SKENE OGDEN'S JOURNALS  Barry M. Gough  Editor's Note: Barry Gough teaches history at Wilfrid Laurier University. He is the author of The Royal Navy and the Northwest Coast  of North America, 1810-1914, and numerous articles relating to B.C.  This article is reprinted by courtesy of B.C. Studies, an outstanding  journal devoted to all aspects of human history in B.C. Note the  description at the end of this Report.  It has long been understood that the expansion of the British Empire was  owing in part to the energetic activities of the merchant classes. The  journals1 of Chief Trader Peter Skene Ogden of the Hudson's Bay Company  provide further proof that the quest for profits was at the bottom of British  expansion in a vast and little known area called the Snake Country, now  comprising eastern Oregon, south Idaho, northern Nevada and northwestern  Utah. Here, Ogden, a son of the Honorable Isaac Ogden, a judge of the  Admiralty Court in Quebec, had ample latitude to exercise his motto  "necessity has no laws." Described by one of his fellows as this "humorous,  honest, eccentric, law-defying Peter Ogden, the terror of the Indians, and  the delight of all gay fellows," he was given the responsibility of holding  the Snake Country against the intrusion of energetic and ambitious American fur traders whose commercial designs were increasingly fortified by  demands from the United States Congress for occupation of the Pacific  Northwest.2 Ogden did his job and did it well, and his labours, so well  portrayed in his journals, resulted in the growth of British trade and  Hudson's Bay Company authority in the area at the expense of American  rivals.  Ogden's journals are uniquely important in that they reveal how the  imperialism of monopoly worked in northwestern America. Since 1953 and  the introduction of the well-known Robinson and Gallagher argument about  the imperialism of free trade, students of British imperial and Commonwealth history have been forced to reconsider the old assumption that the  19th century British Empire was that area where the Union Jack would  be found flying. We now know that the British Empire was actually two  extensive domains — the "formal empire" and the "informal empire." We  also know that the British preferred to uphold their spheres of trade without  annexation of territory, and that annexation was invariably a last resort.3  In the case of the Hudson's Bay Company in the Snake Country we find  that the company employed whatever methods were suitable and necessary  to establish and maintain paramountcy, and it did so in an area nominally  authorized as a place of exclusive trade by virtue of the 1821 government  licence which gave it a monopoly of the Indian trade west of Rupert's  Land. The success of its operations in the Snake Country and elsewhere  in the Oregon territory did not actually depend on any charter or grant.  Rather, it depended on whether or not it could out-trade its American  rivals on the frontier of competition. In the Snake Country, therefore, we  find a case study in the imperialism of monopoly, where British expansion  was dictated by the trading frontier.  PENTICTON SECONDARY SCHOOL UBRARt  3* 7j 7 52  After the merger of the North West Company and the Hudson's Bay  Company in 1821, the Bay traders were anxious to co-operate with the  British government in extending British trade. Although the Company sought  economies in its operations, because the costly competition with the Montreal traders had been removed, it still pursued vigorous policies of expansion. It did so because the London Committee was aware that in Britain,  where free trade theories were slowly supplanting mercantilist ones, there  was mounting opposition to the Company's exclusive trading rights. At  any time, the Committee knew, it might be obliged to defend its position  before parliament, as it had been forced to do in 1690 and 1749 (and  would have to do so again in 1857). Thus Governor George Simpson, the  Company's "Little Emperor," wrote in 1824, that all effort ought to be  made "to show ... that no exertion is wanting on our part to secure to  the mother country by discovery as much of this vast continent and the  trade thereof as possible."4  The Committee singled out the Columbia Department for vigorous  exploration, reorganization and exploitation; and within this department  two frontier areas of trade, both related to the eventual boundaries of  British Columbia, were particularly noteworthy. One of these was the Yukon  territory, where the Company sought to forestall Russian expansion. In  1822, the Governor and Committee in London determined on pushing  company interests as far north and west of the Fraser River as possible  in order "to keep the Russians at a distance."5 For this reason, Chief Trader  Samuel Black, Ogden's counterpart in so many ways, examined the headwaters of the Turnagain, Stikine, Totade and Finlay Rivers — all of which  run parallel to and west of Mackenzie River, with a view to drawing Indian  trade in the Stikine Territory away from the Russians on the coast. This  began for the Company a successful and little-known programme to stabilize  and push back the northwestern frontier of its operations, a process which  began first on land and, after 1826, on water. By 1839 Russian competition  had been confined to the coast north of 54° 40' North latitude with the  Company dominating the interior and having the Russian-American Company dependent on the Hudson's Bay Company for its agricultural supplies.  This movement of the Company for expansion to the north and west of  the Fraser River was tied with British foreign policy of checking Russian  aggrandizement in northwestern North America, a policy which also supported a substantial Royal Navy project for the discovery of the Northwest  Passage in 1825-28.6  The same impulse which motivated British politicians and traders to  forestall the Russians on the Northwest Coast and in the Yukon was also  active in their policies in the Snake Country. The Company and the government understood that sometime in the future the Oregon Territory, claimed  jointly by Britain and the United States, would have to be divided. In  the Anglo-American negotiations of 1818 and 1823-24 the British government would have agreed to a partition of the territory along the 49th parallel  from the Continental Divide to the Columbia River and thence along the  river to the Pacific. The American negotiations, however, would not admit  to this: they wanted the 49th parallel to proceed as the boundary west  to the Pacific. The British government reasoned that they would strengthen 53  their case if they could consolidate the Company's position on the north  bank of the Columbia River. Accordingly, in the winter of 1824-25, Simpson  on the suggestion of the Foreign Office, arranged that Fort Vancouver  be built at the confluence of the Willamette and Columbia Rivers. This  ended the dominance of Fort George (Astoria), farther down stream and  on the south bank of the river, as the port of the Columbia Department's  operations.  This policy did not mean that the Company intended to reduce trade  to the south and east of the Columbia. Quite the contrary, the Company  developed a vigorous trading policy to insulate the river's north bank from  American traders and settlers. Thus, the south bank of the river would  be made secure from competition and keep the Americans at a safe distance  from Fort Vancouver. This trading policy was announced by Simpson in  a letter to John McLoughlin, the head of the Columbia Department, dated  July 10, 1826:  It is intended that a strong Trapping Expedition be kept up to hunt  in the country to the southward of the Columbia, as while we have  access thereto it is our interest to reap all the advantage we can for  ourselves, and leave it in as bad a state as possible for our successors;  this party may be called the Snake, Umpqua, or any other Expedition  you please, but our wish is that it should scour the country wherever  Beaver can be found (but on no consideration cross the Mountains)  take its returns to Fort Vancouver annually in sufficient time to be  sent home by the Ship of the Season and return to its hunting grounds  immediately.7  This policy, to "scour the country" or create a cordon sanitaire, applied  principally to the frontier of Company activity where American traders  posed as a threat to Hudson's Bay Company trade. Understandably, it  meant that the Company would trap the frontier dry, so to speak, in order  to keep the Americans out of the area. This could hardly be called a policy  of conservation but it must be mentioned that it occurred mainly at the  periphery of the trading area. Elsewhere, within the sphere of trade, the  Company usually established quotas in order to protect the beaver and  there the Indians were encouraged only to take winter beaver. The summer  or cub beaver were to be left.8 On the perimeter, also, after 1826, the  Indians received higher prices than they would get from American traders.  By these methods, the Company kept the trade in British hands, and, at  the same time, its sphere of influence expanded south and west from Fort  Vancouver.  The field of operations for Ogden for six years beginning in 1824  was a veritable sea of mountains, coursed by rapid rivers. Travel was  principally by horseback. Yet despite the terrain, Indian hostility, heavy  snows and American opposition, Ogden prosecuted his instructions faithfully. Surely, the resulting expansion of Company trade and knowledge  of the territory under his direction constitutes one of the great chapters  in the history of European exploration in western North America. It is  this endeavour which is chronicled so well in these three meticulously edited  volumes of the Hudson's Bay Record Society.  In 1950 the Hudson's Bay Record Society published Peter Skene  Ogden's Snake Country Journals,  1824-25 and 1825-26,  an informative 54  account of Ogden's first of six expeditions into the Snake Country.9 This  volume told how he set out from Walla Walla (Fort Nez Perces) in December  1824 with 58 freemen (or independent traders working under Company  auspices) and servants, how he crossed east of the Rockies into Mexican  territory at about 42° North latitude, how in May of 1825, 23 of the freemen  deserted to an American party led by Johnson Gardner, and how this  evoked the displeasure of the London Committee. The profits from this  expedition came to approximately £2000, not large but still a satisfactory  sum. As long as the Snake Country "cleared its expenses," Simpson noted,  "we should not consider it good policy to abandon it as the more we  impoverish the country the less likelihood is there of our being assailed  by opposition."10 This volume also contained the account of Ogden's second  expedition, that of 1825-26, to the Snake Country in and around Burnt  River. This expedition, which had instructions not to stray on Mexican  territory and keep within the Oregon territory, proved that the Company  could trap the frontier without fear of desertions. New frontier policies,  emanating from John McLoughlin at Fort Vancouver and supported by  the London Committee, allowed the Company to give the freemen ten  shillings for every full grown beaver which meant that the freemen could  give higher prices to the Indians for the pelts than could any of the rival  American traders.11 Not only were the profits accruing to the freemen good  but these policies kept the trade flowing away from American hands and  may have had something to do with the better treatment that the British  traders received at Indian hands.  Ogden's third expedition is related in Peter Skene Ogden's Snake  Country Journal, 1826-27, published in 1961.12 Edited by K. C. Davies and  A. M. Johnson, and with a superb introduction by Dorothy O. Johansen,  this journal is a personal record of his endurances south of Burnt River  into the Klamath territory in what is now south and central Oregon. By  this time the Company's strategy was yielding substantial profits. It was  true that the American traders were penetrating into the Flathead area  (in present northwestern Montana) because the Hudson's Bay Company  had not pressed its trade.13 But along the southeastern frontier of the  Columbia country, that is in the Snake region, Ogden's work was successful.  In July, 1827, this strategy was given full expression in a letter that Simpson  wrote to McLoughlin:  The greatest and best protection we can have from opposition is keeping  the country closely hunted as the first step that the American Government will take towards Colonization is through their Indian Traders  and if the country becomes exhausted in Fur bearing animals they  can have no inducement to proceed thither. We therefore entreat that  no exertions be spared to explore and Trap every part of the country  ... the Snake Expedition we look to as a very prominent branch of  our business and we wish by all means that it be kept constantly  employed; even under all the disadvantages and misfortunes that have  befallen it, the profits are most respectable, it moreover does much  good in over-running and destroying that extended country south of  the Columbia which is the greatest temptation to our opponents.14  Ogden did not refute this policy. In his journal entry for May 29,  1829, however, he made this interesting notation, which speaks for itself: 55  "It is scarcely credible what a destruction of beaver by trapping this season,  within the last few days upwards of fifty females have been taken and on  an average each with four young ready to litter. Did we not hold this  country by so slight a tenure it would be most to our interest to trap only  in the fall, and by this mode it would take many years to ruin it.15  From September 1827 to September 1828 Ogden was again out trapping with his brigade in the Snake Country, this time going over his old  trail across the Blue Mountains and into the watershed of the Burnt River.  He found new places to trap along the Snake below present day Idaho  Falls. This expedition established the Snake Country as the most decisive  factor in the Company's trade. This was no small achievement: the profits  had been acquired where competition was keen and where the monopoly  did not run in the usual sense.  The success of the Company's trade in this area had obvious commercial  importance; it also had political importance. Owing to the fact that the  British and American delegates could not agree during the 1826-27 negotiations on the boundary west of the Continental Divide, the Company reaffirmed its policy of occupying and trading in the area south of the Columbia  River and thereby keeping the Americans out.16 By this time the Americans  were penetrating into the Snake Country in great numbers. Ogden's record  of his fourth expedition (1827-28) contained in the third of the three  Hudson's Bay Record Society's volumes on his trading expeditions, entitled  Peter Ogden's Snake Country Journals, 1827-28 and 1828-29, edited by  Glyndwr Williams, with an introduction and notes by David E. Miller and  David H. Miller, tells just how difficult that strategy was to implement on  the frontier.17  In page after page of his journal, Ogden records how he conducted  his operations during one of the severest winters recorded in the fur-trade  era. One day he might have to act as a diplomat, informing rival American  traders such as Samuel Tulloch that he would not withdraw from the Oregon  territory because their privileges of trade would not expire in October 1828  as the Americans believed. Ogden refused to listen to "the old story from  America [that] we shall soon be obliged to leave the Columbia... ."18 On  another day he would be found keeping Company snowshoes from falling  into American hands. He refused an American offer of eight beaver or  fifty dollars for a pair of showshoes. Apparently neither the American  traders nor the Snake or Blackfoot Indians had nor could make snowshoes.  Keeping the American traders immobile while the four foot snows were  on the ground meant that the Americans could not hunt meat; instead  they were dependent on Ogden and his party for meat and other supplies.  And by keeping the Americans close to him he reasoned that he was keeping  them from their base in the Salt Lake region, where they could get  reinforcements and trade goods, even liquor, to trade with the Indians.  On another occasion, Ogden would shun American pleas for assistance  for their starving. And on another he rejected their invitation to join in  an extermination of the Snakes. Even though Ogden personally hated the  Snakes and wrote in his journal that he would sacrifice a year or two  to exterminate the whole tribe, except the women and children, he bowed  to Company policy on this matter.19 It was in this fashion that Ogden 56  pursued Company policy on the frontier; and it took a man of aggressiveness  and even temperament to carry on, year after year, in these difficult circumstances of close Anglo-American competition.20  Ogden made two other trips, his fifth and sixth, into the Snake Country.  These were more ambitious than the others. In 1828-29 he penetrated as  far south as northern Nevada where he discovered "a fine large stream,"  the Humboldt River, which he called the Unknown River. His trading  and exploring then took him eastward into the Great Basin and to the  Great Salt Lake. His last expedition, in 1828-29, brought him south of  the Humboldt right to the Gulf of California. Appendix C of this third  volume contains Ogden's report, dated March 12, 1831, of this expedition.  It is the only extant document of Ogden's last Snake Country brigade,  his trade books, papers and presumably a journal, being lost during a rafting  accident on the Columbia in 1830.  With the recent publication of the third volume of Ogden's journals,  the Hudson's Bay Record Society has completed a project begun a generation ago. Now in three volumes we have the full story of the Company's  expansion to the south in the late 1820's. No doubt this "scorched stream"  policy of keeping the Americans at a distance from Fort Vancouver and  the Columbia was an important chapter in the history of the North American  west. By keeping the "country closely hunted" the growth of American  trade and settlement in the Columbia Country was checked, at least for  awhile. The effect this had on the Oregon settlement of 1846 cannot be  determined; but as Harold Innis noted, strong British opposition in the  Columbia area probably compelled the United States in its drive to the  Pacific to move southward and take California from Mexico.21 Ogden's  six expeditions into the Snake Country are part of that opposition, and  they deserve to be widely known. In time they will be. In 1941, W. Kaye  Lamb wrote that when the complete journals of these expeditions became  available it was possible that the history of the Snake Country would have  to be rewritten.22 It can also be suggested that Ogden's Journals, now happily  available in printed and unabridged form, will bring more attention to  an important chapter in the history of Anglo-American rivalry on the Pacific  slope.  NOTES  1. _7[udson's] _?[ay] Record] Society], Vol. XIII, E. E. Rich and A. M. Johnson (eds.),  Peter Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals, 1824-25 and 1825-26 (London, 1950); Vol. XXIII,  K. G. Davies and A. M. Johnson (eds.), with an introduction by Dorothy O. Johansen, Peter  Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journal, 1826-27 (London, 1961); and Vol. XXVIII, Glyndwr  Williams (ed.), with an introduction and notes by David E. Miller and David H. Miller, Peter  Skene Ogden's Snake Country Journals, 1827-28 and 1828-29 (London, 1971).  These volumes, especially the first, now virtually supplant Frederick Merk, "Snake Country  Expedition, 1824-25: An Episode of Fur Trade and Empire," and "The Snake Country  Expedition Correspondence, 1824-1825," in Mississippi Valley Historical Review, XXI (June  1934); reprinted in Frederick Merk, The Oregon Question: Essays in Anglo-American Diplomacy and Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 72-98. For the  American response to Hudson's Bay Company penetration in the Snake Country, see Frederick  Merk (ed.), Fur Trade and Empire: Sir George Simpson's Journal Entitled Remarks Connected  with the Fur Trade in the Course of a Voyage from York Factory to Fort George and Back  to York Factory, 1824-25 (rev. ed.; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1968), containing a thoughtful introduction entitled "The Strategy of Monopoly" and other remarks of  American traders; see also, Dale L. Morgan, Jedediah Smith and the Opening of the West 57  (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1953) and Dale L. Morgan (ed.), The West of William H. Ashley,  1822-1838: The International Struggle for the Fur Trade of the Missouri, the Rocky Mountains,  and the Columbia, with Exploration Beyond the Continental Divide, Recorded in the Diaries  and Letters of William H. Ashley and his Contemporaries, 1822-1838 (Denver: Old West  Publishing Company, 1964).  2. Ross Cox. Adventures on the Columbia River (2 vols.; London: H. Colburn and  R Bentley, 1831), II, 244; quoted in John S. Galbraith, The Hudson's Bay Company as an  Imperial Factor, 1821-1869 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1957),  p. 90. On Ogden, see also, H.B.R.S., Vol. XXII, E. E. Rich, The History of the Hudson's  Bay Company, 1670-1870: Volume II, 1763-1870 (London, 1959), p. 571.  3. John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, "The Imperialism of Free Trade," Economic  History Review, 2d Sen, VI (August 1953), pp. 1-15.  4. Governor George Simpson to Samuel Black, July 25, 1824, in H.B.R.S., Vol. XVIII,  E. E. Rich and A. M. Johnson (eds.), A Journal of a Voyage From Rocky Mountain Portage  in Peace River To the Source of Finlays Branch and North West Ward in Summer 1824, by  Samuel Black (London, 1955), p. xlviii.  5. Governor and Committee to George Simpson, February 27, 1822 in H.B.R.S., Vol.  Ill, R. Harvey Fleming (ed.), Minutes of Council of Northern Department of Rupert Land,  1821-31 (London, 1940), p. 303.  6. For the interplay of territorial and maritime factors in the making of British imperial  policy for northwestern North America at this time, see Barry M. Gough (ed.), To the Pacific  and Arctic With Beechey: The Journal of Lieutenant George Peard of H.M.S. "Blossom",  1825-1828 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973; The Hakluyt Society, 2d Series  No. 143), pp. 6-18.  7. George Simpson to John McLoughlin, July 10, 1826. in H.B.R.S., Vol. Ill, p. 154  n. Also in Frederick Merk (ed.), Fur Trade and Empire, p. xxiii.  8. Merk (ed.), Fur Trade and Empire, p. xxiii.  9. H.B.R.S., Vol. XIII, cited in n. 1, above.  10. Quoted in Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, II, pp. 591.  11. McLoughlin's reasoning was as follows: "It is certain if Americans fall in with our  party Unless we give more for Beaver than we have hitherto our people will desert us. We  therefore have agreed to give them 10/- for every full Grown Beaver — half this amount  for a cub and to allow them [to] purchase personal necessaries according to their abilities  and means of from ten to fifteen pounds at European servants prices and hunting implements  at Inventory prices . . . the measure adopted will be beneficial ... as the High prices charged  the Freemen and trappers for their supplies prevented our getting several Thousand Beaver  Skins from the Snakes more than we have, drove our people to desert from us and to work  for others whom they are now Guiding to Countries Rich in Beaver and in opposition to  us." McLoughlin to London Committee, September 1, 1826, H.B.R.S., Vol. IV, p. 34. The  Company affirmed this policy; ibid., p. lxvi.  12. H.B.R.S., Vol. XXIII, cited in n. 1, above.  13. Rich, Hudson's Bay Company, II, p. 595.  14. H.B.R.S., Vol. Ill, p. lxviii.  15. H.B.R.S., Vol. XXVIII, pp. xiv-xv and p. 145.  16. Merk, Fur Trade and Empire, p. 294.  17. H.B.R.S., Vol. XXVIII, cited in n. 1, above.  18. "Although it was against Company policy to use liquor in the Indian trade Ogden's  opinion is clearly that the nature of Anglo-American competition would justify such a measure.  After the coalition of 1821, the Hudson's Bay Company had been steadily pursuing a policy  to abolish or restrict the use of alcohol in the fur-trade, although this did not apply to those  frontier areas where competition was fierce. . .. However, Ogden's brigade was apparently  not carrying spirits with it for use in the trade; the brandy and rum supplied to the expedition  were entered under the heading of 'Provisions'." Ibid., p. 54 n. 1. Ogden does not say explicitly  that the American traders had introduced liquor into the trade. If they had, and the Company  had not done so to counter them, this would be evidence against the claim that the Company 58  dispensed liquor "whenever it was introduced by competitors." Galbraith, Hudson's Bay  Company, p. 11. The full account has yet to be written on the use of liquor in the continental  fur trade west of the Rocky Mountains. For the maritime fur trade, see F. S. Howay, "The  Introduction of Intoxicating Liquors amongst the Indians of the Northwest Coast," British  Columbia Historical Quarterly, VI (July 1942), pp. 157-69.  19. H.B.R.S., Vol. XXVIII, p. 64.  20. See ibid., pp. 40-82, passim, for descriptions of how Ogden implemented these policies.  21. Harold A. Innis, The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Economic History  (rev. ed., New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962), p. 404.  22. H.B.R.S., Vol. IV, p. lxviii.  Penticton School Choir  Grades 5 to 8  Choir Director Miss A. Celeste Page, 1926  The Penticton School Choir which won the Hayes Cup in the first Okanagan Music Festival  held in Kelowna on May 1, 1926. Left to right are. FIRST ROW: Arthur Thornton, Iris Williams,  Louise Nagle, Grace Swift, Margaret Stevens, Marjorie Parrott, Gladys Willcox, Ivy Weaver,  Phyllis Morgan, Ronald Wilkins, Bruce Millar and J. D. McDougall. SECOND ROW: Stephen  Cannings, Irene Finch, Ruby Traviss, Winsome Brooke, Jacqueline McGregor, Anna Parrott,  Isobel McKenzie, Eloise Manuel, Gwendolyn Boothe, Harold Donald, Charles Blacklock,  George Robinson. THIRD ROW: Lloyd Iverson, Frances Looney, Joy Morgan, Betty Fewtrell,  Viola McLellan, Keitha Iverson, Margaret Lowndes, Catharine Mitchell, Marie Bennett, Olga  Biollo, Alice Harper, Doris Jenner and Donald Matson. FOURTH ROW: Billy Penrose, Hugo  Swanson, Jean Bernard, Agnes Riordan, Helen Reeves, Patsy Bird, lone Clark, Stella Pearson,  Sheila Audley, Vivian Hickey, Bernice Craney, Florence Rye, Ivy Amos. FIFTH ROW: Grant  King, Marven Syer, Gordon Heron, Glen Morley, Arthur Lochore, Harold Luesley, Eric King,  Callum Thompson, David Powell, John Wood and John Gibson. Conductor was Miss A.  Celeste Page, music supervisor, Penticton Public Schools. 59  HEWERS OF GRANITE  David G. Falconer  In the Okanagan Valley, as in many other regions of Canada, the  term "building stone" was synonymous with the word "granite" for several  decades. Attractive to the eye, and impervious to wear, granite was used  for trimming or facing or for totally constructing public buildings, churches,  business establishments and private homes. Much of the granite quarrying  in the Okanagan Valley has been conducted by one small inter-related  family group in the Vernon area.  John Russell, originally from Glasgow and Renton-on-the-Clyde,  brought his Virginian-born wife, Emma L. Russell, and four children to  Vernon in 1902. At that time, their eldest child, Jack, was ten; Jessie  (nicknamed Jenny) was five; Hastings was two and Arnold was just one  year. Russell was a journeyman stonecutter and a stonemason, with wide  experience throughout the western states and Canada in the construction  of stone buildings. (He had been Superintendent of the stonecutters on  the construction of the British Columbia Parliament Buildings in Victoria.)  Mrs. Russell's health was failing and it was John's hope that the drier  climate of the Okanagan would be beneficial to her.  Shortly after their arrival in Vernon, Russell purchased a building  lot at the northeast corner of Pleasant Valley Road and what is now 25th  Street. A two-storey frame house (still standing) was built at this location,  and became the Russell's home for several years. The Russell's two youngest  chiildren, Jim and Howard Hayes1 were born in this house.  An old friend and fellow-stonecutter arrived in Vernon in 1903. William  "Billy" Inkster was an Orkneyman by birth, and came to the Okanagan  to seek relief for a respiratory ailment connected with the inhalation of  silica dust. Being an experienced carpenter, Inkster assumed a major role  in the construction of the Russell home. Following the completion of this  building, Inkster decided to renew his involvement with the stone-trade,  forming a partnership with two other stonecutters, Jack Hannah and Bob  Kemp. "Inkster, Kemp and Hannah" established a stockyard for marble  and granite immediately east of the railroad tracks on Barnard Avenue.  Their marble supplier was Sam McClay (Vancouver Harbour Commissioner), while their source of granite was a quarry they opened on Okanagan  Lake about three miles south of Okanagan Landing.2 A royalty, based on  the cubic footage of stone removed, was paid to the landowner, Benjamin  Lefroy, through his business agent, the well-known bird painter, Alan  Brooks. Bob Kemp was not with the young company long, as he decided  to move on to a better paying job in Sarnia, Ontario. He was bought  out by Inkster and Hannah, and the name of the business was changed  to "Vernon Granite and Marble Company".3  A camp was established to the south of the quarry site, and a blacksmith  shop with hand operated bellows was built just north of the quarry. The  company's blacksmith was a powerfully built Frenchman named Bouchard,  while their original cook was an old-country man named Tom Oddie from  the west side of Okanagan Lake. Before a month had passed, however,  it became painfully apparent to the whole crew that Oddie's top card was 60  not cooking. Oddie's replacement was an excellent cook named Dick  Edwards. Edwards must have been an industrious individual to feed the  fifteen (plus) man crew three hot meals per day, under conditions that  were decidedly primitive.  There being no road, all supplies were transported to the Lefroy Quarry  by boat. The granite was moved to the rail-head at Okanagan Landing  with the use of a small steam tug and a barge owned by Shannon's Mill.  The actual quarry gang consisted of two quarrymen and a dozen or  more stonecutters. The two quarrymen, Alex Hamilton and Jack McKinnell  (spelling of McKinnell uncertain), were responsible for all the drilling and  blasting. The stonecutters were mostly Scotsmen who had been apprenticed  in Scottish granite quarries. They included Bill Inkster, Jack Hannah, John  Russell, Bob Hannah, Al Davis, Jack Burke, Jimmy Robb, Jimmy Glencross  and Bill Mason. These quarry jobs were all unionized, with the stonecutters  and quarrymen belonging to the A. F. of L. A quarry day was eight hours,  5V_. days a week.  The quarrying season in the Okanagan Valley generally lasted from  mid-March to mid-November. The severity of the winter weather was the  limiting factor. All granite is slightly porous and all unquarried or freshly-  quarried granite contains a limited quantity of moisture throughout. When  this moisture becomes frozen the stone is difficult to split or work. It was  for this reason that quarries were not worked during the winter months.  According to William Parks, "the [Lefroy] stone [had] a good rift and  grain; it [worked] easily under the hammer, and [was] practically devoid  of knots or flaws ... The weight per cubic foot, in pounds: 162.57."4  The pink granite from the Lefroy Quarry was used to varying degrees  in the construction of the following buildings: the present C.P.R. station  in Vernon; the Church of England, Kelowna; the Royal Bank, Kelowna;  the former Hudson Bay Co. Store, Vernon (northwest corner of Barnard  Avenue and 32nd Street); and the "old" Post Office, Vernon (northwest  corner of Barnard Avenue and 30th Street).  The Vernon Post Office was started early in 1910, and completed the  following year. All granite destined for this structure was cut to size, and  finished to specification at the quarry site. When the structure was completed, the quarry had become so depleted that the last of the Post Office  stone had to be obtained from loose granite on the beach. According to  Parks, between 6,000 and 7,000 cubic feet of granite had been removed.  Late in 1909, John Russell journeyed to California for a big stone-cutting job, leaving his wife and family at home in Vernon. He did not return  to the Okanagan, but died in California. Bill Inkster looked after the Russell  family and eventually married Mrs. Russell.  The move to a new quarry site was made in 1911, prior to the Provincial  Courthouse construction job in Vernon. The site chosen by Inkster was  a mile or more south of Cameron's Point, and 3 miles north of Carr's  Landing on land owned by Price Ellison, then the local M.L.A. and Provincial Minister of Finance and Agriculture. Ellison received a footage royalty  on all stone removed. Inkster moved his new family to a site that would  be within walking distance of the new quarry. He built a frame bungalow  just south of the present site of Howard Russell's house. 61  The new quarry camp was situated in a bay between the Inkster house  and the quarry, on land presently owned by the Alan Trethewey family.  During the Courthouse job, this camp housed about 35 men. It consisted  of one large bunkhouse, a cookhouse manned by Dick Edwards and  outbuildings. The men walked over the sawback ridge separating Inkster's  Bay from Quarry Bay each morning, again at lunch, and again at quitting  time.  In 1911, the point of land that was to become the new quarry was  a large outcropping of silver-grey granite rising almost vertically out of  the depths of Okanagan Lake to a height of fifty feet. Most of this out-cropping was blasted out and hauled away over the next three years. Today,  the abandoned site is 80 to 100 feet long, running parallel to the lake  and extending eastward some 50 feet. According to Wm. A. Parks (1917):  The rift of the stone is vertical at north 15° East and therefore is  not parallel to the main jointing. The grain is horizontal. I am informed  that very little difference in splitting is observed in the three directions;  — rift, grain and hardway. Knots are practically absent.... Weight  per cubic foot, in pounds: 164.30.5  The Courthouse granite was quarried to rough specifications by Inkster's crew, and shipped by C.P.R. lake service to Okanagan Landing, and  thence by rail to Vernon. A C.P.R. tug, usually commanded by the well-liked  Captain MacKinnon, would bring in a barge laden with railway flat-cars  and remain with that barge until the loading was completed. The stone  was loaded directly onto the flat-cars with the aid of the heavy quarry  derrick. During the fruit shipping season, when the barge service was  operating on a tight schedule, the stone was sometimes loaded at night,  by the tug's spot-light.  The two largest pieces of stone ever removed from this quarry (known  as the Inkster Quarry), were destined to be the lintel stones capping the  vertical frontal columns of the Courthouse. With utmost care and difficulty,  the quarry crew cut the lintels to rough specifications and loaded each  aboard the C.P.R. flat-car. Each measured fifteen feet by three feet by two  feet, and weighed over seven tons. The flat-cars were off-loaded at Okanagan Landing, and taken on the train to Vernon, where the real difficulties  began. The teamsters were unable to haul the stones up the hill from the  railroad tracks to the Courthouse site. The Courthouse contractor had  considered taking them by rail to the north end of Vernon and using the  teams to haul them back along 27th Street, but that street was so soft  and muddy in most places, that it was not attempted. In the end, the  contractor was forced to split each of the two lintels in half, lengthwise!  At the beginning of the Courthouse job, Inkster applied to the appropriate authorities to have his new home-bay designated an official C.P.R.  landing, under the Federal Navigation Act. In due time his request was  granted and he received an official document confirming the presence of  "Inkster's Landing". The sternwheeler "Aberdeen" made regular stops at  Inkster's Landing to deliver provisions to the camp cook. In the absence  of either a wharf or dolphins, the sternwheeler nosed gently up on the  gravel beach at the head of this narrow bay. The provisions were then  passed down from one of the large side cargo doors to a man in a rowboat  alongside. 62  Construction of the Provincial Courthouse in Vernon.  Photo Courtesy — Vernon Museum  Following the Great War, a log cribbing filled with sizeable pieces  of scrap granite was installed on the east side of the bay, as a wharf and  breakwater. The first attempt by the large sternwheeler, "S. S. Sicamous"  to reach the new wharf ended with the Sicamous' bow jammed upon a  rock outcropping at the northeast corner of the bay. Although able to  extricate his boat without serious damage, the Sicamous captain requested  the immediate installation of at least two dolphins, to prevent a recurrence  of the incident. Inkster didn't feel their small company could afford the  $700.00 necessary for the work, and so ended "Inkster's Landing" as a  C.P.R. port-of-call. There was a wide trail, called a government road,  between Okanagan Landing and Inkster's Landing running along the  bottom of a narrow valley between the present road and the Commonage  Road. Supplies were henceforth brought in via this road.  Following the completion of the Courthouse in 1914, and for the  duration of the Great War, insufficient quantities of granite were being  shipped from the Inkster Quarry to warrant a special stop by the C.P.R.  lake-service. Inkster cleared this obstacle by building a rough, box-like barge  capable of moving two tons of granite, very slowly! A double-ended  clinker-built boat, powered by two sets of oars, was used to tow the barge  to the nearest C.P.R. wharf on the east side. That was the Carr's Landing  wharf, three miles south. Arnold Russell recalls leaving the quarry after  breakfast with his younger brother Jim manning the second set of oars.  By rowing steadily they could have the boat and barge to Carr's Landing  by late afternoon. After the stone was stacked safely on the wharf, the  brothers would leave the empty barge secured to a tree on the beach,  and row home for a late supper. The following morning they would row 63  back to Carr's and collect the barge. It may be of interest to note that  Inkster cut and lettered Reverend Philip Stock's headstone during this  period. The stone was delivered to Nahun landing in two pieces (cross  and basse) and was later transported up the steep switch-back trail to Stock's  Meadows, on a single pack-horse.  Vernon Granite's first power boat was purchased second-hand from  Mrs. Oswald Pease of Ewing's Landing in 1919. It bore the name "Grace  Darling" when purchased, and this name was retained. It would appear  that the "Grace" was originally one of the first boats on the lake powered  by an internal combustion engine. In any case, it provided welcome relief  for the chore of pulling the stone barge. When Jack Russell married Laura  Tronson in the early 1920's, Jack's good friend, Mrs. Dudley-Ward of Carr's  Landing, gave him her boat for a wedding present. It was an eight H.P.  double-ender named "Turn Turn" and being more powerful than the old  "Grace Darling" inherited the duties of towing the stone barge.  In 1923, Inkster built a larger, heavier barge measuring 30 ft. x 12  ft. x 3 ft., capable of hauling twelve tons. A custom built Turner boat,  20 feet in length with a vertical towpost stepped amidship, was ordered  from Vancouver. The C.P.R. delivered it to Okanagan Landing on a flat  car. This boat was also named "Grace Darling", after the then retired  Pease boat. It was powered by a single-cylinder Easthope engine built for  towing. The new "Grace" soon gained a fine reputation as a first rate  rough-water vessel. She was well over forty years old and still going strongly  in the late 1960's. One night during a storm her mooring lines let go and  she broke up on the rocks in Inkster's Bay.  Following the courthouse construction, granite was used on smaller  construction jobs. Parks reports the following prices quoted by Inkster, f.o.b.  the quarry:  Sills up to 7V_ in. high, 10 in. on bed, plain or lug,  per lineal ft  $1.75  Sills up to Th in. high, 12 in. on bed, plain or lug,  per lineal ft    2.00  Window heads up to 12 in. high, 8 in. on bed, plain or lug  per lineal ft     1.75  Window archstones, 12 in. by 14 in. by 6 in.,  each     2.25  Cut ashlar, 12 in. high, 8 in. on bed, 4-cut,  per lineal ft    2.00  Cut ashlar, 12 in. high, 8 in. on bed, 6-cut,  per lineal ft    2.25  Doors sills, up to 7V_ in. rise, 12 in. tread, 4-cut,  per lineal ft    2.50  (Over 12 in. tread, add 50 cents per foot for every 3 in.)  Rough blocks, random squared, per cu. ft 50  Rough blocks, dimension, per cu. ft 60  Lengths over 7 ft. up to 9 ft., add 10 per cent.  Over 9 ft. special prices.6  By 1917, 30,000 cubic feet of granite had been shipped from the Inkster  Quarry.  Following Jack Hannah's death overseas in 1915, a half-interest in  Vernon Granite and Marble was passed on to his brother, Bob. In 1919, 64  Loading onto barge at the Quarry site.  Photo Credit — Vernon Museum  The Inkster Quarry on Okanagan Lake. Photo taken before 1924. Walter Rogers in foreground.  Photo Courtesy — Vernon Museum 65  Arnold and Jack Russell purchased a quarter section of land plus a fraction  including the Inkster Quarry from Price Ellison. Jack was seeking good  farm land and received that portion of the land which seemed best suited.  He built a cottage on the present site of Mr. & Mrs. Trethewey's house;  with a log barn about a hundred yards north. Arnold took the quarry  fraction, as well as a parcel to the south of Jack's house. Although Arnold  now owned the quarry-site, he did not have any financial interest in Vernon  Granite and Marble. He corrected this in 1923 upon his return from a  lucrative stone-cutting job in California. He bought out Bob Hannah's share  in the business for $600.00 cash.  The advent of compressed air, following the Great War, introduced  a new era in the stone trade. This new era sounded the death knell of  the old-time stonecutter. Quite suddenly, in the space of a few short years,  many of the stone cutting skills so painstakingly acquired by the old-time  stonecutters were totally obsolete. New skills, doubling or even tripling  overall production had to be acquired, in a trade that had seen no significant  changes in 200 years. Any stonecutter unwilling or unable to cope with  the rapid changes found himself unemployed. Arnold Russell had worked  extensively with compressed air tools in California, and realized their great  labour-saving advantages. Vernon Granite and Marble purchased their first  air compressor in 1924, prior to the construction of the Vernon Cenotaph.  It delivered thirty lbs. of air and powered their plug-drills and bushing  hammers.  The initial heavy drilling in the quarry, for blasting purposes, still  had to be done by hand in the mid-twenties. An age-old technique known  as "double-jacking" was employed. Two men alternately swung seven pound  hammers, while a third man turned the drill bit to keep it from jamming,  jamming.  The splitting up of quarried blocks of granite involved drilling a row  of holes along the desired line of cleavage. Once this was accomplished,  two shims were placed in each hole with a wedge between.7 As these wedges  were tapped lightly with a small hammer, there was a great increase in  pressure exerted into the stone along the desired line of cleavage. It was  this increase in pressure that split the rock. Therefore, the speed at which  a stonecutter was able to drill the W x 4" holes for the wedges and shims  became rather crucial. By hand, an experienced stonecutter could drill one  of these holes in 15 or 20 minutes, but with an air-powered plug drill,  an inexperienced labourer could drill a similar hole in about one minute!  This one example will serve to illustrate the significance of the technological  revolution underway in the stone trade at that time.  The granite for the Vernon Cenotaph was quarried at the Inkster  Quarry and finished to specifications at the Cenotaph site on 30th Street.  Bill Inkster and Arnold Russell set up a derrick at the construction site  for manoeuvring the heavier pieces of granite into place. The largest single  component weighed five tons. The reason for finishing the granite at the  construction site rather than at the quarry or the Price Street yard, was  to increase the general public's awareness of the project during the fund-  raising drive.  Designer Richard Curtis modelled the Vernon monument after a simi- 66  lar, but larger memorial in Barrie, Ontario. The original plans called for  a bronze statue to be placed at its zenith, but lack of funds prevented  this. The corner stone and sealed copper box were laid on September 7,  1924, by Bishop Doull. A record of the box's contents and the engraved  trowel used by Doull during the ceremony are in the possession of the  Vernon Museum and Archives. The overall dedication for the completed  memorial was held on November 11, 1924.8  The Peachland and Coldstream War Memorials were both built by  Vernon Granite and Marble. They also provided the granite for the Lavington Memorial, although it was cut and set by stonecutter, Bill Mason.  Most of the stone removed from the Inkster Quarry during the next  three decades was for mortuary monuments. After buying out the retired  Bill Inkster in 1930, the business was conducted by Arnold, with help from  his younger brother Howard. But the quarry was permanently closed in  1956, when Arnold contacted silicosis, brought on by the inhalation of  excessive amounts of granite dust. Although retired, Arnold is likely the  last stonecutter in the Southern Interior capable of doing both lead-lettering,  and hand-carved granite and marble lettering.9 Stonecutting, as a trade  and an art, is almost gone forever.  FOOTNOTES  1. "Hayes" was Emma Russell's maiden name.  2. This quarry may still be seen below Dr. H. Alexander's residence. Permission to view  this site should be obtained from the Alexander family.  3. About 1911, the Vernon city-fathers persuaded Vernon Granite and Marble to move  their stoneyard from its original location to Price Street (near the present site of Kal Tire).  As it had been, one of the first impressions a newcomer by train had of Vernon, was the  rows and rows of freshly cut tombstones in the stone company's yard.  4. Canada, Department of Mines. Report on the Building and Ornamental Stones, Vol. 5,  1917.  5. Ibid.  6. Ibid.  7. These wedges and shims were more popularly known as "plugs and feathers".  8. The original site of this memorial was about forty feet closer to 30th Street than it  is today.  9. Since the introduction of air tools, most stone lettering has been done with sand blasters  and pre-cut stencils.  CREDITS  Many thanks to Arnold Russell for providing much of the information presented here. Thanks  also to Mr. J. Shephard and Mrs. H. Gorman of the Vernon Museum and Archives, for their  help in tracing certain names and dates. Also interviewed were Howard Russell, Gay (Russell)  Burgess, Mr. & Mrs. Alf. Brewer, Dr. H. Alexander and Dr. H. Campbell-Brown. (w  PROHIBITION COMES TO THE OKANAGAN, 1916  A. J. Hiebert  Al Hiebert teaches history at Okanagan College, Vernon Centre. This  article is reprinted courtesy of B.C. Perspectives.  Prohibition in British Columbia was carried by referendum in 1916  and implemented in 1917. Across Canada prohibition was mainly a provincial matter, and for a short time even a national one. These facts provide  sufficient justification for investigating the phenomenon and little historical  research appears to have been done on the subject in British Columbia.  Furthermore I already had some acquaintance with the temperance and  prohibition movement across the province.1 Restricting the study to a small  area like the Okanagan appeared to offer an opportunity to further  investigate the whole issue from a narrower perspective. I say "appeared",  since the scarcity of source material and the difficulty of measuring and  assessing influence from outside the Okanagan area permitted only tentative  generalizations and nothing startlingly new emerged.  Okanagan newspapers and to a lesser extent church and City of Vernon  records provided the source material. The temperance question never  became really prominent in any of the Okanagan newspapers and given  the present incomplete state of the other records, a full narrative of the  coming of prohibition to the Okanagan was imposssible. Names of prohibitionist leaders were readily found, but the actual activity on the street,  the door-to-door campaigning was nowhere described, nor its importance  assessed.  The outside influence on the Okanagan prohibition campaign in 1916  presented another major difficulty. Developments in Vancouver, and in the  legislature in Victoria are sometimes of greater importance, even though  many people of the Okanagan were perhaps not even aware of them. The  whole effort led by businessmen in favour of wartime prohibition was  masterminded from Vancouver and most of the political pressure put on  the provincial government to enact prohibition came from there. Since  the Prohibition Act applied indiscriminately to the entire province, it cannot  be viewed solely as a local issue and to sort out the relative importance  of local and outside factors was a problem.  The campaign that finally won prohibition came to an end on September 12, 1916. On that day the people in the Okanagan and elsewhere  in British Columbia went to the polls to elect a provincial government and  to answer two other questions by ballot: should women be given the vote,  and should prohibition become law? The election produced a "political  avalanche"2 in favor of the Liberals, who now formed their first provincial  administration under Premier Harlan I. Brewster, and decimated the  Conservatives, ending a reign of fourteen years. Women obtained the right  to vote and, as a result of a favorable vote, prohibition became law and  remained so from 1917 to 1921.  In the Okanagan the Conservatives won two seats and only lost in  the North, where Dr. K. C. McDonald, Liberal, defeated the incumbent  Price Ellison in the wake of a scandal. Both the issues of prohibition and  woman suffrage received strong support. Voters favored prohibition by a  margin of almost two to one.3 68  The terms of the Prohibition Act, upon which the referendum was  based, were known as well as any piece of government legislation can be  known; people were not duped by misinformation on its content. If anything,  the people voting for the Act probably thought it to be more severe, more  "dry", than it really was. The act was adequately described in the newspapers months before the referendum of September, 1916, took place and  its terms recounted at numerous meetings, especially temperance rallies.  The Prohibition Act did not make drinking illegal, neither did it prohibit  the manufacture of alcoholic beverages. But the consumer could neither  purchase, nor could the producer sell the item. By its terms, the British  Columbia Prohibition Act completely prohibited the sale of alcohol and  liquor except for sacramental, medicinal or industrial purposes. Private  individuals could obtain liquor only by importing it from outside the  province, a practice which provincial legislation could not legally prohibit.  Also, since liquor was defined as a beverage containing more than 2Vi%  of proof spirits breweries continued to manufacture and sell a product called  near-beer which contained some alcohol. Doctors, druggists and dentists  could purchase liquor for medical uses from government appointed vendors  and in government buildings constructed for the purpose. As it turned  out, hotel and jitney bars selling near-beer set up a fair trade and so it  was that prohibition did not even completely close down the bars. Bars  closed in 1921 upon the introduction of government controlled sales of  alcoholic beverages in closed packages, after prohibition had been revoked.  How did Prohibition come about? Was Prohibition implicit in the  course of social and political history of British Columbia at the time, or  was it a new and unexpected departure? Margaret Ormsby suggests the  latter interpretation.4 Her view can be defended, but requires careful explanation. In British Columbia, the temperance movement was old and  hoary by 1916; it was respectable and not ineffective. The public call by  temperance people for personal abstinence from liquor, or at least only  moderate use, and for restrictive liquor legislation, had been heard and  heeded in the Okanagan and elsewhere in British Columbia — but primarily  at the local level. Some degree of control over hotel hours, and quality  of facilities was gained through city council by-laws; provincial legislation  gave municipalities the right to express their will on the number of liquor  licenses granted in their areas. As a result communities like Enderby,  Summerland, Peachland, and Naramata in the Okanagan became "dry"  as did Chilliwack in the Fraser Valley.  However the temperance people were stymied in every effort to obtain  "dry" legislation on a larger scale, as in the Dominion plebiscite of 1898,  and the local option plebiscite in British Columbia in 1909. After these  defeats, province-wide temperance organizations gradually disbanded since  there was no reason to hope that any success other than in specific localities  was forthcoming. Suddenly, in 1914 the Great War began, and prohibitionists sensed a new opportunity. In this context one can understand  Ormsby's suggestion that Prohibition was a new thing. It took World War I  to provide the environment that finally made Prohibition possible in British  Columbia and in the Okanagan.  The temperance idea arrived as part of the cultural baggage of some 69  of the first white settlers in the Okanagan. A. L. Fortune of Enderby, a  strong Presbyterian teetotaller, left his mark in that community. A total  abstinence society existed there by 1887, providing entertainment to  members as "a counter-attraction to the luring glitter of the bar-room"  and "circulating petitions ... in favour of limiting the number of licenses".5  Donald Graham, another early and prominent immigrant to the North  Okanagan and at one time the legislative member of the district, also  supported this temperance club. Around Vernon, then called Priest's Valley,  a correspondent told of "strong feeling .. . against the proposal of a firm  to secure a license to dispense liquor.'15 A branch of the Good Templars  operated early in Kelowna and for women, there was the Women's Christian  Temperance Union (WCTU). The WCTU operated in the Okanagan at  least as early as 1898 and began holding valley-wide rallies in 1910. Along  with the early settler came temperance sentiments and organizations.  The loosely organized temperance groups saw immediate practical  results from their activities. Certain Okanagan communities long remained  completely "dry". In Enderby, the Lamblys voluntarily shortened the open  hours of their Belvidere Hotel, and remained closed Sundays.7 Temperance  people were quick to note that group pressure could achieve desirable results  and so temperance became a perpetual issue in local politics.  The political success of the temperance movement, particularly at the  local level, can be better understood against the background of moral and  democratic reform that concerned the communities of British Columbia  and in fact, all across Canada. As communities grew more settled, a desire  to improve them, to make them better places in which to live, became  manifest. This desire led to the establishment of new or improved social  services like hospitals, schools, juvenile courts. People began to work for  better conditions in the prisons and for the rehabilitation of former prisoners.  A workmen's compensation law was debated in the provincial legislature  in 1916 along with the Prohibition Act; the abolition of child labour took  place in these years. One of the first hospitals for the insane, as it was  called, was built in Vernon by the provincial government. Many of the  people who involved themselves in the work for a high standard of service  and morality in the community, like the WCTU, were the temperance  people. In Vernon, after the war had begun, the first soldiers' aid groups  were organized by the WCTU on a voluntary basis Obviously reformers  had to come to terms with the political realities of their time. People did  not always agree on the necessity of a particular reform, and sometimes  they were unwilling to pay for it. Community leaders saw their task as  one of building and preserving a peaceful, orderly community, and one  that was inexpensively administered. City budgets were small and citizens  intended to keep them that way. A community institution like a police  force, a jail, a hospital, was not quickly established, until an overwhelming  need for it was demonstrated. For some time the constable in Kelowna  was hesitant to make arrests since this action meant taking the offender  home for the night; there was no local jail. Vernon had no night constable  before about 1904 and, although there was a jail, it was poorly looked  after until complaints from the army in World War I forced better service  to prisoners. In a partially serviced community a coherent, unified interpre- 70  tation of decency was essential. Vernon's curfew law was intended to remove  school age children and potential vandals from the street at night. No  doubt a certain elitism operated in the choice of moral standards yet  communities from Enderby to Penticton reserved and exercised the right  to decide on the kind of entertainment residents could experience, often  by extra-legal methods. Prostitutes were not duly arrested and tried and  convicted in court — this was an expensive and messy business. They were  simply ostracized, ordered to leave town, or where this proved impossible,  a "red light" district was tolerated. Moving pictures, boxing matches, and  circuses were subject to council notions, and more often than not, refused  the necessary license to appear in town. Decency was preserved not so  much by law, as by a casual informality. Temperance people tended to  interfere with this informality by insisting on more precise laws of right  and wrong, particularly vis a vis liquor and often made a nuisance of  themselves in this regard. In any case, in the years before World War I  almost every community in British Columbia experimented with by-laws  and other actions intended to maintain standards of decency and the  communities of the Okanagan were no exception. As part of this tendency,  the temperance and prohibition movements attracted a considerable following.  Evidence that decency was a widespread concern in Okanagan  communities is found in a newspaper editorial of 1913. The "'goody-goody'  class" with "their extreme and impracticable views" did not have the answers  for their community, a Vernon News editorial told residents, but the editor  was strongly opposed to any effort to make Vernon an "open town":  God forbid that this should happen. We have lived in the West for  thirty years, and know well what the conditions are in 'open' towns.  Places where vice holds up it head unabashed, where gambling is  rampant, where brothels flourish, where ruin and wreckage strew the  streets with the flotsam of degraded humanity.  Vernon at present has a widespread reputation as one of the best  conducted towns in the province. It is a place where nobody need  hesitate to come to and bring up a family under exceptionally good  conditions. Women and children may walk its streets by day or night  and be safe from molestation or insult as if they were on their own  premises. We are noted as being a law-abiding community. In every  respect the City is now a desirable place of residence for decent people.  The Board of Trade and other agencies have been busy for years inviting  immigration and setting forth these attractions. All their work would  be undone by the introduction of an "open town" regime.  The statistics furnished by the Police Commissioners make a fine  showing. Only seven men have been arrested for drunkenness in the  last two months! This speaks volumes for the efficient manner in which  the Commissioners have conducted their work. It is a credit to our  Chief of Police. It also demonstrated the fact that our hotels live well  up to the letter of the law. In fact we believe that there is no town  in British Columbia where the hotel proprietors are more deserving  of praise than in Vernon. We must see to it that this eminently satisfactory state of affairs is maintained. If we lapse into deterioration  it will be our own fault. 71  Business interests and all legitimate enterprises would suffer in the  long run from the adoption of the "wide open" system. Experience  has taught that the transient and fictitious prosperity thus introduced  is overwhelmingly outbalanced by the evil which follows. Vernon by  this means would receive a set-back from which it would not recover  for years . . . We are speaking to the decent, sensible, self-respecting  citizens, who are looking ahead to the future of themselves and their  families. And we say to them: Wake up! Get busy! The civic elections  are not far distant. Prepare a slate of good men that will maintain  the present splendid status of our town.8  Here was the true voice of the Okanagan speaking: the "decent, sensible,  self-respecting citizens" it said, had a responsibility to ensure the  continuation of communities built on high moral values by democratic  means. Vernon never became an "open" town; it never became a dry town  through local law. Apparently the residents, like the editor, didn't want  prohibition, but they desired a "wide open" town even less.  So decency was a popular issue in local communities and temperance  leaders could always rely on its popularity to help their particular cause.  Proponents of temperance, like those of other moral reforms, took their  bearings from certain social or theological views, but they claimed their  main motivation came from practical evidence around them of the evils  of intemperance. All British Columbians were in agreement that liquor  was bad for some people and should be kept away from them. Certainly  about Indians there was no question and the penalty was severe for selling  or giving them liquor. In the small communities of the Okanagan everyone  sooner or later heard of human tragedies resulting from too much drinking.  There was the sad case of August Gillard, an early settler of Okanagan  Mission, who drank and gambled away four hundred cattle, fifty horses,  and three hundred and twenty acres of land and died in poverty.9 The  "town drunk" was a notable figure, and James Donegan of Vernon was  fondly remembered fifty years after he had frozen to death in a drunken  stupor.10 Sometimes drink struck in high places, as in the case of Edward  Tronson, whose name appears regularly in the Vernon Police Court Records  of the 1890's. On the basis of what they saw, and on their principles,  numerous individuals began protesting to their local Board of Licensing  Commissioners11 against the granting of new liquor licences or about the  conduct in some of the licensed premises. Some citizens urged the complete  prohibition of liquor because it produced "vicious slums, haunts of vice,  overflowing jails, lunatic asylums, workhouses and the wrecked and  poverty-stricken homes."12 Liquor, prohibitionists claimed, was involved  in most of the undesirable, anti-social, even petty criminal activities in  every community. Statistics appeared to back them up. Of 172 cases dealt  with by the Penticton Police department in 1915, 97 involved liquor and  20 were dismissed.13 C. W. Holliday, certainly no teetotaller agreed that  the temperance people had their finger on a real problem:  Looking back, I can see that most of the minor offences and many  of the crimes of violence were undoubtedly the result of over-indulgences in alcohol. It will please my friends of the WCTU to hear  this... but (things were) much worse ... then.14  Would not a clearly defined prohibition law, enforced by the province, 72  mean savings and social peace at the local level, prohibitionists asked. Others  felt that all that was required was an emphasis on genuine moderation,  and perhaps some controlling legislation regarding liquor.  The moral reformers held the belief that a high moral tone, a common  standard of decency in a community, made that community better: from  the theological viewpoint "better" in the sight of God; from the sociological  viewpoint "better" as an environment in which to live, friendlier, safer,  and more prosperous. The theological viewpoint, of course, came mainly  from the churches. In their more or less accepted role as guardians of  the moral standards of the community the churches urged the observance  of Sunday as a day of rest, and opposed practices like race track gambling  and prostitution and unfamiliar forms of entertainment such as moving  pictures, or even pool halls. The liquor question was of particular significance to the churches and the first ministers in the Okanagan warned and  worked against the traffic and use of drink. "The Rev. Mr. Langill .. .  (was) circulating a petition in favour of prohibiting the sale and manufacture  of... liquors" in Vernon as early as 1891.15 All churches taught temperance,  but the Church of England and the Roman Catholic Church defined it  as moderate use. The Methodists were nearly all teetotallers and practiced  "the Discipline" against members who indulged in the use of intoxicating  liquors. In the Okanagan Methodists churches as elsewhere, members from  time to time took "the pledge" to abstain from all alcoholic beverages.  Candidates for the Methodist ministry were faced with the question, "Do  you take snuff, tobacco, or intoxicating drinks" and there was only one  acceptable answer.16 Baptists and many Presbyterians agreed with the  Methodists on the question of drinking, although the Presbyterian church  never enforced total abstinence on its members. As the number of teetotallers increased the word "temperance" came to be defined as total abstinence from liquor, and was used interchangeably with the word "prohibition".  The churches taught temperance and some advocated prohibition but  they were not constantly working toward a political showdown on the  prohibition issue. Church records in the Okanagan, particularly Vernon,  indicate that the churches, as churches, put less time and energy into the  temperance question than is sometimes believed although the presence of  mainly Methodists, Baptists and Presbyterians in the temperance movement  is an indication of the social effects of church teachings. Churches supported  political movements considered commendable but did not really lead them.  The churches in the Okanagan, many of them barely organized by 1900,  did not have the manpower, nor financial resources to lead a political  campaign. In Vernon both St. Andrews, the Presbyterian Church, and the  Methodist Church had chronic financial difficulties and found it difficult  to support their pastors and pay for church facilities, let alone expending  resources on other matters.17 No sizeable amounts paid out for temperance  work or advertising are found in the financial records of these congregations  although one cannot know how much individual members on their own  donated to the temperance movement. Church temperance committees, both  local and valley wide were set up from time to time but had no continuity  or measurable influence outside the church. 73  In 1909, the year of the fight for the local option, the Baptist, Presbyterian and Methodist churches in Vernon considered supporting "strong  moral (sic!) reform candidates for mayor" but "nothing definite" was done.18  Not even in 1916, after a referendum on prohibition had been called, did  the churches show intense concern about the question. The Methodists  held a Valley-wide annual district meeting in May, 1916, in the middle  of the final prohibition campaign, but the main issue was a theological  dispute, Russellism, and the newspaper account on the meeting reported  nothing on the prohibition question.19 The actual political campaign for  temperance and prohibition legislation was led by other groups.  Other temperance groups also objected to the liquor traffic on moral  grounds. The WCTU lacked direct political power — women could not  vote — and so couched its criticisms of society in moral tones. Children  were organized into Bands of Hope, and taught about "the evil effects  of alcohol and tobacco". Women were not permitted to enter barrooms  at this time and it was widely held that their entry into politics would  elevate the moral tone of the entire province. The drive for women suffrage  can be partly understood as a part of moral reform, but the Department  of Franchise of the WCTU also demanded the vote as a right. Women  leaders in the WCTU were often the wives of known prohibitionists —  like Mrs. L. V. Rogers and Mrs. H. W. Swerdfager, both of Kelowna. Along  with other local temperance people in the Okanagan, the WCTU did its  part in urging stricter control over the liquor traffic. In the larger province-wide temperance efforts they played a more secondary role. In the  final prohibition campaign of 1915-1916 the WCTU provided the new  prohibitionist organization, the People's Prohibition Association (PPA), with  moral and financial support, but leadership was definitely in the hands  of the PPA. The WCTU still continued its role in criticizing the moral  standards of local communities. All WCTU members in the Okanagan  were asked to write to Sir Sam Hughes, Canadian Minister of Militia,  "urging him to declare liquor out of bounds at the Vernon Camp, and  to discourage in every way within his power the red light districts . . . the  Vernon camp is on many a woman's heart."20  Some prohibitionists argued that prohibition was in the tradition of  other democratic reforms in social legislation and many people agreed with  them in principle. Opponents of prohibition, like the residents of Okanagan  Falls, who voted against it in 1916, do not on that account deserve to  be called liberal or reform-minded; where the rest of the valley overwhelmingly supported woman suffrage, they came very close to defeating it  in their own area.21 A reform was a political action that "improved" a  community and made it a better place in which to live. The more directly  the people participated in the reform through plebiscites or referenda, the  more democratic it was. A democratic society by definition implied that  the people of any area surely had the basic right to make decisions about  what institutions could exist in their own communities. Specifically, if most  people wanted hotel bars and saloons closed, they should be closed. Was  not this democracy in action? Perhaps the people of Vernon, Kelowna  and Penticton could not dry up the entire provice, but if most people in  these communities demonstrated their support of prohibition, surely they 74  could dry up Vernon, Kelowna and Penticton. Temperance people argued  that the principle of local influence and control should be recognized as  much in the case of prohibition as for any other reform and that if a  local "dry" system was impractical, or not widely supported, then perhaps  restrictive regulations on the liquor traffic was the answer.  The temperance argument for local democracy was finally heard and  a plebiscite on local option was held in 1909. The plebiscite was defeated.  A local option law would permit, as it did in many other parts of Canada,  and the U.S., "wet" areas, such as cities or even entire electoral districts  to go "dry" by popular vote. The question of the local option law was  put to a plebiscite in 1909 and obained a slim majority in British Columbia,  but failed under its terms of reference. The vote in the Okanagan at this  time exactly reflected the rest of the province.22 The theory of democratic  control of the prohibition question, while logically coherent within a democratic society, failed on its own terms, i.e., not enough people voted for  it.  Known prohibitionists, like R. W. Timmins, mayor of Vernon, 1908-9,  did not force "dry" law on an unwilling community; there is no evidence  that he even tried. In Penticton a serious dispute arose over the vigor with  which the police department enforced certain by-laws. Zealous in duty,  Police Chief Gale charged various citizens of the community with violations  of by-laws regulating their hotels and poolrooms. The charges did not stand  up in court, and the district had to bear the court costs. Gale was forced  out of office.23 The "goody-goodys" as the editor of the Vernon News called  some prohibitionists did not command universal respect, and the news media  made fun of groups like the WCTU if they made a moral stand on insignificant (to them) issues. "Listen to this", chuckled a writer at the Penticton  Herald, as he reported a WCTU meeting at which members had criticized  the suggestive style of demonstrating women's clothes in Eaton's Catalogue?*  Decent moral standards were desired by a wide segment of every community, but these standards bore the marks of local feeling. An emphasis, even  a preference, for decent and temperate living, if not on temperance itself,  was evident in the Okanagan, whether based on moral or reform considerations. And this preference was held by enough people, with sufficient  influence, to effect real changes in the social habits and attitudes of British  Columbia.  From the beginnning of the temperance movement in the Okanagan,  the names of the men behind the "dry" cause reads like a Who's Who  of the area. Many of these men doubtless avoided liquor personally for  religious reasons — they were all Methodists or Presbyterians — and they  had a significant influence on the standard of decency in their respective  communities. In Vernon, the names R. V. Clement, lawyer and sometime  alderman, J. S. Galbraith, businessman and alderman, and J. A. McKelvie,  editor, the Vernon News, occur in the movement in the 1890's and later.  In Kelowna, chief prohibitionists included J. A. Bigger, chairman, Board  of School Trustees, J. W. Jones, city Mayor and financial agent; both  principal of the high school, L V. Rogers and of the elementary school,  James Gordon. Alderman Matthew McCauley, B. A. Moorhouse, civil >  75  Mr. J. A. McKelvie, editor and  prohibitionist.  Photo Courtesy — Vernon Museum  L. V. Rogers, school principal in Kelowna  was an active prohibitionist. His wife was  active in the W.C.T.U.  Photo Courtesy — Kelowna Centennial Museum.  engineer and land surveyor, and Charles Greer, Ford dealer, led the dry  forces in Penticton.  Under such leadership communities were able to get specific laws  passed on liquor and other moral questions, laws that progressively reflected  the prevailing definition of decency in the community. These laws bore  the marks of the sometimes petty, sometimes ridiculous (to us) concerns  of small struggling cities in the Okanagan and elsewhere, but the concerns  were real, and the laws were locally applied to local leaders. Even before  1900 the Provincial Liquor Act was amended and all new liquor outlets,  wholesale and retail, were made dependent on local consent. A new license  could be challenged by local residents and defeated in a local plebiscite.  Residents of Peachland and Naramata, considered strongly Baptist  communities, long remained dry through local opposition to liquor outlets.  When other hotel facilities were needed, a large hotel, the Syndica, was  built in Naramata, but without a barroom. In Peachland, a delegation  presented to council "a petition with the signatures of 75 ratepayers asking  for exemption from taxation, water and light rates for five years for anyone  who would build and operate a strictly temperance hotel.25 Council agreed,  but apparently no one took advantage of the offer, and the "temperance"  hotel was never built. By 1911, communities everywhere were eliminating  saloons and permitting only hotels to sell liquor, in an effort to ensure  better facilities, and standards of service. Also, according to the provincial  act, local judges were permitted to interdict individuals ("siwash" was the 76  popular term) who repeatedly caused disturbances while drunk. No one  could legally sell or give liquor to a man under interdict.  At the local level, communities were empowered through legislation  pertaining to municipalities to license and set hours of business for barrooms,  and to inspect them. This they did through a local Board of License  Commissioners. By-Law 141 in Vernon passed in popular referendum in  1910. Under its terms opening hours of wholesale and retail liquor places  were ordered closed 11 p.m. to 6 a.m. Barrooms were to leave lights on  blinds up to permit inspection.26 Establishments failing to meet these terms  found themselves in trouble, and Charles Levasseur of Victoria Hotel,  Vernon, had his license suspended for two months. Even bartenders were  required to purchase a license through city officers, in an effort to ensure  that the position would be filled by men of good character. If prohibition  was not often part of the standard of decency accepted by Okanagan  communities, restrictive liquor legislation certainly was.  So the keepers of the moral standards of the communities had enjoyed  considerable success before World War I. Saloons were gone, and hotel  bars had come very much under community control. Yet many temperance  people were dissatisfied and in 1915 they joined in another campaign for  prohibition. Why did they do this? There is no evidence that the majority  of the people of the Okanagan were dissatisfied with restrictive liquor  legislation. The mind of the prohibitionist is difficult to explain. He was  invariably a Methodist or Baptist churchman, yet there are no imperatives  in the basic literature of Christianity to justify his political attitude. Most  Anglicans and Catholics remained doubtful about prohibition through law.  If prohibition is considered reactionary, why was it so long espoused by  the Liberals in the province? My hunch is that the prohibitionist was more  in time with the politics of the future than he is usually given credit for.  He was not a vestige of the past, in support of negative and conservative  government, but he is the ancestor of positive, involved, social welfare  oriented government. It is a popular notion that prohibition was ill-conceived because it could not work. I think we know that now, but neither  prohibitionists nor anyone else knew this before it was tried. The temperance  people, like the good democratic liberal reformers that some of them were,  had a great faith in law. They were sure society could be changed, even  greatly improved, if "good" laws were framed.  Whatever the depth of commitment by the Okanagan prohibitionists  to their cause, one can argue that they were less actors, and more acted  upon in the final campaign of 1915-16, The real prohibitionist was a product  of the cities of British Columbia — Vancouver and Victoria. Out in the  rural districts and communities, like those in the Okanagan, city and district  leaders had worked out a modus vivendi with the "red light" district people  and the policeman and the prostitute both kept their place. Over the hotel  keeper, a satisfactory level of control was now exercised. Then from Vancouver came the prohibitionists and stirred up the prohibition issue again.  A clearly defined prohibition law, they said, enforced by the province,  could mean savings and stability at the local level. The cost would be  to give up the income from liquor licenses. The concept of local control  would also be lost. Prohibition meant a further extension of the provincial 77  government into the communities of B.C. Local licensing control over hotels  would be given up. New government liquor stores would be required, with  employees hired by the province to operate them. The expected gain was  the final solution of the whole liquor problem, locally as well as over the  entire province. Such temperance arguments were old hat and they had  not been accepted by great enough numbers before to become law. But  this was 1915, the Great War was on, and the prohibitionists stalked out  of Vancouver into the countryside with a bold new confidence.  To say that World War I caused far reaching changes in all of western  society is a truism, yet an important fact in considering the coming of  prohibition to British Columbia. The wartime climate of opinion had unique  elements in it — patriotism of course — but a patriotism that included  the willingness on the part of many to make personal sacrifices, to give  up luxuries, even ordinary enjoyments of life. This wartime climate of  opinion provided a congenial environment for prohibitionists to get their  law.  The campaign that won prohibition was predominantly an economic  one, built on an emotional foundation of patriotism. "What will it be,"  asked the prohibitionist, "the Bar or the War?" The economic emphasis  was on the conservation of resources, in civilian life, or to better aid the  war effort, especially food and financial resources. All residents of B.C.  were urged to conserve food, grain, and flour by the Food Board. Bills  needed to be paid, victory bonds required selling. The campaign thus was  primarily a call for "wartime" prohibition, and coupled an emphasis on  economic efficiency with patriotism. "A tensely righteous type of patriot,"  Ormsby called the prohibitionist.27  In this final and successful prohibition campaign of 1915 and 1916  the business and professional people, particularly of Vancouver, took the  lead. Early in the campaign John Nelson placed his newspaper, the World,  in the "dry" cause and his was the only major daily newspaper to take  this direction. The paper was therefore promoted throughout the province  by the prohibitionists. An apparently short-lived Prohibition Bulletin was  printed by the same establishment and reached the Okanagan. If newspaper  items in the Okanagan are a fair indication, the local temperance people  allowed themselves to be pretty well dominated by the more prominent  temperance people — Rev. J. S. Henderson and Archdeacon Lloyd — who  lectured the entire province. No doubt many of the local "drys" cooperated  willingly, but their role was definitely a subservient one and the issues as  well as the tempo of the campaign became entirely dependent on what  the Vancouver "drys" were doing.  By the spring of 1915 petitions and requests for wartime prohibition  were pouring into the federal and provincial government offices across  Canada. The most prominent Canadian prohibition lobby, the Dominion  Alliance, sprang into action and held a rally in Toronto in March at which  a resolution was passed requesting the federal government to prohibit the  manufacture and sale of liquor for the duration of the war. Renewed interest  in the liquor question was shown in British Columbia as well, particularly  in Vancouver. In May, 1915, between five and six hundred business and  professional men of Vancouver and district attended a prohibition banquet 78  in Dominion Hall and unanimously endorsed prohibition in the province  by a standing vote.28 John Nelson, the owner and editor of the World,  interpreted the wartime prohibition movement to his readers as something  new. In a front-page editorial entitled "Prohibition During the War" he  stated that:  We believe that without exception former temperance movements  have been crusades having their origin in the moral and religious life  of the community ....  The present campaign will ... be an economic one. Throughout  the province it is being fathered by shopkeepers, miners, professional  men, mill hands, lumbermen, farmers and businessmen of all kinds.  It has no political boundaries or limits .... Total abstainers will, in  this campaign, find themselves reinforced by the votes of club men  and moderate and even immoderate drinkers throughout the province.  The candid opinion of most sensible men today is unmistakably  in one direction, namely, that no country that is at war has any business  permitting the continuance of a trade which imposes unnecessary  burdens on industry and commerce and entails worse ravages than  war itself.29  One of the decisions reached at the banquet, was to send someone  around the province, sounding out the views of businessmen, and to "request  their support in a new drive for wartime prohibition". The man chosen  was D. F. Glass, an insurance agent in Vancouver. In July, Glass addressed  a Board of Trade meeting in Kelowna, attended by about 30 people, the  Courier reported:  Mr. Glass . . . explained the purpose of the meeting, which was  to induce the businessmen of Kelowna to cooperate in a movement  i.set on foot by the businessmen of Vancouver to secure prohibition  of the sale of alcoholic liquors on the lines recently enacted in Alberta  or Saskatchewan. Resolutions were passed as follows: (1) asking the  measure at the next session of the Legislature or (2) should a provincial  election be held before the legislature meets, to submit a plebiscite  on the question to popular vote.30  To better organize the work, a prohibition convention was held in  Vancouver, August 24 and 25. The Vernon delegation consisted of H. W.  Knight, J. S. Galbraith, Thos. Robertson and Rev. C. O. Main. From Kelowna, the mayor, J. T. Jones, and L. V. Rogers attended. Local committees  were set up, headed by businessmen in the various communities, and with  the return home of the delegated from Vancouver, work began in earnest  and meeting after meeting was held. The delegates brought back the word  that the prohibition movement was basking in political respectability. The  day before the convention opened Premier McBride had sent a letter to  the convention committee stating that "it has been decided after careful  deliberation to submit the whole question to a plebiscite of the electorate".31  Considerable popular enthusiasm was generated by the convention  and a public rally in Vancouver attracted 4,000 persons who came to hear  the guest speakers, Principal Lloyd, President of the Dominion Alliance,  and Nellie McClung of Manitoba. To maintain .interest in prohibition the  People's Prohibition Association (PPA) was organized on a province-wide  basis. Then the out-of-town delegates returned home to work. 79  The PPA organization was elaborate and the executive committee centered in Vancouver became the key group in maintaining a politically  audible voice on the prohibition issue. The role of local groups was to  distribute campaign information, bulletins, literature, and to help in coordinating the lecture tours of prominent lecturers and agents sent out from  headquarters. Interested people were not required to sign or pay a fee  to become members and hence the actual strength of the PPA local is  unknown. Jonathan Rogers, a prominent Vancouver businessman and head  of the movement claimed that all but two of the thirty electoral districts  contained prohibition committees by January, 1916.32  The prohibition campaign began immediately. Mr. Charles Reid, a  Vancouver businessman, was in Peachland in September. He came  ... in the interests of the Vancouver World and the People's Prohibition  Movement.... He is arranging for organizations in the smaller towns,  to be affiliated with the central or main organization .. . paving the  way for Dr. McGuire, of Vancouver .. . provincial organizer.33  The local officers were  H. W.  Knight,  President,  L. J.  Ball, Vice-  President, D. McBride, Secretary-Treasurer. The membership was estimated  at 50 people.34 The Kelowna Courier reported on the organizational meeting  there at which Mayor Jones and L. V. Rogers, principal of the high school  spoke and J. A. Bigger was made president. Others involved in the committee at Kelowna were James Gordon, J. Ball, W. B. M. Calder, J. M. Brydon  and H. D. Riggs. J. A. Bigger  called to mind how good it looked for Kelowna to see the principal  of the high school and the principal of the public school both figuring  at the head of such a movement.35  At Penticton, Archdeacon Lloyd spoke to an "excellent attendance" at the  prohibition meeting which was chaired by Councillor Matthew McCauley 36  The featured temperance meetings were those dominated by prohibitionists with a province-wide reputation but local people did not remain  uninvolved. Most Okanagan communities reported some temperance activity before Christmas of 1915. In Penticton, Sunday School children marched  in a temperance parade under a manifesto that read  Follow the lead of the King! For the sake of the children, the future  citizens and homemakers of Penticton show your sympathy with the  "People's Prohibition Movement."37  The parade was followed by a public temperance rally, and was well  attended. However, even in the crucial years of 1915-16 the prohibition  issue did not dominate Okanagan newspapers — the War did. Probably  this was fortunate for the prohibitionist cause. Most newspapers only mentioned meetings at which some prominent person, usually from out of town,  gave a lecture. Thus information on the local effort is very scarce, and  the differences of opinion are reflected mainly in the letter-to-the-editor  columns. The Enderby Commoner ignored prohibition completely.  By Chrismas, temperance activity was dwindling and a "very small"  attendance was reported at a Penticton temperance rally.38 The PPA had  cranked up enthusiasm everywhere and hoped to force the provincial  government into a quick referendum on prohibition, but the Premier disappointed the leaders, and as a consequence temperance activity declined 80  everywhere. Instead of a separately held referendum on prohibition, Premier  Richard McBride told the PPA by letter that the government was opposed  to direct legislation and would therefore return to the plebiscite policy,  and that for reasons of economy and because it made the largest vote  possible, the plebiscite would be held on election day and the question  of prohibition would be treated in conjunction with other questions on  the issue.39 After this setback, Okanagan newspapers reported no temperance meetings for several months. Not until the spring and summer of  1916 was any temperance work done in the Okanagan, and again it was  the prohibitionists from the coast who got things moving both in their  own area and in the Okanagan.  Shortly before the end of the year 1915, Richard McBride resigned  as premier and was succeeded by his former Attorney General, W. J. Bowser.  At first Bowser made no commitments to the PPA and despite "all kinds  of pressure" in "letters, resolutions, newspaper articles" he ignored all  demands for an explanation of his policy on prohibition.40 He thus ignored  the growing strength of the PPA and a widespread interest in the question.  When Bowser set by-election dates in late February, 1916, for the election  of three new cabinet ministers the PPA decided to use the by-elections  as a test of strength. The PPA openly opposed the Conservative candidates  and two of them were defeated, one in Victoria and one in Vancouver.  Bowser blamed their defeat at least in part on the activities of the prohibitionists.41 Within a day of the by-elections Bowser completely reversed  himself and espoused a policy that exceeded the expectations of the PPA.  To a large prohibition delegation in Victoria, led by J. Robers, Bowser  pledged that a referendum, not a plebiscite, would be held on a prohibition  act acceptable to the prohibitionists.  In late April and early May, the Rev. J. S. Henderson, a seasoned  prohibition campaigner from eastern Canada, and on full time loan to  the PPA from the Presbyterian Church, was sent on a speaking tour of  the Okanagan. He stopped at virtually every community along the way  and in Kelowna he was joined by George J. Hammond, a Vancouver  financier. The economic emphasis of the campaign was retained and soon  local temperance people were applying the categories of argument  developed in Vancouver to their own communities. Vernon prohibitionists  lamented the waste of resources represented by the "net drink bill" of  the Okanagan of $1,340,000.42 Mayor Jones of Kelowna, soon to become  the Conservative candidate in the provincial election, referred to prohibition  as a "great mortgage lifter" and L. V. Rogers parroted the usual statistics  "to prove that if the money invested in the manufacture of liquor were  to be invested in any other manufacture, the producing power of the country  would be increased many fold.43  Since Premier Bowser called for the prohibition referendum in conjunction with a provincial election, the temperance question was bound to  become part of the political campaign, but, with the possible exception  of the South Okanagan riding in the area around Kelowna, the issue was  not significant in the Okanagan. L. W. Shatford, Conservative member from  the Similkameen riding, which included Penticton, spoke at length in  Victoria on the accomplishments and prospects of his riding in a long address 81  and as reported in the Penticton Herald contained not a single reference  to prohibition.44 He took no clear stand on the issue. However, H. H. Stevens,  Conservative M.P. from Vancouver visited Penticton in September 1916,  just before voting day. He only endorsed prohibition on behalf of Shatford  and local conservatives, who had been reticent on the subject. As previously  mentioned, the Enderby Commoner ignored the subject and the issue did  not appear of great political significance in the North Okanagan, even  though the incumbent Conservative, Price Ellison, was defeated by K. C.  McDonald, a Liberal. The dominant issue here was a scandal in which  Ellison, a cabinet minister, was accused of using his influence to personally  profit in the sale of beef cattle. In Kelowna, both candidates, Mayor J. W.  Jones, Conservative, and L. V. Rogers, Liberal, both claimed to be prohibitionists but the Liberal Committee of South Okanagan had supported a  referendum on prohibition six months prior to the Conservatives. Ultimately  Jones emerged the winner.  The prohibition issue was decided on September 14, 1916, and, after  a delay caused by controversy on overseas balloting by soldiers, a Prohibition Act went into force October 1, 1917 and remained so until June 14,  1921. A prohibition commissioner was appointed by the province to keep  watch over the Prohibition Act, but he and the communities who hoped  to benefit from prohibition soon found themselves in difficulty. The  commissioner could not single-handedly enforce the Act and the province  gave little help to incorporate areas with their own police departments.  Having given up their income from liquor licenses, communities now found  they were required to enforce the Prohibition Act. But this is another story  pertaining to the failure of prohibition.  FOOTNOTES  1. Albert J. Heibert. "Prohibition in British Columbia" Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Simon  Fraser University, 1969.  2. Margaret A. Ormsby, British Columbia — A History, Vancouver, MacMillan,  1958  p. 394.  3. Vernon News, Sept. 21, 1916; Sept. 28,  1916; Oct. 26, 1916 and Kelowna Courier,  Sept. 21, 1916.  The results of the balloting in the Okanagan on the Prohibition Act were reported in the  newspapers as follows;  For Against  Enderby 133 62  Armstrong 235 61  Lumby 26 80  Mabel Lake 5 8  Trinity Valley 2 3  Lavington 10 23  Vernon 369 332  O'Keefe's 5 8  Okanagan Landing 22 13  Commonage 12 7  Oyama 22 12 82  For Against  Kelowna 243 161  Peachland 61 16  Summerland (East & West) 190 65  Penticton 275 112  Naramata 37 8  Okanagan Falls 14 20  Fairview 27 25  These results are incomplete. The provincial government did not preserve a record anywhere  and the newspapers omitted some communities.  4. She describes the prohibitionist as one "who seemed completely out of character  in a setting which had never been noted for its puritannical principles." Ormsby, p. 389.  5. Inland Sentinel, Kamloops, Feb. 12, 1887. The item refers to the Spallumcheen area,  which included Enderby, as "somewhat of a temperance community".  6. Inland Sentinel, Yale, Mar. 8. 1883.  7. Inland Sentinel, Kamloops, 1887.  8. Vernon News, Nov. 21, 1913, p. 4.  9. Frank Buckland, Ogopogo's Vigil, Kelowna, Kelowna Courier, 1948, p. 67.  10. C. W. Holliday, The Valley of Youth, Caldwell, Idaho, Caxton Printers, 1948, p. 290.  Donegan was known as "Jimmy the Dasher" and he was often "siwashed".  11. The Board of License Commissioners received frequent complaints from residents  about activities in hotels they deemed undesirable. There were complaints that gambling went  on in the Victoria Hotel, and 130 persons petitioned at one stage that the license of another  hotel, the Vernon, not be renewed. Board of License Commissioners, Vernon, Minutes, pp. 20,  21, 125.  12. Vernon News, June 14, 1917.  13. Penticton Herald, Jan. 6, 1916.  14. Holliday, p. 305.  15. Inland Sentinel, Kamloops, Jan. 24, 1891. Langill was a Presbyterian minister.  16. Methodist Church, B.C. Conference, Okanagan District, Minutes, May 9, 1907.  'Ģ 17. In Vernon, the Presbyterian Church became self supporting in 1899; the Methodist  Church in 1905. One large outside expense maintained by the Methodists was "Connexional  fund" which included assessments for Columbia College, a seminary. In June 1916, the PPA  appealed to the Presbyterian Sunday School in Vernon for funds, and a special collection  was taken. Presbyterian Church, Vernon, Minutes, June 13, 1916.  18. Methodist Church, Official Board, Minutes, Oct. 11, 1909 and Nov. 9, 1909.  19. Penticton Herald, May 18, 1916, p. 1.  20. Kelowna Courier, June 1, 1916, p. 5.  21. Okanagan Falls defeated prohibition 20 to 14. Woman suffrage barely passed, 26  to 23.  22. The plebiscite was held in conjunction with a provincial election. A rule was made  that if 50% of those who voted for candidates also voted for local option, the government  would bring in a law. Of ballots cast, a slight majority in the province voted for local option,  but their total fell short of the required 50%. So it was in the Okanagan. The area was short  ofthe50%by 16 votes.  23. Penticton Herald, Sept. 2, 1915.  24. Ibid, Nov. 11, 1916.  25. F. Ivor Jackson, "A History of the Muncipal Council of Peachland, 1909-1947",  mimeographed by author, n.d., p. 81.  26. In addition, no one under 21 could enter a barroom and barrooms were required  to close during election hours. The by-law passed 152 to 49. Vernon News, Sept. 8, 1910. 83  27. Ormsby, p. 389.  28. World, Vancouver, May 19, 1915, p. 12.  29. Ibid., Aug. 10, 1915, p. 1  30. Kelowna Courier, July 29, 1915.  31. Cited in World, Vancouver, Aug. 24, 1915, p. 12.  32. Victoria Daily Times, Feb. 1, 1916, p. 13.  33. Penticton Herald, Sept. 30, 1915.  34. Vernon News, Nov. 18, 1915.  35. Kelowna Courier, Sept. 31, 1915.  36. Penticton Herald, Sept. 2, 1915.  37. Ibid, Dec. 30, 1915.  38. Ibid, Dec. 20, 1915.  39. World, Vancouver, Nov. 9, 1915.  40. Canadian Annual Review, 1916, p. 770.  41. Ibid., p. 755  42. Vernon News, Dec. 2, 1915.  43. Kelowna Courier, June 1, 1916.  44. Penticton Herald, Mar. 23, 1916.  Whipsaw Bridge, built about 1913.  Photo Courtesy — D. M. Waterman 84  Mr. L. Race Dunrobin, who originally pre-empted the land known as Commando Bay. 85  COMMANDO BAY  Debra Faraguna  Editor's Note: All quotations are taken from the transcript of an  interview with Major Hugh John Legg, taped in Scotland, May, 1975,  by J. V. H. Wilson. The entire transcript, along with photographs and  letters from the commandos, is available at the Reg Atkinson Museum  in Penticton.  Along the eastern shore of Okanagan Lake, ten miles north of Naramata, lies a secluded inlet that appears to have been overlooked by the  advance of Man's technology. There are no roads leading to it; the only  easy access is by water. Prior to the second World War, it was known  as Dunrobin's Bay, named after the original pre-emptor of the land, L. Race  Dunrobin. But as news of the secret activities carried out there during  the war seeped out to the local inhabitants, they gradually adopted a new  name for the little cove: Commando Bay.  During World War II the British war cabinet had a special organization,  called Special Operations Executive (S.O.E.), designed to train commandos  to work behind enemy lines. By 1944, they had successfully infiltrated the  European countries involved, but were then faced with the war in the South  Pacific. The use of Europeans was out of the question, as they would  obviously be detected, but as there were Chinese throughout most of the  Far East already, they could easily work in this territory. The problem  then, was to find Chinese men willing to participate in a commando operation.  The only possible reservoir was the Chinese colonies in British  Columbia who were obviously true to the British cause by having  immigrated there and it was felt if [the army] could get together a number  of first generation Chinese boys and train them in the arts of sabotage  and communications and infiltrate them into the Japanese held territories in the Far East [it] could go a long way towards achieving the  same result that. . . had already [been] achieved in European countries.  Consent was received from the Canadian government for British personnel  to come to British Columbia and Major Hugh John Legg arrived in Vancouver in April of 1944 to oversee the operation.  Major Legg had been an officer in the S.O.E. since September, 1941,  when he was whisked out of the R.A.F. by the secret organization. He  was an expert in the communications field, having gained his first class  certificate in radio telegraphy in 1916 and having been involved in radio  work since then.  In Vancouver, Major Legg worked with Major Hugh Alan in selecting  the men and the location for the training. Of twenty-five first generation  Chinese soldiers from the Canadain army in training who volunteered,  twelve oustanding men were selected. Commando Bay was chosen for the  training site because of its privacy and inaccessibility,  When the group embarked from Vancouver it consisted of the twelve  Chinese soldiers, Major Legg, two Canadian sergeants, and Mr. and Mrs.  Francis Kendall. The sergeants were to train the men in arms, explosives,  and sabotage operations. Mr. Kendall, who had lived in the Far East for 86  The Leir boat, used to transport supplies to the camp.  many years and had a Chinese wife, was to be in charge of the instruction  in demolition. Major Legg, of course, was to be the communications instructor.  They arrived in Penticton at the beginning of May, by train from  the coast. There, a boat had been leased from Hugh Leir to take them  to Commando Bay. A local contractor was hired immediately to build a  wharf while the group set up their camp, which was completed by the  middle of May.  The camp routine was established and training began immediately.  Major Legg, not familiar with the temperature of Okanagan Lake in May,  ordered the men to take a dip in the lake each morning before breakfast.  The first morning, of course, he realized his mistake, but having made  the order, he was obliged to plunge into the water along with the men  and hide his discomfort. The Chinese boys, however, being young and fit, 87  acclimatized easily and soon began to look forward to the morning swim,  which was taken directly upon rising at six a.m. After brisk exercises on  the beach, breakfast was taken between seven and seven-thirty, followed  by a half-hour clean up and then the work day. Training lasted until nine  in the evening, broken only by meals, by which time the men were quite  ready for bed.  For training, the men were broken into groups:  There were two sections of the boys, four of them were learning radio  telegraphy, the remainder were learning demolition, sabotage, self  preservation and all that you would expect of people if they were  going to be on their own in wild territory.  The radio telegraphy students worked mainly on the lakeshore with occasional training excursions down the lake toward Penticton. The demolition  group worked on the benches above the bay and eventually moved up  the lake to the mouth of Wild Horse Canyon where they practiced on  an abandoned cabin.  There was another interesting facet to the training. One of the reasons  these men were selected was because they were first generation Chinese  and it was assumed they would all have a knowledge of the Chinese  language. To the surprise of the instructors, it was discovered that only  four of the twelve knew anything of the language. "Parents of the remainder,  on arrival to Canada, had deliberately refrained from ever using Chinese  again, so their children had been brought up knowing only the English  language." So in addition to the commando training, classes were set up  to instruct the eight men in Chinese.  Lunch time, the "big marquee". From left to right: Sgt. McClure, unidentified, Eddie Chow,  Norman Lowe, two unidentified, Roy Chan, Doug Jung, two unidentified, Tom Locke, Jim  Shiu, Mike Kendall, Betty Kendall, Major Legg. Photo Courtesy - Major Legg Commandos Eddie Bong, Jim Shiu and Louis Kin.  Major Legg Photo  The training routine was broken very rarely in the four months at  the bay. Because of the secrecy of the operation, the men were not allowed  to venture very far but on two occasions they participated in fruit picking  at Paradise Ranch. Major Legg visited the ranch every two or three days  to pick up the camp mail and while on a visit there in June he learned  of the shortage of pickers for the cherry crop. He and the men had pleasant  breaks from their routine with a few days of cherry and peach picking.  For their help they received generous portions of the fruit which were  greatly appreciated.  The four month training period was highlighted by a visit from Major  General George Pearkes (G.O.C. Western Command), who was invited  by Major Legg to spend a week-end at the camp in late July. The General  accepted the invitation but was unaware of the informality of the camp  until Major Legg met him in Penticton. Legg states: 89  When the time came, I went down to Penticton and met the General  and walking to the boat to go to the camp, there was I in a pair of  shorts and a rather dirty pullover and General Pearkes complete with  red tabs, and I said to him that I was afraid that he was in for a  bit of a shock with our camp because there was no rank, no uniforms,  everybody ate together, and everybody acted as equals of each other.  The General, however, entered wholeheartedly into the spirit of the camp;  by the time he arrived at the bay he was dressed in a pair of old trousers  and a sweater. He joined in the same routine as the rest of the men.  By the beginning of September, all the training that could be done  at the bay had been accomplished. The last week at the camp was totally  devoted to cleaning up the area so nothing dangerous would be left behind.  The group then had a few days leave in Vancouver before travelling up  the British Columbian coast for underwater training excercises. Parachute  training, the only step left in their preparation for combat, was to be done  in Australia.  Major Legg and the twelve commandos flew to San Francisco at the  end of September and boarded an American troop ship bound for Australia.  Their trip was not relaxing, however, because on the way General Mac-  Arthur landed in the Philippines and ordered all troop ships to go directly  there. The commando group was unloaded on the coast of New Guinea  with no provisions and no way to reach Australia. From the few American  troops there, they learned of an Australian signal post about five miles  up the coast and the Australian government was made aware of their plight.  After a few days of sleeping under a palm tree and eating borrowed rations,  an Australian luxury liner picked them up and transported them to Australia  in comfort. When they finally reached the parachute training site, another  secret S.O.E. camp, Major Legg's job was finished and he was forced to  say good-bye to the men he had trained.  The young commandos used the training they had received in the  Okanagan very effectively. They were successfully parachuted behind enemy  lines in Borneo and organized the native headhunters because of their  knowledge of the jungle and methods of execution. The combination of  the trained commandos with the headhunters worked extremely well. Legg  comments:  Within a matter of less than a couple of months the Japanese retired  completely from the interior of Borneo down to the coast to get away  from ... my twelve Chinese boys. And of course all this time, seeing  that they were radio telegraphists, all this information was coming back  to our headquarters so that we knew exactly the situation inside Borneo  and were able to start work on plans for retaking Borneo when the  Americans dropped the atomic bomb on Japan and the war came to  an end.  Four of the young commandos, Norman Low, Louey King, James Shiu  and Roy Chan, received the Military Medal for their actions in the South  Pacific.  The incident at Commando Bay, aside from playing an important part  in the war, is unique in the history of the Okanagan and perhaps in the  whole of Canada. For security purposes, no written records were kept of  the operation, but fortunately Commando Bay has been included in Okanagan Mountain Park and this area will be preserved. 90  "RHODODENDRIN ON THE OLD HOPE TRAIL"  Isabel C. MacNaughton  My uncle told me long ago  (Delightful at romancing)  That when he rode the old Hope Trail  He saw a sight entrancing.  For when he came by Skagit Bluffs  He saw two knights ascendin'...  "One he rode a milk-white steed  The other rhododendrin."  I never had been to the Skagit Bluffs  But I thought of them over and over ...  And half the stories I listened to  Were told by a Hope Trail drover.  I knew a white lady who came as a bride  When the Trail was just beginning;  I knew a tall cowboy who travelled it too,  And a mother who rode there singing.  Her babies beside her in Indian baskets  Jogging along the ridges;  And I knew of the Royal Engineers  With the square nails in their bridges.  I walked the Trail at my father's side,  And always I was glancing  To see if the wraiths of the folk I knew  Round the next hill might come dancing  Yet never a glimpse of my white lady  Or the Mother who rode there singing,  And never a glimpse of the cowboy tall  Or the babes in their baskets swinging;  Never a trace as we walked along  Of the people who rode the ridges,  Not even the Royal Engineers  With the square nails in their bridges.  * * *  I travelled the Trail with a lad I loved,  And toward me he kept glancing;  And I never thought of the folk I knew  Because of my heart's romancing.  But when we came by Skagit Bluffs  I saw two knights ascendin'. ..  And one he rode a milk-white steed  The other rhododendrin. 91  DOCUMENTS 92  THOMAS ELLIS DESCRIBES AN IRISH WEDDING  Margaret A. Ormsby  At the age of twenty-one, Thomas Ellis, the eldest child in a large  family of seventeen children, left Dublin in the company of his friend,  Andy McFarland, for Southampton to sail on the Steamer Shannon of  the Royal Steamship Line on 17 January 1865. They arrived in Victoria  on 10 March. "Tommy" carried with him:a formal letter of introduction  to Governor Frederick Seymour supplied by Edward Cardwell, the Colonial  Secretary, to whom he had been recommended by Hon. William Monsell,  M. P. for Limerick. He also had a letter of introduction to Peter O'Reilly,  gold commissioner and stipendiary magistrate, who had migrated from  Ireland in 1859 and who was a friend of "the Major," Ellis's father. O'Reilly  was to become Tom Ellis's mentor.  Ellis and McFarland arrived at New Westminster while the first session  of the Legislative Council was in progress. At its conclusion in April, they  accompanied John Carmichael Haynes, J. P., and D. C. C. at Osoyoos, over  the Hope Trail. From Osoyoos the two young men went north to Penticton  which, on first sight, Ellis "did not like although everyone says it is a  very good place for wintering cattle." By August, Ellis was in the employ  of the government as keeper of the stores for the Dewdney Trail to Kootenay, then under construction. He found his solitary existence in the  Kootenay a lonely one. Probably at the conclusion of the season's work  he spent the winter at Osoyoos.  In 1866, Ellis and McFarland opened a trading post and general store  at Penticton. Ellis began to buy a few head of stock from Americans who  were engaged in driving cattle and horses to Cariboo. In 1867, both men  filed with Haynes, a district magistrate, pre-emption claims for 160 acres.  Land was now available for white settlers, since the government had acted  on Hayne's recommendation in 1865 that the huge Indian reserve of twenty  square miles at the foot of Okanagan Lake laid out by William George  Cox in 1861 be reduced. McFarland enlarged his holding in May, 1870  when he acquired by purchase 85 acres adjoining his pre-emption.  As Ellis and McFarland launched their ranching operations, personal  difficulties developed. Ellis poured out his troubles to O'Reilly who offered  him advice. In March, 1871 Ellis severed his partnership with McFarland  who shortly returned to Ireland.  Later in the year Ellis himself travelled to Ireland on a family visit.  He had another purpose in mind: he intended to marry his childhood  sweetheart, Wilhelmina Wade, daughter of a Dublin barrister, and sister  of Alfred Henry Wade who subsequently migrated to Penticton to manage  the Ellis store. Thomas Ellis and Wilhelmina Wade were married in Dublin  on 10 January 1872.  Presumably the following undated account was written in 1872 during  Ellis's visit, and refers to the wedding of one of his brothers. The wedding  was that of one "R. Ellis," J. P. Ellis wrote the account for O'Reilly, friend  of the Ellis family, who may also have known all the persons mentioned  by name. It probably was O'Reilly who preserved the document, and it  may have come to light among the O'Reilly Papers. It is now preserved 93  in the Provincial Archives of British Columbia, filed with the Thomas Ellis  (1844-1918) Correspondence Outward.  The account throws light on marriage customs among the Irish gentry,  reveals a good deal concerning Ellis's sense of humour, and gives some  indication of the intimate ties which bound together the Anglo-Irish in  British Columbia, so many of whom were prominent in official positions  and in the ranching life.  Within a few years of his marriage, Ellis owned 10,000 acres of land  and a large stock of cattle. His sales grew when markets were opened up  by a railway construction in the 80's and 90's and by the Kootenay and  Boundary mining boom. After his acquisition of the land in the Haynes  Estate in 1895, his holdings extended from fifteen miles north of Penticton  south to Osoyoos. It is probable that he had over-extended his resources,  since John Trutch held a large mortgage on the property. In 1905 he was  fortunate to sell his land and over 5000 cattle to the Southern Land  Development Company for a sum in excess of $400,000. The syndicate  laid out the townsite at Penticton, and when the District of Penticton was  incorporated on 31 December 1908, Alfred Wade became reeve.  Before Ellis retired to live in Victoria, one of his daughters had married  Pat Burns of Calgary, another George Barclay of Summerland, and a third,  C. B. Lefroy, who was postmaster at Vernon for many years. His unmarried  daughter, Kathleen (L.L.D. Saskatchewan), was to have a notable career  in the nursing profession. After fifty-three years residence in British  Columbia, during almost all of which time he was in good health, Ellis  died at Victoria in 1918.  Marriage of R. Ellis, Esq., J. P.  This happy event came off on the 12th at the Parish church of Shadow  near Killarney, and was the occasion of considerable rejoicing to every  person connected with the ceremony. At a very early hour on the eventful  day Mr. Ellis might have been seen arraying himself in suitable attire before  a very large looking glass in a very small room, the table littered with  bottles and boxes containing hair lotion?? shaving paste, cockles, anti-bilious  pills and butter of antimony, the two latter having been bought for the  benefit of any interesting case which might present itself during the wedding  tour, and the two former by the express advice of the best man.  At about 9 o'clock he presented himself in the breakfast room and  received with evident pleasure the congratulations of his second, who, as  his principal entered the room rose and in a most cordial manner wished  him "many happy returns of the event." After receiving the finishing touches  he proceeded to the stable to see how the horses had eaten their oats,  and returned some time after accompanied by a very perceptible odour  of that plebian edifice. By this time Miss Ellis and Miss L. Ellis the two  bridesmaids had issued from their respective apartments, the former very  scantily clothed and carrying with her a very suggestive smell of whiskey  and water which she begged the company would excuse on the ground  of nervousness natural to such an occasion, assuring them that although 94  excessively annoying it never interfered with her appetite, a fact which  received practical demonstration during the course of breakfast by her  devouring a whole duck and some spiced beef with great gusto. On Mr.  Ellis' return he seated himself at the table declaring his intention of just  "nibbling a biscuit" in order to reserve his whole powers for the dejeuner,  in pursuance of which determination he retired from the room after having  finished a chicken and half a pie, casting back at the same time a longing  glance at the spiced beef. At about eleven o'clock the bridesmaids descended  from their chambers and entered the carriage which was to convey them  to the church, Miss Ellis wearing a yellow silk trimmed with white and  her sister being attired in the same manner. The happy party arrived at  the church without accident, and, after waiting in their seats for about  5 minutes, the bridal carriage rolled up to the door. Mr. James Eager rushed  out hat in hand in a state of frantic excitement and returned almost immediately accompanied by a small rather stout lady dressed in a lavender silk  trimmed with white, upon whom Mr. Ellis cast a look of mingled pride  and affection saying in an undertone to his best man; "There! the north  can show very few women like that, see! there is not a single trace of  her collar bones; there is flesh for you." to which burst of enthusiasm the  second merely replied by a nod, and immediately afterwards placed his  man on the ground. Just before the ceremony began Mr. E. turned suddenly  round to his bride and asked her in a careless tone whether she had brought  the ring? as this important question met with no immediate response, Mr.  Francis Ellis slowly drew from his pocket 3 curtain rings which he had  thoughtfully provided for any emergency, and was just on the point of  offering them to the bridegroom when the missing article was discovered  after a diligent search on the person of Mrs. Maylon. Mr. E. went through  his portion of the ceremony with the coolness and steadiness of an old  offender, but the nervousness of the bride rendered her words almost  inaudible, her voice falling lower and lower until at the important word  "obey" it ceased altogether; "and obey" Madam, repeated his reverence  in a stern voice and with the air of a modern Brutus, "and obey" faultered  [sic] the blushing bride with a deep sigh and casting at the same time  a loving glance at the expansive, "buzzum" of the enraptured bridegroom,  who was not slow in returning by a very perceptible squeeze of the hand,  this demonstration of affection. The ceremony concluded without any  further interruption, but the blessing had scarcely been uttered, when to  the great disgust of Mr. T. E. the bridegroom suddenly opened his arms  and enclosing his wife in a grasp like that of a bear imprinted upon her  eager lips a thrilling kiss which was distinctly audible throughout the whole  church and occupied several minutes in delivery; this painful ceremony  was repeated by all the assistants with more or less fervour, Mr. T. Ellis  alone being unable to muster sufficient courage. The registries were then  signed and the happy couple were escorted to the carriage and left to the  full enjoyment of their newly discovered/^^j^^ bliss; hardly however  had the equipage started when the head of the bridegroom appeared at  the window, desiring the coachman in somewhat forcible language not to  batter the horses down the hill, and to take care that the bay horse did  not shirk his work, and having thus set his mind at rest he again returned 95  to the expectant arms of his astonished bride. The whole party then drove  to the railway hotel where a sumptuous repast had been provided for them  to which ample justice was done; when the things had been removed Mr.  B. Eager rose to propose the health of the bride and bridegroom, [obscure]  (laying a stress on the underlined words) "Ladies and Gentlemen, I rise  to propose the health of the bride and bridegroom, I am sure you will  agree with me in wishing them every happiness (applause) and from the  antecedent of both I feel sure that a prosperous career is in store for them."  The reverend gentlemen then resumed his seat amidst loud and prolonged  applause accompanied by a very considerable consumption of champagne.  Mr. Ellis then rose, and with a (sic) impassioned glance at his bride which  elicited loud cheers from the assembled crowd he said "Ladies (applause)  and gentlemen (cheers) there are two occasions on which (applause) a man  cannot speak, when he is (loud cheers) exquisitely happy or exquisitely  miserable (hear hear from Inas R.) as I at present feel exquisitely (sic) happy  (squeeze of hand greeted with thunders of applause) I shall decline to  say anything else (cheers and laughter) except that I feel very deeply the  kind way in which you have received the toast of my "health" (Cheers  an [sic] consumption of champagne) Shortly after the delivery of this  inspiriting address the cake was cut on the bride's head, the same operation  being accidentally performed on the finger of one of the assistants who  was holding the cake and insisted on putting his hand just under the the  (sic) descending knife, as soon as the excitement incident on the castastrophe  (sic) had subsided Mr. E. consulted his watch and discovered that it was  a quarter past three when, after a short deliberation with his spouse he  announced to the company that he had decided not to go by the three  train but to wait for the seven o'clock one. The joy of the company at  this announcement can be readily (very readily) imagined, and music was  at once proposed, to which Mr. E. gave a cordial assent and himself sang  to a delighted audience for about an hour and a half, after which the  guests exercised their conversation powers for the rest of the time, the  bridegroom telling many interesting anecdotes which our limited space  unfortunately ff^j^ffpf^ prevent (sic) us from narrating; one however we  may give as an interesting relic of a time now gone by. It appears that  on the previous evening Mr. E. met his fiancee at the train and accompanied  her to the hotel where they were just about to enjoy the luxury of a tete  a tete, when the living eye of Mr. E. detected the form of a large mouse  concealed under the flowing drapery which concealed the lovely form of  his bride, unwilling to alarm, yet anxious for her safety, the thoughtful  lover requested his adored one to rise for an instant at the same time  placing his manly arm round her slender waist in order to assist her/^/  /fj^, when the [obscure] of the crinoline was removed the mouse nimbly  leaped to the ground and finding Mr. E's attention entirely occupied in  caressing his bride, it promptly betook itself to the right leg of the enamoured  gentleman's trousers and immediately began its arduous ascent and was  not long in putting an end to the interesting scene. Mr. E. was just in  the middle of an embrace when he felt something tickling his knee, and,  putting his hand to the place discovered the mouse inside, he at once began  to shake his nether garments and succeeded in frightening the mouse a 96  little higher up, he then saw that active measures must be taken, and fearing  the fate of the spartan with the fire, he turned round and requested his  fair burden to leave the room for an instant; startled by his earnestness  she inquired the cause of his request, he unwilling to shock her tender  feelings at first tried playful badinage to elude an answer, but at last feeling  the mouse getting higher and higher he said in a voice of forced composure  mfyffhvA. trembling with excitement, "because my love (kiss) I must take  off my trousers or this cursed mouse will eat me alive. The bride at this  revelation instantly left the room, and Mr. E. divested himself of his garments and shook off the troublesome acquaintance, feeling greatly relieved  he was in the act of slowly drawing on his trousers when the door opened  and Mrs. Blennerhasset (on a visit to his wife) was announced; on seeing  the pre-adamite state the unfortunate gentleman she retired entreating him,  in reply to his profuse apologies, not to mention it. At seven o'clock the  best man saw them into the train for Mallow, W. Ellis thoughtfully putting  two papers into the carriage for their perusal on the journey.  P.S. The anecdote is strictly true except that Mrs. B. entered a second  after the clothes were on.  Vaseux Lake Road, 1905.  Photo Courtesy of D. M. Waterman 97  DISTRICT OF OKANAGAN ASSESSMENT ROLL, 1879  A. J. Hiebert  Several years ago, a number of historical documents were found at the  Vernon Court House, by Mr. Robert de Pfyffer, then an assessor with the  B.C. Government. It is to his credit that Mr. de Pfyffer recognized their  value and brought them to the attention of the community. The documents  are the Okanagan Road Tax List, 1876, containing 67 names, the District  of Okanagan Assessment Roll, 1879, reproduced here, and a statement  certifying the 1879 assessment signed by T. McK. Lambly, assessor, and  Moses Lumby, J. P.  The District of Okanagan Assessment Roll, 1879, is the most informative  of the documents giving specific economic details about the residents of  that time, including an estimate of the value of their personal property.  Extensive use of ditto marks by the assessor, however, would indicate  considerable estimating on his part. Furthermore, the use of ditto marks  is confusing since they are used both horizontally and vertically, particularly  in columns 4 to 7. It appears the assessor even confused himself with the  ditto marks, and because of them wrongly added the total assessed tax  (col. 28) for a number of individuals and then had to doctor his totals  to make things balance. The document records tax assessment only and  does not indicate whether the assessments were actually paid. Errors were  corrected in Column 13 in the acreage of Thos. Steele, Wm. Postill, Margaret  Dennis and Chas. Brewer. 98  1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  12  13  Freeholder,  No. of  Number  Name of occupant  No. of  No. of  No. of  No. of  Householder  Acres, ft.  on Roll  or other taxable party  Occupation  Cattle  Sheep  Hogs  Horses  of Tennant  No. of Lot, House, etc.  etc.  1  Donald Graham  Farmer  4  F  L 46 G. 1.  340  2  AugustC. Wilkie  3  47 1.  320  3  Geo. Nelson  30  50  6  49 "  320  4  Thos. L. Steele  50 "  320  5  F.J. Barnard  Stockraiser  -  449  51 "  320  (6)  Ed J. Tronson  Farmer  250  75  20  66 "  320  17)  Chas. F. Houghton  600  6  62 I., 65 I., 75 I.  475  (8)  Luc Girouard  150  (?)  12  71 1.  206  9  Vincent Duteau  24  90  16  87 "  320  (101  (Martin) Furstineau  (?)  (?)  I?)  (?)  (?)  89 "  340  111)  (Henry) Harland  Farmer  20  /  4  94 1  330  12  Preston Bennett  13  Fred Bennett  15  20  10  25  90 1,91 I..92 I.,  852  14  Moses Lumby  93 I., 105 I.  15  Jas. J. Steele  20  9  10  7  97 1.  340  16  Thos Greenhow  400  5  40  98 1, 99 1.  966  17  Cornelius O'Keefe  400  5  45  104 1.  966  18  Thos Wood  300  10  117..  368 (?)  19  Wm. Postill  118"  320  20  Alfred Postill  2!>0  150  BO  20  119 »  480  21  Thos Jones  60  30  10  120"  320  22  George Whelan  45  40  6  121 "  320  23  Wm. Donaldson  35  6  122"  320  24  Geo. W. Simpson  75  20  2  123"  320  25  Isidore Bucherie  300  10  20  124"  120  26  Frederick Brent  200  32  12  125 "  320  27  Margaret Dennis  126 "  66  28  Wm. Smithson  140  6  3  127 "  160  29  Francois Ortoland  100  9  128"  160  30  Jonathan B. Moore  50  25  6  129 "  320  31  Jos. Christian  600  70  7  130"  320  32  Eli Lequime  800  28  30  50  131 "  320  33  Barnard Lequime  135"  320  34  John McDougall  Farmer  180  20  30  136"  320  35  David Nicholson  Blacksmith  2  2  137 "  370  36  August Gillard  Farmer  300  9  30  138 1., 139 1.  640  37  Jules Blondeau  38  Alex L. Fortune  92  35  13  1481.  320  39  Alx. Vance Ex. Est. E. Lawrence  60  20  (?) 11 & 14 T6  320  40  41  Chas. A. Vernon  Forbes G. Vernon  1000  40  12  75  T6&G. I.  3070  42  Herman Wichers (?)  50  30  20  W-ViS16T35and  S■'._ of SE-':, S16T35  400  43  Benji 1. Young  20  6  NE'/. S8 T35 and  SE-% S17 T35  320  44  Chas Brew (?)  (?l  (?)  Pre-Record No. 25  320  45  Amos Delorier  21  13   26  303'3r  (46)  Price Ellison  Blacksmith  2   27  320  47  Philip Girod  Farmer  10   67  320  48  Augustus Schubert  9  3  "      "          »    68  320  49  Pierre Bessett  10  6  "      ,,          ..    71  320  50  Geo. L. Bland  30  10   72  320  51  Jos. Andrews  90  b  320  52  Alex Vance  10  320  53  Chas. Lawson  300  5  25  3_0  54  Rev. Father Richard  O.M. 1.  200  25  40  Exempt  55  Jas. Lyons  Farmer  40  3  56  J. F.Allison  500  50  57  Louis Christian  Stockraiser  600  20  40  58  Silas Hayes  500  10  59  Jean Levoux  Carpenter  50  60  61  Robert Lambly  Thomas Lambly  Farmers  70  4  4  6  62  G.Wallace  Blacksmith  F  63  Henry Emptky  Farmer  64  J.C. Tilton (?)  Carpenter  65  W.Slute (?)  Dairyman  66  Geo Parkinson  Farmer  67  Henry Swanson  68  Wm. Laurto (?)  S. Raiser  60  10  10  69  Wm. L. Jones  Carpenter  15  "  i  "  Pre Record  320 99  Real Property Tax  Wild  Land Tax  Personal Property Tax  Assessed Taxes  School  14  15  16  17  19  20  21  22  2G  28  35  Value of each  Total value  Rate  Total amount  Value of  Rate of  Total of  Date of notice  Total  parcel of real  of real  of  of real estate  personal  personal  personal  transmitted  assessed tax  School  property  property  tax  tax  Amount  property  property tax  property tax  by post  as revised  tax  SI 250  1/3%  S     4.16  S      500  1/5%  S     1 00  22.10.79  S     5.16  S    3.00  1000  3.33  400  .80  4.13  3.00  1200  4.00  750  1.50  5,50  3.00  900  3 00  3.00  3.00  1600  5.33  10,000  20.00  25.33  3.00  2000  6.66  3,000  6.00  12.66  3.00  2000  6.66  7,000  14 00  20.66  3.00  1600  5.33  2.000  4.00  9.33  3.00  1600  5 33  1.000  2.00  7,33  3.00  IG00  5.33  500  1.00  6.33  3.00  1200  4 00  1,000  200  6.00  3.00  3.00  4500  1500  2,000  4.00  19.00  3.00  3.00  1600  5 33  4,000  8.00  13.33  3.00  3000  10.00  S  8.30  10,000  20.00  38.30  3.00  4000  13.33  8.30  8,000  16.00  37.63  3.00  1600  5.33  3,500  7.00  12.33  3.00  800  2.66  2.66  3.00  2500  8.33  3,000  6.00  14.33  3.00  1000  3.33  1,000  2.00  5.33  3.00  1600  5.33  800  1.60  6.93  3.00  800  2.66  500  1.00  3.66  3.00  1200  4.00  1,000  2.00  6.00  3.00  800  2.66  4,000  H 00  10.66  3.00  2500  8.33  3.000  6.00  14.33  3.00  300  1 00  1.00  3.00  800  2.66  2,000  4.00  6.66  3.00  800  2.66  1,500  3.00  5.66  3.00  1600  5 33  1,000  200  7.33  3.00  1600  5.33  7,000  14 00  19.33  3.00  6000  20.00  14,000  28.00  48.00  3.00  1200  4.00  500  1 00  5.00  3.00  1600  5.33  3,000  6.00  11.33  3.00  I 000  3.33  500  1 00  4 33  3.00  S1250  2500  8.33  4,000  8.00  16.33  3.00  1250  3000  10.00  1,500  3.00  13.00  3.00  1600  1600  5.33  1,000  2.00  7.33  3.00  9000  9000  30.00  8.00  12,000  24.00  62.00  3.00  2500  2500  8.33  1,500  3.00  11.33  3.00  1250  4.16  600  1.20  5.36  3.00  1000  3.83  3.33  3.00  1600  5.33  600  1.20  6.53  3 00  1250  4.16  300  .60  4.76  3.00  1250  4.16  1,000  2.00  6.16  3.00  1000  3.33  500  1 00  4.33  3.00  1000  3.33  500  1.00  4.33  3.00  1000  3.33  500  1.00  4.33  3.00  -  1,100  2,750  2.20  5.50  2.20  5.50  3.00  3.00  1000  3.33  4,000  4.000  700  8.00  8.00  1.40  11 33  8.00  1.40  3.00  3.00  3.00  2000  6.66  8,000  16.00  22.66  3.00  8.000  6,000  I ,000  16.00  12.00  2 00  16.00  12.00  2.00  3.00  3.00  3.00  I 000  7 00  2.00  3.00  3.00  750  1.50  1.50  3.00  500  1.00  1.00  3.00  500  1.00  1.00  3.00  500  1 00  1.00  3.00  500  1.00  1.00  3 00  500  1 00  1.00  3.00  1,000  2.00  2.00  3.00  800  2 66  2.66  3.00  S294.83  S24.60  S322.50  S641.93  S207.00 100  POLICE REPORT: ILLEGAL VENDING OF LIQUOR  Robin Laycock  The duties of a Provincial Police officer included licensing motor  vehicles and investigating motor vehicle accidents, enforcing the Noxious  Weeds Act, the Game Act and other provincial laws, investigating infrequent  murder and disappearance cases, dealing with the Doukhobours and supervising the local lock-up. Enforcing the Provincial Liquor Act was the duty  that occupied most of the constable's time.  Constable G. F. Killam was sent to Latimer's work camp near Oliver  in response to a petition that was circulated among the workers. In the  petition the men complained about the hard liquor that was being sold  at the canteen across the street from the camp. Apparently beer could  be sold at the canteen but hard liquor was not allowed to be sold. Killam,  under the alias of Fred Blair, travelled to Oliver to investigate these allegations.  Prohibition had not been revoked when Killam arrived at Latimer's  and from this a discrepancy arises. His presence at the camp was to  investigate the sale of hard liquor only; he does not appear to concern  himself with the sale of beer. In the course of his investigation he made  himself known at the canteen, and spent several evenings drinking beer  with the other workers, an activity that would not be legal for another  seven months. Killam reported that the alcoholic content of the beer was  6%, eliminating the possibility that it was "near beer", which had an alcoholic content of 2.5%. Possible explanation is that Killam, concerned only  with the sale of hard liquor, turned a blind eye toward the sale of beer.  This does not appear to be the case as Killam refers to beer being sold  at the canteen as "legitimate merchandise."  "Latimer's Camp." Photo Courtesy - Reg Atikinson Mu: -  101  Gilbert Freeman Killam was born in Wolfville, Nova Scotia on January  27, 1890. He was the Provincial Constable in Grand Forks from 1920 to  1928. Killam's reports are highly descriptive and give an interesting view  of Grand Forks in this era. His superiors would often reprimand him for  writing such detailed reports as they did not appreciate reading so much  detail. The following document is a sample of the type of report written  by Killam.  This document is found among six drawers of police reports relating  to the southern interior which have been sorted and indexed by students  hired by the O.H.S. on a summer work program. The police files are  currently housed in the Reg Atkinson Museum in Penticton.  The names of the owners and operators of the canteen have been  changed to avoid any possible embarrassment to their families.  Grand Forks, Nov. 25  J. A. Fraser Esq:  Chief Constable,  Greenwood.  Sir: -  I beg to report that I arrived at Grand Forks last evening, having  returned from investigating conditions at the canteen being run at Latimer's  Camp in the South Okanagan.  After having received my instructions on the afternoon of the 15th  inst. I proceeded to Penticton by train and from there took auto stage  to Latimer's Camp, which is situated on the main highway some thirty  miles from Penticton and about three miles from Fairview. I arrived at  the Camp at 5 o'clock on the afternoon of the 16th.  Before reaching the camp I acquired the information that the 15th  had been pay-day at the camps, that the liquor had been flowing fast  and loose, and that the canteen had been completely cleaned out of everything stronger than beer, which was a most unfortunate handicap for me,  and I immediately realized that if I was to be successful in locating intoxicants it would in all probability not be before the expiration of a few  days — probably the end of the week. I further found Mr. Latimer to  whom I bore the letter of introduction was absent from the camp and  his return was indefinite. I endeavored to prevail upon the manager of  Camp #4. situated about two hundred yards away (Latimer's Camp contains Surveyors and Engineering staff only) to render me some assistance,  but was told that nothing could be done without Mr. Latimer's authority.  I existed where and as I could for the next day and a half, finally getting  placed at my own request in the Lumber yards, which were situated directly  across the road from the canteen in question, and I started to work there  at noon of Thursday the 18th.  In the meantime I had been employing my time in getting my bearings  and starting an acquaintance at the canteen and amongst its frequenters.  Thursday night passed quietly so far as the canteen was concerned; there 102  were drunks around but the liquor came up the road in automobiles, the  canteen was quite innocent of anything stronger than beer. On Friday  evening I left when the canteen closed — at 11:45 and although my total  consumption was five bottles of beer I was in a fairly joyful state; what  per cent the beer was I cannot say, but I have the word of the vendor  for it that it was six per cent. Personally I am of the opinion that he could  have gone a little higher still without underestimating.  On Saturday evening the menu again was beer, and the crowd was  pretty well dis-satisfied; stronger drink, it seemed was at a premium, the  canteen had not yet received a supply, and one car was sent as far as  Fairview in an unsuccessful attempt to compromise between supply and  demand. By this time I was universally accepted as "one of the boys,"  and had it been possible to have obtained intoxicants I would have been  successful. I remained with the crowd until two on Sunday morning, and  assisted at 2:15 to guide home one of the incapables, a man named O'Brien.  My work was forwarded partly under a disadvantage; whereas there  had been some forty-three names to the petition that was the initial cause  of my visiting the camps yet I was not aware of whom any of them might  be, other than the first name, that of S. Ford, and I was unable to study  these men and decide as to those whom I could approach for information.  However, on Sunday afternoon I located Ford at #4 camp, and after dark  made an opportunity to have some conversation with him. He told me  that in the past liquor has been sold there quite openly, that on one occasion  when a supply came in to the canteen they had sent over to the camp  and informed them in the different huts that supply was on hand and  could be obtained by anyone desiring it; he also stated that liquor had  on occasion been sold openly across the counter of the canteen. I asked  him if he himself had seen it, his reply was "Yes." He further informed  me that the liquor when on hand was kept in the ladies dressing room,  which is in the rear of the new dance-hall recently erected as an adjunct  to the canteen. Within two hours from receiving the information I had  contrived to get into this dressing room, and found it a bare sort of place,  containing only a double folding cot and a rough wash-stand innocent  of pitcher, bowl, or any accessory, the cot was destitute of covering of  any sort, and nothing suggestive of liquor, or a harbor of liquor was to  be seen.  Sunday afternoon and evening were a repetition of the days that had  gone before, the same besotten crowd, the same beer, the same maudlin  merriment with the one saving grace that the place closed at half past  ten instead of twelve or one. On this night I could have obtained liquor  (that is to say drink) from a bottle that came up the road in a car, whose  number or driver I did not see as it stopped outside barely a moment,  but I contrived to evade the liquor, as I wished to keep my attentions  for the canteen, but it served to prove to me more conclusively that the  cars that travel up and down the road are a source of supply to the greater  extent than ever the canteen is. With the canteen it is a good deal of  a case of "give a dog a bad name" for I have known of men wakened  out of their sleep at nights by noisy men coming in to the camp to roundly  curse the canteen the next morning as the cause of their problems when .      'ñ†  103  I know from my personal observations that the canteen was not responsible  to any greater an extent than that it was the congregating place for those  who were drinking.  On account of Monday being Polling day I decided that I had better  remain and see what transpired, although I had already arrived at the  conclusion that the finding of liquor at the canteen would be simply a  case of being on hand at the right moment, they are wise enough to get  in a supply, get rid of it quickly, and not get any more for an indefinite  period; thereby minimising the risk that would be theirs did they keep  it constantly on hand. Monday passed quietly and Monday evening was  the same, and in fact it was the quietest day and night of the whole time  of my stay, and as I plainly saw that it might entail a wait that would  take until next pay-day before I succeeded in obtaining liquor, with every  day that passed enhancing the possibilities of my being identified I decided  to return to Grand Forks and submit my report.  The canteen, summing it up as I found it, is nothing more nor less  than a road-side beer-shop. Estimating the total of the stock-in-trade in  the way of legitimate merchandise that is contained within its walls, I would  say that the value of $150.00 would be a maximum estimate, the turnover  from canteen supplies is incidental, the main consideration is the sale of  beer, and in this the place excels. In the past the drunks have been regaled  by the eight year old daughter of McKenzie who has been in the habit  of dancing around the saw-dust bar room (or canteen, whichever you wish  to call it) floor to the accompaniment of gramophone music, and amid  a profusion of profanity that certainly should be scarcely a fit atmosphere  for a child. This was done in my presence; she varied this performance  with songs.  The origin of the Petition that was forwarded to the Department was  through men coming into camp intoxicated at all times of the night and  keeping tired men from their sleep, and I heard much dissatisfaction expressed that the Department had taken no action in the matter, and as  a result of my own investigations at the Camp I would be of the opinion  that their antagonism against the place is well founded, it is nothing but  a camouflaged beer-shop, a den on the side of the road where the drunks  can congregate to their hearts content and make the night hideous with  their besotten revelry. A small percentage of the whiskey that is drunk  appears to be sold from the canteen, but it all brought there and the men  who bring it are harbored and drink their whiskey in between their beers,  and so the moral principles are the same in all but the name. During  my stay I was informed by different officials that the camps were quieter  in that week then they had ever known them before; this I attribute to  the effects of the petition which I frequently heard discussed at the canteen  in contemptuous tones, Mr. Forbes remarked in my hearing that it would  take more than a petition to put him out of business.  My total expenses for the trip amounted to $46.85 as per detailed  statement hereto. I also enclose herewith cheque for $11.27 wages (less  board, etc.) drawn at the camp. I objected to taking this, but they required  it to keep their books straight, I have there endorsed it and submit with  this report. 104  Trusting that my services in this matter have proved satisfactory, I  remain,  Your Obedient Servant,  G. F. Killman  Provincial Constable  P.S. — I also brought back with me two bottles of beer as samples of  stock; all of the beer there did not seem to have the same "kick" to it  and whether this is good or indifferent is a matter on which I had to  take chances. I also obtained a bottle of cider, this is in keg and I had  him place it in bottle for me as drawn from the keg; I found that a couple  of bottles of beer and a drink of cider alternated made a very good mixture.  I will hold these awaiting instructions as to disposition.  GFK  EXPENSES INCURRED BY CONSTABLE G. F. KILLAM ON TRIP  OF INVESTIGATION OF CONDITIONS AT CANTEEN OF FORBES  AND ROWE, LATIMER'S CAMP. SOUTH OKANAGAN.  Nov. 15. Paid for bed at hotel, Rock Creek 50  Nov. 16. Paid for R. R. fare, Rock Creek to Penticton    5.10  Nov. 16. Paid for Postage at Penticton 25  Nov. 16. Paid for paper and envelopes  25  Nov. 16. Paid for lunch at Penticton  80  Nov. 16. Paid for fare, Penticton to Latimer's Camp    3.50  Nov. 16. Paid for drinks with car driver 50  Nov. 17. Paid for tin of beans and bag of biscuits, my sole  sustenance for the day, purchased at Fairview 50  Nov. 17. Paid for drinks at Forbes & Rowe canteen    2.75  Nov. 18 Paid for biscuits and apples for breakfast at canteen 20  Nov. 18. Paid for drinks at Forbes & Rowe canteen    4.25  Nov. 19. Paid for bottle of cider to bring to Grand Forks  20  Nov. 19. Paid for drinks at Forbes & Rowe canteen    3.50  Nov. 20. Paid for drinks at Forbes & Rowe canteen    5.25  Nov. 21. Paid for drinks at Forbes & Rowe canteen    2.75  Nov. 22. Paid for drinks at Forbes & Rowe canteen 75  Nov. 23. Paid for two bottles of beer to bring to Grand Forks  50  Nov. 23. Paid for fare, Latimer's Camp to Penticton    3.50  Nov. 23. Paid for meal at restaurant, Penticton  60  Nov. 24. Paid for room over night at Penticton Hotel     1.50  Nov. 24. Paid for breakfast at restaurant, Penticton 70  Nov. 24. Paid for R. R. fare, Penticton to Grand Forks    6.80  Nov. 24. Paid for telegram to Chief Constable Fraser 40  Nov. 24. Paid for lunch on dining car     1.80  Total expenses for trip 46.85 105  Expenses of trip 46.85  Advance on expenses received on Nov. 15 from Chief Fraser 45.00  Leaving Balance Due of     1.85  Certified Correct.  G. F. Killam  Provincial Constable.  ARCHIVES NOTES  R. N. King  In order to facilitate researchers and interested readers, this section  will set forth, in synoptic form, the archival material available at various  Okanagan and peripheral centers. This material is primarily concerned with  Okanagan history but other related data is also mentioned.  1. KAMLOOPS MUSEUM: The Inland Sentinel, Standard Sentinel  and Kamloops Sentinel newspapers on microfilm, 1880 to present; persons,  places and organizations are indexed, 1880-1950; Hudson's Bay Company  Thompson River Post (T.R.P.) Journals, fully indexed, 1841-1870 (intermittent), T.R.P. Letters 1871-1880, and T.R.P. Accounts 1863-1880 (intermittent).  2. VERNON MUSEUM: Edward Ashcroft transcripts (notes about  Ashcroft genealogy), lA inch, 1958; B.C. Women's Institute, original, 1 inch,  minutes of meetings, members, accounts, etc., 1916-1919; C. F. Costerton,  Real Estate and Insurance agent, original papers, 10 feet, 1892-1927; Mrs.  Myra DeBeck, 22 pages, regarding her father, Price Ellison; A. L. Fortune,  original, 2 inches, 1962-1910 Overland Expedition reminiscences, and autobiographical notes 1903-1911; George Grassick, 3 pages, 1954, reminiscence  of the Aberdeen visit to Vernon, 1894; C. W. Holliday, original, 2 inches,  manuscript of "The Valley of Youth" — life in the Okanagan, 1948; National  Council of Women, original, 1 inch, minutes of meetings, 1895-1920; O.H.S.,  original, 2 inches, correspondence relating to Okanagan History, 1890-1930;  O'Keefe, B.C., photocopies, 3 pages, St. Anne's Catholic Church  correspondence relating to church construction, 1886-1891; E. P. Venables,  original, autobiographical notes, 112 pages, 1951, relating to his life in  England, Manitoba, Coldstream and Vernon (1885-1913); Vernon Jubilee  Hospital, original, 1 inch, 1897-1906, minutes of meetings of the Board  of Directors; Vernon News, microfilm, 1892-1940; O'Brian and McCulloch  papers, liquor and soft drink business of the 1920's; Guy P. Bagnall's papers;  miscellaneous documents, maps and photographs pertaining to the North  Okanagan — South Shuswap.  3. PENTICTON MUSEUM: British Columbia Provincial Police Files,  1910-1932, for the Boundary District (includes Coalmont, Princeton, Keremeos, Hedley, Oliver, Osoyoos, Fairview, Rock Creek, Midway, Greenwood,  Phoenix and Grand Forks. Penticton became part of the District in 1924),  original, 10 feet, documents include correspondence, forms, jail calendars,  monthly analyses, reports, vouchers and personal observations on criminal 106  investigations by constables involved; Kettle Valley Railway, photos, timetables, route maps, written histories; C.P.R. Steamships, photos, newspaper  articles; Maps, Okanagan, Similkameen and Tulameen Districts; Penticton,  photos, early Board of Trade brochures, annual reports and financial statements; Pacific Coast Militia Rangers #7 (Penticton), photos,  correspondence, newspaper articles; Barkerville, B.C., original, 1 inch,  1976-1880, H.B.C. account book; Canada, Army, Princess Patricia Canadian  Light Infantry, original, Souvenir Booklet on Presentation of the Colours  by the Earl of Bessborough, 1934; C.P.R. — Okanagan Water System,  original, Wz inches, 1910-1924, account and day-book; Penticton School,  original, 5 pages, 1902, history of the school and list of original students;  R M. Robertson, original, 1923-1926, patrol book kept by game warden  in the Similkameen area; Similkameen, B.C., Post Office, original, 1V_  inches, 1919-1937, register of letters; Southern Okanagan Fruit Growers'  Exchange, original, 2 inches, 1906-1908, ledger and account book; Summerland Trust Company, original, 1910-1919, ledgers.  4. OKANAGAN COLLEGE, PENTICTON: Charles Mair letters  (from the Mission), 1892-1896, photocopies; Indian land claims to Confederation, photocopies, 10 inches.  5. OKANAGAN COLLEGE, KELOWNA: U.S. Consulate reports  from Victoria, 1862-1906, Dawson, 1898-1906, Vancouver, 1892-1906, Red  River, 1857-1860, microfilm; Victoria Colonist, 1858-1916, microfilm.  6. OKANAGAN COLLEGE, SALMON ARM: W. Moberly's journals; Rev. F. Woods' diary; Board of Trade pamphlets, 1910; fifteen hours  of taped interviews with pioneers in the area with topics including fruit  ranching in the Shuswap, Finnish communities of Gleneden and White  Lake, the C.P.R. and logging. 107  BIOGRAPHIES  AND  REMINISCENCES 108  < ..-*  A snowplow on the Coquihalla branch of the Kettle Valley Railroad. 109  OUR PIONEERS — A Hymn of Praise  Reverend Everett S. Fleming  (Tune: Dresden — "We Plough the Fields. . . ")  We honour with our tribute  The old time Pioneers  Who settled here in early days  And worked for years and years.  They knew no modern comfort,  They shared their joy and pain,  They lived and loved and labored  With little thought of gain.  Refrain  We to-day are grateful  For what these others wrought  Then praise the Lord; O praise the Lord  And serve Him as we ought.  Their labors were rewarded  Their fields brought forth increase;  They struggled for the better life,  They worked and prayed for peace.  The built their schools and churches,  They lent a helping hand;  Now we who follow after  Must in their places stand!  Refrain  God was working with them  Sustaining them alway;  Now praise the Lord; O praise the Lord  A nd serve Him every day.  We thank Thee, Lord of Heaven  For faithful Pioneers  Who left their mark upon this land  Their courage shames our fears!  With faces toward the Westward  They did not live in vain  Now we their heirs and children  Would sing their praise again.  Refrain  A11 glory to the Father  And to His blessed Son  Who worked for years with Pioneers  In all that has been done. 110  BREAD ALONE  Elspth Honeyman Clarke (1890-1962)  Home-made bread — it is an old story now, but I never take the big  brown and golden loaves out of the oven without a thrill of accomplishment.  Many things are an old story now; our tar-papered shack under the tall  fir trees by the river; doing without plumbing, electric light, telephone,  so many things we once took for granted; cooking large and nourishing  meals with very little help from the grocer, none at all from the butcher  and baker; such miracles as turning the legs of old sock, 'jumped' so often  that the feet have worn completely off, into warm and unshrinkable mitts;  and the greatest miracle of all, the feeling of peace and security in our  hearts, in this year of the depression, 1933.  My husband is a civil engineer. He was in charge of a large construction  job in 1930, a Government Highway through the mountains where no road  had ever been. We stayed in the small town at the beginning of the road  for a few months, and school ending, I came out with our two small children  to join him. We lived in tents that summer, and at the end of it we decided  not to go back to town for the winter, but to build a cabin and stay where  we were. By the middle of October it was ready for us, a tar-papered  shanty in a clearing by the river, fairly central to the work.  Our house is thirty-six feet long and sixteen feet wide, with a verandah  in front facing the river. It was divided by half-partitions into three rooms,  a large main room, a bedroom for ourselves, a cubicle for the children,  and another, which was dignified by the name of bath-room, and does  truly contain a round tin tub, wash-stand and towel-racks. Later we added  a log room for the children, who had grown too big for their cubicle. The  walls were covered with blue building paper, and before the partitions  were put in, we had the whole floor covered with cheap oil-cloth over  wall-felt. It cost two hundred and seventy-two dollars to build, including  labour, the most expensive item.  The main room, or 'whole room' as our small daughter calls it, has  the kitchen in one end, very compact, the dining-room in the opposite  corner, and at the other end is the sitting-room, with gay curtains at the  casement windows. It is heated by a discarded grease-drum, turned on  its side and mounted on iron legs. This was a present from the camp one  Christmas, and has proved itself an excellent heater. The pump, at the  kitchen end, has a short length of rubber hose attached to it, which we  use to fill the hot-water tank, another grease-drum, set on end beside the  range, connected with the hot water jacket.  We moved into our new house at the end of October. On the first  of November, work closed down without a moment's warning, the camps  were turned into relief camps for single men, and we were left with our  house, about a hundred dollars in the bank, and no possible chance of  another job.  I smile now when I remember how bravely we faced our first winter  out of work; but how could I know that it would prove to be one of the  happiest we had ever known? Work opened up again in March, on a relief  basis, the men getting their board, clothing, tobacco, and an allowance Ill  of seven dollars and fifty cents a month. This was the Single Men's Unemployment Scheme, which did not include us. My husband's salary was eighty  dollars a month, while the work lasted, as engineer in charge. Work closed  down again in November, and did not begin this year until June. Realizing  to the full how fortunate we have been, it still seems something of a miracle  that we should live for three years comfortably, happily, even delightfully,  on eighty dollars a month for the summer months. It can be done, as  far as the necessities of life go, on less I know, but that it should bring  such peace of mind, such a sense of freedom and the joy of living, is  still a miracle to me. The things that happen to families have happened  to us: a minor operation, necessary trips to the distant city, small catastrophes and urgent needs — we still meet them on our way, but they have  ceased to be bogeys.  There are, I think, four necessities in family life — shelter, food, clothing  and education. Shelter we had, wood and water were to be had for the  labour of getting them, and for light we have a gasoline lamp, and candles.  Do you know what a good substitute for a flashlight a 'bug' is — a tin  can with a hole in the side, a candle thrust through, and a wire handle?  Our supplies came out from town on the camp trucks. Our grocery bill  has seldom been more than twenty dollars a month, and this includes a  case of evaporated milk each month. We had no butcher bill, for venison  was plentiful in season, and kept in this cold climate for a long time. Venison  soup is delicious, and the stock-pot is a standby nearly all winter. We  substituted cabbage for lettuce, and we ate apples instead of more expensive  fruits, buying them by the sack from the fruit district not far away. I bake  our own bread all the year round, and I am beginning to think I have  started a life-long habit, so much it is appreciated, and such fun it is to  bake!  Warm winter clothing is very necessary here in winter and we have  had to buy warm underwear and sweaters and mackinaw coats for the  children. These could be made down from one to another, though the  breeches did not always last long after the first transfer. Oil-tanned shoe-  packs took the place of shoes and inside these, several pair of my husband's  cast-off heavy socks, which seem to take more than one winter to reach  the footless stage and turn into mitts. In summer they wear bathing suits  or faded khaki overalls, and they go barefoot until snow comes and after,  to the amazement of the warmly clad men in camp.  My husband began the first winter with a good supply of clothing,  and my own has been the least of my problems, for garments which I  should have looked askance at long ago in town, still seem fresh and  fashionable to me here, and my last semi-evening dress gives me a much  more festive feeling on rare occasions now, than it ever did when it was  new. Cashmere stockings wore out too fast, till a visitor in camp showed  me how to refoot these, by cutting a new foot out of an old stocking  leg, and applying this in a neat patch to the stocking, which had been  cut to fit it. I still take ridiculous pride in my refooted stockings, and I  have bought no new ones.  The children's education was settled in our minds when we decided  to stay, for we knew of the correspondence courses that our government 112  provides for children in isolated places. A staff of teachers in the Department  of Education sends out lessons for all grades in elementary and high school  every week, and they correct the lessons that are sent in to them, returning  these to the pupils. So the children go from grade to grade as they would  in the public schools. When we began, our little boy had passed out of  grade two in his last school, and his small sister had not been to school  at all. They are now in grade six and grade three, and I know by comparing  their work with last year's lessons, just how much they have improved,  term by term. Ours is a very elastic schedule. We begin at nine o'clock,  with many small intermissions during the day, for I found that small children  cannot do too much written work at one time. If any subject turns up  that needs discussing, we discuss it at our leisure, and I think they are  getting a rather wide, if unconventional education. What is very important  to me, we all enjoy it.  We have been told sometimes, that we are wrong in depriving the  children of the advantages they would have in the city. They saw their  first talking-picture last summer. One picture was very good and we all  enjoyed it, but we had to wade through a lurid gangster film in order  to see the beginning, and it left us with no mixed feelings concerning some  of the advantages. They are building a splendid foundation of health,  learning simple habits of life, and laying up a store of happiness which  I believe will last a long way through life. There is one advantage which  we consider is only second to that of their glowing health, and that is  to be able to bring them up without prejudice, even without knowledge  of prejudice, against nation, caste, or religion. To them a khaki shirt is  a badge of honour, and in a world where possessions are so few, we are  coming to look down on them, so that I sometimes feel we should throw  the balance the other way a bit. Away from streets, stores, and shows,  they have learned to depend on themselves for amusement, and in our  three years in the woods I have never once heard them ask "What shall  we do now?" They go to sleep planning the next day's doings, and the  days are never long enough. There is no end to the things they make,  from skis in winter to sluice-boxes for washing gold in summer, where  they do actually find the odd speck of gold. No birthday passes, or rare  trip to town, without ten cents worth of mixed nails making one or both  happy. At nine and six years old, they built a log cabin, eight feet by  ten, entirely themselves, cut and notched the logs and cut out the door  and window. If it is more picturesque than weatherproof, it still stands  solidly after three winters, and now holds hay for the deer that feed around  our camp, after the shooting season is over. Pretty things, they come quite  close to our door, and some will eat out of our hands. 'Mabel' is a special  pet, a pretty doe with large enquiring ears rimmed with black, that give  the quaint effect of a poke-bonnet when she puts them forward.  We have made many friends, friends for life I think, among the men  in camp, loggers, mechanics, office-men, miners, men from almost all walks  of life, and of many nationalities. (I sat, at our first Christmas dinner in  camp, between a Russian and a Swede, the flunkey who waited on us  was an Irishman, and one cook was American, the other English.) Some  of the finest men we have ever known are among them, of whose friendship 113  I am truly proud. And Christmas in the woods — the weeks of breathless  plotting, carpentering, glueing, sewing, the thrill of the thing made "all  by myself added to the joy of giving, the Christmas lists that grow and  grow, yet always have room for another name, even on Christmas Eve,  the glittering tree in its corner, that has been marked for our own two  months ago in its place in the forest, the men dropping in all day long;  a state visit from the cooks; and in the afternoon the dinner in the big  cook-house, ourselves the only guests that first Christmas; the long tables,  gay under the lamps with the small Christmas trees we had helped to  decorate; the delicious dinner, partly contributed by the men themselves;  our little girl, very shy and big-eyed in her smocked party dress, pulling  crackers with the huge young German beside here, equally shy; the walk  home over the crisp snow to our warm cabin, still knee-deep in parcels  — such parcels, such kindness in remembering from far and near — such  Christmases!  I am a busy woman. My days are fairly well-filled with teaching,  cooking and housework, and I am not one of those supremely capable  housekeepers whom I have so often envied. But mine is a peaceful way  of being busy, free from the constant demands of the telephone and doorbell,  and the ceaseless juggling of dollars and cents that never seem to fit. Rent,  fuel, light, clothes — so much it takes merely to shelter our bodies, in  the city. My husband has been busy, too, these workless winters. Keeping  a supply of wood cut for three stoves, (one in the log bedroom) in this  cold climate, is a winter's job for one man. But not too busy, on rare  Saturdays to take the children with him into the woods, where they built  a fire and toasted their lunch, and came home aglow with the thrill and  joy of it.  Not too busy — I think I have found the key to our three happy  years. For the first time in our married life we have known leisure, a second  cigarette over uninterrupted meals, long evenings over books, Sundays all  our own, and I have watched the lines of strain gradually fade from my  husband's face. In common with so many men, his work took up very  nearly all his time, so that there was little or none left over for himself  or us. Often finishing one job as he began another, he worked most evenings  and many Sundays, and I know now it was too big a price to pay for  bread alone.  "You get your wish," our visitor said, pouring over my tea-cup. "Thank  you I'm glad," I murmured, feeling guilty. I had forgotten to wish. 114  DR. AND MRS. H. McGREGOR  Jacqueline Howe  1880 saw the start of large scale immigration to Manitoba. The black  earth belt of old Lake Agassiz promised to the dispossessed Highland Scots  a new, richer beginning. With the pledge of a Canadian railroad, the land-  hungry, the persecuted, and the men with different skills headed west. This  new territory was the birthplace of one of Penticton's first doctors, Dr.  Herbert McGregor.  Dr. McGregor was born on October 2, 1889, in Manitou, a small  farming town in southern Manitoba. His father died before his birth and  within two years his mother, Rebecca, remarried, so her first born was  offered a home with his uncle and aunt, Mr. and Mrs. Joseph McGregor.  In his fourteenth summer, at the annual church picnic, after winning the  egg-and-spoon race, an official found the boy's gum under the spoon.  Judgement was stern and swift: no home, no kirk. He often laughed over  this episode: never once did the edict seem to be harsh; never once did  he harbour bitterness. So he set out to support himself by farm work,  teaching in the miserable country schools, gradually making his way to  Winnipeg. There, living sometimes with cousins, the Will Campbells, he  went to Normal School to train in Industrial Arts. There he met Zella  Badgley of Emerson, a year his junior. They fell in love and planned to  marry.  Mother (Zella Badgley), born in Belleville, Ontario in 1881, had come  to Emerson, Manitoba as a baby. Her father, trained at Albert College  in Belleville as a pharmacist, made his living in that science, taught briefly  during a bad year on the prairies, and eventually became a successful  lumber merchant. Her home, just as theologically narrow as Father's, though  Methodist rather than Presbyterian, was gracious and hospitable. She returned to Belleville to graduate with honours in Elocution and Physical  Education, winning the gold medal as the highest student in her class.  Adding to her education, she studied voice and piano at the Toronto  Conservatory and expression at the Curry School in Boston. She found  a few terms of teaching at small prairie school stulifying. With her sister  Nita, she had the good fortune to join the Meikle Touring Company, a  small concert group. This took them to the wider fields of the northern  states, Manitoba and Ontario.  Before their engagement in 1906, Dad had put himself through the  University of Manitoba Medical School by teaching at night, by playing  semi-pro hockey and baseball and by police reporting for the Winnipeg  Free Press. The great editors of that era, Clifford Sifton and John Dafoe  were Liberal, anti-tariff and pro-western. So was he, and so was his fiancee.  Graduating in Medicine in 1907, he interned for a year at the Winnipeg  General Hospital, then in firm agreement with his fiancee, preceded her  to British Columbia where he felt a greater opportunity lay. The Robinsons,  the entrepreneurs of Summerland and Naramata, were also Manitobans;  their brochures had attracted the professional men as well as future orchar-  dists. Dr. F. W. Andrew, Dr. John Nay and Dad, all college friends, came  to Victoria in 1908 to write their B.C. Medical examinations. For the first 115  Dr. Herbert McGregor, 1890-1943.  Mrs. (Zella Mae) McGregor, 1881-1956.  time in Victoria, they saw white cotton gloves, boiled, to be used in operations; they had seen another innovation when an English traveller demonstrated the machine to measure blood pressure at Medical School — a  first in Canada. Dr. Nay settled in Vancouver, and later became associated  with the Workmen's Compensation Board. Dad and Fred Andrew came  to the Okanagan as Dr. R. B. White had applied to the B.C. Medical for  a partner. Casually they flipped a fifty cent piece to see who would practice  in Summerland, and who in Penticton. Dad lost! He and Fred often laughed  at that, for in 1908 Summerland was much bigger and more promising.  In Penticton Dad went into partnership with Dr. White, although by  1912 this dissolved, largely because they approached medical problems  differently. They remained good friends until Dad's sudden death in 1943.  "Reg" was a frequent visitor in our home. His piano playing delighted  us all, for we children could hear it in our bedrooms.  During the time that Dad was establishing his practice, he lived where  the present Greyound depot is, in a large building named the "Mess".  He shared these bachelor quarters with Gordon Mason, "Monty" Kendall,  E. H. Wood, Hugh Leir and Henry Conner.  Dr. McGregor and Miss Badgley, though geographically separated,  were planning for their future. Each was occupied in furthering their  education and talents; in saving for their married years. Although they  were both busy, they wrote frequently, but only one letter of that period  has survived. It tells simply and truly of their plans and of their love,  although the deeply personal sections have been omitted. 116  Penticton, July 18th, 1909  Dearest Girl:  Just a note tonight. As you say, I think it best to have everything  essential in the house, then we can go right in. If we do have to camp  for a few days, why it will be better than any other place. I have  secured a fine range I think. It is one of the most up-to-date on the  market at present. Once you told me that you really detested stove  blacking and so this range never will need any. It has one of the  burnished tops, all steel, and never needs to have any applied. It is  finished in nickel and has the regulation high back and hot chambers  for plates ...  Dishes, pictures and so on we can get in Vancouver and have  here before we get home. Just what you want sweetheart, to have a  say in all these things ...  Your idea of Will for an usher is okay, and my suggestion of  Nay should fill the bill.  There is another thing I forgot to mention. Who is your choice  of a minister as executioner for the day? Let me know and I will  drop him a note unless Mr. Badgley will perform that duty.  So the 25th of August is to be the final choice. I have it marked  off as a red letter day on the calendar. Have not added a border of  black, but the two colours would blend if necessary   The house we are going to has been housing a bride and groom  since spring. I will be able to get measurements for the rugs, etc. Would  like to know whether you would like to have a dog belonging to the  family? Timmie is a dear little Irish terrier who refuses to leave for  anyone and he begs to be admitted as a silent partner.  Have been only fairly busy lately, but am keeping out of mischief  at least except for athletics...  Just know we are going to be happy; have often tried to realize  just what it will be to have you always to love and look after. It has  often made me envious to go into some homes and see the happiness  there is there. At least we won't have any reason to covet anyone  else's —  I have always regretted so much that we have been apart for so  long now. We have not grown apart from each other at all for (if  we could) we love each other deeply and more fully than over a year  ago when we parted   We both have felt our separation keenly,  but haven't given way to any unnecessary bewailing of the fact.  Now about leaving home and all your friends. I will endeavour  to be everything to you that you want me to be, and will endeavour  to compensate for everything you are giving up. For it is a great sacrifice  in one way. Home, friends, etc. for a new town in the interior of a  new province. B.C. is okay, and if it is a little slow in developing,  why we hope to be in on the ground floor while it's coming on —  Now dearest girl, I must say bye for now.  As ever,  Herbert 117  The long separations, the practicality, the sense of humour, and the  husbandly protection offered here from the intimacies of his heart were  fulfilled during their thirty-four years of marriage. They were prepared  to do without old friends and relatives, for a life of their own in a small  but growing community to which they had committed themselves and each  other. Penticton seemed to offer little: dusty streets, wooden sidewalks  or planks, with poison ivy growing alongside, all irrigation water in wooden  flumes alongside the fence lines, beautiful stands of ponderosa pine and  cottonwoods covering most of the boulder-strewn flats of the town. There  were few houses. Their first home was on Wade Avenue, immediately west  of the present parking lot for "The Bay". Their next was on Martin Street  in the 600 block. Herb was born in 1911 and I in 1913 in the Wade Avenue  house. In the fall of 1915, the family, including "Timmie" moved to the  big house on the corner of Eckhardt and Argyle. This had been built and  designed by Stanley Woodruff. The house was spacious with high ceilings,  showing "Woody's" English influence. Dad had acquired the surrounding  property so started an orchard at the back and added chickens and geese  since, at that time, most eggs came from New Zealand. We children added  bees. Manitoba maples dominated the immediade back garden.  At first there were only two houses between our corner and Main  Street: the Latimers' (now Dr. Gibson's) and the Kincaids' which was  then the first high school. In 1922 the Riordans built the big brick house  on the corner of Winnipeg and Eckhardt (now Dr. Wickett's); Chart Nicholl  built on Victoria Drive and Eckhardt about the same time. So it was a  The McGregor home from 1915 to 1957, circa, 1932. 118  glorious place for youngsters to play, build forts, have tree houses, and  stage daring games in the long summer twilight.  Our other house was a simple cottage built in 1920 at Dog Lake.  The only access was from what is today the southern end of Main Street.  The car was parked on the rough lakeshore road (one-half of South Beach  Drive now). Guests as well as groceries and blocks of ice were ferried  by rowboat, there being no bridge until 1928 or 1929. The cottage in its  grove of cottonwoods and pines was about a quarter of a mile east of  the old river channel. In retrospect our happy summers there seem idyllic.  On an ordinary day, there might be forty swimmers on the entire length  of the sands. Because it was a holiday place, we were closer as a family  at the cottage. Dad taught both of us swimming, diving, handling boats  and life-long love of fishing. Handling a gun — a mere ".22" — was another  skill we acquired, and it was valuable to both of us. At that time there  was a one cent bounty for a pair of crow's or magpie's legs. Rafts were  clumsy attempts of our carpentry, but we could use them out to the "dip"  if there were no protruding nails; we had a large rock tied in a messy  twist of knots or an anchor. Mother oversaw the sewing of sails for the  rowboat; we graduated slowly from that to the big day of running the  motorboat, but always in Father's company. Neither we nor our young  guests were allowed to play until our house chores were done, or sufficient  wood gathered and chopped for the night's bonfire. Mother often took  us on walks identifying birds, gathering mushrooms, and so on from her  training in botany.  The most faithful of the McGregor help for over twenty-five years  was Law Sing Dew who, under Mother's supervision, "did" the garden.  By that time the back part had been put into lawns and shrubs. Exquisitely  courteous, meticulous and loyal, he worked until dad's death; then it was  "no work for old Missee — me friend now." He continued to work part-time  for others and to raise vegetables of his own.  My first lesson in tact was learned in the kitchen as Mother and the  cleaning woman were enjoying their tea. The latter used "ain't" in a  sentence. Afterwards I asked Mother why she hadn't corrected her as she  would have me. "My dear, one does not embarrass an adult, however  mistaken she may be."  Our parents entered eagerly into the many facets of small town life  and their activities grew with the town. Dad was a charter member of  the Masonic Lodge, and President of the Rod and Gun Club and the  Aquatic Club. Throughout Father's life, he was busy not only with his  patients but also with sports. Having broken an ankle playing hockey in  Manitoba, he said it was the best thing that happened to him, otherwise  he would have ended up as a "rink rat". Eric Sismey said he "hated to  lose". He played third base on the valley baseball team, as well as being  president of the Valley organization. He enjoyed trap shooting for which  he won a permanent cup.  William Morris would often join him after office hours over billiards  and snooker at Mainguy's on Front Street. There, Tom Andrew, "Daddy"  Wade and a few cronies met occassionally to play. It was a select club,  no town loafers or drunks were there. Mr. Morris commented, "Your father 119  wasn't a snob; he minded his own business. The Doctor never pressed  anyone for his bills."  As Dad's youthful enthusiasm for team sports waned, golfing became  another activity. The first course was near the Memorial Arena with a  few tin cans for holes and fairways cut with a hay mow.1 Dad was president  of the Golf Club in 1925.  Mr. Sismey, who knew him from 1913, said, "Your father was an  all-round sport, as well as a good doctor. You instinctively took to him  and he gave you confidence. He was likeable, calm, evenly balanced,  reliable, but you didn't take liberties with him. He kept his inner keep."  Dad pursued his medical studies constantly. In 1920 he was made  a fellow of the American College of Surgeons in Chicago. (He managed  to have tickets for the World Series there as well!) This latter degree,  F.A.C.S., was a difficult one to achieve for the candidate had to be recommended for the College by fellow members who knew his reputation,  following which he had to write up 100 unusual or difficult surgical cases.  Mrs. B. D. Griffiths of Kelowna whose husband had been the engineer  for the S.O.L.P. (Oliver) told me of the skin tests for allergies he did on  her small daughter. He had sent to New York for the serums in 1927. She  January, 1943, he had attended a series of meetings in Ottawa on studies  of professional publications, in a small town that was just being created.  In 1939 he studied in London under Sir Carrie Evans, a noted physician.  He wore his robes proudly. His professional colleagues honored him as  well. He was First Vice-President of the B.C. Medical Association, and  an executive member of the Canadian Medical Association; in fact in  January, 1943, he had attended a series of meetings in Ottawa on studies  of "The Beveridge Report"— the tentative beginnings of Medicare in our  Dominion. The Ontario winter combined with a heavy cold and the extra  work load on his return were contributing factors to the heart attack he  suffered in February, 1943.  During the flu epidemic of 1919, Mother drove with him at night  to keep him awake. Eventually all of us were ill. Wrapped in a Rob Roy  Tartan dressing gown, he taught me to make gruel; he crawled down the  cellar steps to keep the furnace going. Eventually a cousin of Mother's  from Calgary, who had recovered, nursed us. During that dreadful epidemic,  the Incola Hotel and the Aquatic Club were used as extra wards of the  small hospital on Fairview Road. Shortly after, in 1920, he was appointed  the medical officer for the South Okanagan Land Development, now the  township of Oliver. All emergency cases were brought to the hospital here  if possible. Otherwise Dad spent every Saturday checking the veterans at  the tar-papered shacks.  Once, in 1919, after Dad had attended a sick priest during the long  night, the good father asked him for his bill. Joe Harris told me Dad replied,  "If you will work as hard to get me into Heaven, as I've worked to keep  you out, we'll call it square."  The unique fascinated him. One winter an orchardist who was pruning  felt his ladder slipping. Flinging his long shears up, he toppled to the ground,  at the same time as the shears landed to neatly slit one of his nostrils.  "That was split timing," remarked Father. 120  One Monday morning he answered a phone call. "Yes Mrs. ... just  don't worry. Give him light food and a laxative and phone me Wednesday  morning at 7:30." The phone rang at the appointed hour. Father said "Fine,  fine, let me know if there is any change." Then choking with glee, he  put down the phone. I questioned the gales of laughter. "Oh that fool  woman!" he exclaimed, "When I asked about change she said, 'no doctor,  it was a fifty cent piece he swallowed; there was no change."  In a reminiscent mood on a quiet evening late in his life, he told  me of the middle-aged spinster who shyly consulted him about her alarming  symptoms. After a careful check, and a series of question he had to tell  her she was pregnant. Horrified, she denied this. During her hysterical  weeping, he tried to reassure her. But she still refused to accept the facts  that she had previously been given. So, he gazed out his office window  at the early evening sky. Quieted by his evident preoccupation with celestial  affairs, she asked him what he was doing. "I'm watching for a new star  in the east" was his reply. The sense of it struck her. She terminated her  connection with Penticton and left to live with understanding and loving  relatives.  Another unusual case was that of a small baby who had swallowed  an open safety pin. An anaesthetic in that era was usually fatal, so Dad  slipped off one shielding glove and with his bare fingers clipped the pin  together. The baby was safe! The episode illustrates the practical approach  taken to medicine by Dr. McGregor.  The first X-ray machine was purchased by the Women's Institute. Until  the Hospital Board hired a technician, Dad was the only one capable of  running it. My brother recalls "the blue flames and the bare wires". Because  of Dad's wide practice in obstetrics, and his love of babies, he purchased  and gave the first incubator to the hospital.  Many years later, in 1942, his face grey with exhaustion, he had come  home only briefly during a period of two days. On the third, he literally  danced Mother around the front hall and exclaimed, "I've seen a miracle!".  He had used the first sulpha drugs on a child with meningitis. "And I  don't think he will be crippled in any way." They stood, arms around each  other. "Bert dear, now come and eat a decent meal for a change."  Although Dad bought one of the first privately owned automobiles  in 1911, a MacLaughlin-Buick, other cars were used as taxis and within  a few years replaced the stage coaches. The advent of the car meant so  much in a doctor's life. Before, in attending patients in Keremeos or at  the Hedley Mines, the trip took an entire day.  My father was the Public Health Doctor for many of the outlying  schools as well as for those of Penticton. Mrs. Pat Clark was then, and  for some years after, the Public Health Nurse for Keremeos. Dad referrred  to her as his "right arm". She writes of an episode that occurred in 1926:  Among some of the pleasant memories I have of a wonderful friend  and a doctor is this one : during my visits to the school and the  community, I found six children and three adults whose tonsils were  in very poor condition. At that time it cost fifty dollars to have the  operation done in Penticton, plus the trip in those difficult times. I  contacted Dr. McGregor to see if he could solve this and his answer  was that if I could arrange to get the patients together, he would come 121  a _.* i  i        n        I *      '' \  **  **"*«*•**»*>«,   .  A ISSiMs  Dr. H. McGregor and the future Dr. H. B. McGregor. 1913.  to Keremeos for the day, bringing the matron of the hospital to give  the anaesthetic — all for ten dollars each. One woman sold her piano  to have enough money for herself and her two sons. I arranged for  my stepmother. Mrs. A. E. East, a retired war nurse, to assist us on  that memorable day. I am pleased to say that after two anxious nights,  all went well. Things like this could not have happened except for  the skill and dedication of a doctor who at all times went out of his  way to assist anyone who needed help.  Several nurses who had worked with him spoke of their "good, happy  memories".  He looked at us as people too. We'd call softly to each other, 'Mac's  here,' because he could smell the Murad cigarettes, which only he  smoked. Congenial, friendly, conscientious, we got along well. Often  before an operation we'd swap jokes and he had some good ones.  We were often puzzled when he arrived so promptly for a night  maternity case, always neat and fully dressed. (Here I explained his  habit of napping in his big leather chair in the den, dressed and waiting  for a call). His bedside manner was wonderful. Even when he was  getting on, he helped us lift patients onto stretchers and down that  dreadful ramp in the old hospital. It was much too hard on him, but  it was typical of his trying to spare us. If a member of the staff were  sick, he'd come just as quickly, and we loved him.  Another nurse, who did private duty work wrote that in the late 1920s  most terminal patients preferred to stay at home. Because of his personal  attention, his patients had love and respect for him. One elderly patient 122  would offer him a cup of tea and an almost unpalatable cookie. In obliging  her, he said, "That's the best medicine I can give her."  Shunning public acclaim, he placed his patients first at all times, even  to the eventual sacrifice of his own health. A dignified friend, but  not to fools and self-seekers, he would not deny even the latter, his  succour. Healer, philosopher, friend, he was above all a gentleman.1  Throughout their years together, Mother expanded her activities in  the community, and later in the national and international arena. She took  her place in church and women's organizations; she became a charter  member of the Women's Institute in the fall of 1909. Despite her "delicate"  upbringing and dress that meant Eastern refinement, she soon fitted in.  Her energy and gifts, her liveliness and tact, carried her far. I was amused  to read in the minutes of the W.I. that she took her place in the president's  chair within two weeks of my birth. The W.I. motto is "For Home and  Country". The women's work here comprised raising money for schools  and playground equipment, furnishings for rooms, operating rooms, as well  as money for a hospital ship in World War I. The Institute consulted with  the city engineer around 1915 as to the best use to be made of the somewhat  eccentric flow of electric energy so that it was decreed that Friday was  to be ironing day in Penticton. In reading the minute books for the last  sixty years, I was amazed that these women had found a case of child  labour in a packing house in 1918, and put a stop to it. Extension courses  from U.B.C, help for deprived children, scholarships and bursaries, exhibits  at the P.N.E. and the Peach Festival, all came within their scope. Mother,  representing Canada, led the delegation to the 1939 London meeting of  the Associated Countrywomen of the World. Formerly she had been president for Penticton, the Okanagan and British Columbia.  In addition was her participation in the Imperial Order of the Daughters  of the Empire (I.O.D.E.). As a charter member of the "Diamond Jubilee"  Chapter formed in 1927, her energy and tact brought her honours. She  was Regent of the Chapter from 1927 to 1938, was made a life member  in 1938, and Honorary Regent for three different terms until her death  in 1956. One of her ideas was the Violet Tea. At first her home was used  with this flower as the motif in centerpieces, ornamental cakes and corsages.  "Our house," Father said "was the hot bed of the Violet Tea." She took  it with laughing grace. Money was raised in various projects for adopted  schools, libraries, crippled children, Red Cross work and layettes. The  women of yesteryear through their volunteer work did much that is now  expected of civil servants and governments.  In 1924 she ran unsuccessfully as a Liberal candidate for the Provincial  Legislature. She confided years later that she loved the challenge, believed  that women should help run provincial business, enjoyed the heckling that  her own quick wit easily handled. The distasteful part was the gossip, the  hidden slyness that she would not stoop to counter.  In 1927 she was one of the local committee that raised the money  for Chautauqua.2 Mrs. Hugh (Eva) Cleland was the representative in 1928,  and commented that Mother's background in elocution and drama gave  understanding and gracious support to the performances. One of the  speakers was Mrs. D. P. Pirie-Belyea, an associate of Dame Christabel 123  Pankhurst. She spoke on venereal disease. "Your Mother met the social  challenges of her time", was Eva's summary.  Jeanne (Whimster) Putnam of Edmonton wrote : "My most vivid  memories of Mrs. McGregor centre around her dramatic flair. When she  read 'In Flanders Fields' at the Armistice Day ceremonies, there was seldom  a dry eye in the crowd."  A gracious lady, she breathed her love of culture, of human understanding into the body of the early town. She carried her verve and  enthusiasm from the small town, eventually to the women of Canada  through her W.I. work.  She inspired women not to get out of their homes, but to make  those homes better. Her philosophy was that women needn't be drudges  if they would take the trouble to help themselves, to work for what  they wanted, that made her impression on the town to which she came  as a bride, and left with national honour.3  Some coments of R. J. McDougall, former editor of the Penticton  Herald, were the following:  One of my recollections of your Mother about 1914, was listening to  her in Steward's Hall, Main Street, in an elocutionary effort. Elocution  was much prized in those days and she was very good at it. Platform  speaking came readily to her as well. I think in a sense she lived before  her time. That is if she were alive and active today, she would have  fitted into the political scene as an M.L.A. or M.P. Your Mother's  work in the I.O.D.E. and the W.I. was important, and her national  presidency was not lightly achieved. She would have revelled in today's  opportunities, and could have accomplished so much more in a wider  and more open field. She had the gift of organization and management.  In the Canadian Club she often presided at meetings and later became  president in the late 1940's and early 1950's until her poor health forced  her to bed. Her community work was awarded with two Coronation Medals,  one in 1937 and the other in 1953.  My parents shared bad times; severe illnesses and accidents took their  toll. Mother and Father were not always tolerant of each other's faults.  Although we never heard them quarrel, we sometimes felt the imaginary  icicles frosting the chandelier.  Mother was a conscientious, devout churchwomen, but Father, perhaps  because of the restrictive treatment in his adolescence, was scornful towards  "collection plate-passers and mortgage foreclosers",4 as he termed some.  He loathed hypocrisy, but admired a person of deep faith. The one occasion  when a churchman came to the office on the pretext of illness but in fact  to "save you from hell", the still athletic, articulate doctor literally propelled  him out. He must have gone to weddings with Mother but I never saw  him inside a church until he lay in the stillness of his coffin.  Miss Lila Mclntyre remembers the fun of early drives and picnics.  Mother, the first woman driver in town, and a carload would chug up  to the foot of Munson's Mountain or speed at 20 miles per hour for an  afternoon at the Falls. Lila laughingly recalled a masquerade dance at  the old Aquatic Club at the time Dad was President. My parents went  dressed as a popular comics pair: "Mary Jane and Buster Brown." In the  middle of the dance, Father was called to a quick maternity case and had 124  no time to change. Never again did we dare read that comic strip aloud.  "We must keep up the standard", was a remark made by Mother  to Mrs. Connie Boyle on questioning the latter's short frock for a reception  in the Boyle's home where both were hostesses. Evidently this became a  humourous local saying, but Mother, unlike Queen Victoria, would have  been amused. She dressed well, perhaps elegantly. What many did not  realize was that Dad approved of her dresses before she bought them.  Father unlike Mother, hated to part with old clothes; he would complain  that he'd just broken in a hat or coat and Mother would give it to the  church or some charity. He was always neat, but it took a good deal of  hinting and manoeuvering on her part to get him to look at a new suit.  Then he would tease her by exaggerating the colour or style, eliciting a  response, "But oh Bert, you're impossible!" She'd get a slow smile for  her reproach.  They were both avid readers — Dad more than Mother because she  did so much fine needlework. A mutual love of good music bound the  pleasant, wordless evenings. Although they enjoyed their friends and their  bridge they were equally content with books and hobbies. Games and music  were family fun; anything that demanded concentration, skill and imagination they enjoyed. They joined in their children's parties, but never as  equals. Both liked a clever joke, but not a salacious one. Mother's English  was precise — his occasionally careless. She'd frown at him but say nothing.  Her attempts at the latest slang became family by-words. Their love and  humour was wide enough to encompass others; they shared a brimming  reservoir of compassion.  In early February, 1943, Dad became seriously ill from a coronary  attack — so ill in fact that he could not be moved. Nurses, oxygen tanks  and doctors were summoned. Dr. "Reg" White was the only one he wanted  or would obey. Herb, just back from Alaskan duties with the R.C.A.F.,  flew home. He was able to stay while Dad rallied, but two weeks later  when the authorities had decided it was safe to move him to the hospital,  Dad suddenly passed away. It was a swift ending to a life so rich in human  relations, but one which he would have preferred.  Mother, not well even then, lived on for thirteen lonely years. She  carried on in all her activities, delighted by her grandchildren, while she  in turn captivated them. One serious illness, a violent appendicitis attack,  had its comic moments. Herb called in Dr. "Bill" White who advised moving  her immediately to the hospital for surgery. My indomitable seventy-year  old Mother with usual spirit said, "Bill, I have respect for your ability  as a doctor, but I've never been in a hospital in my life, and I'm not  going now." Two hypos, two doctors and two ambulance orderlies later,  she was. I was sleeping thankfully forty-eight hours later when the phone  rang at 3 a.m. In dread I answered to hear Mother, "John dear, I don't  like it here, so please come now." Fortunately, a nurse was at her heels  and caught her. Her health slowly deteriorated to the point where she  had to be moved into an apartment with round-the-clock care. Her close  friends visited often, bless them, and, as Mrs. Joyce Jones who attended  her as she slept away said, "She was such a gentle lady."  In 1972, to honour its two pioneer doctors, the Penticton Branch of 125  the Historical Society placed (with their portraits) on exhibit some of the  medical instruments they had used. A line of A. E. Housman's chosen for  my Father's picture applies equally well to Mother: "Townsman of a stiller  town."5  FOOTNOTES  1. From a letter from E. W. Aldredge.  2. The Chatauqua was a movement started in the eastern United States with a view  to sending speakers and musicians around the country.  3. Some observations made by E. W. Aldredge.  4. Twain, Mark — "The Ransom of Red Chief.  5. Housman, A. E. — "To An Athlete Dying Young".  BIBLIOGRAPHY  1. B.C. Medical Association Records.  2. History of the Diamond Jubilee Chapter of the I.O.D.E. Courtesy of Mrs. J. C. Atwood,  Historian, Summerland.  3. Minutes of the Penticton Women's Institute, Courtesy of Mrs. P. Bowen-Colthurst,  Penticton.  4. Modern Pioneers, 1909-1959, B.C. Women's Institute J. Douglas, E. E. Partington,  M. Palmer, Evergreen Press Ltd., 1960.  5. Okanagan Historical Report — Early Medical Service in the Okanagan by F. W. Andrew,  M.D.; Vol. 12, p. 127; Okanagan Historical Society — Cabinet Marks Milestone; Vol. 36, p. 103  by E. W. Aldredge.  6. Penticton Herald Files.  7. Penticton Pioneers, R. N. Atkinson, Published by the Penticton Branch of the Okanagan  Historical Society, 1967.  The four photographs were copied by Bay Oliver and Randy Manuel; the portraits were  originally taken by the late Lumb Stocks; the other two by members of the McGregor family. 126  DR. ANTHONY WALSH: THE GENTLE REVOLUTIONARY  Jean Webber  Editor's Note: The letters and newspaper clippings used in preparing  this biography may be found in the Osoyoos Museum.  On the evening of March 24, 1976, about thirty-five people gathered  in the Okanagan College classroom at Oliver to welcome an old friend,  Dr. Anthony Walsh, who had returned briefly to the Valley. For the most  part, those present were residents of Inkameep, Oliver, Osoyoos, and Okanagan Falls who had known Dr. Walsh during the decade 1932-1942 while  he was teacher at the Inkameep Indian School. The evening was warm  with a sense of reunion.  On June 8 of the previous year Concordia University, at its Loyola  Campus, had conferred upon Mr. Walsh an honourary doctorate for his  work in establishing Benedict Labre House in Montreal, a home and refuge  dedicated to meeting the needs of destitute men. In presenting the doctoral  candidate on that occasion, Professor John Buell had said in part:  Mr. Chancellor:  I have the honour to present to you Mr. Anthony Walsh. He is  best described, in the formal terms of this occasion, and in a quite  literal sense, as a philanthropist; one who acted out of love and concern  for his fellow human beings.  Anthony Walsh with Jane Stelkia and Francis Baptiste. Photo courtesy of the Oliver Chronicle ■  127  His philosophy was basic and total; quite simply, he gave himself.  In the early 1950's . .. with the assistance of a small group of  friends, he decided to give all his time and all his efforts to the poor  in our society.  He did it by binding himself to total and voluntary poverty, which  meant that he would own nothing and seek to own nothing ... he  would awaken the Christian community, awaken it to the very Gospel  it professed and by which he actually lived.  And the house he ran, with the help of those friends, and others  as the place became better known, was constantly filled with the broken  and criminal, the mentally ill, the hungry, the castoffs of our society  ... and over the years, twenty years, thousands of people came to  work, to give, to help — and they do so today.  Along with this went his intellectual work; the peaceful introduction of new ideas, the reassessment of spiritual values, the expression  of new modes of religious enterprise. Long before it was fashionable  to do so, Labre House was a centre for ecumenical exchange, for  dialogue between races, for understanding between cultures.  The man who started all this, Tony Walsh, as he is called by all  who know him, lived the paradoxes of the Gospel. Instead of affluence  he chose poverty; instead of conflict, peace; instead of publicity and  self-seeking, he chose anonymity; and in an age of fashionable hedonism, he chose personal celibacy ... -1  Nothing was said in the presentation speech about Mr. Walsh's teaching  in the Okanagan or about his work with the Legion War Services on  Vancouver Island. Yet both the Inkameep years and the war years were  a prelude to the Benedict Labre work. When asked what led Anthony  into his lay apostolate work among the poor in Montreal, Mrs. Dorothea  Allison of Kelowna, a longtime acquaintance, answered:  I think it really began with his great interest from Okanagan days  with the Indians. He realized what outcasts of society they were. And  he realized the misery of poverty and of having no recourse to the  upper crust, as it were, of the world .... When he went to Montreal  ... he went into the culture of Indians living nearby, learned about  their dances, their old stories, their legends. He did quite a little in  getting the children together to do their Indian dances . . . but that  petered out because it didn't lead him anywhere, to anything more  .... What remained was his tremendous feeling of sympathy for the  Indians, their lack of being given a part in society; and that led him  to his greater devotion to outcasts and people who had a bad time  either through their own fault or that of society.  The Oliver Chronicle reporting Dr. Walsh's talk to his friends at the  March 24 gathering states:  "The Inkameep years were probably the most important of my life,"  Mr. Walsh said. There he found solitude which afforded the opportunity for reflection. "Nothing good is accomplished without reflection,"  he said. Also, at Inkameep, he learned to listen, and as he listened  he saw the children learn to trust him in spite of his being a white  man.2  Fortunately, the Inkameep years are well documented in the thirty-  eighth Report of the Okanagan Historical Society in an article written by  Anthony Walsh. The author tells how he first took up teaching at the 128  request of Fr. Carlyle of Bear Creek and then set about acquiring teacher's  training in a somewhat informal manner. Mr. Rudolph P. Guidi, Principal  of the Oliver Elementary School for many years, recalls the frequent visits  of Anthony Walsh to discuss teaching techniques with the four teachers  at his school. On one occasion Mr. Walsh casually remarked that the Oliver  teachers and pupils should visit his school. The grade four class accepted  the invitation and had such an interesting time that other visits soon  followed.  Teacher's training was not the only undertaking of the young teacher.  He set about studying and encouraging others to acquire information about  the Interior Salish Indians among whom he had come to live and work.  Characteristically, instead of seeking a degree, he pursued his research  wherever he found relevant material — at museums and universities in  Victoria, Seattle, Berkeley, New York, Ottawa and Santa Fe. H. J. Parham,  in his A Nature Lover in British Columbia, speaks of borrowing from Mr.  Walsh a Smithsonian Institute publication by James A. Teit entitled The  Salishan Tribes of the Western Plateaus. Mr. Parham also records the  meaning of a number of Indian place names translated by Chief George  Baptiste and passed on through Anthony Walsh and he writes of the Salish  sweat-house as described by Mr. Walsh. One of the activities of the Society  for the Revival of Indian Arts and Crafts, established by Mr. Walsh in  co-operation with Mr. and Mrs. Albert Millar, was to have members prepare  and present papers based on original research regarding the Indians of  the Okanagan.  The Okanagan Historical Society article deals largely with the art work  of the Inkameep children, work which led to their prize-winning exhibits  in the Royal Drawing Society's Exhibit for Commonwealth Children. Mrs.  Allison was able to facilitate the participation of the Inkameep pupils in  this international exhibition through her uncle, Adrian Stokes R.A., and  his friend Alfred Munnings R.A., the latter being a celebrated painter of  animals. Armed with public acknowledgement of the quality of his pupils'  work, Mr. Walsh said that he would use the art to draw out the children.  However, as the school teacher was required to teach the curriculum laid  down by the Department of Indian Affairs which made little allowance  for excursions into the arts, most of the work was accomplished in the  extra hour both teacher and pupils voluntarily added to the school day.  In the arts Anthony Walsh had a new area of study to master in  order to better help his charges. He took courses in the crafts. Several  summers were devoted to studying creative drama with Professor Koch  at the Banff School of Fine Arts. There, Mr. Walsh presented the first  of many one-man shows based on the legends and dances that the Inkameep  children were beginning to learn from their elders or from their own  observation of nature. The one-man shows became a means of financing  and publicizing the touring of the children themselves and were presented  in Victoria, Montreal, Toronto, Loyola College, Chicago University, the  Laboratory of Anthropology at Santa Fe, Pennsylvania State College,  Barnard College at Columbia University, and in numerous small towns.  There was nothing exclusive in Anthony Walsh's concept of the arts.  Indian arts and crafts derived their character and colour from the personal 129  Anthony Walsh, many years instructor in an Indian school in the Okanagan Valley of British  Columbia, is an ardent advocate of allowing Indians to develop their own cultural expression  instead of assimilating them to ours. Here he is performing a B.C. Indian Folk drama with  the richly expressive native gestures and actions.  Karsh Photo, Courtesy of Saturday Night  experience and traditions of the individual practising them. Non-Indians,  too, were encouraged to develop their talents in painting, music and drama,  basing their work on their particular traditions. Mr. Walsh always spoke  of Canadian culture as "a patchwork quilt", rejecting the "melting pot"  concept. Evidence of his continuing belief in the importance of popular  participation in the arts is to be found in the talk he gave at a reception  held in his honour at Loyola Student Centre 11 June, 1975. The report  in the Benedict Labre house organ, Unity, says: 130  Tony Walsh concluded with a wish that the many good things happening  in small ways in this chaotic world be celebrated yearly in a festival  of the arts. He believes that every generation should produce its own  art, its own music, its own ballet, its own liturgy, communicating a  sense of joy and lovely relationships.3  Anthony Walsh supported the efforts of women to establish artistic  enterprises, feeling, I believe, that the ability of women often went unrecognized and unused by the community. In 1944, in his foreword to Dorothea  Allison's little book, Songs of Kalamalka, Mr. Walsh wrote:  We are indebted to Mrs. Allison for the gathering of these verses.  If such undertakings were carried out across the whole dominion, for  the encouragement of plays, songs, and music, descriptive of the people  and the lives they live, it would not be long before there would be  a flowering of the arts and a development of culture truly worthy  of Canada.  More than thirty years later, upon hearing of Okanagan Image,4  1976,  Mr. Walsh wrote:  How Miss Brown, Mrs. Tassie, Mrs. Allison and others would have  rejoiced had they known that the seed, that was good seed, and planted  in excellent soil is now bearing fruit and being of interest and value  to thousands of people throughout the Valley.  The dearth of autobiographical information in the Okanagan Historical  Society article is no surprise to those who knew Anthony Walsh. He seldom  spoke of himself except in relation to the work currently on hand, in which  case no false modesty prevented him from recounting personal successes  and thus increasing public awareness of and support for his activities.  Anthony, the son of Joseph and Lucy Walsh, was born in Paris, France,  in 1899, during one of his father's many trips to deliver fine Irish horses  to the grandees of Europe. (The Empress Elizabeth of Austria, assassinated  by an anarchist in September 1898, was one of his customers.) It was  necessary that his father register the child's birth in England within the  month if Anthony, as a young man, was to escape the obligation of French  military service. Two other sons born to Joseph and Lucy Walsh, each  named Joseph, died in infancy and were buried in Belgium. A daughter,  Annie, grew up to become a Good Shepherd Sister, only to succumb to  the Spanish influenza and die in 1918 at the age of 26 years. Annie was  buried on Armistice Day, November 11.  Anthony Walsh appears to have grown up feeling that his father was  disappointed in his gentle and somewhat delicate son, who was more  interested in helpless, injured animals than in fine thoroughbreds. Fortunately for the little boy there was the companionship to be found among  the crofters, housewives, and hen-wives of his homes in the Dublin area  and in northern Scotland. And there was Aunt Agnes Walsh of Dublin  who championed the boy before his critical parents. "Everyone should have  an Aunt Agnes," said Mr. Walsh at the Oliver gathering. Aunt Agnes  predicted that Anthony would become a doctor or a priest and Mr. Walsh  feels that his subsequent life has partaken of some of the qualities of each  of those callings.  In 1917, Anthony enlisted in the Irish Guards, served one year in  France during which time he earned the Military Medal for bravery and 131  later served in Germany with the army of occupation. He came to Canada  in 1923 and worked at many jobs until engaging in fox farming at Kelowna  in the late 1920's. The story of his becoming a teacher at Six-mile on the  North Okanagan Reserve in 1930 and at Inkameep in 1932 is recounted  in the thirty-eighth Report of the Okanagan Historical Society. In 1942,  Mr. Walsh left Inkameep to join the Legion War Services, but not before  a gala occasion when friends gathered to view an exhibit of his pupils'  work and to enjoy the hospitality of the people of Inkameep. Mr. Guidi  writes.  A highlight of the day was a sincere and moving speech by the then  Chief — Baptiste George. One memorable feature of his speech was  his praise of all the good work being done by Anthony Walsh. He  also referred to the importance of educating the young and relating  the Indian culture and folk lore to the modern education, for that  was what Mr. Walsh was doing.  Postings with the Legion War Services included Port Alberni and  Gordon Head. While at the former station he was introduced to George  Clutesi who has since written Son of Raven, Son of Deer and Potlatch  and become the recipient of an honourary doctorate. The results of this  meeting cannot be more eloquently told than in George Clutesi's own words:  Tony Walsh was certainly one of the most singular and astonishing  persons that I've had the good fortune to meet .... It was Tony who,  with his vast store of patience and evident sincerity, helped me overcome a deep-rooted inferiority complex that I had unconsciously and  religiously nursed as a fact of life. This was a direct result of my  upbringing and brain washing during my long stay in a church school.  Prior to my association with Tony, for instance, I would never allow  any of my paintings or writings to be shown in public or read to another  person for fear of ridicule which would surely come .... Apparently  Tony had heard of my dabbling in the arts. He made many visits to  our house before he mentioned or asked if I had any drawings or  paintings I would like to show him. For quite some time I was suspicious  of this man Tony whom Dr. Rosen seemed to respect very highly.  Albeit, I gradually and reluctantly began bringing out paintings that  I had hidden in closets and old boxes. In due course we found some  twenty water colours, and before I knew it Tony had arranged for  a local showing in Port Alberni in 1944. This was to be the beginning  of a series of one-man shows that went across Canada and as far east  as Toronto by 1945.  It was through Tony that I met and got to know Professor Dillworth  who introduced me to Lawren Harris and finally to Emily Carr, who  counselled me wisely. Had it not been for Tony's untiring counselling  and vast store of patience I would never have broken out of the  "clamshell" into which I had crawled.  The work at Gordon Head involved veterans returning from various  theatres of war. The experience at Inkameep stood Mr. Walsh in good  stead — he knew simple craft techniques; he could manage on a shoe-string;  he understood how the arts could be used to "draw out" people. In reporting  on this phase of Mr. Walsh's career, the Penticton Herald states:  He used the skills he had developed in encouraging artistic expression to help veterans of the Second World War who had become 132  psychologically handicapped by war traumas. His results with counselling and recreation, begun on a small workshop basis where he had  to scratch for funds, was later studied by Americans in the same work  "but with huge sums of money behind them."  "Today, people won't go into anything unless they're funded. We  lose a lot by that. Start from scratch — there's where the real creativity  comes in."5  There are men in prestigious positions in Canada today who found their  way back to health in those Gordon Head classes.  By the spring of 1946 the Legion War Services work was complete  and Anthony Walsh was worn out. His doctor prescribed "a rest where  he could get good meals." Anthony wrote to ask if he might accept a standing  invitation to visit us at Quathiaski Cove on Quadra Island. I do not know  anyone else who would look for "rest" in a four-room shanty overhanging  the sea and already inhabited by two adults and three children, the oldest  of whom was just four. We were delighted to have this most perfect of  house guests who was considerate, unobtrusive, helpful, resourceful, independent and whose warm sense of humour gave buoyancy to matters  of serious consideration. A month later when it came time for us all to  leave the Cove, Anthony helped us pack and load the seiner that was  to take us to Campbell River. It was then that I realized for the first time  the physical frailty of this man. Yet, in spite of utter weariness, he persisted  in helping.  The next few years were a time of searching, of trial and error. For  some months Anthony Walsh lived in a room in the rambling old house  owned by Miss Yeatman in Vernon. Anthony was most sympathetic with  Miss Yeatman's desire to preserve her historic home. During this period  some of Mr. Walsh's time was spent writing dramas, but little came of  that for Anthony's genius was in his ability to induce others to discover  and develop hidden talents rather than in being an artist himself. At this  time, too, he was beginning to express an interest in the lay apostolate  work being done in the slums of New York, a Christian response to the  poverty and social injustice of our times. There followed a period of research  in Indian matters in New Mexico and then a time of residence at Abbotsford  where Mr. Walsh did writing and research into Canadian Indian affairs  in connection with the revision of the Indian Act.  In 1949 Anthony Walsh left for Montreal and by 1952 Benedict Labre  House was opened. Professor Buell's speech, quoted above, summarizes  the sacrifice and achievement of twenty years. Days with scant donations  meant thin soup for all. In the early years Anthony Walsh was often the  only cook and scrubber of floors. The motivation for the work was deeply  Christian, exhibiting both a desire to return dignity and self-respect to  those who had been robbed on these qualities, and a conviction of the  responsibility of the laity to follow the Christly life.  One of Anthony Walsh's greatest struggles in establishing Benedict  Labre House was to interest and involve comfortable and economically  secure people in a concern for those much less fortunate than themselves,  to make indifference give way to compassion. I once asked Anthony who  he felt benefited most from his work, the destitute who came in their 'ñ†  133  desperation or the middle-class people who learned to serve. "Oh, the  middle-class people," he replied most definitely. The learning of compassion  is a precious lesson.  In 1967, Mr. Walsh retired from Benedict Labre House to undergo  a major operation which left him too weak to resume his charge. So well  established was the work that the House has continued to care for the  destitute. Since then, Mr. Walsh has become a "channeler", visiting universities and seminaries, counselling, lecturing, talking to small gatherings,  exhorting, and encouraging. His travels are paid for by friends who believe  that he has something of value to share.  At the Oliver gathering Mr. Walsh urged his listeners to become healers  of the hurt and wounded, those who are the victims of the impersonalization  of our souciety. The Oliver Chronicle summary of his remarks gives us  the key to Anthony Walsh's remarkable influence:  "We all have the capacity to heal," he said. In this process, he listed  three stages. First comes creative listening, treating the individual as  worthy in himself. Second, once the problems are clearly seen, comes  the healing. At this point, specialists may be called upon, but what  is needed is the compassionate rather than the competent person. Third,  comes the teaching stage in which the healer tells why he is what  he is and asks the person whom he is helping just what he is ready  to do for others.6  FOOTNOTES  1. Osoyoos Times. March 17, 1976.  2. Oliver Chronicle, April 1, 1976.  3. Unity, Vol. 20, No. 4 (June 11, 1975).  4. "Okanagan Image" was the name given the program sponsored by the Okanagan  Mainline Regional Arts Council which reflected the arts in the region in 1976.  5. Penticton Herald, April 1, 1976.  6. Oliver Chronicle, April 1, 1976. 134  THE CHAMBERS STORY  Claude Holden  Editor's Note: Claude W. Holden returned from W. W. I to take land  in Penticton under the Soldier Settlement Board. He was a grower  in the period under discussion, a Director of the Penticton Co-op for  sixteen years and advisor to the V.L.A. officials when the West Bench  was created.  E. J. (Ted) Chambers was born in Ingersoll, Ontario, in 1877. He was  the eldest of nine children. While still a young boy his family moved to  Glenboro, Manitoba, where his father purchased a farm. Ted attended  school in Glenboro and helped his father on the farm.  His first appearance on the Okanagan scene was in 1909, when he  and his father-in-law, R. S. Conklin, each purchased five acres of raw land  in Kaleden. At this time, he was living in Winnipeg with his wife, the  former Ella Isobel Conklin, and their three children, Lyall, Eileen and  Claire. He was working for the International Harvester Co. at a monthly  wage of $55, this having been raised from $50 on his marriage.  In 1911, he moved to Victoria and was self-employed, building and  selling houses, the family living in a tent until he completed their first  house. Ruth, their youngest daughter, was born in Victoria. In 1914, the  family decided to move to Penticton, and he traded one of his Victoria  houses for a solidly built house on the Naramata Road, overlooking the  lake, with 3.9 acres of orchard and garden, owned by Captain I. M. Stevens,  a local realtor. Lome, their youngest boy, was born in this house and Claire,  their second daughter, passed away here in 1923.  Times were very tough in 1914, and with four growing children to  feed, it was a real worry for the parents. Ted obtained some work with  the K.V.R. and worked both of the Kaleden orchards, which were some  five miles away by team and some hours in time, giving him lots of  opportunity to think of the fruit business and its future. In spite of all  the work and worry there were many happy times. "The Ranch" as it  was and is still called, was filled with love and warmth. Friends dropped  by, relatives arrived for weekends and vacations; beds were set up on the  veranda which ran around three sides of the house.  Ted's father-in-law, Mr. Conklin, had been Reeve of Penticton from  1914 to 1916 so he had a good background in municipal affairs. Always  interested in public affairs, Ted was elected in 1917 to the Municipal Council  and served as Councillor until 1919. In the fall of that year he decided  to run for Reeve and was elected with a large majority, taking office January  9, 1920. Councillors with him were Bishop, Huntley, MacDougall, Swift,  Holden and McDonald with B. C. Bracewell (later with the Provincial  Government in Victoria), as municipal clerk. Council salaries were not large  by today's standards, being $300 per annum for Council and $450 per  annum for the Reeve, paid quarterly.  The Penticton of 1920 was a little fruit town with wooden sidewalks  and a ward system, the councillors being elected from different areas of  the town and bench, presumably to more adequately represent its several  parts, that is, Dog Lake Bench and North Bench, etc. Times were still -  135  hard and we note in the minutes that as taxes were hard to collect, a  penalty of 15% was to be added to those in arrears. As the fruit business  was the main source of income and thereby taxes, prosperity rose and  fell with its vicissitudes which were legion. In these very hard times bylaws  were not easily passed. Bylaw No. 279 to build a Fire Hall for $15,000  was defeated and following this, Bylaw No. 285 to raise $18,000 for an  addition to the hospital was defeated. These bylaws advocated by Ted and  various councils were not defeated by disagreement as to the benefits to  be acquired, if passed, but by the conviction that any increase of taxes,  however worthy the cause, simply could not be endured, so desperate was  the plight of Penticton's only industry fruit.  One of the most perplexing problems the Reeve and Council had at  that time was the electric light system, operated by the Municipality and  very far from reliable in its performance. In 1921, an agreement was signed  with the Okanagan Water Power Co., backed by West Kootenay Power  and signed by the Honourable John Oliver, Premier of B.C. This was a  progressive step forward and alleviated many mechanical and financial  problems.  In the election of 1924, Mr. Kirkpatrick was elected Reeve by a vote  of 380 to 327. An "expression of appreciation" was tendered to E. J.  Chambers by Council for his dedication and "fairness over the last four  years". So ended his work as Reeve for the Municipality, but larger fields  beckoned.  A much condensed review of the valley fruit situation shows that in  1913 the Okanagan United Growers (O.U.G.) was formed with about 1000  growers in an attempt to control the marketing of their fruit by majority  rule, but increasing production dictated that the home market was far too  small to absorb the quantity to be sold. It was becoming ever more obvious  that there was a worm at the core of the apple and that worm was internal  competition and consequent market chaos. Returns for the large 1922 crop  were catastrophic, some actually receiving no cash at all and even some  bills from the packing house for freight!  It meant a living standard so low that every comfort and luxury had  to be sacrificed for bare survival in hope that if the family could only  hang on times would surely get better and they could save their home  and investment, which in many cases meant their accumulated savings  from half a lifetime of work in other occupations. It meant old clothes,  poorer cuts of meat, the wood stove and Quebec heater for warmth and  the cistern for water. As electric light installation was too expensive, the  coal oil lamp was made to do another year. Every nickel had to be put  aside for taxes and irrigation rates. Some got out but this was hard as  no one would pay much for an orchard which returned no money. The  workers in the packing houses had to keep wages at the lowest possible  level to provide the most meagre necessities for the growers. It was hard  for a packer or sorter to ask for better wages when one of the grower's  wives was working alongside her and glad to get the 30 cents an hour  they were being paid. 136  The spirit of the growers sank to an all time low. There seemed nowhere  to turn in their desperation, but in 1923 a speaker from California addressed  the Vancouver Board of Trade on the subject of co-operatives, and was  persuaded to come to the Okanagan Valley. Aaron Sapiro had successfully  brought together the Citrus Growers of California into one selling agency  and had thereby increased their returns from the market threefold, by  eliminating cut-rate selling and stabilizing sales. He came to the Okanagan  in February, 1923, and was received with tremendous enthusiasm and  packed halls in every large town. He was hailed in Kelowna as the "Wizard  of Co-operative Organization". He explained that it was necessary for the  producers to organize, so that practically all of the crop would be distributed  through one selling agency, ending internal competition. After his trip  through the Valley he went on to help organize the Wheat Pools on the  Prairie, still in existence today. The outcome of these addresses was the  formation of a Committee of Seven to create a new selling organization  along with lines advocated. By February 28, eighty per cent of the Growers  had signed up. The Associated Growers of B.C. was now formed to prevent  glutted markets and under the table dealings. The O.U.G. went into voluntary liquidation and the O.K. Brand, a good advertising asset, was purchased  by the new organization.  The first President of the Associated Growers was A. T. Howe of Vernon  with a committee of five to assist him, but in 1924, a new concept was  inaugurated and the President became the General Manager as well, with  all the employees responsible to him. It was required that he be a grower  and always have the growers' interests at heart.  In May, 1924, E. J. Chambers was the man elected President of the  Associated Growers and the destiny of the new deal, and hope of the  growers, was to rest on his shoulders from then on. It was now obvious  that his new job would entail a move to Vernon from Penticton, as the  head office was located there and so in February, 1924, he moved there  with his wife, one son Lome and daughter Ruth.  The job ahead of the new Manager was staggering, namely to bring  order out of chaos without the help of marketing legislation and to enforce  the necessary controls, without money or a credit rating. Two immediate  priorities were obvious, an advertising campaign to boost sales, and cold  storages to hold the torrent of fruit off the market and give a nine month  selling period instead of three. The building of cold storages was assisted  by obtaining grants from government for plants throughout the Valley.  These grants did not, of course, cover the whole cost but were a big help,  and represented an acceptance of responsibility on the part of the government.  During the next five years the word "deductions" came to take on  a sinister sound for the Co-op Growers. One grower sarcastically remarked  at a meeting, "Give me the deductions and you can take the crop". And  indeed, with certain grades or poor varieties, the deductions exceeded the  market returns. Yet how else could storage be built, and advertising  financed, and a stable marketing organization be put together. Bank loans  were only possible to a very limited degree (after all banks were neither  charitable organizations nor an arm of government). Loans were given 137  for packing charges only, with the proviso that the bank receive both capital  and interest back before the grower received a cent. So high was the growers'  credit rating in those days of the 1920's! Only loans to be repaid later  could pay expenses and to some those deductions, or forced loans, were  the straw that broke the camel's back and they left the Associated Growers  to try their luck with the independents.  The Associated Growers with E. J. Chambers at its head comprised  thirty-one Co-op Locals of which fourteen were Okanagan, and seventeen  Kootenay, the largest being Kelowna, Vernon and Penticton. To attend  meetings and keep in touch with so scattered a group was not easy; it  meant long winter trips to outlying Locals, with Mr. McNair along if  possible, to attend their annual meetings and election of officers and to  explain policy. These Locals had their special problems of climate, location  and varieties of fruit, and some internal rivalry with regard to pooling  of returns. Chambers got to know their individual problems and the personalities involved. When visiting Naramata he could say, "Where is Rick  tonight? He is not in his usual seat."  Only grower control backed by marketing legislation, could be the  complete answer to their problems: a "One Desk Plan." In the meantime  every effort would be tried by amalgamating shippers. With Ken Kinnard  holding the fort in Vernon, these meetings were held up and down the  valleys, and very violent meetings they often were. Dave McNair was a  big help as he knew all the angles of the fruit game, including some under  the table deals being used to get a bigger share of the local prairie market.  He would explain that 10% of consigned (or get what you can for it) cars  of fruit could drop prices 50% overnight, as buyers would fear more cuts  and only buy from hand to mouth. His incisive replies to foolish questions  were a joy to listen to. It was at these meetings that Chambers' qualities  of patience and integrity were so obvious; violent outbursts were contained  before harm was done. In spite of all his efforts the cry of "but we have  got to have more money, Mr. Chambers," was too often the last word  at the meeting.  With the heavy deductions the percentage of those shipping through  the Associated was on the decline, as growers desperately plunged from  one packing house to another in hope of a few more cents a box. As a  small illustration of the oddities of fruit marketing it was explained to  the growers that the blown-out grain farmers of Saskatchewan had no means  whatever of buying fruit and the federal government would arrange to  ship second grade but sound apples, in bulk with no containers, to these  farmers, who could bring sacks down and help themselves and their families.  Freight and handling were paid by the government, although, of course,  nothing was paid for the fruit. This idea was enthusiastically agreed to  by the growers and packing houses, and several cars were loaded and  snipped for this worthy cause. The sad payoff came in the following spring  when truck loads of extra fancy, packed and cold-stored apples were dumped  in a gully out of town and the empty boxes recovered.  I hardly think Ted Chambers could have stood this incessant strain  but that his home life was a happy one, and he had the ability to leave  the job at the office and not let it interfere with outside interests, which 138  included baseball (he had a life pass in Penticton). He was also a keen  Rotarian, and a very ardent curler; with a pick up team in the early 20's  he won the Vernon Challenge Cup to the surprise of the other teams.  So passed the 1920 period; the worm at the core of the apple was still  very evident.  To go into all the details of the fruit business in the 1920's is, of  course, beyond the scope of our story, which is one man's impact on it.  I am very conscious of the great gaps in the names of all those who helped  him in his great task of holding a co-operative organization together over  this long and difficult period of time. There must be dozens, perhaps  hundreds, whose names should be included in this story, and I make my  apologies herewith to them. I include two editors of the magazine, "Country  Life", namely Charlie Hayden of early days and Tim Armstrong more  recently. Their loyalty to the farmers of B.C. has been outstanding over  the years.  Export markets were a necessary outlet for the volume of fruit, particularly apples, now being produced. These were not very profitable but if  the Canadian market was not to be swamped, they had to be developed.  Ted and Dave McNair took many trips to the United Kingdom to improve  handling facilities and to create a demand for the O.K. Brand which came  to be well recognized throughout the British market. Here was a market  with competition from all over the world and B.C. was a long way from  it, by freight across Canada or through the Panama Canal by refrigerated  ships. Small sized apples heavily discounted in Canada were popular here.  Jonathons and Cox Orange were popular in London and Mcintosh (as  one would expect) in Glasgow. This man Chambers became well known  not only in Calgary or in Steinbergs in Montreal, but in Covent Garden,  London, too.  In 1927, a Produce Marketing Act came into being backed by the  provincial government and a Committee of Direction was set up to move  the whole crop and ensure that only a certain percentage was marketed  locally. However, in 1929, Chambers told the B.C. F.G.A. Convention that  the Act had failed to equalize the export burden, the Associated having  to handle twenty per cent more than its share.  In October, 1929, the Stock Market Crash in the U.S.A. took place  and the Depression had begun. The Produce Marketing Act was now  declared illegal by the Supreme Court and the growers were firmly back  to square one. In 1931, an apple cartel had been set up but with doubtful  results, as returns from the 1932 crop made obvious. At the conclusion  of a report to the Directors of the Associated Growers, Chambers said  "it is abundantly clear that as long as there is a minority outside control,  the efforts of the majority will be nullified".  BUSTED! That was the headline in weeklies throughout the Okanagan  and the Kootenay in March, 1933, and it referred to the B.C. F.G.A.,  the growers' parliament. This was partially caused by the stopping of grants  by the provincial government as an austerity measure to cut every possible  cost. At a reorganization meeting held in Kelowna, sponsored by Godfrey  Isaacs, the old B.C. F.G.A. executive resigned and a Provisional Committee  was elected to carry on. T. G. Norris, K.C., chaired a meeting in Summerland 139  F. J. Chambers.  where a Penticton lawyer and fruit grower, W. E. Haskins, was elected  President. He told the meeting that "while it would appear inadvisable  for the B.C. F.G.A. actually to engage in marketing, the necessary form  of control should be dictated by the growers."  As another bumper crop appeared due, every grower felt that the  shippers had been putting the squeeze on them. The previous year Grimes  Golden had fetched seven cents a box but the consumer was paying $1.25.  At a meeting held in September it was evident that the growers were  determined on one thing: no fruit would be picked unless the grower was  assured of a reasonable return by his shipper. This was the basis of the  rallying cry of "a cent a pound or on the ground" presented to the meeting  in an historic resolution by A. K. Lloyd of Kelowna, a grower. Some  bickering followed as usual but President Haskins straightened it out with  a speech that said "if disorganization continues we shall once again work  for the benefit of bankers, railways, brokers, jobbers and shippers without  making a cent for ourselves". Three quarters of the delegates stood up  to cheer this speech. Penticton endorsed the "cent a pound" slogan that  night and Vernon responded in favor also. Even the growers were amazed  at the enthusiastic support. 140  Three days later the growers showed the shippers they meant business.  On the afternoon of September 19, more than two hundred growers headed  for Rutland, where a car of bulk Mcintosh apples was being loaded. The  operator was told to seal the car or have it dumped. Roads and bridges  were picketed to prevent fruit moving to packing nouses and freight trains  loaded for the prairies were stopped by growers. On the night of September  29, five hundred men, women and children stopped the latest move by  an independent shipper, by spending the night on the railway tracks, to  stop seven cars of bulk apples being shipped to the prairies.  To avoid continued disturbances a growers' stabilization committee  of four was formed with Haskins at its head. At last, the growers had  succeeded in controlling their own industry. The improvement in control  was made better over the previous schemes in that the growers, by a 95%  vote, had agreed not to deliver fruit to any shipper who did not agree  with the control measure. During this period with new deals being proposed  daily, many of the executive of the Associated Growers expressed the rather  obvious opinion that whereas they had been advocating a central selling  agency for twenty years, it was up to the converts to acknowledge the  fact and join up with the Associated in a 100% selling deal. But Ted  Chambers knew that over the years hostilities had inevitably developed  between the Associated and the independents both of whom would have  to agree to give any new deal a chance of success. I think he looked back  to the time when as Reeve of Penticton his so necessary bylaws had been  defeated by the poverty of the growers. It was immaterial that he was  not to be the architect of the new deal.  The worm in the apple must be destroyed and he came down hard  on the side of those who would support any scheme to create a one desk  plan with marketing legislation to enforce it. On July 2, 1936, B.C. Tree  Fruits Ltd. was incorporated but did not reach its goal until 1939 when  the B.C. Fruit Board's legal position was cleared in the courts and it was  designated the sole selling agency on July 21, 1939. A. K. Lloyd, President  of the B.C. F.G.A., became B.C, Tree Fruits' first General Manager and  the road to orderly marketing lay ahead.  Ted Chambers had many large and responsible jobs following the  outbreak of war in September, 1939. He was called upon by C. D. Howe,  Czar of Canada's war effort, to administer Canada's War Time Prices  Trade Board for fruit and vegetables. In 1941, he and Mrs. Chambers moved  to Ottawa for the war's duration.  Ted Chambers received many awards, including the King George Silver  Medal for outstanding work in agriculture in 1935. In 1948, on a visit  to Penticton (on its acquiring the status of a city), he was presented with  the M.B.E. by Lord Alexander of Tunis, in recognition of his contribution  to Canada's war effort. I think, however, he would agree that his finest  hour came in July, 1939, when the one desk plan backed by marketing  legislation became a reality at last. The impossible dream was achieved  after twenty years of strife and endeavor; a great career was crowned with  SUCCESS. 141  TOM CLARKE —  PIONEER SURVEYOR  OF RAILROADS  AND HIGHWAYS  A Reminiscence  recorded by A. Waterman  Editor's Note: An error appears  in Part I of the Tom Clarke story  (Fortieth Report p. 47) "Holy  City" Tomlinson was not related  to William Duncan of Metlakatla  but both he and his father worked  with Duncan on more than one  occasion.  PART II  In the spring of 1935 the family decided to look for a permanent  home in the Okanagan which they had enjoyed when Tom worked on  the Summerland-Deep Creek Road. Tom came ahead, looked around Oliver  and moved on to Penticton where he stayed in one of the two auto camps  on the shore of Okanagan Lake. He found out about orchards by calling  on packing house managers and meeting orchardists. He looked over his  present property of nearly 11 acres; he liked it and its price of $4,000.  He sent a deposit in the form of a certified cheque for $500 to the absentee  owner, an accountant named Campbell who lived in Toronto. Campbell  lost the cheque, the bank froze the money and the transaction did not  progress beyond an agreement for sale. In fact, no bill of sale was executed  until the late Harry Boyle straightened out the matter while in Toronto  shortly after World War II.  Meanwhile, believing that good faith warranted prompt action, Tom  helped a carpenter, Harry Bell, to start constructing a house according  to a plan drawn by the family and Harry. As the cherries ripened Tom  turned from construction to help the family who were having a hard time  keeping up with the ripening fruit. Construction of the house continued  until the money ran out but the Clarkes had managed before with an  airtight heater and this time the running water was inside the house. That  fall the Valley suffered heavy frosts before the apples were off and although  Tom had opened taps on the orchard irrigation system the flow was insufficient to keep the water from freezing. He spent many days cutting out  split pipes and re-threading sound ones to restore water to the house. Later  the pipe was buried and inside plumbing installed. 142  Before the apples were off Tom had been offered the preliminary survey  of the road from the outlet of Okanagan River to Trout Creek. He recalled  that at one time a reconnaissance had been made for a high level road  to Summerland from the Penticton Indian Reserve climbing to the west  benches and by-passing Penticton. However, the idea would not have been  acceptable to Penticton and would have entailed a high bridge crossing  Trout Creek. So, until the road level was raised, tractors stood by in the  spring, north of the location of the Chapaka Tourist Camp, to haul traffic  through the gumbo caused by high water. This job, the first successful  highway built of silt in water, kept the pot boiling for some time. During  the winter Tom pruned the orchard for the first and last time.  In 1939, while he was locating engineer on a road from the Nation  River to Manson Creek, Tom was asked to report to the Chief Engineer  in Vancouver, so he handed over to the instrument man. The Chief said,  "Tom, we want you to do a reconnaissance from Atlin to the Stikine, over  the centre route being considered for the B.C.-Yukon-Alaska Highway. The  season is already far on, so a plane will be chartered to fly you in to  Atlin where horses and an outfit will be ready for you."  When Tom and his assistant landed at Atlin, neither horses nor outfit  were ready. There was delay in finding a packer and helpers and rounding  up the horses which were not in good condition. Finally they got away  and work was completed to a point not far from Nahlin when Tom sent  the horses back to Atlin for supplies while he and his assistant continued  the work on foot. They reached the Yukon telegraph post (one of the posts  on the line constructed by the Canadian Government between Hazelton  and Dawson City during the Klondike Gold Rush) at Nahlin on September  10, 1939 to learn with feelings of grim resignation that war had been declared  that day.  Tom left his assistant working near camp with instructions to proceed  with the horses when the packers returned. The telegraph operator loaned  him a dog which could pack 20 pounds and he set out to look at an old  trail from Glenora on the Stikine to the Yukon originally followed by  prospectors during the Yukon gold rush. At one time Mackenzie and Mann  had considered building a railroad from Glenora to White Swan Creek  at Teslin Lake but instead built this trail. Tom wanted to examine it as  a possible alternate route for the new highway. Along it he found the  remains of old pack saddles and discarded equipment — even a two-wheeled  cart which had been abandoned when the going got too rough.  He did not entirely trust the dog to stay with him so he carried his  sleeping robe and tea;, he could always bring down a fool-hen for food.  However, by the second day out it was sticking so close to his heels that  the animal was continually being kicked under the chin as Tom stepped  over logs. It was the rutting season and moose, short on eyesight and long  on bad humour, had to be driven off by Tom waving his jacket and shouting  at them. The dog stuck firmly to Tom's heels.  When grub and time began to run short he climbed a hill to take  a look at the country. In minutes fog came down and he made camp right  there. Fortunately, a moose had stepped in a low spot and water had 143  gathered so he and the dog had a drink even if they could not quench  their thirst. Two days later the fog had not dispersed so Tom took a bearing  and moved on. In an hour or two he was out of the fog and on his way  back to Nahlin.  The horses and packers had returned from Atlin and with Tom's  assistant had gone on to explore a route they had thought feasible but  which proved too high. They had then moved further down the Nahlin  River. When they returned to Nahlin, Tom sent the large pack train back  to Atlin because the season was closing and he thought it foolishness to  take 12 horses over the route he was reconnoitering. Besides it would cost  a fair sum to winter them on the Stikine. He was able to pick up two  horses and a packer at Nahlin.  It took longer than Tom expected to find the summit pass between  the Nahlin and Tuya Rivers. Snow started to fall and as there was no  trail down the Tuya the three men and two horses had no choice but to  travel above the timberline. There was little food for the horses, which  had not been in good condition when picked up at Nahlin, and there was  no protection from the weather. Tom led them off the bare mountains  down into a creek which he knew crossed the Telegraph Creek-Dease Lake  road. The horses stumbled on until the party reached a canyon out of  which they could not climb in their weakened condition. They had to be  abandoned and the equipment cached. Tom hoped that from Dease Lake  he would be able to send Indians back to fetch them. When the party  reached the road it was late evening. They had stretched their food for  the last few days and now, over a fire, ate the last of their bannock. A  truck enroute to Dease Lake picked them up. When they arrived at midnight, Mrs. Collinson, the lady at the stopping place, kindly gave them  a big meal which, in their weakened condition, so upset them that they  could not sleep.  That night two feet of snow fell and it was three days before Tom  could leave Dease Lake. With his assistant and two Indians he set out  to search for the horses and to retrieve the abandoned equipment. They  went as far as Sixteen-Mile Creek where they camped. The following day  the Indians searched for the horses till noon. There was little doubt that  the animals had perished so, picking up the abandoned equipment, the  Indians returned to camp. One of them shot a moose and after dressing  it brought a large chunk of liver into camp, so there was a second supper  of fried liver. The Indians caught the next truck to Dease Lake leaving  some of the meat for Tom and his assistant.  By next truck Tom went to Telegraph Creek and on to the mouth  of the Tuya where there was a ranch on which the H.B.C. had wintered  their horses in the early days. He hired a couple of dog teams and their  Indian mushers to help him complete his reconnaissance. He told the head  musher of the route he had taken with the horses from Nahlin and where  he wanted to cross their trail and pick up the reconnaissance line. At an  elevation cf 5,000 feet they crossed the lava beds, bare and featureless,  composed of monotonous humps and hillocks interspersed with willow  brush. On the third day the head musher turned off down a little draw  and came out where Tom had crossed the Tuya earlier. Asked how he 144  knew where to turn off in that featureless country, he explained: "Once,  when I was a boy, I came to this crossing with my grandfather."  The reconnaissance completed, Tom returned to Telegraph Creek and  caught the mail plane to Atlin and Skagway. Late in the afternoon hey  ran into a snowstorm and after dodging between a few trees, set down  on a small lake. The problem of four people sharing two sleeping bags  was solved by sleeping in shifts. In the morning the pilot decided the runway  was too short for the aircraft to carry both passengers and baggage. After  instructing his passengers to make their way to a larger lake about two  miles distant, he took off with the baggage. They were in Atlin by dusk.  Tom completed his report in time to be home for Christmas after leaving  in June on a short job!  During the open weather of 1940 the Hope-Princeton Highway work  went ahead with Tom as location engineer.  The Alaska Highway was being pushed ahead and the General Construction Company had the contract to build an airport at Watson Lake.  Light equipment had been flown in to the Lake and a small landing strip  built but the heavy machinery under its own power moved with supplies  from Telegraph Creek to the head of Dease Lake. Scows had been built  to take it down the lake and from the foot of the lake it moved on a  tote road to the site of the airport. Tom had the job of reconstructing  the Telegraph Creek-Dease Lake road while heavy machinery moved on  it.  Tom was supplied by the General Construction Company and had  the use of their equipment while a scow was being built to transport it  down Dease Lake. The company also kept the crew supplied with food.  The Indians thoroughly enjoyed a stready diet of bacon and ham and,  in spite of bitter complaints from the company superintendent, turned a  deaf ear to suggestions that abundant moose and goat could be had for  the hunting. When pressure was brought to bear they hunted and returned  with one very small mountain goat.  August, 1941, found Tom in the Queen Charlottes making a reconnaissance for an east side road on Graham Island from Massett to T'lell. He  hired Nellie and Ivan, a Russian by birth who had taken up a homestead  near T'lell. Ivan had acquired his wife through correspondence and, so  far as Tom could see, the union seemed as satisfactory as most. While  Tom continued his work, Nellie and Ivan broke camp as often as necessary  and moved about six miles ahead or to the next creek. Before breaking  camp Ivan consulted his tide-tables to ensure that Nellie and the democrat  passed the various headlands and bluffs safely at low tide. Camp would  be made and supper in the pot when Tom reached camp.  Wherever a creek was accessible on Graham Island there would be  a cabin and, in most of them, a retort for the extraction of gold which  had been amalgamated with mercury. Sharpened stakes, 8 or 10 feet high,  surrounded the gardens to keep the deer out and Japanese glass net floats  of all sizes decorated the gate-posts. Beside the creeks were sluice boxes  for washing gold. After a sou'easter, flour gold was found washed up on  the long flats exposed at low tide. To collect the gold-bearing sand men  carefully skimmed it into a couple of four gallon coal oil tins. These tins 145  were hung on a yoke for transportation to the sluice boxes where the coarser  sand was washed away while the gold-bearing sand was caught on the  blanket (frequently stair-carpet) lining the box. After being cleaned in a  solution of lye or soda, the gold was separated from the black sands by  panning and then amalgamated with mercury. The amalgam went into  the retort where the mercury was driven off by heat leaving pure gold.  Chilling condensed the mercury-laden vapour and thus the mercury was  recovered for further use. The cabins were vacant in 1941 because the  miners had enlisted or were working for good wages in wartime industries.  A plank road existed between Massett and T'ell on the east side  of Massett Inlet. It ran through swamp and consisted of two 12-inch plank  tracks on stringers. Tom's road on the east shore was never built as it  was found cheaper to fill the old planked road.  After Pearl Harbour in December, 1941, the federal government moved  to intern Japanese living on the Pacific coast. Tom was sent to open the  Hope-Princeton construction camps for the reception of Japanese men. They  were provided with bunk cots and the kitchens were, in time, furnished  with supplementary equipment for Japanese cooking. The only guard was  at the first camp out of Princeton where non-uniformed veterans stood  guard with unloaded rifles. At each camp a Canadian foreman assigned  work. Machinery was needed elsewhere for essential industry so it was  pick and shovel work with wheel-barrows for earth-moving. Culverts were  built and the road slowly lengthened.  Very much aware of the Japanese threat to their maritime supply lines  to Alaska, the United States also had doubts about the capacity of the  incomplete Alaska Highway to carry sufficient supplies. Would there be  enough gas and oil to fuel the vast fleet of transport vehicles required  to ensure a flow of supplies? In the circumstances, they decided with the  concurrence of the Canadian Government, to build a railroad from Prince  George to Valdez. Alaska, as an auxiliary. Finding few engineers with  experience in railroad surveying available, they turned to Canada for help.  Canadian engineers were frozen in their jobs but it was not long before  Tom was released from the camp job and on his way north to more agreeable  work. His section was from a mile or two up the Finlay, down to Finlay  Forks and up the Parsnip for 25 or 30 miles where he met the party locating  down the Parsnip.  Although the railroad construction was under the direction of the  United States Army, Tom's immediate boss was Major Charles of the  Canadian Army. In theory the operation was governed by a monumental  book of regulations often quite inapplicable to surveying parties. For instance, the use of double-bitted axes was forbidden on the trail in case  a man stumbled and his axe pitched forward to split the skull of the man  in front. All axemen on surveys carried a double-bitted axe with one bit  razor sharp for regular work; the second bit dull, to be used whenever  sand or gravel might be encountered. Hooks on boots were forbidden. Tom  was required to accept a medicine chest big enough to stock a well-equipped  first aid station; this he safely cached.  The survey party was moved by boat and supplied by plane. Boats  even took men to and from work. Tom found the supplies far better than 146  on any survey he had ever worked. Times had indeed changed since he  worked as rear chainman in the Yellowhead Pass. He found that studying  the area by flying back and forth in a small plane at tree-top level saved  time and effort. In September they went into Prince George to draw up  plans and estimates for the various sections. Throughout this period a courier  stood by to fly plans and reports direct to Washington.  Late in December he was sent to survey the Five Finger Rapids for  a railroad bridge on the Yukon River. Tom and his party had not much  priority for travel. In any case no aircraft was available so the American  Transport Officer allowed them to travel in U.S. army trucks from Fort  St. John to Whitehorse. He warned Tom that if he wanted to keep his  equipment he had better stay with it. Drivers stayed with the trucks during  a day that lasted from breakfast until 2 or 3 in the morning with stops  for meals at army camps. Tom remembers a huge American negro cooking  under a fly, clad in a great-coat, balaclava and gloves. Cooks are notorious  complainers and this one maintained their reputation although his  complaint was unusual. As he stirred his dixies he muttered: "Trees, trees,  ain't seen nothing but trees since I left Alabama!" Fresh drivers took over  the vehicles in the morning. At Whitehorse it took a couple of days to  assemble supplies for the party before leaving for Carmacks. From Car-  macks it was only four or five hours by dog team to Five Finger Rapids.  Because Five Finger Rapids are on the river route from Whitehorse  to Dawson City a lot of work had been done every winter to improve  the channel through the rapids and a large cabin had been built. It was  furnished with a huge cast iron stove more akin to a steamboat boiler  than a heater and this burned vast quantities of wood. Having the cabin  close at hand in which to warm up and because there was considerable  manual labour involved, the men could work for short periods even at  -40¬∞F and -50¬∞ F. Thus, boredom and the inevitable strain caused by too  many living in too close quarters in bad weather were avoided.  Construction on the railraod was never started because by 1943 the  Japanese Navy was considered less of a threat.  June, 1943, found Tom making a reconnaissance from Fort McLeod1  (McLeod Lake) through the Pine and Monkman Passes to locate the most  suitable route through the Rockies for the Hart Highway. While Pattullo  was premier, an oil well had been drilled up the South Pine but no oil  was struck. However, a Norwegian family which had homesteaded in the  area had kept the road to the well site open. There Tom picked up his  pack train. It consisted of a head packer, a helper, a cook, a dozen horses  and a horse-holder for Tom. The title "horse-holder" was literally true.  Tom's time as chief of the survey party was valuable, as were his instruments,  so time spent securing a horse every time he dismounted to explore on  foot through heavy timber or deadfall or to take a reading, was time lost.  The horse-holder earned his keep and wages. The man on this job was  a Scandinavian who had previously cut ties on contract. He carried a round  tin in which three or four exquisitely sharpened blades for a Swede saw  were stored. Used extensively in that country they would all need touching  up during the evening. Sven took pride in this. 147  Windfalls blocked the trail so badly that they were spending more  time cutting trail than moving ahead, so when they reached Azouzetta  Lake on the Pine Pass summit, Tom turned the pack train back and with  Kelly, who knew the country, decided to push on to Fort McLeod on foot.  Travelling in the valley of the Misinchinka was such tough going that  they built a raft and poled and drifted down the river for two or three  days. They became so interested in a bank beaver swimming around two  geese with goslings that they ran onto a rock. The raft broke up and they  had to wade ashore with their gear. They continued on foot to the Parsnip  where another raft had to be constructed to cross that river. A couple  more days saw them at Fort McLeod, the first H.B.C. post west of the  Rockies.  At Fort McLeod the only communication was the H.B.C. radiotelephone which, owing to bad weather, was not operating. To Tom this  was pleasant news. It afforded him an opportunity to do something he  had always wanted to do; he would hire Indians and a river boat to go  down the Pack to the Parsnip and then down the Parsnip to the Peace.  They could continue down the Peace to Peace River Landing where horses  could be borrowed to ride to Dawson Creek. There he could pick up his  pack train to make the reconnaissance through the Monkman Pass. Unfortunately, communications were re-established. The pack train returned to  Kelly's ranch in Alberta while Tom went to Pouce Coupe to catch the  train to Edmonton and Kamloops.  After a verbal report in Kamloops Tom took the train to Sinclair Mills  at the mouth of the McGregor River. When he had covered all the work  he could on foot, he hired a couple of Indian boatmen and went upriver  to the confluence of the McGregor and Herrick where a Norwegian trapper  had a cabin. Tom and the Norwegian were out covering some territory  which was well-known to the Norwegian when they came to an open  meadow cut by dry channels. As they entered one they saw a grizzly on  the other side and suddenly the meadow seemed very small. The grizzly  disappeared down one of the channels so they turned away at an angle.  To their horror the bear clambered out of a channel about 100 feet in  front of them manifesting displeasure. The Norwegian cried: "Yesus Christ!  Yell!" Tom yelled and is still puzzled why the Norwegian did not do his  own yelling. The grizzly took off.  The next day Kelly came through to tell Tom that the horses were  at the Monkman summit so his explorations with the Norwegian ended.  The people of Grande Prairie were very anxious to have the road  go through the Monkman Pass and bring traffic their way. To demonstrate  the feasability of the route they had hauled a car either by hand or horses  over the summit and two or three miles down the west side. But Tom's  instructions were to keep the route in B.C., so before he reached the  B.C.-Alberta boundary he turned north to make a reconnaissance to Pouce  Coupe. En route to Swan Lake the pack train plodded through a village  where the family of the Indian sacker lived. He happened to be leading  at that time. His wife and children turned out to watch the procession  but, as the leader of the pack train, custom forbade that he recognize them. 148  He rode impassively with eyes fixed unwaveringly ahead. Only when camp  had been made did he take off. When this Indian was leaving, Tom had  to make out his pay-sheet and regulations had been introduced so that  marital status and the number of children affected the deductions. The  sacker suffered a mental block and could remember only the nickname of  one of his sons. "We call him Buddy ... I cannot remember his real name."  Tom considered this good enough to satisfy the proliferating government  regulations.  The reconnaissance ended at Swan Lake. Once more Kelly took his  pack train back to his ranch and Tom returned to Kamloops and reports.  The summer of 1944 saw Tom locating the Hart Highway from McLeod  Lake to Lake Azouzetta at the summit of the Pine Pass. The survey was  supplied by river boats to within two miles of the summit. Tom fared badly  when replacements were needed for his crew. Being the last crew serviced  from the west, other parties had their pick of reinforcements so only the  unchosen landed in Tom's camp.  The spring of 1945 found him once more on location on the Hope-Princeton Highway; summer saw him as divisional engineer on the Pine Pass.  In the fall he built a cabin at Summit Lake where he and Elspeth lived  until 1947. But the work, badly managed by the contractor, went so slowly  and was so unsatisfactory that Tom returned to work on his orchard.  As resident engineer he enjoyed the reconstruction of the Penticton-  Trout Creek road in 1952. The contractors had a good price and were  willing and anxious to work hard. In a number of places there was subterranean water so that when fills were made culverts were required at both  ends with an equalizer culvert in the middle. Tom refuses to take any  credit for the delightful picnic sites at Pyramid, Soorimpt and Kinnickinnick:  they just got left. Nevertheless, a crystal decanter sits on the buffet; a  presentation to mark the end of a job well done.  In 1953 and 1954 Tom straightened out the curves on Waterman Hill  which had been somewhat of a challenge to most cars since the Model T  Ford. Later he reconstructed the highway from the head of Skaha Lake  to Kaleden. He recalled new, interesting methods used to prevent wind  and dust erosion from the big silt cuts. Scenic viewpoints were first developed  in the 1950's; they had to be approved by the Parks Branch. We can thank  Tom for that splendid curving road through the Richter Pass. The earlier  road wound steeply down the south side of the pass through small timber.  Today Tom lives alone; his wife, Elspeth, died in 1962. His son, Bill,  a mining engineer, lives with his wife in Smithers and his daughter, Calista,  lives with her husband and family in Wales. They and their children  frequently visit the comfortable home in the orchard where they find Tom  cultivating a thrifty garden, drying fruit, making wine or reading. From  every window in the home the lake and hills delight the eye and at night,  across the lake, carlights trace the road he surveyed.  FOOTNOTES  1. Fort McLeod in B.C. was renamed McLeod Lake to avoid confusion when McLeod  in Alberta was renamed Fort McLeod. The former was the site of a H.B.C. Fort; the latter  a post of the North West Mounted Police. 149  MABEL BEATTIE: ENDERBY'S HONOURED PIONEER  Ruby E. Lidstone  A year before Enderby was incorporated as a city, a young lady of  Irish descent came to town, fired with ambitions and high ideals.  The young lady was Miss Mabel Beattie, born December 6, 1882 in  Ireland, outside Dublin in a little town called Dalkey. The youngest of  six daughters, she emigrated to Canada with her parents in 1893, a year  before the big flood in the Kamloops area when all the bridges except  one were washed away. Her family was among the pioneers settling in  Kamloops. Miss Beattie received her education in Kamloops schools and  her teacher training in Vancouver. The family of six girls and one boy  became teachers. The Misses Lily and Emily ran a private school in Kamloops while the Misses Harriet, Clara and Mabel taught elsewhere in the  province. Miss Minnie was the housekeeper and stayed home.  Miss Mabel Beatties's first school was about seventeen miles up the  west side of the North Thompson River — a small frame building with  two windows, one in each of the opposite walls. There was a narrow passage  down from the teacher's table, and the homemade desks and benches  extended from this aisle to the wall, large enough to accommodate four  or more pupils. A small blackboard stood in one corner. There were about  twenty pupils, the nearest living two miles from the school. Some of the  pupils came ten miles riding horseback, two and sometimes three, on a  horse.  Miss Mabel Violet Beattie, when she came  to Enderby to teach in 1904. 150  Miss Beattie remained in her first school two years and came to Enderby  in January, 1904, when Miss Catherine McDougald left to marry Mr. George  Sharp. Arriving in Enderby she found that most of the sidewalks were  only two planks laid lengthwise. She watched Enderby grow from a very  small community with primitive conditions. The train made two or three  trips per week from Sicamous to Okanagan Landing and travelling was  so slow and irregular that it was nicknamed the "Molasses Special". The  houses had no running water and well water was in common use while  water from the river was sold in cans and barrels. Oil lamps were used  and homes were heated by stoves. In extreme weather, classrooms were  not very comfortable due to the fact that those pupils near the stove suffered  from too much heat while those near the draughty windows and doors  shivered with cold.  In 1904 the Enderby School on Cliff Street was a two room building,  but later was made into a four room building with one high school room.  Miss Beattie taught first in the primary grades where there were one hundred  pupils on the roll call. As the school population grew, the High School  was transferred to the old Methodist Church hall. In January, 1914, Miss  Beattie and her classes moved to the new A. L. Fortune School and she  became principal in 1917. The years came and the years passed but the  young lady with the high ideals stayed on. For many, many years she  taught grades seven and eight, giving her pupils a thorough grounding  and a firm foundation for their high school years.  There were no movies or theatres in Enderby at that time but there  were many private parties and travelling entertainers who visited all the  towns during the season and were eagerly awaited by the citizens. Miss  Beattie soon became a part of the community enjoying the dances and  square dances which were held in the old hall at the rear of the K. of P.  Hall.  She became a vital part of the community, an ardent church worker,  attending St. George's Church and in the early days St. Andrews Presbyterian Church. Much of the active work of the Sir Douglas Haig Chapter  I.O.D.E. was under the convenorship of Miss Beattie and she gave untold  amounts of financial and moral support to the chapter's sports activities  for the school children as well as educational programs and benefits for  underprivileged youngsters. In her early years she was keenly interested  in choral and musical clubs and willingly lent her vocal talents on many  occasions.  Throughout her years in Enderby she had but one boarding place,  the home of Mr. and Mrs. Bob Peel and she became a part of their family.  It is significant to note that this family as well as very close friends always  respectfully addressed her as "Miss Beattie". Her hobby was gardening  and she took a special pride in her roses, rising early to work amongst  them, before going to school. This fondness for gardening showed itself  in her care of the school grounds.  Her writing was always so beautiful. She took a great pride in her  penmanship and used to rewrite letters sometimes, to make sure the writing  was perfect. It remained that way all her life. ■  151  Miss Beattie was a consistent, firm disciplinarian. Usually a look was  sufficient, but if corporal punishment was necessary, it was administered  in a consistent manner. The quiet, orderly classrooms and halls, and the  regular regimented marching in and out of the school, testified to this  discipline. Perhaps it was her own calm control and inner strength that  made itself felt throughout the school.  She was a kindly, generous teacher, one who always thought first of  her pupils. In the "hungry thirties" a little family of two boys and a girl  trudged into the school daily from their farm. They owned but one thermos  bottle amongst them and since there was no central lunchroom and a firm  line was drawn between girls' and boys' quarters, how would these children  manage on cold winter days? Miss Beattie solved the problem by making  room for them to share their lunch in the "inner sanctum" — the Principal's  Office, and this they used for several winters.  When no provision was made for Home Economics or Practical Arts  on the school program, it was Miss Beattie again who furnished all the  materials for the boys to build model aeroplanes, while the girls did sewing  and embroidery on materials she bought. This was usually donated to the  local hospital.  In the forty-one consecutive years from 1904 to 1945 that Miss Beattie  taught in Enderby, over one thousand students passed through her hands.  They are now scattered all over the world and have entered every profession.  Fifty of them have become teachers and there have been lawyers, nurses  and clergymen, to name but a few. To what can one attribute the ideals  and inspirations she left with her students? It might well be that sincere,  inner faith that radiated from her or it might have been her own practised  theory "that a job is never done unless it is well done". In any event it  is is certain that her faith and pride in them, inspired her students to success  and taught them never to be satisfied with mediocre results.  Never bombastic, but always quietly efficient, she carried on until the  age of retirement and then offered her service during the World War II  years, when teachers were so scarce, carrying on until her former pupil,  Mr. O. B. Carlson, returned from overseas to replace her in January, 1945.  Miss Mabel Beattie gave almost all her life in the devoted service  to the citizens of Enderby and became truly an institution.  Unfortunately, she became ill soon afterwards and had to spend much  of her time under the doctor's care in Vancouver. She was unable to be  present for the civic banquet that had been planned for her but received  through the mail an illuminated address from the City of Enderby together  with several presentations from students she had taught during her forty-one  years of service.  Nine years later, by this time greatly improved in health, Miss Beattie  was brought back on November 24, 1954, for the official opening of the  M. V. Beattie Elementary School. In the auditorium she was introduced  as "the lady of the day", holding the place of honour on the stage, with  a crowd of five or six hundred there to pay tribute to her. She was dressed  in a smart fall suit of slate blue, with a small black felt hat, black handbag  and white gloves. She wore a small sable stole and proudly displayed a  white gardenia corsage presented to her by three of her ex-students. \  aollH 152  Miss Mabel Beattie, on November 24th,  1954, at the official opening of M. V. Beattie  Elementary School.  On April 14, 1964, she had the honour of attending with her sister,  Miss Lily Beattie, the opening of the Beattie School in Kamloops and  the presentation by the P.T.A. of a picture of the "Teacher Beatties," the  five sisters who became teachers.  Her life continued to be one of service as she cared for her three  elderly sisters. After their deaths and the sale of the old family home,  she moved to a comfortable apartment on Battle Street in Kamloops. She  kept up an interest to the last in her former students and her mind was  keen and alert to the end. She passed away in early June, 1971, in her  eighty-ninth year, a teacher beloved by many. Friends could pay their  greatest tribute to her in the words "Well done, thou good and faithful  servant". 153  THE BAWTREE FAMILY  Ruby Lidstone  Mr. and Mrs. Julius Bawtree and two sons, Edgar and Harold, came  from Sutton, south of London, England, in 1910. Mrs. Bawtree was Jane,  the second daughter of Mrs. Sophia Cooke, and had married Julius Bawtree  in early March before her mother, two sisters, and two brothers emigrated  to Canada on March 22, 1893, Mr. Bawtree was employed at Lloyd's  Insurance of London as a merchants' clerk for a number of years, but  after the turn of the century, he suffered a severe illness with very high  fever, which left him nearly blind. As he got better, he started learning  to read Braille and to use a typewriter, so that after the family had moved  to Canada he could keep in touch with his former business friends and  write to relatives left in and around London. The two boys, Edgar and  Harold, were born in 1894 and 1895, and attended a preparatory school  before being educated at Christ's Hospital, which was known as the "Blue-  coat School".  On their arrival at Ashton Creek in 1910, Mr. and Mrs. Bawtree lived  with the boys near Mrs. Cooke and family, who were on the present-day  Charles Shute farm. Mrs. Cooke died in early 1912, and when her estate  was divided amongst her children, Mrs. Julius Bawtree inherited the land  on which her grandson, Leonard Bawtree, now lives. It was in early 1913  that the boys, Edgar and Harold, cleared a small area not far from the  road for a house site, and with the help of Frank Miska and his team  of oxen, excavated a small basement to accommodate a cordwood-burning  furnace and provide a sturdy base for a fireplace and double-flue chimney.  The house was built by contractor and builder, Norman Grant, of Enderby,  with Andy Baird as plasterer and mason. Later Wm. J. Rands added a  front veranda on the south and west sides where Mr. Bawtree, who although  blind had made himself a table to hold his typewriter, loved to sit reading  his Braille books or typing letters to his relatives in England.  The boys, who were at home and helped with the building, did not  take up any land for themselves. Edgar took a matriculation exam before  securing a position with the Bank of Montreal in Vernon and in August,  1916 went to Brandon to join the Saskatchewan Infantry Regiment. Shortly  after that he was sent to England for further training, and saw service  in France where he was severely wounded. He was hospitalized there and  later in England, but on July 3, 1917, he died of his wounds at the age  of 22 — no anti biotics in those days!  Due to his defective eyesight it was not until the fall of 1917 that  Harold was able to join the army. Harold got as far as Hamilton, Ontario,  when the Armistice was signed. He returned home to be with his parents  who had spent a year in a United States sanatorium, hoping Mr. Bawtree's  health would improve. However, this did not occur, and after poor health  for many years, Julius Bawtree passed away on May 12, 1926.  Although not able to go far afield when her husband was very ill,  Mrs. Jennie Bawtree visited her neighbours. She was musical, and enjoyed  teaching songs and dances to school and pre-school children for the 154  Christmas concerts. She also gave lessons on the piano to older pupils  during her later years. She suffered a stroke in the early 1940's, but was  greatly improved before passing away from another stroke on March 4,  1946.  By the end of 1920, Harold had married Caroline Paradis, who was  a teacher at Ashton Creek when classes were still held in the old log house  at the end of the Ashton-Cooke road. After a year or two in logging camps  at Mabel Lake, Harold returned to Ashton Creek and built a log house  near his parents' home.  From a very small clearing in the bush for the house, woodshed, and  chicken house in 1913, the Bawtree farm grew very slowly for the first  years when almost all the clearing was done by hand and a team of horses,  and even stumping powder was not always available. The efforts of the  first few years resulted in only a few acres for garden produce, potatoes  and hay for the cow and horses. The acres brought under cultivation were  greatly increased in later years, with the help of bulldozers and his family;  at the time of his death Harold Bawtree was milking some thirty head  of cows and shipping fluid milk to Armstrong, in partnership with his elder  son, Leonard. After suffering from heart trouble for several years, Harold  Bawtree passed away in August, 1960.  During the busy years prior to his death, Harold served on the Church  Committee of St. George's Church in Enderby in various capacities —  church-warden, vicar's warden, treasurer, envelope secretary. He was several  times delegate to the Diocesan Synod, and for several years its Lay Secretary.  He was on the Board of Directors for the Anglican Theological College  in Vancouver; and for several years until 1959, on the Dominion Executive  Council of the Anglican Church of Canada, going once to Halifax, where  he found himself nearer his old home in England than to his home in  British Columbia. He also served as school trustee and secretary-treasurer  in the early years of Ashton Creek School, and again in more recent times.  It was he who was responsible for starting a library at the school as, while  at Normal School, his wife Caroline was greatly impressed by a talk given  by the then Victoria Provincial Library representative. The information  given was that boxes of books would be shipped to schools which had  no other library facilities, and that the freight back to Victoria would be  paid by the school district. This was a desperately needed service in a  small community and contributed greatly to the education of many youngsters.  Caroline Bawtree, after Harold's death in 1960, continued to live in  their old home at Ashton Creek. She spent a portion of her time with  her brother John Paradis (then a widower), visiting at his Carlyle Lake  cottage in Saskatchewan during the summer, and joining him in visiting  Corpus Christi, Texas, for the winters. Much of the time since 1967 has  been spent on the collection of data and memoirs of the old time residents  of Ashton and Trinity Creek districts, as well as of the more recent arrivals,  for the recently-published book "Reflections Along the Spallumcheen" sponsored by the Riverside Community Club. Caroline now lives in an apartment  in Enderby, where she is still active with the Ashton Creek Chapter I.O.D.E.,  her church group, and with visiting her retired friends. 155  The six children of Harold and Caroline were Phyllis, Edith, Leonard,  Jean, Noelle, and Alfred; and all went to Ashton Creek School and high  school in Enderby and have established with their families, in various parts  of B.C. Phyllis lives on Texada Island with her husband, Cecil May. Both  Phyllis and Cec have been active in community work; in 1960 they collected  data and put together a history of Texada Island.  Edith has pursued a business career and for some ten years taught  skiing to beginners with the Sun Ski School on Grouse Mountain and  assisted in running ski tournaments there. Researching the Bawtree family  tree also occupied many long winter evenings. She is now employed by  the Ministry of Human Resources in Vernon.  Jean and husband, Bob Cleator, are ski enthusiasts who live in Vancouver and are both very active and proficient in the First Aid Ski Patrol  on Grouse Mountain. The family have also been interested in Scout and  Guide work and continue to take backpacking trips, camping and canoeing  in many parts of British Columbia.  Noelle married Clarence Bieber of Armstrong, and they made their  home on a farm at Stepney Crossing. Noelle also taught sewing for the  4H Club for several years, and has won many prizes for her handiwork  at the Interior Provincial Exhibition. Clarence has coached Little League  baseball teams in the Armstrong area and both he and Noelle have been  very active as executive members of the Armstrong Curling Club.  Alfred, the youngest child of Caroline and Harold Bawtree, graduated  in 1952 with a Bachelor of Science in Agriculture, worked for the B.C.  Forest Service in Nelson for a few years, then moved to Kamloops to  work for the Grazing Division, having now become a registered Agrologist.  In 1967 he was appointed First Extension Range Specialist with the B.C.  Field Crop Branch of the B.C. Department of Agriculture.  Leonard was born in Enderby on January 7, 1924, and went to Vancouver for pre-enlistment school to complete Grade 12 before enlisting  in the Royal Canadian Air Force in 1942. Some of his training was received  in Alberta and Saskatchewan before he left for England and further training  in Lancaster bombers. He was then attached to the Royal Air Force of  Great Britain, and was later awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross for  his tours of operation as Flight Lieutenant in the R.C.A.F. In July of 1945  he married Ruth Swaby of Louth, Lincolnshire. In January, 1946, Len  returned home for his discharge at Vancouver and then to Ashton Creek,  but Ruth was unable to obtain passage to Canada until July of the same  year. Ruth and Len have lived in his grandparents' home at Ashton Creek  ever since. They have three children, Angela, Leon and Peter.  For a few years Len worked in the bush, logging, and on bush road  construction. It was he and Harry Danforth who surveyed the road to their  logging timber limits on the local hills. This road was later taken over  by the Department of Transport, and extended to the beacon and on to  Hunter's Range It is now known as the D.O.T. road. Leonard then went  into milk shipping and ranching for two or three years, in partnership  with his father, Harold, until the latter's death. In 1972, Len sold his dairy  herd, but has continued working with his beef animals, as well as being  employed by Riverside Forest Products. 156  Len has been involved with community work as his father before him,  as Director of the Enderby & District Hospital Board, and President of  Parkview Place Senior Citizens' Home. He is Chairman of the Shuswap  River Fire Protection District, and a member of the Canadian Legion Branch  98. In the past Len has been President of the Okanagan Dairymen's  Association, Chairman of the B.C. Federation of Agriculture, a Director  of the North Okanagan Regional District, Chairman of the Regional District  Hospital Board, and Chairman of the Okanagan-Mainline Hospital Council.  People who have served on committees with Len may not always agree  with everything for which he stands, but all agree that he is a most knowledgeable member of any committee. Len was not starting untried when  he was nominated as a candidate for the Social Credit Party in 1975 to  represent the Shuswap constituency. The electors placed their confidence  in him and he was successful in the December 11, 1975 election. Now  Len's "Reports from Victoria" appear in the local papers to keep his  constituency residents in touch with current events in the legislature in  Victoria.  Len's wife, Ruth, has also participated in community affairs as she  is a charter member of the Ashton Creek Chapter I.O.D.E. founded in  1947, has been its Regent for several years, its secretary and recording  secretary and the chapter's delegate to provincial meetings. Several times  Ruth entered winning articles in the Armstrong Interior Provincial Exhibition. She is an excellent cook and her decorated cakes, bread, wine, and  sewing have won many prizes.  Both Ruth and Len have worked hard for the community club, helping  with the library branch at Ashton Creek until the Bookmobile began to  operate, helping to build the new hall in 1951, and then with the clearing  of surrounding land for a playing field and parking lot. In 1967 when  the Riverside Community Club decided to have a reunion of the Ashton  Creek and Trinity Creek district pioneers, Ruth was the secretary; and  she and Len were able to contact resident pioneers such as Mrs. E. Shute,  Mrs. M. Wejr, and Mrs. Caroline Bawtree (a former teacher) for names  and addresses of many of the former residents. At the reunion Mrs. Bawtree  was able to "call the roll" for nine of her former pupils, and Mr. Eldred  Evans did the same for Trinity Creek school pupils. Many old timers  attended, many happy reminiscences were exchanged, and numerous  queries made regarding absent ones.  The Bawtree family, now in their fourth generation in Canada, have  been consistently conscientious workers in their community. We are thankful  that recording local history is one of the many contributions made by this  dedicated and active pioneer family. 157  MR. DAVID HOWRIE  Beryl Gorman  Mr. David Howrie first visited Vernon in 1908 to find the small town  was building its hopes on a new industry — that of tobacco growing and  curing. Tobacco was being grown on the flats towards Okanagan Landing  adjoining the C.P.R. right-of-way. He watched a small production line  rolling cigars in a factory on the corner of 32 Street and 31 Avenue behind  the Hudson Bay Store. After sampling one of the "stogies" he decided  that its future was doubtful.  Mr. Howrie was twenty-five years old at the time and had travelled  and worked in various parts of Canada for three years. In 1905 he spent  some time in Belleville following his carpentry trade and in Fort William  working in heavy timber. When he asked for a job in Fort William the  foreman spoke to him in Gaelic and Dave replied, "I canna understand  the Gaelic". "Aye", he said, "Laddie, ye canna get a job unless you can  talk in the two talks". That was the first time he found out there we