Kinesis Oct 1, 1983

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 VMJiDi  4 Women were part of a  recent 27 hour occupation  of the Premier's Vancouver  offices. Why were they  there?  6 The federal government  is heading toward some  pension reform for Canada's seniors. What are the  facts facing women and  pensions and why does  VSW differ from NAC in regards to proposed pensions for homemakers as a  solution to the problem?  7 Women had a high profile at the recent World  Council of Churches conference held here in Vancouver. But how committed is the Council to welcoming a feminist perspective into its decisions? Barbara Blakely reports.  8 Against a lot of odds,  the women of Comiso, Italy  have established a women's peace camp. Monika  Grunberg recently interviewed two women who  had   visited   the   Sicilian  October *83  camp and describes the situation of women peace  activists in this U.S. military outpost.  11 Kinesis includes a  special supplement on  Abortion this month and  questions in its opening  article whether or not men  have taken over the debate.  14 In 1970, a caravan of  women travelled across  country to declare war on  the federal government for  its limited initiative on the  abortion question. Margo  Dunn, who was part of the  action, tells us the story.  19 Top Girls is a new  feminist play in town. Pamela Harris interviewed the  cast and director at a special preview/dinner held in  late September.  20 Are white feminists  really listening to women  of color? Cy-Theo Sand  reviews two recent journals written and compiled  by women of color collectives.  COVER:   Design   by  Claudia  MacDonald.   Photos  from  Kinesis file.  SUBSCRIBE TO KIMMJIJ  Published 10 times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8  □ VSW membership - includes Kinesis subscription -  $20 (or what you can afford)  □ Kinesis subscription only - $13  □ Institutions - $40  CD  Sustainers - $75"  Name   _ Amount Enclosed_  Please remember that VSW operates on inadequate  funding — we need member support! KIMMSiJ  Women and children  picnic against the budget  By Jan DeGrass  Kids were a special presence at a combination picnic and anti-budget day in Grand-  view Park, Saturday, September 25th marking the end of the Solidarity Coalition's  third "week of action"; this one focussing  on the effects, of the legislation on women and children.  Picnic organizer Ellen Shapiro, part of  the B.C. Daycare Action Coalition, said  that the organizers wanted a "fun, festive event that would get children involved  This budget has some awful repercussions  for children in the province," she said.  "It's amazing how much the kids are  aware of that."  Children were part of the planning committee to develop the day's activities. They  designed a sticker featuring a Pacman  chomping on the words, "Kids Against the  Budget". They rewrote the solidarity  petition into their own language: "only  for up-to-19 year olds", and two of the  teenagers, Britannia student Jesse Frank  and 13 year-old "Michelle Hoeppner, were  the keynote speakers before the assembled  mothers, tots and community supporters.  In her speech, Michelle pointed to just  some of the ways that kids and their parents are discriminated against: finding  adequate housing,, especially in an "Adults  only" apartment, and the negative attitude  many stores have toward children, ignor  ing their needs or short changing the  smaller ones.  Jesse spoke about how much harder it would  go with school teachers after the education restraints were in place and about  the dismal future for sexually-abused kids  or children from homes that badly need  family support workers.  Judging by the exhibits of colourful hand-  drawn posters, there was lots more the  kids had to say about this anti-children  budget: "The reason' Bennett doesn't care  about human rights is because he's not  human, right?" said one of the first  messages to be pinned to a tree in the  park. And: "Why does Bennet spend our  money on highways when he can make B.C.  Penitentiary into a casino and make money  and give people jobs?" which shows at  least one kid may be thinking more creatively than a majority of the legislature.  Perhaps because the sun shone brightly  and, as one woman put it, "we all need a  relief from demonstration tension" most  of the adults present didn't worry too  much about whether the message was being  heard in Victoria.  Stop the attack  on Women  and Children  THE BUDGET HURTS WOMEN  Women work hard. Many women already do 2  jobs: one at home and one in the work place.  The new budget will make our work harder. It  will cut out services for you and your family. It  will mean worse working conditions and wages.  Women have, fought hard for these services.  Women have fought hard for better working  conditions and wages. Now the government is  taking them away from us.  WHAT DOES THE BUDGET  MEAN TO YOU?  • You may lose your day care subsidy.  • Your welfare cheque is frozen. That means  your cheque will stay the same size although  prices will go up.  • Did your mother or grandmother do without  medical care because the family couldn't afford  it? You might too. Health costs are going to go  up.  • If you buy something and find that the seller  tricked or cheated you, the government won't  help you. They are closing the Consumer's  Centres.  • You may lose your job. The government fired  many hospital workers, teachers and social  workers. Most of them were women.  • Are you an immigrant? There may be no room  for you in an English class.  • You may not be able to go to the Senior  Citizens' Centres because 35 of them are  • You may not be able to afford to phone your  family because there are new phone taxes.  • Are you a lesbian? You know you were never  very safe. You could be fired or lose your  home or children. There's a bigger danger now  because you won't be able to get help from the  Human Rights Branch.  — B.C. government cuts back VSW —  Vancouver Status of Women is in an  urgent funding crisis. At the end of September, the Provincial Government cutback our  already barebones budget of $97,769 to  $83,492.  At the beginning of the fiscal year we had  applied for a desperate five percent increase.  Now, midway through the year, we have  received a cutback which in effect amounts  to 20 percent.  VSW's five staff, funded through the  Attorney-General's office, currently net  $1,000 a month. Our operating budget has  not been sufficient to meet escalating inflation costs for several years. We are asking  our members and concerned friends to  contact the office to let us know how they  can help with the situation.  "There's no reason why we can't have  and protest at the same  time," said  Renate Shearer,  one  of  the few adult  speakers at  the picnic.  Renate,  a  former Human  Rights officer,  and a social planner,  now  sits on  the administration committee  for  the Solidarity Coalition.  In her expressive speech she reminded us  of  a time when  the Human Rights Code enacted    a law to protect us.  That law spoke  about  "reasonable  cause" and helped protect  women from wrongful dismissal from their  jobs,  usually brought about  in cases of  sexual harassment.   "The same chance  for  everyone - that's  the bottom line of human  rights",   she said.  The theme  of  the budget's  affect  on children laps over into next week with a public meeting on Oct.   5th,   7:30p.m.   at Tem-  pleton High  School,   sponsored by the B.C.  Daycare Action Coalition.  Greenham Visitor  Two women will undertake a cross-country  tour in October and November of this year  to provide peace and women's groups with  information about the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp at Greenham Common, England, and the recently established women's  peace camp at Cole Bay, Saskatchewan.  Sicily peacecamp: p.8  Aggie Jakubska, who has camped at Greenham  almost since the camp's inception, and  also helped set up the women's peace camp  in Comiso, Italy, will be joined by Monika  Gruenberg of Vancouver, who spent some time  at Greenham and played a part in the Women  Gathering to Stop the Cruise Peace Camp/  Ritual/Action in Cole Bay this August.  Their tour will include personal accounts,  as well as a film of some of the Greenham  actions; a slide show; information about  the cruise missile and women's actions  to stop its deployment; and photos and  materials from Cole Bay.  continued on p. 9 2 Kinesis October'83  MOVEMENT MATTERS  Post-partum  faces shutdown  On Oct. 31, 1983 Post Partum Counselling is  scheduled to close down. When this happens  11 years of valuable feminist knowledge  and experience will be lost. As B.C.G.E.U.  members and feminists we are faced with a  huge dilemna.  At this time the union is asking that workers not seek funding for discontinued programs. The reasons for this are obvious:  1) funded workers would be asked to perform the same service for less pay, no job  security, no benefits and no protection  from abuse by an employer; 2) the union  would lose its members; 3) seeking funding  would be an agreement with government that  services could and should be privatized.  The staff at Post Partum Counselling do  not want to play into the government's  hands. We respect our union's position but  the consequences may be that once again the  knowledge women have accumulated over the  last decade will be lost.  Post Partum Counselling started 11 years  ago when a number of Vancouver women realized that the work of taking care of small  children was isolating them and causing  them to experience severe depression.  Very soon these women developed a way of  helping each other. Each woman who had  survived a depression supported a woman whc  was currently depressed.  The "women helping women" model developed  further as experienced women became staff  and supported less experienced women who  became volunteer counsellors. The staff  was able to provide consistency and to  take the responsibility for women in high  risk situations. Although the service ended up as part of M.H.R., we have managed  KtMMJiJ  KINESIS is published ten times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women. Its  objectives are to enhance understanding about the changing position  of women in society and work actively  towards achieving social change.  VIEWS EXPRESSED IN KINESIS are  those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect VSW policy. All unsigned  material is the responsibility of the  Kinesis editorial group.  CORRESPONDENCE: Kinesis, Vancouver Status of Women, 400 A West  5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8.  MEMBERSHIP in Vancouver Status of  Women is $20/year (or what you can  afford). This includes a subscription  to Kinesis. Individual subscriptions  to Kinesis are $13/year.  SUBMISSIONS are welcome. We reserve the right toedit, and submission  does not guarantee publication.  WORKERS THIS ISSUE: Libby Barlow, Jan Berry, Frances Bula, Jan De-  Grass, Cole Dudley, Dorothy Elias,  Mich Hill, Nicky Hood, Kim Irving,  Emma Kivisild, Barbara Kuhne, Janet  Lakeman, Arlene Lamont, Cat L'Hi-  rondelle, Claudia MacDonald, Ruth  Meechan, Rosemarie Rupps and Cindy Shore.  KINESIS is a member of the Canadian  Periodical Publishers' Association.  to keep the program's feminist perspective.  The staff are women who have themselves  been through a post partum depression.  One of. the most powerful aspects of Post  Partum Counselling is that it reaches women in the suburbs and in traditional  family situations. They come to groups led  by feminist counsellors and often for the  first time they experience the support of  other women and see the common issues in  their lives. Many go on to form their own  support groups. We are proud of the way  many women's.lives have been changed by  their contact with us.  So our commitment is three-fold: 1) to  provide a feminist service to depressed  mothers; 2) to the union; 3) to ourselves -  we do not want to be abused by this government. jssIkSs^'  We are in a total quandry as to what to do.  If any other group is facing this particular dilemna could you please contact us  at 736-2501. (Post Partum Counselling -  Fran Moore, Penny Handford, Trisha Joel,  Allison Howard," Sandra Knight)  VSW plans  discussion series  Vancouver Status of Women has co-ordinated  the following three-evening discussion  series on topics of importance for women.  The series will be held at VSW, 400 A W.  5th Ave.(5th & Yukon) from 7:30 - 10p.m.  There will be no charge and childcare will  be provided if you call ahead to make  arrangements.  A Look At How Older Women Live -  Tues.,  Oct. 18.  Older women will be speaking  about their living situations - seniors  residences, co-ops, shared homes and private homes. They will talk about the family, financial and other circumstances that  effected their choices, what they like  and don't like about where they live and  what they want in their future.  Sexual Harassment -  Wed., Oct. 26. Resource  women will be presenting information on  definitions of sexual harassment, union  contract clauses, the impact of recent  human rights cuts and human rights codes  in other provinces.  Pornography and Violence -  Tues., Nov. 1.  A discussion evening on how pornography  is used to ensure the control and domination of women; and how pornography relates  to an overall system of violent coercion  in our culture (i.e. militarism, sexual  violence and racism).  Please call Patty Moore at 873-1427 to  .request childcare or for more information.  Feminist actions  stop "Snuff film  by Elizabeth Dworan  New York - Not for good, and not everywhere.  But for now, and at least from the 8th St.  Playhouse, a Greenwich Village "art" cinema, showing of the movie Snuff has been  blocked. The movie, a nonstop panorama of  violence against women which ends with a  woman being tortured, disemboweled and  murdered, was being shown Mon. nights,  advertised by a poster which showed a woman having her neck split open with a pair  \of scissors held by anonymous hands. The  ad copy read, "Made in South America, Where  Life is Cheap."  Snuff  last played in New York in 1976, when  feminists organized an ongoing picket for  several weeks outside the midtown theatre  where it was being shown. The theatre  manager had responded indifferently to the  picket, reporting simply that if anything,  it was bringing in business.  This time around, some women decided that  picketing was not enough. Horrified community members and women's groups had been  calling the theatre's owner, Steve Hirsh,  for the first two weeks of the film's showing, to protest. Women Against Pornography  had planned a legal picket for the subsequent week. By the second week, however, a  group of feminists had taken direct action,  painting the facade of the theatre and the  front sidewalk with the message "STOP SNUFF  - A WOMAN WAS KILLED HERE."  WAP disclaimed all knowledge of the action.  Hirsch then agreed to meet with representatives of women's groups the following day  to screen the film and discuss their objections. The meeting resulted in his promise to pull the film - though not before  showing it as scheduled the following week.  The theatre's tape machine played a  message which went, "Monday is your last  night to see Snuff.   Members of the community have been offended by the film, and we  don't want to offend anyone."  Boeing  blockade planned  The Puget Sound Women's Peace Camp is  calling for a mass encirclement by women of'ñ†the Boeing Plant in Kent,  Washington. The encirclement will take  place on October 24th, from 6 am to  6 pm. .  Any women who can make it to Kent on  the 24th are urged to participate.  Come self-sufficient, and come colourful.  The Puget Sound Women's Camp is outside the Boeing Plant, where cruise  missiles are produced.  If you are interested in going, in Vancouver call: 731-6349.  Course explores  labour "herstory"  There is a long, little known record of  women's experiences and actions on the  job in British Columbia. For the first  time ever, Capilano College Labour Studies  Programme offers students the opportunity  to learn from the stories of these women.  In a new course, The History of the Labour  Movement in B.C. - The Role of Women  Unionists, instructor Sara Diamond will  share memories from B.C.'s working women  and years of research.  Together the class will explore the lives  of waitresses, domestics, "hello girls"  working for the telephone exchange, retail workers and women in manufacturing,  at the turn of the 20th century. The class  will also look at women's brief sojourn  in industry during the First World War and  attempt to find the ways that women helped  themselves, their neighbours and their  families through the Great Depression.  Monday evening seminars in the ten week  credit course will begin on October 3rd  at the Hospital Employees Union, 2286  West 12th Avenue. Classes are from 7-10pm  to enable working people to attend.  Those interested in registering should  call: The Labour Studies Programme, Capilano College: 986-1911, Local 430.  Registration will also be accepted in-  person at the first seminar. October'83 Kinesis 3  ACROSS B.C.  WANT co-sponsors  peace conference  Women Against Nuclear Technology(WANT) and  the Trident Action Group(TAG), two Vancouver based peace groups, are jointly organizing a two-day educational conference -  "Disarmament and Beyond" - to be held at  the campus of Langara College, 100 W.49th  Ave. in Vancouver, B.C. Dates for the conference aire set for October 29 and 30, to  coincide with the closing of United Nations  Disarmament Week.  The conference, partly funded by a grant  from Oxfam, Canada, will feature speakers,  workshops and discussions as well as a  number of pertinent films directed at exploring the connections and focusing on the  values inherent in the systems that perpetuate suppression and oppression of all people and exploitation of the environment.  Organizers hope that the topics and the  format of the conference will incite those  people already interested in the issues  to further their own growth and education  and provide a forum in which these issues  may be addressed.  At least half of the workshop will be organized and presented by women, and perspectives offered throughout the conference  will reflect principles of feminism, nonviolence, and non-racism. A sampling of  workshop themes includes: Women Pioneers  in the Peace Movememt; Feminism and Militarism; Violence as a Form of Social Control; and the Peace Tax Fund's view that  the one place that the Federal Government  treats men and women equally is in the  taking of their taxes.  Further information on the conference is  available by writing: Disarmament and  Beyone, c/o Carol Bruce, 351 E. 9th St.,  North Vancouver, B.C. V7L 2B3 (604) 988-  Media, justice  system on trial  Throughout the pre-trial hearing of the  'Squamish Five' last month, there was more  on trial than the accused themselves. Both  the commercial media and the administration of the justice system itself came  under heavy attack from defense lawyers  who argued that justice had been circumvented by the Crown's elimination of a  preliminary hearing and its move to a  direct indictment.  The defense also accused -the police, the  Attorney-General, and the press of contributing to a situation where pre-trial  prejudicial publicity had effectively  damaged their clients' rights to a fair  trial. A stay of proceedings, they argued,  was the only way to purge the prejudice  that now existed in the public mind and  thereby make way for an unbiased jury.  The accused - Julie Belmas, Ann Hansen,  Gerry Hannah, Doug Stewart and Brent Taylor - who were arresed January 20 in a  police roadblock near Squamish, are up  on a series of charges filed in four separate indictments. This first indictment,  includes possession of stolen property,  possession of a restricted weapon, and  conspiracy to commit robbery of a Brink's  armoured car. The five" also will face  charges relating to sabotage of B.C.'s  Cheekye-Dunsmuir hydro substation and  the firebombing of three Red Hot Video  outlets in Vancouver.  Stan Guenther, counsel for Ann Hansen,  introduced material from The Sun, The  Province, The Globe and Mail, the Colum  bian, Maclean's magazine, and tapes from  most Lower Mainland television and radio  stations, as evidence that a media judgement had been made against the accused.  Expert witness Dr. Jay Schulman, who has  given testimony in such well-known U.S.  political trials as Wounded Knee and the  Symbionese Liberation Army, said he had  discovered 557 separate references in  the material provided to him that con- :i  tained "invidious,'ñ† negative or emotionally  locaded references to the defendants."  More than 400 of these were attributed to  either the police or the Crown.  Guenther told Justice S.M. Toy, "The most  prejudicial publicity was generated by  the police and was acceded to by the prosecutor." Referring to a press conference  convened by the Coordinated Law Enforcement Unit (CLUE), the day following the  arrests, he said Crown attorney Jim Jar-  dine refused requests from defense counsel  to cancel the conference.  Guenther's conclusion: the action of the  entire justice administration and the  pre-trial reporting of the arrests,bordered on contempt.  The defense did not win their bid for a  stay of proceedings, but Justice Toy did  place tan immediate ban on any republication of the contents of newsreports submitted in evidence by the defense. He  also lectured the jury panel, reminding  them of the legal presumption of an  accused's innocence and the responsibility  of a jury to determine the facts of the  case.  "In this country we do not try citizens  in the press or on the radio or on television, but in open court on the evidence  presented." After asking the panel if  anyone doubted their impartiality, 16  left. At press time, the jury selection  process was continuing in the New  Westminister courthouse.  ^^^T^P^x   l v*im  fc>^l  li^^^^^^^^K^'JP  Imt^  .V^SnJS  f "^B^^r^mB^  aKtjjMk  kNk!  ^Isir^iynl  from the stores after student society  members complained to the board of trustees.  In response to protests about selling pornography in the UBC bookstore, Hedgecock  has moved the magazines to the back row of  the magazine rack, where only the titles  show.  He insists pornography does not promote  violence toward women any more than Time  magazine does.  "We're surrounded by violence," he said.  "Anyone could buy a book on chemistry and  build a bomb, but no-one asks me if I'm  promoting violence by stocking chemistry  books."  (from The UBYSSEY)  Kootenay  hospital's  birthing policies  NELSON - Kootenay Lake District Hospital's  labour support policy permits only one  person to be present with a mother during  labour and birth. Since this is in most  cases the father, this policy eliminates  the possible presence of anyone else the  mother feels close to and who may be helpful in offering emotional support and  guidance during her labour and birth.  This particular policy differs greatly  from many other hospitals. For example,  in the Lower Mainland, various hospitals,  including Burnaby General, Lions Gate,  Mission Memorial, Maple Ridge and Richmond  General allow one other labour support  person present besides the father. At St.  Paul's Hospital, a mother may choose to  have two others present and the New Grace  Hospital, with its Birthing Suite, allows  the numbers present to depend upon the  mother's wishes and the practise of the  attending physician.  Presently, all caesarean sections at  KLDH are performed under general anaesthesia, with the father's presence forbidden  in the delivery room. This policy is  also contrary to many other hospital practices, where epidural anaesthesia is used,  allowing a mother to be awake for the  birth of her baby. And in fact, father-  present, mother conscious caesarean births  are now routinely performed in hospitals  across Canada and the U.S.  In the Lower Mainland, St. Paul's, Grace,  Surrey Memorial and Mission Memorial  hospitals all allow fathers to be present  for scheduled caesarean sections, and all  but Surrey allow fathers to be present  for unplanned or emergency caesareans as  well, (from Images)  UBC bookstore  still carries porn  The UBC bookstore is still selling pornography despite a petition circulated last  year by UBC students requesting its removal.  Bookstore director John Hedgecock said the  bookstore will continue to sell Playboy,  Penthouse  and Playgirl  unless the UBC board  of governors dictates otherwise..  One Vancouver educational institution has  already banned pornography from its bookstore shelves.  Vancouver Community College president Tony  Manera said the magazines were withdrawn  BCFW convention  The 10th annual B.C. Federation of Women  (BCFW) convention will take place November  4th, 5th, and 6th in Naramata.  The convention is still in the planning  stages, but will include plenary sessions,  workshops and social events. A detailed  agenda will be sent to all registrants by  mid-October.  Delegates may attend the convention depending on the size of their member group.  Childcare will be provided, and subsidies  are available for childcare, travel, and  registration.  Registration is $40 for delegates and observers. Cheques payable to BCFW, mail to  Press Gang, 603 Powell St. Van. V6A 1H2 4 Kinesis October '83  BUDGET  by Gail Meredith  In the early morning hours of Friday,  September 16th,  80 women and men began an  occupation of the Vancouver office of the  Premier of British Columbia; an occupation  which lasted almost 30 hours. The occupiers, almost half of whom were women,  were individuals from trade unions, feminist groups, community groups and the unemployed. Their goal was to bring to the  attention of tfie government and the people  of B, C. their intense dissatisfaction with  the Social Credit's Budget and so-oalled  "programme of restraint, "  When our group of women gathered together  in a coffee shop near the courthouse we  had no idea how the occupation would come  off. Everyone was nervous; our tension  showing in our laughter and in the way  our eyes went past each others faces to  search the room. There were a remarkable  number of familiar people there, with no  real reason to be downtown for coffee at  8:30 on a Friday morning. From here, we  moved up onto the street; 80-odd people  trying to look inconspicuous. Was it going  to work? Was everyone going to get in?  Perhaps there had been a leak and we would  simply take our sandwiches and go home.  To anyone watching, we must have looked  like a tour group equipped with our flight  bags and,cameras, walking down the street  and up the outside stairs of the courthouse. The last long halt was in the stairwell; 80 people and it was dead quiet.  Then the: word came down the line. "Go in.  Go in fast and sit down." Then we all ran,  still quietly, through the outside doors,  down a cement corridor, around past the  elevators and into the premier's office.  Lots of glass and wood and art and a very  surprised woman at a large wrap-around  desk.  Patrick Kinsella, principal secretary to  the premier's office was angry and rigid.  Clearly, he had not been forwarned of the  occupation. Some of the women talked to  the secretary at the desk to explain  what was happening and to try to reassure  her that it was a peaceful action. The  rest of the group fanned out around the  huge office suite. As one person said,  "The reception room alone is bigger than  the main floor of my house." There was  also a large cabinet room furnished with  a massive oak table and the premier's  office, complete with private washroom,  Persian rugs, plushy chesterfield and  chair and three additional offices.  In almost no time at all the doors had  been secured and barred, our press release issued and occupiers were busy  answering the phones. The organizing was  superb. Kinsella and the secretary were  27 hour sit-in  Fightback  heats up  persuaded to leave. I'm not sure Kinsella  ever spoke, he was so angry. Before they  left, one of the organizers followed  them around like a sheep dog, nipping at  their heels, insisting they lock up everything and take all papers with them. We  had no intention of interfering with any  of the office's materials.  Once they left, everything calmed down  for a few minutes and people stopped to  think, as I did, about why we were there.  When the budget was brought down, few of  us could believe what it contained or  were aware of the damage it would do to  people's lives, especially to the lives  of women and children. But as we studied  it and listened to other analyses, our  own sense of outrage and anger grew. At  the same time, we became increasingly  aware that the government not only didn't  take the effects on us into consideration  to begin with, but essentially they were  not prepared to listen to our concerns at  all. Their response to outcries, to delegations, to rallies and demonstrations  was a yawn and a dismissal.  This occupation was an attempt to show  how serious our opposition to the budget  really is.  Only in extreme situations will people be  willing to break the law or take a chance  on being jailed in an attempt to make a  statement the government simply cannot  ignore. We wanted to focus people's  attention on the budget, and jolt people  who were only vaguely aware of the budget  and its implications into active opposition. If people knew we were so strongly  opposed to it, maybe they would re-think  the situation and become active in anti-  budget organizing.  Everyone who went into the occupation was  a thoughtful, mature self-disciplined  person. The words of Frederich Douglass,  a black slave, I think accurately reflect  our collective feelings about the action.  In 1849 he said, "Power concedes nothing  without a demand - it never did and it  never will. Find out just what people  will submit to, and you have found out  the exact amount of injustice and wrong  which will be imposed upon them; and  these will continue till they have resisted with either words or blows or with  both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those who they  suppress."  We had many concerns about how the  occupation would be received. In particular, we wondered what actions the police  would take against the occupation. Their  only public response was that they saw  a peaceful, orderly demonstration and  would not interfere.  The media was another story. Overall they  gave us good, thoughtful coverage, but  the process was painful. Most of the  media in pursuit of a story pulls no  punches. At times some of them were rude,  pushy, badgering and downright ornery,  and seemed to recognize no principles  except those of getting their story. On  the whole, they were unresponsive to the  concerns of women and children regarding  the budget. They wanted hard news and  provocative statements. They tended to  ignore women who spoke and turned cameras  off when women's issues were addressed.  The press bias against women was so  strong that it even angered the men in  the occupation, some of whom made strenuous efforts to turn that around.  Throughout the occupation we spent much  of our time watching the television  coverage in the cabinet meeting room,  while the TV cameras photographed us  watching TV. It seemed the cameras were  always there, ever-watching. I disliked  the feeling of being on display. For our  own safety, we allowed some representatives of the media to remain with the  occupation overnight. We feared that after  the building closed, the government might  remove us through the ocre of the building and out the court exits. They have  facilities for handling prisoners and  could have done it in total privacy if  the camera crews had not been present.  Spending the night in a place built to be  cut off from the world with"only piped  in air and thick sound proof glass was  strange and uncomfortable. It was like  being on a thirty-hour long plane trip.  The outside support was tremendous, however. People brought us food, juice and  toilet paper. Some supporters set up a  vigil outside the offices to let passersby  know we were there.  The women in the occupation contributed  greatly to its success and to the strength  of the group feeling within the 80. The  women were funny, knowledgeable, dedicated  and experienced. Women spoke well to all  the issues of the occupation. They contributed a lot to the singing and guitar  playing and taught some of the men feminist songs. Two women modified an old  union song which we sang as we marched  out to join the Saturday rally.  It was an incredible moment when we joined  the 2000 people, demonstrating in support  of workers and the unemployed. The rally  was extremely supportive of the occupation and that support felt very good. The  occupiers dispersed into the crowd very  rapidly feeling we had accomplished the  goals of our occupation. Now, all of us  were going back to be part of, as we had  always been part of, our own groups in  the Solidarity Coalition. We don't know  exactly where organizing will go next,  but we were strengthened in our commitment  to continue to fight Bennett's budget  and the Social Credit's view that people  really don't matter.  Occupier tries out Bennett's chair October'83 Kinesis 5  Co-op Radio's Mark McGuire interviewed  women during the September 16 occupation.  Four of them appear here.  No names were  given.  Why are you here?  Because I am a concerned citizen and I'm  protesting the budget legislation, personally, and as it affects the Downtown East-  side.  Especially cuts like the Residential Tenancy Act, welfare, and the freezing of the  welfare rates, the elimination of the CIP,  cutbacks to home makers, cutbacks to senior centres...One year ago Grace McCarthy  said she'd in no way tough the seniors  and now she's eliminated all the funding  to senior centres.  Do you think this occupation will accomplish anything?  Yes, I think it will point out to people  who are not here and focus attention on  the protests.  Why are you here? What are the major point  of the budget that have upset you as a  group of women to come here today?  The legislation that directly affects the  work I do is the removal of the funding  for transition houses. I work with battered women. It means that women in violent  relationships will have less resources to  draw on, and they will be trapped in those  relationships.  Do you think it's really a. case of restraint like Bennett says,  by cutting  grants to women 's groups  like the Health  Collective,  or will it cost more in the  long run?  Oh, I think it will cost more in the long  run. I don't think any of their cuts aee  about restraint. They're simply based on  ideological concerns. They're not at all  concerned with saving miney, as represented by the human rights branch and CIP -  that amounts to peanuts in the long run.  It's a direct statement on the part of the  government, a policy which says we don't  give a damn about any other groups that  don't have power."  Why are women here today?  There are two pieces of legislation that  will badly affect women but aren't always  talked about in connection with them. The  Compensation Stabilization Act, which means  that the wage gap between men and women  will get much broader, because they're  talking about percentage cuts and rollbacks  and the same percentage of a little amount  of money is almost nothing. So women's  wages will really suffer.  The other thing that affects women profoundly is the gutting of the Human Rights  Code and removal of the Human Rights  Commission. The Commission says that 80%  of complaints they handled were 'work related ', and that means cases like wrongful dismissal due to sexual harassment, or,  actual sexual harassment.  The part of the Code used to prosecute  these cases was the section about 'reasonable cause' and now that's been removed.  There will now be no recourse for those  women. Other parts of the human rights  also affect us. There will be no inclusion  of discrimination abound sexual orientation. That means that lesbian women will  be in no position to identify themselves -  they can be refused work, evicted, refused  every right they've ever had.  BUDGET  'Bad budget'  says kids' art  Ellen Shapiro was responsible for setting  up a children's picture drawing session  at the Sept. 25 "Picnic Against the Budget". She says she began by giving the  children the question, "What does the  budget mean to you?" and letting them go  to it with drawings and colour. She told  us she was impressed with "how clearly  kids were able to express themselves" and  "how much they know about this issue."  Some of their slogans were: "A two bedroom house normally for rent at $250 per  month now $1000 per month due to rent  controls.", "BC Place, make the rich richer, and the poor poorer.", "The only good  thing about this budget is cigarettes cost  more so maybe my parents won't burn their  lungs out."  Ellen would like to see two of the pictures choosen to be used in a major poster  campaign. By the sounds of it - it would  be one of the stongest statements yet,  coming from children - all the more powerful.  Kids can still do pictures responding to  the budget and mail them to: SOLIDARITY,  6th Fir., 686 W. Broadway, Van.  Action  for daycare  Anti-budget speakers at an open meeting on  Oct. 5th will discuss possible plans of  action around a fundamental women's issue  childcare.  Sponsored by the B.C. Daycare Action Coali  tion, the meeting will include four speakers representing the B.C. Teacher's Federation, special needs children, family and  social services, and daycare. Each will  talk about what the Socred bills are that  pertain directly to childcare, what they  mean in practice, and how we can fight  them.  The Action Coalition is a part of Operation Solidarity, and is playing a role in  the provincial petition campaign as well.  Bill Bennett's 'restraint' budget attacks  the hope of universally accessible childcare in a few ways. A directive to MHR  offices on August 22nd declared that as of  October 1st the financial needs test for  childcare subsidy will be eliminated. The  test is different from the income test  which sets a ceiling of $1031 monthly income on single Jparents if they are to receive full subsidy. The needs test applies  to those with ah income above that ceiling  and takes into, account monthly expenses  such as rent, taxes, loans and court  order payments. Most affected by the" Socredl  directive are the parents of special needs  (handicapped) children, who have unusually  high expenses, even if their monthly income is_ slightly above poverty level.  Parents with more than one child are also  hard hit.  The budget officially freezes subsidies  for non-handicapped children: they did  not go up in 1982 either.  There is also a strong possibility that  childcare workers will be laid off.  Sharon Mackin of the Action Coalition  points out that  some of the workers men  tioned are those who inspect centres for  their compliance with health regulations  Many now have a caseload of 600 centres  each. Layoffs would increase that number to  staggering proportions.  Mackin is hopeful about the development of  action strategies. As it is, the test for  special needs children has been postponed  for six months, and she feels it may be a  direct result of the furor generated aroundl  the policy.  Everyone is urged to attend the October 5th|  meeting, 7.30 pm Templeton High School,  727 Templeton. (Childcare provided).  ft!  Po  0  photo by Kim Irving  f^row     five;  SjHI        *Kfca*fc->-- 6 Kinesis October'83  PENSION REFORM  Pensions for homemakers  Women's groups differ on proposals  by Lorri Rudland  In December of 1982,   the federal govern-  nent released its "Green Paper" entitled,  better Pensions for Canadians to provide  i focus for public discussion on the  Issue of pension reform. Although the  Ireen Paper discusses women and pensions,  It does not support certain changes women's  groups think -Important and is totally  silent on others.  1 federal all-party Parliamentary Task  ?orce on Pension Reform is currently  'tolding public hearings across Canada and  oill submit its report to Parliament at  the end of 1983.   The Vancouver Status of  Women appeared before the Task Force in  September in Vancouver.  The facts about women and pfen&ions are  grim. They go far be^ogd teh conventional  wisdom that "many elderly women are poor".  In fact, most elderly women are desperate*-  ly poor and most live alone on a Canadian  pension of no more than $503 per month.  This amounts to approximately $2,000 per  person per year below the Canadian Council  on Social Development's urban poverty  line of $7,975.  There are many layers to the Canadian pension system. The following is a brief outline of pension plans and supplements  available:  1) Old Age Security (OAS): paid to all wo-  nen and men over 65 years who meet Canadian residency requirements. It is a universal payment, not dependent on a means  test. As of March, 1983, it amounted to  $251.  2) Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS): an  income-tested supplement. As of March,  1983, it provided a maximum of $252 for  singles and $194 for marrieds. 62% of women in 1982 received the GIS.  3) Spouses Allowance: a program introduced  several years ago to assist spouses aged  60 to 64 (mostly women) whose partners  received only the OAS and GIS. No such  benefit exists for single women in the 60  to 64 age group, nor is it paid to a surviving spouse if the older spouse dies.  4) Canada Pension Plan (Quebec Pension Plan  for Quebec residents) (C/QPP): federally  sponsored public pension plan available  to both women and men working in the paid  labour force. Because women earn only 60%  of the wages men earn, benefits are rated  accordingly. In 1976, more than 70% of  male contributors aged 20 - 64 had incomes  that surpassed the maximum pensionable  amount (in 1983, it is $345/month), whereas only 35% of female contributors had  such earnings.  5) Private, employer-sponsored pension  plans: these plans are notoriously unreliable, sidcriminatory to women in a  variety of ways, and are unavailable to  most women. Only 38% of full-time employed  women are covered by such plans.  6) Provincial Supplements or Private Savings: Seniors may be eligible for small  provincial supplements if their income is  low enough. Private saveings as a means of  providing for retirement are limited to  the very rich. According to the federal  Green Paper, "over half of current middle-  age, millde income couples and individuals  will have insufficient savings at retirement to replace over 15% of pre-retirement  earnings.  We support a pension system that is universal and non-wage related in order to  respect the dignity and contribution to  Canadian society of all Canadian residents.  The appalling economic hardship of women  and men presently existing on incomes considerably below the poverty line must be  alleviated. Old Age Security benefits  should be immediately increased to a level  above the poverty line for all those aged  65 and over, and for all those aged between 60 and 65 who are not in the paid  labour force.  How best to provide pension benefits to  recognize the economic contribution of women working in the home has been the focus,  of an on-going debate among women's organizations for several years. There are two  major positions on this subject, with  Louise Delude of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women representing  one position and Monica Townson, economic  consultant and author, representing the  opposing position.  The National Action Committee on the Status  of Women (NAC) published a "Pink Paper"  entitled Pension Reform: What Women Want.  NAC takes the position that long-term  homemakers should receive pensions "in  their own right" according to two criteria:  a) long-term homemakers who are at home  performing services that directly benefit  all of society, such as child care or care  of disabled relatives, should receive pensions which would be totally paid for by  all other contributors to C/QPPs and  b) long-term homemakers who are providing  services exclusively to the family (rather  than society) for example, keeping house  only for their husbands, should receive  pensions which would be tatally paid for  by their husbands' contribution of both  the employer and employee portion.  Because women have no actual earnings upon  which to base what this pension should be,  NAC recommends that it be based on a "hypothetical income equal to 1/2 of the  average industrial wage (about $10,000)."  with children under the age of three, who  work in the paid labour force, has increased by 40% in the last five years. Two earner couples now outnumber the traditional  one-earner couple, and the percentage of  two earner couples is increasing.  Having homemakers receive pensions paid  for by their husbands' contributions  makes these women, in effect, employees  of their husbands. We strongly oppose such .  a benefit structure.  The alternative to this structure is that  already recognized by the matrimonial  porperty law of two provinces, British  Columbia and Manitoba (albeit imperfectly).  We support the concept of marriage as a  joint economic partnership with women being full partners, entitled to 1/2 of the  proceeds jointly acquired during the marriage, rather than women as the employees  of their husbands. Consequently, we support  pension credit-splitting wherein both  spouses share their Q/CPP benefits equally  with each other.  In the event of divorce, pension credit-  splitting should be made madatory. Al-  thought there is a law currently in force  allowing pension credit-splitting if an  application is made, only 3% of people  (mostly women) apply.  The most appropriate method of recognizing  the economic value of women's unpaid la- 'ñ†  bour in the home is to recognize their  joint econimic contribution to the marriage  in the form of MANDATORY, PENSION CREDIT-  SPLITTING when the younger spouse reaches  the age of 65, or in the event of. separation, divorce or death of a spouse.  In conjunction with the above conclusion,  we also agree with other women's organizations who recommend that the Q/CPP  should be doubled from the present 25% of  the replacement rate of the average industrial wage to provide 50% of the replacement rate. We support the immediate implementation of the "drop-out" provision  (already included within the CPP) which  allows for the years spent out of the labour force in child rearing (for children  up to age 7) to be eliminated from the  calculation of "average lifetime earnings."  We would adjust that provision to allow  the parent/s to choose their drop-out period per child, rather than have the state  choose the first 7 years as the appropriate period, and we would extend it to include the years spent caring for very disabled family members.  The Vancouver Status of Women is a member  group of the NAC, an umbrella organization  with a membership of women's groups across  Canada. We oppose the method of compensation NAC has recommended for long-term  homemakers. We fully agree that women working in the home should have their economic  contribution to family and society recognized but we agree with the alternative  position suggested by Monica Townson and  other women's organizations.  The major problem with subsidizing pensions  for homemakers is that only the unpaid  work in the home performed by the full-time  homemaker will be recognized. For the over  50% of women in Canada who work in the  paid labour force and in the home, as  married women, single parent mothers, or  single women, there is no recognition for  .their unpaid labour in the home.  The composition of the Canadian labour  force is rapidly changing, and more women  are working today than ever before. Married women with at least one child under  16 years work in the paid labour force in  greater numbers than all other married  women combined. The percentage of mothers  Women and Poverty:  -61% of women aged 65 or over at the  time of the  1976 Census were alone.  -61% of spouseless women aged 65 and  over lived below the poverty line  in 1979,  compared to 45% of spouseless men age 65.  -70% of spouseless women aged 70 and  over lived in poverty in 1980.  -of all spouseless elderly people,  75% are women.  Women and Work:  -over 50% of women work in the paid  labour force,  -two-earner couples now outnumber  the traditional one-earner family,  -women still earn only 60% of the  wages men earn;  the wage gap is as  wide as it was in the last major  depression.  -51% of working men have pension  coverage through their employer,  while only 34% of working women  of pension plans. October'83 Kinesis 7  Church women  break ground at  world assembly  By Barbara Blakely  In a position paper entitled, "Moving Toward Participation", the Sixth Assembly  of the World Council of Churches recognized that: "Women constitute the largest  percentage in congregations around the  world, but the structures of power within  and outside the churches inhibit their  growth and full participation."  The Paper goes on to say, "Jesus demands  that we be born anew through the word of  God to become new people, who are no longer oppressors or racists or sexists, who  set on our journey in search of a new way  of being truly human."  The statement insists that church structures provide the means for women's full  participation, and that they continue to  fund such programs even in times of restraint.  This is the World Council of Churches'  "official position" about women. At its  July 24 to August 10 meeting in Vancouver,  one thousand delegates, representing four  million Christians in three hundred  churches in one hundred countries around  the world, presented a vision of the  church engaging the world through protesting injustice and promoting freedom. In  this context, women were recognized as  a people facing injustice, a people in need  of strong and positive action toward their  liberation.  It is tragically rare for the church to  recognize women as an oppressed people.  The WCC went even further than this in its  call for member churches to break that  oppression.  Strong women were very much in evidence  throughout the WCC. Helen Caldicott  addressed the plenary assembly to present  .her familiar theme that this planet is  essentially "terminally ill" with the  threat of nuclear war. Feminists might  object to her rallying cry to women, which  emphasizes women's mothering love as the  primary motivation to act against war, but  there is no doubt that her urgency and  immediacy had a powerful emotional effect.  Dorothee Soelle, a West German theologian,  spoke of the personal transformation we  all must undergo if we are to transform  our world. She emphasized the effect that  our western lifestyle has in impoverishing  two thirds of the world, saying that as  we participate in structures that drive  the poor to the edge of survival, we  destroy any fullness of life for ourselves  as well. We live in material wealth and  spiritual poverty.  Women from the Third World spoke movingly  of their suffering in several situations.  In vivid contrast to the long, abstract  discourses of several men, women frequently spoke terse and dramatic truths:  We know we're dying out. There's no cure  for these radiation problems. More de-  Left to right/ Pauline Webb, Britain; Sarah Simon, Ft. McPherson, NWT; Dorothee Solle, West  Germany; Mother Euphrasis, Romania; and Shobana Jeyasingh, Indonesia.  formed babies are. born every year.   The  baby is born on the labour table,  and it  breathes and moves up and down,  but it  is not shaped like a human being.  It is  colourful and looks like a bag of jelly.  These babies live only a few hours.  (From Darlene Keju of the Marshall Islands  where nuclear testing has gone on for 35  years.)  The taste of death all around you lays  bare all illusions.  It extirpates that  which is mediocre in you.  It educates you  in an infinite manner.  It purifies the  air.  It confronts you time and again with  that which your mind cannot fully grasp  and from which you cannot turn away.  (From Frieda Haddad, who made us feel the  human cost of the war in Lebanon.)  These women spoke most profoundly out of  their life experiences, yet did so only  implicitly as feminists. Their wisdom and  power did not derive from a feminist  analysis per se.  It was in an adjunct program of the WCC  that explicit feminist positions were presented and discussed. Vancouver women  organized The Well/La Source, a centre for  programs, meals, childcare and conversation. At The Well we heard about violence  to women on an international scale; hearing women from India, South Korea and  Palestine. And we heard from native women  about the violence done to indigenous women in our own country. The church was  clearly indicted here, bearing responsibility for cultural and spiritual destruction, as well as the breakup of families.  We were also given hope for the future of  women in the church, in several presentations by women theologians, church leaders  and priests. We challenged partriarchal  images and language, explored our experiences which open us to new spiritual  mysteries, and shared our anger at oppressive structures. We shared our joy at  real gains made in claiming our own  religious space. Barbara Brown Zikmund,  Academic Dean of Pacific School of Religion gave us a chronology of stages in  women's progress through the church (or  other institutions), moving from recognizing that women have a right to be heard,  to seeing that we represent a legitimate  constituency, through to achieving ordination as the fullest empowerment, and on  to questioning the very structures that  we now occupy.  And Luise Schottroff, one of three feminist Biblical scholars in Europe, gave us  tools for radically reinterpreting the  Biblical traditions which normally serve  to oppress us. Her view of the New Testament is filled with hope, as she works  with passages like the Magnificat to see  it as a text demanding justice, liberation,  and solidarity with the poor. Mary here  symbolizes not meekness but revolutionary  courage.  Despite these very positive events, there  remain serious limitations in the WCC's  commitment to women. Despite the "official  line", few delegates and staff show any  deep consciousness of women's situation  and experience. Others who will even enforce the official policy, regard it as a  perfunctory truism that has no implications for their own identity and practice.  And for others, women are not regarded  as legitimate partners in the struggle for  liberation. It is symptomatic of these  problems that motions to discuss abortion  and homosexuality were soundly defeated.  The most sensitive issue to emerge concerned the ordination of women to the  priesthood. The Orthodox churches, numerically the largest, refuse to consider women's ordination at all. Imagery of God  and the Trinity remain thoroughly masculine, and the priest must embody that  masculinity. The natures of men and women  are held to be distinctly different, by  divine command.  Therefore, the official statement on  "Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry" falls  far short of mandating women's full participation in ordained ministry. Many women  assert that this is an issue of justice  and human dignity, that the integrity of  the WCC is at stake when it condones the  oppression of women in its own position  papers. Yet this issue was repeatedly  silenced and hidden.  Similarly, the number of women as delegates remains low. The target for the  next Assembly, seven years hence, is only  33 per cent (up from 30 per cent at this  Assembly). The percentage of women on the  Central Committee is only 26 per cent.  Three women are among the seven presidents  of the Central Committee, including Lois  Wilson, former Moderator of the United  Church. Even these numbers are difficult  to achieve. Member churches, who choose  delegates back home, are resentful of  even that 33 per cent goal. Women are  obviously no't yet seen as legitimate  spokespersons for their churches in many  parts of the world.  Still, the WCC had a profound effect on  many women who were in attendance. Women  did find the space to speak clearly for  justice, for changed structures, for new  power. Others were touched and will claim  new power in their own situations. And the  WCC will continue to change as women press  home these claims. 8 Kinesis October '83 i  WOMEN AND PEACE  By MonikasgrUnberg  While ilwas' staying in Greenham Common  thisjjsummer I met a number of women who  had been to Comiso,  in Italy.  They had  just been released from prison for a  blockade action, they had undertaken at  the military base there.,. They told us of  a woman's peace camp that was. in the making in Sicily.  Because I immediately  associate..Sicily with the Mafia,  as well  .  l as an extremely-oppressive environment  for women, a woman's camp seemed like a  particularly difficult undertaking.  I  . asked Aggie, who had recently returned to  I Greenham from Sicily; -to tell me more  about Comiso,  and its connection with the  Greenham camp.   One day in early August  we went to London to a friend's house to  meet another woman who had just returned  from Italy and together we spent the evening talking about Italy's first woman's  peace camp,   "La Ragnatela" - The Spider-  web. .'■■' \ji*&0$&§L  -*Magliaccq is the name of the disused airport near Comiso ,~a^4:awjuPX^7»000 in the  province of Ragusa in Southeastern Sicily,  which will become the nerve centre of an  area of prime military importance to American war strategists.  Local produce farmers had planned to start  a cooperative and use Magliocco airport to  fly out their produce to better markets.  The opposition of the conservative Christian Democrats and some local unions cancelled this plan. The airport has become  the proposed site for 112 cruise missiles  to be deployed early in 1984. With its  missiles this base will represent the  culmination of Sicily's evolution into an  American military fortress since the end  of the Second World War. At least 19  other American military installations are  already on the island.  Deployment of the cruise here also signals  the completion of a network of American  and NATO military stations in the part  of Europe closest to Africa and the Middle  East. Cruise missiles are designed to be  used as first strike weapons. To deploy  them here, so close to an already highly  unstable area, is to increase the possibility of a nuclear war to an incredible  degree. Libya has already threatened retaliation if the missiles are deployed,  and Israel and Pakistan possess impressive  arsenals of nuclear arms already.  Sicily's history has long been one of  foreign domination, and in fact the island is more its own country than it is  a part of Italy.,Sicilian is almost a language of its own, and Rome and the Italian  government are far away. Different rules  govern the island. Its feudal system of  "padre-padrone" dependancy functions as  well as it did hundreds of years ago,  and using the influence of the Mafia and  the right connections is still the only  way to make a career or good'profits. The  good-willed attempts of socialist reforms  have worked little change. In fact, they  have been easily absorbed into the already  well established system of corruption and  intimidation. All of these conditions combine to create an ideal climate for foreign interference and domination.  The American military never left Sicily  after WW II. Sicilian Mafiosi in North  American prisons were set free and sent  back to Italy on the condition they prepare the ground for military re-establishment and enlargement. The drug trade has  become very profitable business for the  Mafia. Next to Berlin, Sicily is one of  the key centres through which heroin  enters Europe. The military bases are seen  to be key channels in the operation of the  trade.  Profits of this kind often go to land  speculation around military bases, provided good connections exist between the  decision making agencies. Expropriation  is the norm, though those with the right  connections make massive profits. In the  # Italian Military H.Q.  OUS.A.   Naval   H.Q  * Nuclear Warheads  ■*? Nuclear Submarine  e Artillery  Range  ■*■ Airport  H Radar-Radio  Stdtion  'la Ragnatela* — Spiderweb  Weavers of peace  case of Testa d'Aqua, a whole- village was  expropriated to make way for an American w  radar station, and the villagers are still  waiting for payments for the loss of their  land. Often farmers are forced to forestall expropriation by selling their land  for next to nothing.  At the moment Magliocco houses about 500  men, mostly Americans. Once the base is  finished, 15,000 soldiers and technicians  will live in and around Comiso. The subcontracting for the necessary extensive  construction has been taken over by a Ra-  gusan construction firm with strong Mafia  connections, and all local contracts are  reached according to political considerations. There are in fact very few local  people who have found jobs inside the base.  Public funds have been used up to build  an elaborate pipe system going to the base  as well as to resurface all roads leading  to Magliocco.  Those who are opposed to what is going on  are kept under control. The law of silence  keeps a tight grip on people, for those  who talk are assassinated in a prolonged  and brutal, way and found with a stone in  their mouths. If they had been as silent  as stones they would still have been  alive... . It used to be those with money  and power who were Mafia targets, but now  ordinary people who are missile opponents,  like a Comiso truck driver,who had a  'No Missile' sticker in the backwindow  of his truck, become the victims of  snfashed windows and bombs planted in  vehicles.  What has been the reaction of the peace  movement to these developments? The Italian Movement together with the Italian  Communist Party have used the strategy of  staging large scale demonstrations, the  biggest of which drew 100,000 to Sicily  in 1981. In 1982 a mixed international  peace camp was established at Comiso,  supported by the European nuclear.disarmament coalition and U.S. church groups.  There were internal leadership disputes  It used to be those with money  and power who were mafia targets, but now ordinary people,  like a Comiso driver who had a  'No Missile' sticker, become the  victims of smashed windows and  and debates about strategy and direction,  which stifled the group's-energy consider-  "abty-^Jj/hile the peace movement in Sicily  was starting' up, a women's group from |  Catania brought a statement to a woman's  peace conference in Amsterdam, which firmly established a connection between nuclear escalation and male /violence. They  recognized the dead end road of a peace  movement bound to political parties and  caught in intrigues, and tried to find  ways to reach all women.  It took more than a year to get women,  involved as a group on their own account,  independant of party lines and considerations other than- those for peace.  In the end of 1982 a group of Greenham  women went to ComispVgto take information  on the planned embracing of the Greenham  base, and stayed. As a parallel action,  a circle of women was formed in front of  the Magliocco base, which then moved to  the Piazza Fonte Diana. Italian piazzas  traditionally are a male space in which  information is circled, jobs are traded,  business is done' and politics are discussed  and developed. In short, the space symbolizes the public life women are excluded  from. Moving into the piazza, the circle,  widened and widened and slowly pushed all  men out into the neighboring streets. In  this action of reclaiming the space for  women the peace activists were joined by  many Comiso women.  From then on more and more women became  involved. On January 4, 1983 a web was  spun across the base's main gate, closing  it down for four hours.  On IWD 600 women from. Italy, Europe and  the U.S. protested in a week of actions,  effectively blockading the base, but confronting massive police violence. Twelve  women were arrested and imprisoned. All  foreign women were deported on the personal order of the Minister of the Interior.  Without being able to consult their Italian  lawyers they await their sentences which  range from two to 12 years imprisonment.  During these actions it became increasingly  clear that the existing structure of the  Peace Movement in Comiso would not effectively challenge the threat of missile deployment. However, in Comiso a Women's  Peace Camp can play an important role.  Feminism is difficult in Italy, especially  in Sicily. Women's groups have not yet been  involved adequately in the Italian or  Sicilian peace movements. "It is not the  church and not the political parties,  but the women, the new force which is bound  to stir people and strengthen the movement  in Comiso", says a recent statement. "In  a sex-haunted society as it is in Sicily,  women living together are considered more  serious and respectful than mixed groups October 33 Kinesis 9  of men and women. Experience proved in  the past that women's actions stirred  immediate interest in the public eye. They  were not associated with political parties,  and people sensed that they were moving for  something which goes beyond the traditional  political games people are fed up with."  June became an important month for the  idea of a woman's camp. The women who had  staged the actions found a piece of land  with a small house on it right next to the  base and in the range of a possible runway  extension. On June 25, on the day of the  full moon, 28 women signed the sales contract for 4200 sq. metres of land "to establish 'a space where women can work collectively in non-competitive, honest,  practical, emotional and magical ways, and  learn how to face our feelings of weakness  and anger and to move beyond them into nonviolent direct action."  "After much discussion and heartache about  getting entangled in bureaucracy/institutions, we finally decided to form an association, called 'La Ragnatela', which we  are using only to buy land, so that all .  women are legally joint land-owners. We  hope the land will be owned by thousands  of women... . Should an expropriation of  the land be attempted, the association  would be notified and only the women present at the signing of the contract would  be individually notified - so it would be  up to all of us to make our resistance  felt."  I asked Briony from Comiso how effective  woman's peace camp could be against the  combined machinery of the U.S. and the  Sicilian mafia. "Having a woman's peace  camp is a way not just to oppose the missiles, but to oppose a whole system. I  Having a women's peace camp is  a way to oppose the whole  system. \ refuse to live in a  patriarchal society.  refuse to live in a patriarchal society..  ...Having a woman's space is very important because it gives me time to think  about what I'm doing, without the immediate critical evaluation and judgement that  usually comes from being involved in a  group with still very strong partiarchal  conditioning. Women's energy has for so  long been channelled and kept underneath  the surface, and in some places like Greenham or Comiso it bursts out and many women  come to the sudden realization that we are  not really powerless at all."  "The way we can best convey this energy,  the sense of power, is not by words, but  rather by example. Although we need the media to the extent of letting others know  that we exist, our emphasis is on examples,  on action, and on the strength of our personal involvement and the impact it has on  the women we meet. Individual contact is of  much more power and lasting effect than any  media coverage ever can be."  The idea of women's peace camps does not  only function in the North American and the  British context. It was Sicilian women who  first sent out the information about Comiso.  The women in Comiso are supportive and  friendly toward the camp despite the fact  that it is made difficult for them to be  The Comiso women's peace camp asks women  from all over the world to buy shares for  sq. metres of land for the nominal price  of five dollars. Donation from mixed groups  for the general upkeep of the camp are also  welcome. The camp's address is: La Ragnatela, Campo Di Donne per la Pace, Comiso,  Money orders to Raffaella Iurato, Conto:8I/  8992/P'c/o Banca Agricola Populare di  Ragusa, Comiso, Sicilia.  B.C. hosts  nuclear leaders  by Cindy Shore  Approximately 230 people attended the 4th  Pacific Basin Nuclear Conference at the  Hyatt Regency Sept. 11-15, 1983. The delegates came from all over the Pacific Basin  as well as from Sri Lanka, Indonesia,  Chile, France, England and Austria. The  men who want to make sure nuclear power  is here to stay were out in full force.  They include, Bertram Wolf V.P. of General  Electric, William Voight, Jr. the special  assistant for strategic policy for the U.S.  Department of Energy, and of course James  Donnelly, President of Atomic Energy of  Canada.  The Sunday Night Action Group (SNAG), a  local non-violent direct action group  working on peace issues, also made a point  of attending the three-and-a-half day nuclear conference. Together with Vancouver's  Women Against Nuclear Technology, a group  from Victoria, and the Trident Action  Group, they leafletted delegates during  conference registration and throughout the  week. The action took on a rather colourful  presence -in the late afternoon of Sept. 14,  when a handful of protesters dressed in  radiation suits surprised delegates and  hotel guests with their unexpected theatrical antics in the hotel lobby.  The agenda for the conference itself consisted of a series of 13 sessions ranging  from "Nuclear Power Programs in the Pacific Basin Status and Prospects" to "Issues  Affecting Nuclear Goals".  The formal proceedings of the conference  were, more or less, for information sharing, and a little selling of one's own  system as the industry favorite. The cocktail-time and backroom discussions were  where the important information was traded  and the heavy lobbying was carried out. It  was obvious the U.S. and Canada wanted to  make it very clear they intend to make  nuclear power the energy source of the  future.  Canada's first research reactor was in 1945  and in 1952 Atomic Energy of Canada was in-  Geneva action  In Germany this summer women, called for an  international march for peace from Berlin  to Geneva in early August. The marchers  arrived in Geneva Sept. 17, where they  were joined by people from all over Europe  directly showing their concern that the  U.S.-Soviet peace talks be carried on under  enforcement to achieve peace settlements.  Peace protesters created a human chain from  the Soviet to the U.S. embassy to emphasize  the necessity of nuclear disarmament.  On Tuesday, Sept. 20, 47 women climbed over  the fence into the Soviet compound in  Which the talks were happening.  Five women were actually allowed to present  their statements to both the Soviet and the  American negotiators. The statement was  later made available to the media who preferred to stay silent.  A complete media blackout in both Europe  and North America has kept the Geneva events  from reaching the public.  (This story from one of the women who participated) .  corporated as a Crown Corporation. In 1962  the first, power reactor was established.  Candu, which stands for Canada Deuterium  and Uranium, is the Canadian designed and  built reactor. This system is establishing  itself in the industry by having 31 reactors under operation or construction in  six countries throughout the world. However, the nuclear power industry is not  growing at the expected rate...but the  uranium industry is. As the world demand  for uranium increases, the glut will dry  up arid Canada will increase its exploitation of the uranium fields, especially at  Key Lake in northern Saskatchewan. This  mill is expected to start up at close to  capacity, making it one of the largest  mills in the world. By 1984, Canada plans  to be the world's leading producer of  uranium.  William Voight, Jr. from the U.S. Department of Energy presented some pretty  startling figures. He projects that by  1997 the time related costs for the nuclear  power industry will have increased by  5,360%(that's right, 5,360%). The U.S.  government has already invested $13 billion  in commercial use plants, and private  sector $150 billion. Due to President  Reagan's nuclear power initiatives, recommendations have been made to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission which include  one step permits, increases in the number  of licenses to be issued, and changes in  the waste management program which will  allow for emergency interim storage.  It seemed no one reaily knew what to do  about the long-term effects of radioactive  materials, so the nuclear industry is  thinking about hiding it in ocean beds  and rock pits with the hope that earthquakes won't create leakages. When asked  how the industry can curb public opposition to waste management, David Packard,  Chairman of Hewlett-Packard Co., responded  "We must replace emotions with reason,  and abandon quick fix-it responses to  long-term problems. We must define our  long-term energy goals and set about  making the commitment and investment that  are essential in achieving these goals."  ,'This 'make a reactor today, worry about  the waste tomorrow' attitude was most  prominent in the minds of the conference  men. I was reminded of Mark Hertsgaard,  author of Nuclear Inc. ,  who states that  the nuclear power industry was first established to legitimize the use of nuclear  energy for military purposes. He outlines  how, after World War II, military leaders,  government officials, corporation heads,  and scientists came together to plan how  to control the nuclear industry, forming  what he called "the Atomic Brotherhood".  This "Brotherhood" realized the potential  the nuclear industry had to obtain control  over global energy sources, as well as to  use nuclear energy as the ultimate weapon  of terror and domination- The nuclear  industry tries to separate the use of  nuclear power into civilian and military  by putting on conferences such as the  Pacific Basin Nuclear Conference, but this  separation is a false one. Just as the use  of violence is seen as a method of domination of men over women, one country over  another, so should the use of nuclear  power be seen as a method of domination  by the Atomic Brotherhood over our environment and health.  continued from p.l  The Greenham Common camp has been an inspiration to peace activists around the  world. In December 1982, the women there  brought 30,00 women to the Greenham U.S.  Air Force Base. They embraced the nine mile  perimeter of the base and shut it down for  one day.  It is a Greenham Common philosophy to establish alternatives to the commercial  media, and this tour provides an opportunity for Canadians to shar% information with  the camp, and establish a network of  communication.  In Vancouver, Aggie will show the film and  lead a workshop ati<the 'Disarmament and Beyond conference to be held at Langara Oct.  29th.- Watch for posters advertising a benefit film showing for Women Gathering to  Stop the Cruise.  Financial support for the tour is desperately needed.  Groups interested in hosting them on any  part of the tour, or in obtaining more information, contact Monika Grunberg, 1736  William St., Vancouver, V5L 2R4,  (604) 25 3-4802. _ 10 Kinesis October'83  SPORTS  Women on top...  and still climbing  by Marsha Ablowitz  Arlene Blum will be in Vancouver Sunday  evening Oct. 30th speaking at UBC-IRC  building. I first read about Arlene Blum  in her summit account The Damsels On Denali.  This was the first time I had read a personal account of an all women's attempt  on a major peak. The account was graphic,  dramatic and left an incredible impression  of the strength and group commitment of  these women climbers. Later while holidaying in Italy I struggled with the Italian  accounts of the tragic Russian all women's  ascent of Lenin Peak. On that climb, all  the women were trapped near the summit in  a blizzard and all died. The reaction of  the male-dominated climbing community was  typical. This was evidence that mountain  climbing was not an activity for women.  But.many women continued to climb. In  1976 Arlene was part of the successful  American Bicentennial Everest Expedition.  However, despite her proven skill and  experience she found it almost impossible  to be accepted on male organized expeditions. Women were seen as too weak mentally  and physically to go on high mountains.  One man refused her saying a woman's presence would be embarrassing around excretion needs and would spoil the happy male  comraderie.  Arlene Blum was one of the first women to  publicise these issues. In Annapurna: A  Woman's Place  she writes:  We did not organize the Annapurna Expedition to prove that women could climb high  mountains.   We knew that before we began,  but the publicised success of the venture  brought that message to people all over  the world.  Arlene has been active encouraging women's  involvement in science and athletics for  a long time. In 1977 in Berkeley, California she began organizing the financing,  team recruitment, logistics and publicity  of The American Women's Himalayan Expedition to Annapurna I. This Nepali mountain  is 26,540' high, the tenth highest mountain in the world. It had never before  been climbed by an American team. Of the  climbers who had attempted it, several  had been killed in the attempt. It was a  treacherous, technically difficult ascent,  however one of the hardest tasks was funding. Volunteers helped in fund raising.  One way they thought of to raise money for  this climb was to sell t-shirts with a  logo of the mountain and the quote, "A  Woman's Place is on Top". The slogan  caught on and the t-shirts sold like hot  cakes. They are still in demand! (Arlene  may have some with her for anyone interested who comes to her talk.)  The Annapurna Expedition was the first  all-women's Himalayan expedition; the first  ascent of the mountain by a woman and the  North American high altitude climbing  record for women. Tragically the success  of this climb was marred by the deaths of  two of the women members. In the preface  to her book Annapurna: A Woman's Place,  Blum writes:  For us it was a bittersweet victory, and  its after effects have been complex.  The  deaths of our dear friends Vera Watson  and Alison Chadwick-Onysykiewicz have  cast long- shadows into our lives. Since  separating as a team each of us has had  to deal in her own way with the adjustments of resuming a normal life after this  extraordinarily intense experience.  In 1980 Arlene was the leader of The Joint  Indian-American-New Zealand Women's Expedition to Garwhal Himalaya Bhrigupanth  22,300'. This expedition achieved a  successful first ascent. Prior to this an  ;attempt at Dhaulagiri was called off due  to danger and accidents. Then in 1981-82  Arlene organized a 2,000 mile trek across  the Himalayas from Bhutan in the east,  through Napal to the Western India Himalayas in the west.  Arlene Blum like most women climbers does  other things besides climb. She is a graduate of Reed College, Portland, Oregon  with a PhD in biophysical chemistry from  Berkeley. She has taught and has done  chemical research which influenced the  banning of tris, a hazardous chemical  used as a flame retardent on children's  sleepwear. She is also a professional  writer and photographer with many publications and pictures in magazines and papers  such as: National Geographic,  Summit,  Quest,  Viva,  New York Times,  Washington  Post  and San Francisco Chronicle.  The  book Annapurna - A Woman 's Place  was  published by Sierra Club Books in 1980  and is now out in paperback.  Arlene's presentation, "Women on Top:  1808-1983" is a 90-minute slide lecture  Mountaineer Arlene Blum  Five golds  for Rackiecki  A B.C. wheelchair athlete broke ground ,  for women recently by becoming the first  woman ever to be awarded the title of the  Top Class II Athlete of the Canadian Games  of the Physically Disabled.  Diane Rackiecki, a physical education major at UBC (see Kinesis  April '83) won  ry event she entered at the '83 games  in Sudbury, Ontario, garnering five gold  medals, including one Canadian record. She  bested the competition in the 100m, 200m,  400m, and 1500m, and set the record of  2:59.6 in the 800m.  Rackiecki was also the first Canadian female wheelchair athlete to compete in a  marathon when she entered the Vancouver  marathon this summer, and since then has  been invited to compete in the Montreal  (marathon in late September. It is expected  there will be some other wheelchair women  in the Montreal race.  Rackiecki continues to struggle with the  federal 'carding' (individual funding)  regulations for wheelchair athletes, which  fail to recognize different levels of  participation on the parts of male and  female athletes and consequently exclude  all women from financial assistance. She  is currently funded at the provincial level  and by private sponsor.  'which "...combines the best slides taken  by Arlene Blum on her three major women's  expeditions with a fascinating history  of 175 years of climbing and exploration  by women.  "Beginning with Maria Paradis who climbed  Mt. Blanc in 1808 to get more business  for her souvenir stand at the foot of the  mountain, the lecture discusses such women as Fanny Bullock Workman who carried  a sign proclaiming, "Votes for Women," to  21,100' in Pakistan; Alexandra David-Neel,  who at the age of 56, walked 2,000 miles  to Lhasa disguised as a Tibetan beggar  woman; and Claude Kogan, a ninety-pound  French bikini designer who carried easily  eighty pound loads while making numerous ~  first ascents in the Andes and Himalayas.  "Arlene Blum then tells the stories of her  .own major, climbs. The classic story of  the 1978 Annapurna expedition is briefly  told. The lecture follows the historic  route of the climb up precipitous slopes  through storms, avalanches, the summit  day, and the loss of the second summit  team two days later. Then Blum recounts  the adventures of eight women climbers  from the U.S., India and New Zealand who  made" the first ascent of Bhrigupanth. The  lecture concludes with brief accounts of  |important recent women's climbs and a  series of striking portraits of women  climbing in the Himalayas and of Himalayan  women. The motivation for all-women  climbs - to gain confidence, technical  ability and leadership skills - will be  explained, and upcoming expeditions of men  and women climbing as equals will be  ' discussed.  "Thousands of slides were taken on these  expeditions; the best will be presented  in a two-projector format with a dissolve  unit, accompanied by Himalayan and Western music."  (See Bulletin Board for event information)  Association news  Media Kit  The Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women and Sport (CAAW&S) has compiled a media kit for sportwriters designed to combat the overwhelmingly sexist  content of sports pages, as well as introduce them to CAAW&S.  Repeatedly, the kit points out that women  are participating in sports more now than  ever before, interested in hearing about  it more than ever before, and that a media  directed solely at men is no longer accept'  able.  The package also talks about CAAW&S, its  history, goals, and strategies for action,  and provides a bibliography of.resource  materials.  Seminar  On the weekend of October 14-16, CAAW&S  will be holding a Leadership Seminar,  bringing together CAAW&S members and interested women from all regions of B.C. The  emphasis of the seminar will be on promoting women's sports participation, and  providing information on how to organize  and gain access to facilities.  The seminar will be at Kitsilano Community  Centre, 2690 Larch St., Vancouver. Contact  CAAW&S to register: 1200 Hornby Street,  Vancouver, V6Z 2E2, 687-3333, loc. 266.  P October'83 Kinesis 11  ABORTION  ...where to from here?  It  is  by Emma Kivisild and Patty Gibson  time for a reassessment.  As women gather in pro-choice rallies and  demonstrations across the country, throughout the weekend of October 1, they will  also be taking stock of where the abortion  issue now stands, and the course the pro-  choice campaign will take in the forthcoming months.  The battle women have waged for their  rights to choice on abortion now spans  more than a decade. And yet, the most recent wave of attacks on the pro-choice  movement has pushed it into its most defensive posture to date. Raids on freestanding abortion clinics in both Toronto  and Winnipeg. Joe Borowski's recent pro-  fetus fiasco in the Regina courts. The  stacking of numerous local hospital board  elections. A barrage of sensationalist  advertising, and viscious public statements  by increasingly outspoken anti-abortionists. The arson attack intended for the  Toronto clinic that instead devastated  the Toronto Women's Bookstore.  It seems that despite the impressive  statistical support for choice in this  country, the movement itself is barely  weathering the storm. Where it once seemed  possible to win a relaxation of the current laws regarding abortion, it now appears that just the reverse could happen.  Until the establishment of Morgentaler's  free standing abortion clinics once again  brought the choice campaign into the public eye, anti-abortion antics dominated  the stage. For some time, the majority of  the feminist movement seemed content to  entrust the issue to those groups whose  primary mandate was to continue the work  begun by the women involved wi£h the Abortion Caravan of 1.970. The move to establish abortion clinics, however, has escalated both feminist initiative on the  issue as well as intensifying the blows of  the new right.  To realize the dangerous position we are  now in, is reason to evaluate the goals  and strategies of the pro-choice campaign.  Is this movement fully determined by women? Has the abortion debate, especially  as it is played out in the courts, become  primarily a debate between men? What are  our goals regarding choice? Is not the demand that abortion become an issue between  a woman and her doctor a paradox within a  movement fighting for freedom from a male-  controlled medical establishment? Have we  inadvertantly allowed the so-called .'pro-  life' movement to define the parameters  of such a fundamental women'_s issue?  There is no doubt that feminists, over the  years, have maintained an immovable position regarding choice on abortion. For all  of us, the principles of the issue are  clear cut. However, it is disturbing that  abortion remains little more than an addendum to developing feminist thought on  other issues relating to control of our  bodies: violence against women, pornography, healing, lay midwifery and home birth,  sexual preference, and sexual freedom of  all kinds.  It is time the anti-abortion position was  understood for what it is: direct manipulation of our fertility and continuing  enslavement of female sexuality. It is  time the issue was fought on that level  as well. Otherwise, we will continue to  be pressured into haggling over whether or  not abortion is murder, whether or not the  rights of the fetus should supercede the  rights of the mother, whether or not little  feet, little hands, or little fingernails  mean little thinking human beings, and  if termination of unwanted pregnancies is  but the first step in a march toward the  It is time the anti-abortion  position was understood for  what it is: direct manipulation of  our fertility and continuing  enslavement of female sexuality.  It is time the issue was fought on  the level as well.  elimination of -the aged, so-called social  misfits, handicapped people and so on.  This is the tangent we have been forced to  debate because the real issues %at the  heart of the pro-choice movement have not  been forced upon the opposition. To be  fighting for choice on abortion alone means  we are locked into a defensive position.  Essentially, we have been robbed of all the  other options right from the start. Without full control of our sexuality and our  reproductive lives, without our own safe  and effective means of controlling our  fertility, unable to be safe on the streets,  in our workplaces or in our home, cut off  from economic and social independence,  women take up the struggle for choice on  abortion as the last recourse available to  them. In a world where women were liber  ated from these constraints, abortion,  as we now know it, would be extremely rare.  The so-called 'pro-life' movement is an  anti-sex movement. Anti-sex education,  anti-birth control, and anti-sex with any  other motive than procreation. For these  people, carrying a fetus to term is not  born of deep concern for human life. Rather, at its best it is an assertion that  women's role is primarily that of a receptacle and at its worst it is an intent to  punish those young women who have 'indulged' in sexual activity before marriage.  This puritannical ethec is one which feminists are fighting on numerous fronts.  It is the root which sees women as evil,  and as beings whose sexual powers must  be harnessed within the confines of marr  riage and overall male control. It is the  motive force that drove women from their  historical role as healers and ultimately  burned an estimated nine million female  lay healers as witches during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. "The  crime of these women," says Claudia Dreif-  us in her introduction to Seizing Our  Bodies,   "was often nothing more than the  fact that they were keepers of traditional knowledge about childbirth, abortion  and contraception." The drive to remove  women from any independant role in healing  practices, she states, "came from a male  fear that female healers would provide  their sisters with instruments of biologic  liberation."  So here.we have the crux of the problem.  The replacement of women healers by the  male gynecological establishment represents a central power over women's lives  that is not undercut by any of our demands  for "a woman's right to choose".  As Lisa Freedman and Susan Ursel state in  the July issue of Broadside,  men have always wanted control over women's ability  to procreate. "From this perspective,"  they say, "laws which are permissive of  abortion make sense in that they allow  men to control women's ability to terminate pregnancy while at the same time offering the relative safety of procedures performed by licensed doctors." They go on  to point, out that when women begin to use  the service more freely than some would  like, or if they demand control over the  service itself, "the clamouring for  stricter laws begins. This clamouring has  nothing to do with a  sudden rediscovery of  the holiness of life,  and has everything  to do with a per-   |  ceived loss of con-  i  trol."  Given this context.  it is questionable  continued on p. 18  R  V°se  , -WMMTIOK  ms&hM  €*  m^m^J  /soK SW TMM WIN IN MPL & PRtClOUJ lift    |jj  \m am crimld. mis mcwum wbtsn. 12 Kinesis October'83  Canadians act on choice  Thanks to Marva Blackmore and Concerned  Citizens for Choice on Abortion for the  information on this page.  On October 1, 1983, the Day of  Action for Choice.on Abortion,  the Canadian Abortion Rights  Action League and pro-choice  groups and coalitions across  Canada called on their supporters to visibly demonstrate  support for a woman's right to  choose.  At press time, groups in vir-  tually every province were  calling on governments to defend a woman's right to choose,  remove abortion from the Criminal Code, and legalize freestanding abortion clinics.  British Columbia:  A march and  rally is taking place in Victoria. In Vancouver, Lynn  Crocker, Head Nurse at the Win-  nipeg Free Standing Abortion  Canadian abortion laws  Canadian abortion law is based on British law. Prior to 1800  English common law reflected Catholic doctrine and made a  distinction between early and late abortions. It was believed  that the soul entered the body at "quickening" - the time  when movements were first felt by the woman. However, abortion  after quickening was not considered a serious crime, but  rather, a misdemeanor.  After 1803 abortion after quickening became a capital offense  which qualified for the death penalty for the abortionist. The  woman who attempted to obtain her own abortion was not punished.  Abortion ceased to be a capital offense in 1837. The penalty  was set as transportation overseas for 15 years or three years  imprisonment. The distinction between early and late abortions  was removed.  "tipilli  Canada inherited the 1861 British legislation which also made  the woman liable to charges as well. She could be imprisoned  for three years to life. We also inherited the 1937 Bourne  precedent which said abortion was justified if the doctor is  of the opinion that the probable consequence of the birth  would be to make the woman a "mental or physical wreck".  In 1967 the British liberalized their own abortion law. Canada  followed in 1969 with ammendment to the Criminal Code which  removed contraception from the Code and set up our present law  which allows abortion under some circumstances.  The laws which make abortion legal or illegal are made by the  -federal government. The provincial governments, in turn,  administer the law. They decide who will be charged with an  offense and prosecuted. The provincial governments also provide health care services. They certify the doctors, approve-  hospitals, and provide funding for medical services.  The only surgical procedure referred to in the federal Criminal  Code of Canada is abortion. Section 251 of that Code says anyone who does anything to cause a miscarriage is liable to  imprisonment for life. The same section makes a woman who  tries to abort herself or allows anyone to abort her liable  to imprisonment for two years. Another part of the Criminal  Code makes any person who aids or encourages the doctor or the  woman to do these acts guilty of the crime as well.  The same law that makes abortion a serious crime also creates  an exception. Abortion is not a criminal act if: a) it is performed by a medical doctor; b) in an approved or accredited  hospital; c) after being approved by the majority of a  committee of three other doctors; d) who certify in writing  that continuation of the pregnancy would or would be likely to  endanger the woman's life or health.  Removing all sections referring to abortion from the Criminal  Code would make abortion a matter to be decided by a woman  and her doctor. It would make abortion an operation to be  performed according to the general rules which apply to all  other medical operations.    *'Äû v**5^.  Clinic, will speak at a rally  following a march through  downtown Vancouver.  Alberta:  A film day is scheduled in Edmonton and the women in  Calgary are sponsoring a march  and rally.  Saskatchewan:  Marjorie Maguire,  from Catholics for a Free  Choice, spoke in Moose Jaw on  Sept. 29, Regina on Sept. 30  and will headline a public  meeting being held in Saskatoon  on Oct. 1. Organizers in Regina  are also planning a parade  followed by guerilla theatre  on Oct. 1.  Manitoba:  The Coalition for Reproductive Choice is sponsoring a rally at the legislative  buildings which will be followed by a Choice-a-thon. Participants are invited to walk,  run, skip, bicycle, wheelchair,  or whatever (your choice) ten  kilometers in support of choice.  Ontario:  A Parliament Hill  demonstration is planned for  Ottawa and a march and rally in  Toronto. CARAL/Hamilton is  arranging for supporters to  join the demonstration in Toronto and in Kitchener-Waterloo  supporters will parade through  the downtown, get on busses  and attend the Toronto rally.  Quebec: Organizers in Montreal  are planning a press conference  ana public meeting.  New Brunswick: A demonstration  will take place in front of the  legislature in Fredericton.  Nova Scotia: There will be an  information evening at the 'Y'  in Halifax.  Besides these major events,  groups in other communities a-  cross the country are circulating petitions and letters to be  signed. There are information  booths being set up and telegrams sent in support of choice.  Pro-choice groups across the  country have been using the  same poster, logo, and demands.  A nation-wide endorser list has  been compiled and the Winnipeg  coalition designed buttons,  bumper stickers, and t-shirts  which are being sold on Oct. 1  mmm  i  Churches support choice  In a report published in 1982  and approved by the National  Executive Council of the  Anglican Church, it was stated  that abortion may be morally  permissable if, for economic  and social reasons, a pregnant  woman's physical health and  sanity was seriously threatened.  Although refusing to take a  stand on free-standing abortion clinics until further  study, the committee advocated  equal access to legal abortion.  "We believe...women should not  be denied access to legal  abortion because of geographi  cal, financial or other irrelevant factors."  Urging Anglicans to "put their  money where their mouth is" -  to offer alternatives to abortion - the report says parishes  must offer more practical  assistance to pregnant woman  and lobby government for better  financial and social benefits  for single mothers. It also  supported birth control information being provided earlier  in school in order to reduce  the incidence of abortion.  The Unitarian Church has been  a vocal supporter of a woman's  right to choose for many years.  They were presenting briefs to  continued on p. 16 October'83 Kinesis 13  j Among those arrested at the raid of the Winnipeg free |  standing   abortion   clinic  was   Head   Nurse,   Lynn \  | Crocker. She is facing two charges of conspiracy to |  procure abortions, and one of procuring abortions, j  She speaks here about her experiences at the clinic, I  and   her   beliefs   and   hopes   for   the   pro-choice )  j movement.  byGwenKallio  In May,   1983 Dr.  Henry Morgentaler,  a  major proponent of abortion rights in  Canada, opened a free standing abortion  clinic in Winnipeg.  This clinic,  his  first outside Quebec,  was set up in direct  challenge to Section 251 of the Criminal  Code.   Under this Section, abortions may  only be performed in an approved or  accredited hospital with the permission  of a panel of doctors who believe the  mother's health will be endangered by continuing the pregnancy.   The Manitoba government has refused to approve Morgentaler' s clinic as a hospital.  On June 3,   the clinic was raided by police.  Dr.  Morgentaler and eight of his staff  were later charged with conspiracy to  procure abortions.  Despite-thisi  and the  loss of records  and some equipment,  the clinic re-opened.  A second police raid took place on June  25.   This time the police confiscated  most of the equipment and again charged  the staff with conspiracy.   Three of the  staff were also charged with procuring  abortions.  Kinesis:  Perhaps you can begin by explaining a bit about your own background, and  what brought you to the pro-choice movement and the Morgentaler clinic.  Crocker:   I am a registered nurse and have  taken training as a nurse practitioner  at McMaster University. My background  has been primarily in the field of Public  Health, and I first made contact with women by doing health care, counselling  and education about family planning at  community health centres - particularly  at Klinic in Winnipeg. I've also been  involved with sexual assault programs at  community health centres and have done  volunteer counselling with them.  I became involved with the Morgentaler  Clinic at a time when I was between  positions. I was approached and asked if  I would be interested in working with  Dr. Morgentaler in his clinic. Actually,  at first I said that although I was very  supportive of the cause I couldn't see  myself being able to deal with the publicity. I did get a call one Sunday evening from Dr. Morgentaler - someone had  given him my name, and we talked. Although I had never spoken to him before,  I felt very comfortable. We met a couple  of weeks later and he offered me the job.  I was very excited, I remember, but at  the same time very anxious. I didn't  give him my decision right away, but took  a lot of time to think about it. I made .  myself say "No" for while...doesn't that  sound odd...I rejected it at first and  relaxed enough to think, "No, you don't  have to take it." I realized then that I  really wanted to be part of it.  K:  Did you anticipate the possibility of  raids and charges at that point?  C:  I did know what Dr. Morgentaler had  gone through when he was charged ten -  years ago. I did know that there were  risks although we had no idea that the  police would go to the extent they have  in Manitoba by charging all the staff.  K:  The clinic in Winnipeg was raided -  tell us about what happened.  C:  Actually, we really never expected a  raid. The doctors had made it quite  public that they would co-operate fully  with authorities if they wanted information..  On June 3 we came to work and immediately  knew it was an unusual day - we saw these  plainclothes police and cars all over  the clinic district. The day proceeded  as usual - the staff at the clinic were  just wonderful, absolutely an excellent  staff. In fact we had just begun our day  when we heard a commotion downstairs and  heard people rushing through the building  and banging on doors. We were afraid they  were going to come through them!  "The police were very  apologetic and embarrassed  during the first raid. During the  second raid I was very angry  seeing women in tears and  watching the continual  harrassment.  Abortion clinic staff charged by police after  raid in Winnipeg.  women. We have a warm, caring clinic and  people recognize this.  After about a week, the staff was formally  charged.  K: After the raid, you went back to the  clinic and re-opened. Then, a couple of  weeks later, you were raided again.  C:  Yes...this time we definitely did not  expect it, as they had all the records...  everything. This time when we heard the  commotion, we had a pretty good idea what  was happening.  It was interesting though, to see the reaction of the police officers. They were very  apologetic and embarrassed during the first  raid. During the second raid I was very  angry... seeing these women in tears and  watching a continual harrassment. The police  were really hound-dog, you know, hanging  their heads down. One officer couldn't look  me in the eye, he talked to me looking somewhere over my shoulder. We were taken to  the Public Safety Building and charged  again.  K:  What is happening at the clinic now?  C:  Right now I'm the only person at the  clinic on salary - half-time salary because  of our financial situation. The rest of  the staff are helping where they can, and  waiting. I talked to them last night when  I knew I was going to be talking to you and  asked them how their morale was, and they  said, "Tell them it's great! We're waiting  to get this all over with so we can get  back to work!"  The support has been remarkable. I had no  idea when I started at the clinic that so  many people were there for us. People come  to me and say, "I really "believe in what  you're doing. This has to happen1" There's  just so much support that it far outnumbers  those who are opposed.  Women are still calling the clinic and now  we have opened it for basic primary care.  We have doctors coming here to volunteer  their time. I see a real need for us to do  more. There is such a gap in the area of  counselling, aside from everything else.  Women need a place just to go to when they  are faced with making this difficult decision -sometimes only to talk.  Some of the doors to examining,rooms were  locked. The intruders did not identify themselves at first, just knocking, "Bang, Bang,  Bang". When they did identify themselves,  we opened the doors and let them in.  The police segregated everyone so the staff  couldn't go near any of the women who were  in the clinic that day. They were all pushed together. It was very upsetting for the  staff to see the women who were really  anxious about their condition to begin with,  become more and more upset!  K:  What happened to those women?  C:  I understand they were questioned and  taken to the Public Safety Building, where  they were questioned further. They were  taken separately from the staff, so I'm not  sure what happened there. Some of these women have since contacted us. There is a  real closeness between the staff and these  One woman I saw recently called me in the  evening and was very distraught. She was  into her mid-trimester and had been informed by a doctor that she'd had rubella early  in her pregnancy. She was having to make a  decision about terminating and had been  given no help or support by that doctor.  That is what all of us at the clinic are  there for - to be there for these women.  The need is so great. We're doing a little  bit but we sure wish we could do more.  K:  When do you go to trial?  C:  The preliminary trial date in Winnipeg  is set for October 5. At that point I  gather that the trial date will be set - if  there is a trial.  K:  Well, you certainly carry a great many  people's good wishes and hopes with you  into that courtroom!  C:  Thanks, your support helps keep us going. 14 Kinesis October'83  October ^3 Kinesis 15  by Cole Dudley  On April 28,  1979,  the Abortion Caravan  left Vancouver and travelled across Canada to support the cause of free abortion  on demand.  They stopped at cities along  the way where they gained supporters and  publicized their demands\  The Caravan  arrived in Ottawa on May 9th.  Mother's  Day was the 10th and on the 11th the women  declared war on the Government of Canada.  Margo Dunn was one of the women who travelled with the Caravan. Below is her account  of the trip to Ottawa, given during an  interview with Kinesis.  Women in Vancouver had been actively working on the abortion issue since the '60's.  I have seen letters in archival material  to John Diefenbaker, trying to get the law  out of the Criminal Code. In that general  sexual offenses bill of 1969, where homosexuality was decriminalized, Trudeau  liberalized the abortion law and set up  all the red tape we have today. This  brought the issue before many women's eyes.  The whole women's movement was beginning  to gel about 1968-1969. Control over our  bodies became a very basic issue. Women  here started thinking about the possibility of doing a caravan, drawing from those  treks to Ottawa during the great labour  struggles. Ours would be unique in that it  would be the first women's action of that  kind. We wanted to draw support for the  abortion cause because it seemed like a  prime time to act. The law was not as firmly entrenched as it is today and we wanted  to get it off the books. We wanted abortion  to be a matter of a woman's free choice, to  be provided safely and humanely in clinics  and to be paid for by the government.  We also stressed secondary issues like control over our bodies in general in terms  of safe, effective birth control and the  connections with the pharmaceutical industry and how large it was in Canada. I think  the group of us who were active on this  issue were always aware of the other side  of the coin - abortion as genocide. Compul-  sary sterilization for poor women, for  Native women. We were aware that abortion  could be used against women as well as to  our benefit.  Women did a lot of pre-organization in  writing to all the women's groups where we  were going to stop and asking if they  could provide us with accommodation. We  also wrote to Trudeau, Turner(then Justice  Minister), Monroe(then Health Minister),  asking to meet with them. We received  positive responses from the women's groups  but were denied meetings with the Prime  Minister and the MP's. When we wrote to  our law-makers, we always referred to our-  There were 17 of us who, for various reasons were able to travel on the caravan.  We were all from Vancouver except for one  woman from Nova Scotia, who happened to  be out here at the time and traveled across  with us. Some women, because of children  or jobs, were not able to go with us,  whild others flew out to Ottawa just for  the rally. No children went with us.  We started our trip with a rally at the  courthouse the morning of the 28th. One  thing that struck me at the time was one  of the women who turned up for the rally.  She was Mary Norton, a suffragist active  in the suffrage movement in the early part  of the century. There was a real continuum  of the old radicals and new radicals.  Throughout this whole thing we always had  a sense of history.  Our vehicles consisted of a volkswagon van  which carried a coffin on top representing  the women who died of illegal abortions,  a pick-up truck which had been camperized  and had an intercom between the cab and the  structure on bake, and one large car. The  VW van was very dramatic because of the  coffin and because it had slogans painted  all over it. Definitely something you would  notice on the highway. We also had tapes  and quite large speakers and whenever we  reached a new town we would play this tape.  We had a tape of songs by Elaine Brown(she  was the education minister of the Black  Panthers), which were wonderful, passionate liberation songs. Also, Judy Collins'  version of Marat/Sade. We would blare this  over the loud speakers with, of course, a  voice saying what the abortion caravan was  about.  We had a very packed agenda, stopping in  Kamloops, Calgary, Edmonton, Regina,  Saskatoon, Winnipeg, Thunder Bay, Sudbury,  Toronto and then Ottawa. We stopped in  smaller towns only if we had time and there  we would ride up and down the streets with  the tape on. In each large town we would  have a major parade and a public meeting  in the evening. The women's centre or women's liberation group in each place organized this, as well as our accommodation.  The women were expecting us because of our  earlier communication and would paint  their cars and bring banners for our arrival. We also did guerilla theatre. The  four or five women doing theatre would take  off as soon as we got to a-town and find  out where all the malls were. They would  run in and do their performance and run  out again to rejoin, us.  The way that we organized ourselves along  the way was the most democratic part of  the women's movement in which I have ever  been involved. Each night we would plan,  first of all, who rode in what vehicle  and who would speak at the public meetings  and meet the press. The speakers and the  women meeting the press were organized in  this way: a woman who considered herself  experienced and a woman who considered  herself inexperienced would work together,  so by the time we got to Ottawa, every woman had done both tasks. There were no  stars.  We also made a very great effort not to use  our own names in any publicity, not from  any fear of reprisals, but simply because  we felt that we weren't stars and were  only able to go on the caravan through  circumstance. So, we would use the names  of famous feminist women who, of course,  ;were not famous'at that time. Consequently,  there are press clippings that say, "Emma  Goldman said for the abortion caravan..."  We used names like Helena Gutteridge (a  Vancouver alderwoman) and the Pankhursts.  All these names crop up in old press clippings because the media always demands a  name for a quote.  We had very little harassment across the  country - a lot less than we expected.  Just once, in Wawa Ontario, the van carrying the coffin was given a ticket for something absolutely impossible, like failure  to stop at a non-existant stop sign. We  had to fork out $25 for this. In Thunder  Bay we had one instance of a meeting being  broken up by Catholic anti-abortionists.  There were quite a number of them and they  waited until half an hour into the meeting  and then started to scream "murderers" so  the meeting was broken up immediately. It  was impossible to continue. Also, there  was a bit of a scuffle on the way outside.  We had asked to be able to stay together,  not to be billeted in houses separately.  So, we slept in United Church basements  all along the way. There must have been  some support from the Church. We wanted  to stay as a cohesive group and with our  schedule we couldn't be scattered around.  The meetings were quite important because  usually women from the towns would speak  as well as women from the caravan. Inevitably, when the floor was thrown open for  -discussion women would get up and tell the  most appalling stories of things that had  happened to them through illegal abortions  or through bearing children that they had  not wanted. And quite often we would wind  up in tears at the end of the night. There  was quite a lot of emotion involved.  One thing I remember happening that connected us with the world apart from ourselves,  was when I walked into a store in Sudbury  and saw the headlines of the students shot  at Kent State. I think we hadn't noticed  the invasion of Cambodia because we were  so wrapped up in what we were doing. We had  tossed around the idea of breaking up Parliament and the shootings represented what  was happening to people who were doing this  kind of thing in the States. We were really  horrified.   Wg$4i  I don't think we encountered any personal  strain or annoyance on the way across. I  was determined that I was going to remain  the person I saw muself as, so I carried  along a candle and flask of brandy and a  saki cup. I was a night person and would  lie at night in my sleeping bag sipping  brandy and reading or writing poetry by  the light candle. I was really on  Cloud 9. There was something about the  exhileration, the joy of struggle, the  intensity of it that turned me on. I have  this very glowing picture of the abortion  caravan despite the fact that I was very  ill with asthma for the first four days.  There were strains on a political level  because we didn't come out of any common  political philosophy. Abortion was an  issue we agreed on - we didn't use the word  "choice" then - but there was quite a  difference in the analysis of how much of  the system had to be changed along with  the abortion laws. There was definite disagreement among us on that level.  A lot of this discussion crystalized  around one of the slogans that had been  written on the van - "smash capitalism".  There were women who felt that the slogan  would*be really offensive to people who  would support us around the abortion issue.  Each night after we had done our driving,  our theatre, and our public meeting we  would go back, organize our schedule for  the next day and then have a discussion  about taking the slogan off the side of  the van. Some nights we only got to sleep  by 2a.m., and we had to get up at 6 or 7a.m.  to do this massive day's driving. By the  forth or fifth night we were absolutely  exhausted.  I was one who thought the slogan should be  on the van. I felt that quite strongly,  but certainly the issue wasn't going to  go away and we had to keep peace in the  group. Finally we decided to repaint it.  Some women got up early in the morning and  painted over the smash capitalism.  When we pulled into Ottawa there were over  500 people waiting. Hundreds of women had  rented buses and come from Toronto and a  smaller contingent from Quebec. Some Francophone women sent a telegram saying that  they supported our efforts but didn't feel  in a position to declare war on the Government of Canada because they didn't believe  in the Government of Canada. All along the  route, on every telephone pole, were signs  that said "the women are coming"! We  arrived on May 9th and stayed for three  days, bunking in an old high school.  That- day there was a public meeting in the  Railway Committee Room of the House of  Commons to which there were invited speakers - Dr. Henry Morgentaler, NDP MP Grace  Maclnnis and a woman from Toronto who gave  one of the most powerful speeches I have  ever heard. It was reprinted in the anthology of writings from the women's movement,  Women Unite.   The woman's name was Doris  Power and she was eight months pregnant  with a child she had tried to have aborted.  She was a welfare mother with several  other children and she was very active in  the anti-poverty movement in Toronto. She  gave a speech that just took the roof off.  So, there was this angry crowd of women  with a lot of energy. This is the Saturday  and we had given the government until  noon on Monday to change the law but nothing was happening. Trudeau, Turner and Mun-  ro had refused to meet with us. We tried  very hard to get them to meet with us.  Trudeau was on one of his Pacific Rim tours  and John Turner sent us a telegram refusing a meeting. "The Minister of Justice  will not be available to meet with your  group on May 9th, in spite of ultimatums,  demands and threats as set out in your  letter of March 19th." We hadn't planned  anything for after the meeting but we needed to do something with all this energy  so it was kind of instantaneously decided  that this crowd would march to Trudeau's  house.  Some women from Vancouver beetled' out and  got the coffin and dragged it over while  the rest of us walked to 24 Sussex Drive. -  We had a sense through the whole thing  that they didn't take us very seriously.  When we got to the gate, it was wide  open and there were only three RCMP officers there. That was it. And so we waltzed  on in. There were a few men supporters  marching with us and they got into a bit  of a scuffle position with the RCMP. You  see, the police couldn't handle the fact  that there were women coming through the  gates and they glommed onto the men and  tried to make an issue. One of the RCMP  officers drew a gun and someone from the  back started yelling, "Sit down. Sit down,  they've got guns." This caused a bit of  a panic. If those people -had not yelled  about the gun we would have gone into the  House. What we would have done once we  were in, I don't know.  There we were sitting on Trudeau's lawn;  hundreds of people. Some women started  saying that they were going to sit there  until the law was changed but others  wanted to get off the lawn. Then it started to rain. It was difficult to think of  a gracious way of getting out without  losing face.  Meanwhile, there were more and more police  arriving. Some women went up to the door  to see if Trudeau was in and were told he  was away. Instead, his aide Gordon Gibson  came out of the house, to try to mollify us.  We were in a bit of a dilemma, having  nothing prepared to do. So, we decided to  present the coffin which we had carried  across Canada and leave it on the doorstep.  In my shoulder bag I had some of the instruments women use for do-it-yourself  abortions - a coat hanger, a tube, a  vacuum cleaner hose, a can(empty) of Draino  and a few other things like that. I had  been carrying these things with the hope  of giving them to any cabinet minister  who would listen. I also had a speech prepared which was quite gruesome.  The instruments I presented to Gordon  Gibson along with the speech in which I  said,. "This is a vacuum cleaner hose. Women use it for the suction to withdraw  the fetus from their bodies. It often removes the entire uterus. This is a can of  Draino. Women inject it into their uteruses  to attempt an abortion. It turns their in-  sides into soup." It went on with the  rious tools that have been used and their  dire consequences.  We met in the school ail through Sunday  and there was a great debate as to whether  we should have a demonstration on the hill  or just go away and call it quits. I remem-.  her one woman saying that we shouldn't  go into the House of Commons like a bunch  of screaming banshees but use the example  of the British suffragists who did outrageous acts, but always with dignity.  Somehow, that seemed to sway things.  Finally, we decided that 35 women would go  into the Houses of Parliament (for which  we had tickets to the four different  galleries) and by bicycle chains, chain  themselves to the seats. They would each  say a memorized speech which had the whole  analysis. It was a short speech that said  abortion should be removed from the Criminal Code because of the deaths of women and  because we had a right to control over our  bodies. As the guards would go to get one  woman, another in an opposite gallery  would stand up and start the speech over.  Consequently, there would be a continuous  speech going on and a chance that some  parts of it would be heard.  This was scheduled for 3:30p.m. At 3:00,  hundreds of us went to the eternal flame.  We had red kerchiefs on like the women in  the French Revolution had worn, and over  them we work larger, black kerchiefs.  There was a silent, very well-marshalled  demonstration where we marched two by two  with bowed heads around the eternal flame.  We intended this to appear to be the war  of the women against the Government of  Canada.  We fully expected to be arrested and had  chosen women to go inside who had no  incumberances. In fact, there were no extra  guards posted at all. They had no idea  that we would actually do anything like  that.  The action was extremely well-organized.  We had a list of every woman who went inside and bail money in case anyone was  arrested. We had also conferred with a  lawyer as to the possible charges "that  could be laid against us.  |^¬ßSff?  At 3:30 they started and the first woman  stood up to begin her speech. The security  guards grabbed her and the next woman stood  up to continue the speech. After about the  third speaker, the guards realized that  they needed hack saws. But by this point  there was complete pandomonium and the  guards began to get nasty.  Nobody was arrested. A few women were  taken to the basement and given a lecture  on being "good girls". They didn't even  threaten to lay charges, so our legal  preparations turned out to be unnecessary.  continued next page  Nobody was  arrested. A  few women  were taken to  the basement  and given a  lecture on  being "good  girls". 16 Kinesis October'83  Borowski's fetus fiasco  by Abby Ulmer  On May 9, 1983, the city of  Regina began to host one of the  most absurd court spectacles  in its history: the challenge  to the 1969 therapeutic abortion law. Joe Borowski, a former Manitoba cabinet minister,  launched the action and was  given the right to speak on  behalf of the fertilized ova. -  Borowski claims that parts of  Section 251 of the Canadian  Criminal Code are invalid because they infringe upon the  rights of the unborn. Special  intermediary status had been  sought earlier in the year by  the Canadian Abortion Rights  Action League (CARAL) and the  Canadian Civil Liberties Association to allow the voice of  women to be heard.Their requests were denied thus allowing many to speak on behalf of  the fetus and none to speak on  behalf of Canadian \  Morris Shumiatcher, for a heft-  y fee in the range of $300,000  agreed to represent Borowski.  To this end he contacted nine  "expert" witnesses from around  the world to testify as to when  life begins. The Justice Department, represented by Edward Sojonky, was mistakenly  under the assumption that this  medical testimony would not be  allowed as evidence in the  court. Their argument being,  that the court case was to be  based on the constitutionality  of the law and not when life  begins. However, on the first  day of trial, Justice W.R.  Matheson agreed that the nine  "expert" witnesses would be  allowed their day in court.  This day lasted two weeks.  Sir William Liley, a professor  in perinatal medicine from  Auckland, New Zealand called  women "...scratchy and bitchy"  when pregnant and claimed that  during this time women con-  stantly change their minds. He  also stated a correlation between women who have had a-  bortions and abuse their children and said that women have  abortions for convenience. Liley also mentioned that there  .would be no medical situation  where a woman's life would be  endangered by a pregnancy. Under cross-examination however,  Liley had to admit that indeed  there might be some cases  where a woman would die unless  she had an abortion.  Our next "expert" was Dr. Jerome Lejedne, a geneticist from  Paris, France. After providing  us with a serious talk on impregnating cattle and "...tiny  cattle beings" he stated  "there is little difference  between a cow and a woman."  The difference is that the  mother who is "just a recipient to the fetus," knows when  she is pregnant, whereas a  cow does not. He went so far  as to refer'to "Mrs. Charolais"  and Mrs. Holstein". Lejeune  then continued to describe the  dancing of the eleven week old  fetus and elaborated on the  Tom Thumb fairy tale.  IX  was incredible to see all  of the above categorized under  the guise of "expert" testi- ;'Ģ  mony. Through the rest of the  court proceedings mention was  never made of faulty or dangerous contraception; we were  told that victims of rape and  incest should be forced to  continue their pregnancies to  term; socioeconomic considerations were mentioned, but were  swept under the rug and not  considered closely. At various  points we were also shown a  slide of an eleven week old  fetus and the size of a hand  (in actuality a fetus at eleven weeks is approximately one  and a half inches long) we  were told that the "...child  is not part of a woman's body";  we were shown several slides  of happy husband, wife and  baby; and inundated with terms  such as "tiny chap", "little  people", "baby" and almost exclusively the fetus was referred to as "he". We were also  treated to Dr. Harly Smythe,  a neurosurgeon, who so eloquently stated, "I am the fetus that was".  Dr. Donald Carnduff, administrator at the Regina General  Hospital, was quizzed about  how the therapeutic abortion  committee at the General works.  Many courtroom observers were  shocked when Schumiatcher  entered a number of confidential patient records of women  who had obtained abortions at  the Regina General in past  years; there was some confusion before the names on these  were blacked out.  Testimony was allowed from a  woman who said she had three  miscarriages because God was  punishing her for an abortion  she had when a teenager.  After all the "scientific"  evidence, it was with extreme  shock that the women of Canada  witnessed the government's lawyer state they did not dispute  the medical evidence. But they  did not consider it the argument In point. Sojonky's evidence consisted of the 'Badge-  ley Report on the Operation of  the Therapeutic Abortion Law'  and two reports from Statistics Canada. We had therefore  been subjected to "right to  life" propaganda with no refutation stated in court. This  has serious implications for  any higher court that the case  goes to. The Supreme Court, for  example, would look over the  evidence as was presented, no  new evidence or witnesses  would be allowed in. To our  eyes it appeared as if the  Justice Department was not  overly concerned in defending  their legislation. Due to this  lack of defense, the anti-abortionists received the best  press they have ever had.  It was only during the final  summations that the Justice  Department actually presented  their case. Sojonky argued that  the abortion law was set up foi  particular situations, that it  should remain as is within the  code and that the fetus is not  a legal entity and therefore  does not have the same rights  as a legal person. To this end  he also discussed the wording  of the constitution and presented legal cases to prove  his point.  Court was adjourned on May 27,  1983 and we now await a decision from Justice Matheson.  continued from p.12  'the government in the late  sixties and continue to offer  support to groups in the pro-  choice movement.  Catholics for a Free Choice  (CFFC) - In the United States,  a national group of Catholics  is speaking out on behalf of  reproductive freedom and abortion rights. Stating that they  are the voice of the 72% of  Catholics who are pro-choice,  they point out that before 1869,  the Catholic Church held that  the early fetus did not have a  soul and early abortion was  therefore permissible. Since  Pope Pius IX declared that the  fetus was a person at conception, Church practice has continued to contradict the opinion that a fully human life  begins at conception.  The Church does not baptize  the fetus in the womb, even if  there is danger of miscarriage. It does not bury stillborn or miiscarried fetuses, or  provide them with the last  rites of the church. Only in  the case of abortion does the  church currently presume a  soul and concern itslef with  its destiny.  It is not only the lay Catholics who are parting company  with the Church's hard line on  abortion. The National Coali-o  tion of American Nuns has also  taken a pro-choice stand.  While continuing to oppose  abortion in both principle  and practice, they state that  they consider abortion to be  "a matter of conscientious  moral choice for women to make.  You can't make a law that  forces consensus on a moral  conscience issue."  Other religious groups taking  public pro-choice positions  include the Lutheran Church of  America, the National Council  of Jewish Women, American  Baptist Churches (USA), United  Church of Christ, and the  United Presbyterian Church in  the USA to name but a few.  continued from p. 15  As the women came running our the front doors, we all cheered  and there was a joyful reunion. Meanwhile, we had all whipped  off our black kerchiefs at 3:30 when the action started inside.  We marched up the* steps of the Parliament buildings and three  or four women spoke about our war on Canada and how we would  not stop until abortion was completely legal. It was about a  half an hour before the first women came running out.  The House of Commons was shut down for 45 minutes, which was  a first. I remember Turner saying that these women have set  their cause back ten years. The media reported us a group of  screaming women.  After the action, we went back home to our respective communities to initiate the work we had decided on the day before.  Since we understood this kind of action, rally or demonstration  couldn't be carried on every week; it wasn't the way to get  the law changed. The most important thing now for us to do was  for each woman to work in her own community, trying to get  abortion made more available and to get a ground swell of support. Access to abortions in large cities was relatively easy",  but things needed to change in the small towns. Hospitals needed to be pushed to do more and more abortions and we needed to  find ways to cut through the red tape.  Personally, I found this action very politicizing. The main  thing was getting in touch with the joy of struggle. It was  empowering to realize that we could do something with hundreds  of people, organize it in a few hours and have it work. Certainly, for me, it was politics in action.        f^Nw.. October'83 Kinesis 17  U.S. Abortion Policy:  Reagan equates  abortion  with slavery  by Barbara Kuhne  Midway through the most right-  wing administration of our lifetimes, the pro-choice movement  in the U.S. has had to fight  just to keep abortion viewed  as a medical decision rather  than as an immoral act. In a  ten-page article in Human Life  Review's spring edition, President Ronald Reagan equates  abortion with slavery as a moral wrong and says, "we cannot  survive as a free nation" as  long as legal abortion continues.  His sentiments are echoed by  right-to-life groups seeking to  enshrine fetal personhood and  to pass "feticide" laws which  equate causing the death of a  fetus with murder. Vocal anti-  abortionists continue to lobby  for the elimination of all uses  of public funds for abortions  in any context, including  state employees' health insurance payments and any funded  health care facilities.  The Right to Life Committee  convention in.July, 1983, indicated that they are designating  money for developing "well-  polished commercials" with anti-  abortion messages. Meanwhile  there are increasing numbers of  incidents of harassment and  violent intimidation directed  at the staff and clients of  abortion clinics - incidents  ranging from picketting to  property destruction, occuring  from Seattle to Boston.  Earlier this year the Illinois  Supreme Court ruled that the  state had the right to force  an abortion clinic operator to  disclose patients' names during a grand jury investigation  of possible fraud. The justices  ruled that disclosure constituted only a minimal  intrusion  of the women's privacy.  Also in the spring of this year  state legislators in Idaho  passed two anti-abortion bills.  One requires doctors to provide  women considering abortion  with state-approved photographs  of fetuses from the fourth to  the twenty-fourth week, and  literature about fetal anatomy,  physiology, and brain functions.  The other bill forbids insurance companies from providing  coverage of elective abortions  except as an option requiring  an additional premium. The bill  defines elective abortions as  abortions for reasons other  than saving the life of the  mother.   Attempts were made to  expand the definition of non-  elective to include abortions  due to pregnancy caused by incest or rape, but this amendment was dismissed on the basis  that the incidence of pregnancy  when fear is present is almost  none.  "If it's true rape and they 're  afraid, then pregnancy almost  never occurs, " said Senator  William Moore. He cited as  further evidence sources which  suggest that one-third of rapists cannot produce a pregnancy.  In Pennsylvania House Bill 669  introduced a measure that would  defund' any family planning  service in the state that so  much as offered options counselling or a referral for a  legal abortion. The bill also  provided that any agency which  violates the statute would  have to pay back its grant with  a 10% fine.  In the U.S. Senate a constitutional amendment stating "A  right to abortion is not secured by this Constitution" was  defeated  because anti-abortion  activists did not think it restrictive enough as it would  not entirely outlaw abortion  in the U.S.   We see that here,  as in the Supreme Court decisions outlined below, even  what appears as a progressive  move is actually achieved for  the wrong reasons.  'Senator in Your Bed'  Campaign  ■-**i§*  jf  ^  THE DECISION TO HAVE A BABY  COULD SOON BE  BETWEEN YOU,YOUR HUSBAND  AND YOUR SENATOR.  ABORTION IS SOMETHING PERSONAL  NOT POLITICAL  On June 15th, 1983, the U.S.  Supreme Court ruled six to  three that the government cannot interfere with the "fundamental right" to abortion  unless justified by "accepted  medical practice." This decision re-iterated a 1973  decision, Roe vs. Wade, which  held that women have a constitutional right to abortion.  The effect of the Court's  rulings will make it much more  difficult for federal, state  and local governments to pass  legislation which limits  access to abortion and which  would also be constitutional.  Laws in twenty-two states  which required that hospitals  rather than clinics perform  abortions after the first  three months of pregnancy  were invalidated by this ruling.  The Court also declared unconstitutional an Akron, Ohio  ordinance which had become a  model anti-abortion law. The  Akron law required a 24-hour  waiting period, an inflexible  list of warnings that every  ive Freedom Project of the  American Civil Liberties  Union, discusses the possible  reasons why the Court upheld  women's constitutional right  to abortions despite mounting  pressure from a right-wing  government. She notes that  the Reagan administration  filed a special brief in the  Akron case asking the Court  to defer to local legislatures on sensitive issues  like abortion. She goes on to  say that had this argument  succeeded, similar ones would  have followed in other highly  political cases such as those  concerning affirmative action  and busing, with the result  that the Court's power would  have been significantly eroded. She explains the Court's  decision to uphold the Roe vs.  Wade decision in this way:  "Why they adhered to it probably has more to do with  reaction to flagrant attempts  by the right wing to strip  courts of their institutional power and role as guardians of judicial review than  U.S. Supreme Court  upholds women's right  woman was forced to hear, and  a requirement that abortions  after the first trimester be  performed in hospitals. The  Akron decision reaffirmed  that the state does not  have  a compelling interest - that '  is, important enough to impose restrictions on the  availability of abortions -  in the fetus until after the  point of viability, which is  approximately the beginning  of the third trimester.  The Akron decision also makes  clear that abortion is the  woman's right, not the right  of a doctor-patient "unit"'.  What the decision does not  affect is the government's  right to deny funding for  women's abortions. The right  to access to abortions is  therefore conditional on the .  ability to pay.  In an analysis of the Supreme  Court's decision Nan Hunter,  a lawyer with the Reproduct-  any heartfelt devotion to the  liberation of women."  Despite this, the Court's decision is clearly an enormous  victory for women. Nan Hunter  concludes her analysis by  saying:  "Although we cannot afford  for a moment to assume that  our right to abortion is now  safely insulated, we should  take advantage of these victories.   We should use the  opportunity they give us to  assess the lessons of the last  10 years and to re-think the  directions for political work  that flow from our own feminist vision. "  (This article is compiled  from abortion coverage in the  May, June and August/September  issues of Off Our Backs.   For  the complete text of Nan Hunter's analysis of the Supreme  Court's decision, see pp. 18  & 19 of the Aug./Sept. 00B.)  THE TOP STORY IN THE  NEWS TOOAV WAS PRESIDENT REAGAN'S PRESS  CONFERENCE...  AT THE PRESS CONFER.  ENCE, MR. REAGAN REPEATED H15 SUPPORT FDR  THE NEUTRON """  MR. REAGAN ALSO REAFFIRMED  HIS OPPOSI  TION TO   ABORTION,  CITING THE SANCTITY  OF HUMAN LIFE  - Bri o«     by Mark Scgelman 18 Kinesis October'83  by Lorna Zabeck  During all my time doing'abortion and pregnancy counselling at the Vancouver Women's  Health Collective, I have wanted an opportunity to dispel a myth that I've heard  over and over again, that being that women  who have abortions are selfish, unfeeling  murderers and  that abortion is an easy  choice. In fact, I have not talked to one  woman for whom abortion was an easy choice.  The women that we see who are pregnant come  to the Health Collective for many reasons:  Some are glad to be pregnant and are completely secure in their decision to continue the pregnancy. However, there are  many women who had not wanted to be pregnant, were using contraception and are  pregnant because of birth control failure;'  Others lacked information about contraception or had not found a method that they  could use safely and effectively (current  birth control methods, as most of us know,  leave a lot to be desired).  I talk to women who have been coerced into  sexual encounters that they haven't been  full partners in choosing and on top of all  that have ended up pregnant; I talk to women who have been raped.  There are young women who live with their  parents or who cannot take on the responsibility of a child, even if they want to;  there are women whose families have grown  up and who find themselves facing an unwanted pregnancy.  There are women whose partners are supportive of whatever they choose to do, women  whose partners have left them with the  pregnancy and the decision, women who are  being pressured into motherhood by their  mates.  Some women think that having children is  a woman's role in life even if it means  giving up a career or postponing an education to do it. But then, they tell me,  they're not sure that's what they want.  Some women tell me that they don't believe  in abortion, that abortion is murder, that  they would never have one, but here they  are, pregnant and not seeing any way to  fit a baby into their lives. They will  suffer tremendous guilt and anxiety, caught  between their principles and the reality  of their situation.  Each woman's story is unique. No woman I've  talked to has faced unplanned pregnancy  without being conflicted and unsure about  what to do. Even women who plan their  continued from p.11  whether women's so-called "right to  choose" is anything more than the right  to choose one doctor over another, or the  right to undergo one established method of  pregnancy termination. And as any woman  who has had a medical abortion knows, the  proceedure is far from an empowering experience.  Clearly, women must reclaim the abortion  issue as our own and establish goals that  embrace the broader feminist ethic regarding control of our bodies. The public  debate can no longer be one that is conducted primarily between men who are sympathetic to abortion and those who oppose  it. Nor can we remain idle while men decide under what circumstances they would  be prepared to liberalize the abortion  laws. Again, to quote Freedman and Ursel:  "The issue for men isn't, and never has  been, the sanctity of life (be it the  mother's or the fetus's). If it were, the  paradoxes of war, nuclear weapons and  starving children would fall before the  mighty male impulse to protect life."  It is time for women to stop fighting  for our rights to be passive recepients of  therapeutic abortions and to begin to  fight: the issue as active healers.  "Conversation", Linocut by Claire Kujundzic, 1979  Never an easy choice  pregnancies can experience doubt. As the  economic situation in our society worsens,  as resources available to parents decrease,  bringing a child into the world can add  insurmountable stress to a woman's life.  Being a single parent heaps additional  pressure onto an already stressful situation.  On the emotional side, most women love  babies and, given an adequate situation  would probably have one (or more). However,  on the practical level, many women are  forced to decide on abortion as the only  choice they have.  Once a woman has gone through this long  and often painful process of deciding that  abortion is her only choice, she then must  go about getting one within a system that  sets countless obstacles in the way of her  making a free choice. Abortion in Canada is  legal only under certain circumstances. The  law states that a pregnancy must endanger  the life or health of the mother in order  to be terminated.  Legally, a committee of uninvolved doctors  at the hospital where a woman would have  her abortion must decide whether her particular circumstances warrant terminating the  pregnancy. In order for hospitals in Canada  to perform abortions, they must have therapeutic abortion committees (TAC's). Less  than 20 per cent of hospitals in Canada  have them and can therefore do abortions.  What this means is that women living in  smaller towns or in rural areas often do  not have access to abortion facilities in  their own communities and must travel sometimes hundreds of miles to get an abortion.  This presents many women with an impossible  financial burden. Often these women cannot  leave their families for long enough to  make such a trip.  Therapeutic abortion committees interpret  the law governing abortion (covered in the  Criminal Code, by the way) differently.  Vancouver General Hospital, for example,  defines the word health as the World  Health Organization does - a complete state  of physical, mental and social well-being -  and believes that the health of any woman  who does not want to be pregnant will be  endangered by her pregnancy. They grant  abortions freely to women. There are many  hospitals, however, in which the TAC's  interpret the law more literally: Women  are required to sign that they are physically ill or mentally unstable in order to  obtain an abortion. Doing this can have a  disastrous effect should a woman's medical  record be involved in any future dealings  she might have with the system.  All this decision making and manoeuvring  around the law takes time. It is often  three weeks at least between the time a  woman formally requests an abortion and  the time she actually has her abortion. The  fact that many women are physically sick  during this period or are suffering the  emotional upheaval sometimes caused by hormonal changes doesn't make things any easier.  The legal time limit for first trimester  abortions in Canada is 12 weeks from the  first day of the last menstrual period  (Imp). A woman must have made a decision  by her ninth week in order to qualify for  a vacuum suction abortion - significantly  less risky and traumatizing than a prosto-  glandin or saline second trimester procedure. Most available pregnancy tests are  only effective after six weeks Imp which  leaves a woman three weeks at the outside  to decide what to do. This, for most women,  is not enough time.  Abortions, at least in B.C., are performed  under general anaesthetic. This is mainly  for convenience within hospital routine  (abortions are performed safely and easily  in many other countries with local anaesthetic) and adds a measure of risk to be  considered by women undergoing an otherwise  simple procedure.  Even women who are completely clear about  choosing abortion can end up being intimidated and demoralized by this unweildly  system. It is much harder for women who are  not so clear. Making abortion inaccessible  to women is just one of the ways in which  we are discouraged from acting on our sexual feelings, from deciding if, when and  under what circumstances we will bear children, from making decisions about our lives  in general. The right to choose must be  ours! October'8? Kinesis 19  ARTS  by Pamela Harris  Rina Fraticelli's report on the Status of  Women in Canadian Theatre clearly reveals  that women are minimumly represented in  the theatre, whether as directors, playwrights, artistic directors or actors.  Tamahnous Theatre's first production ot  this season, the Canadian premiere of  Top Girls,  promises a feminist work from  a socialist perspective. Written by British playwright Caryl Churchill, the play  has been produced in London and New York.  Caryl Churchill has worked with a feminist  touring company in England and recently  has written two plays for the Joint Stock  Theatre Group, a collective with a radical approach to both content and production of their plays. In an interview with  the Village Voice(Mavch,  1983), Churchill  explains that the woman playwright is herself a break with literary convention.  "Women don't write plays because they  usually aren't encouraged to think about initiating action or dealing with conflict."  The play Top Girls  breaks theatrical convention by placing the fir-st scene at  a dinner party among five women figures  from his/herstory. Pope Joan, who rose  to position of Holy Father from 845-856;  Lady Nijo, an. Imperial Japanese courtesan;  Dull Gret, painted by Brueghel; Isabella  Bird, the Victorian travellor and patient  Griselda from Chaucer, are the invited  guests who converse with the modern-day  protagonist and Top Girl Marlene.  Marlene has risen to the top of a prestigious employment agency in London. As  their respective stories unfold we find  a common link among the women of children,  abandonment of lovers, the dues they have  paid for success.  In September Tamanhous staged a preview  of the first scene at "Tommy O's Restaurant." Kinesis  interviewed the all-woman  cast as well as the play's director Larry  Lillo.  Question:  Why Top Girls?  Answer:  It's'an excellent play by a  terrific playwright with a socialist -  feminist conscience. Churchill has written  a play that is entertaining and humorous  as well as having certain political overtones. This is important because people  want to be entertained when they come to  see theatre.  Over the past two years  Tamanhous has been looking for a play  about women. This play brings together  many levels of politics and women's  issues, as well as entertaining at the  same time.  Q:  Did you have a collective process while  working on the show?  A:  No. There is a director and the cast,  as in a typical production, but the cast  was allowed their own input during rehearsals.  Q:  Was there any feminist analysis among  the cast during rehearsals?  A:  Doing the research about the historical  characters was revealing because these  women from history which Caryl, Churchill  has picked did things in their own time  which paved the way for women today. But  few of us even knew about these women  "until we began to work on the play. It  approaches both negative and positive  aspects of feminism, and by doing the  play we personally discovered some new  things about ourselves and in our relationships at home.  The play's opening scene is a dinner party with five women  of historical significance.  Top Girls:  top women  in herstory  Pope Joan, a woman who became pope in mid-800 A.D.,  is one of the play's characters.  Q:   Is this a feminist play?  A:  The play doesn't seem strictly feminist.  It's not that black and white. It presents  a variety of viewpoints. But it is a  political piece in that it sees us as  victims of a society which dehumanizes and  alienates the individual - that there is  a common enemy which is leading us to the  destruction of humanity.  Q:  Do you think the play will alienate men?  A:  Who cares?! It is a reversal of what  men have been depicting in plays for centuries. It shows the struggle for humanity  - both men and women. Everyone in the 'Ģ  play (even the politically 'left' sister)  needs her consciousness raised.  Q: Have you worked on an all-women's play  before? Is it different than working with  a mixed cast?  A:  It's great to be working together on  a play that gives women something to say;  that deals with real life issues for women.  It beats a thankless role in a play in  which you have no say, or where you have  to play a sex-stereotyped role. (At this  point one of the actors tells me that it's  often preferable to play the heroine's  best friend - because at least you don't  have so many stupid lines to say!)  There is a certain tension lacking in this  rehearsal process which would be there  with a mixed cast. It's great to play roles  that are not demeaning to women. But this  production is a special case - an exception.  Q: Would you like to do more shows written  by women with a feminist orientation?  A:  Yes. But there aren't many opportunities.  It's a given which you learn to accept:  that as a woman in this profession there  are fewer good parts. When you start out  you just want to do theatre so you take  any role. Then as you develop, you can  sometimes say 'no' to a part - and that  feels good. But it's difficult because it's  a risky profession with little security,  and most actors still have to eat and pay  rent, so they don't have a choice. As it  is, most artists in this country subsidize their work, but after years of working you want to be paid for what you do.  So you make that choice.  Q:  Do you think women in theatre have more  difficulty getting their work produced;  or getting work as directors, actors, etc?  A: Yes. It is more difficult because there  are fewer roles for women, and more women  than men so the competition is stiffer.  There are a few women directors and artistic directors but that doesn't necessarily  mean that they are more sympathetic to  women or hire women. .  The stage is a great equalizer. Because  everyone is there to work towards the production; the fear of being on stage and  putting yourself on the line in front of  an audience neutralizes people. Then it  doesn't matter whether you are gay/straight/|  female/male, etc.  Q: Does the play break down any patriarchal  sex-stereotypes about women?  A~:  Not necessarily. The play shows women  in certain positions of success and power  and reveals how poverty-stricken their  lives are - even the "successful" ones.  Q:  Are any of you feminists?  A:   (long pause) No.  As shown by Rina Fraticelli's report,  theatre does reflect our society. The established theatre continues to perpetuate  the traditional roles and values established by a patriarchal system which oppresses  women.  Women who choose the theatre as a profession must learn to survive in a competitive, male-dominated syster. Is there a  real-life analogy between women in theatre  and women in society in general, and  specifically to the Top Girls of Caryl  Churchill's play ?  After these interviews, Harris attended a preview performance of 'Top Girls', and found it "an excellent production  of an extremely well-written play, a chance to see our lives on  stage." She urges women to see the show. 20 Kinesis October'83  ARTS  1  ¥  We Appear  Silent  To People  Who Are  Deaf  To What  We Say  by Cy-Thea Sand  Women of colour have played out key roles,  have blazed important -trails, and have  laid down bridges on which many of us  today intrepidly tread.  Yet much of  today 's Teaching related to Women -all  to its detriment - ignores, omits, or  simply fails to acknowledge such realities. For Women's Studies, or Teaching  related to Women, by receiving a booster  shot in the arm from the Women's Movement, have thus inherited all its  accompanying concepts, norms and ...  alas,  colour-blindness.  Esmeralda Thornhill  Fireweed 16  Two feminist journals - one Canadian,  one American - have recently published  special issues on and by women of colour.  Sinister Wisdom 22/23(SW) is entirely  devoted to the work of native Indian  women from both Canada and the United  States; Fireweed 16 is comprised of work  by Canadian women of Chinese, East, West,  native Indian, Japanese and African  descent.  SINISTER WISDOM 22/23 - A GATHERING  OF SPIRIT,  NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN WOMEN'S  ISSUE.   P.O. Box 660 Amherst, MA 91004,  U.S.A. 1983, 223 pp.  FIREWEED 16 -  WOMEN OF COLOUR.   P.O. Box  279, Station B, Toronto, Ont., Canada,  M5T 2W2. 1983, 163 pp.  The publication of the two anthologies  is cause for both celebration and introspection. The guest collective of Fireweed 16 states that women of colour were  never lost but rather "appear silent to  people who are deaf to what (they) say."  Furious at the white middle class makeup of the women's movement, Fireweed's  guest collective chose the print medium  "first to reach out to women of colour  and second, to educate white feminists."  Beth Brant, who skillfully edited A Gathering/ of Spirit singlehandedly, proclaims: "We are angry at a so-called  women's movement that always seems to  forget we exist. Except in romantic fantasies of earth mother or equally romantic and dangerous fantasies about Indian-  woman -as-victim." lllllllll  For me, the power of art exists in its  ability to alter consciousness^ to shake  a reader out of her narrow boundaries of  -experience. We are too easily numbed by  political statistics of horror and destruction, but good literature can effect  an agony of recognition, an identification  with character that can radicalize our  world view. So it is with Beth Brant's  piece A Long Story.   Brant juxtaposes her  experience of losing a custody battle  because of her lesbianism, with the  agony of a mother whose children were  stolen from her in 1890 to be educated  in the white man's school. Brant's  writing is raw with agony and rage; both  women howl at a world deaf to their  maternal longings:  1890  My brother'is changed.  He says that I  have changed and bring shame to our clan.■  He says I should accept the fate.  But I  do not believe in the fate of child-stealing.   There is evil here.  There is much our village. He says I am a  crazy woman because I howl at the sky  every night. He is a fool! I am calling  my children. He says the People are becoming afraid of me because I talk to  the air, and laugh like the loon overhead.  But I am talking to the children.  They need to hear the sound of me.  I  laugh to cheer them. They cry for us.  1979  Grunting and sweating, I am pushed by  rage, and the searing wound in my soul.  Like a wolf, caught in a trap,  at her own leg to set herself free,  begin to beat my breasts to deaden the  pain inside. A noise gathers in my  throat and finds the way out. I begin a  scream that turns to howling,  then turns  to hoarse choking.  I want to take my  fists, my strong fists, my brown fists,  and smash the world until it bleeds.  The short fiction in this issue is impressive. Linda Hogan's New Shoes  emotes  an acceptance between mother and daughter  which is rare in fiction by white women.  Debra Swallow's A White Man's Word  is  short and powerful, expressing the destuc-  tive nature of oppressive language. The  Lamp in the Window  is a beautiful tale of  a child's fear of death being taken s'er-  iously by her grandmother and Kateri Sar-  della's Urban Dwellers  is a strong piece  depicting the city life of Indian children  for whom parental guidance has disintegrated into despair gnd neglect. The children  end up in foster homes or in institutions  run by nuns, who tell them their brown  skin will lighten through good behavior  and vigorous scrubbing.  Autobiographical pieces like Emilie Gallant 's White Breast Flats  and A Short  Autobiography  by Dorothy Hayes, offer  divergent views of childhood. Emile Gallant reminisces about the lushness of  growing up on the Piegan Reserve in southwest Alberta; Dorothy Hayes' childhood in  St. Louis is marred by sickness and self-  hate. Also included in this collection is  an interview with Winona LaDuke on the  effects of uranium mining on native people  as well as an analysis of the oppression  of Canadian Indians:  The Department of Indian Affairs, INDIAN  CONDITIONS, states that the suicide rate  among Native people is three times the  national rate. Suicides also account for  35 per cent of "accidental deaths" in the  15-24 age group,  and 21 per cent in the October'83 Kinesis 21  ARTS  In Greater Vancouver, the majority of farmworkers are Indian  for subsistence wages, and often living in substandard housing.  25-34 age group.  The study concludes that  "approximately 50-60 per cent of illness  and death among Natives is alcohol-related.  r Chinese, working hard  Part of a photo essay in Fireweed,"Images of Black Women", shows life in Toronto.  A 1979 inquiry by the Ontario Native  Council on Justice revealed the minimum  clear profit received by the government  from the sales of alcohol to Natives was  25 million dollars.  Only 4 per eent,  $5.50  per capita, was'returned to Native alcohol  treatment centres.  Ihe balance between despair and determination, which Beth Brant accomplishes with  her editorial choices, is reflected in  Marilpu Awiakta's piece entitled Amazons  In Appalachia.   This work of woman identification and native myth-making is followed by a series of photographs by Nila North-  sun. Awiakta's prose and Northsun's  photography bear witness to the beauty of  Indian women and their survival against  tremendous odds. These images stayed with  me, like amulets of hope, as I read with  increasing rage Carol Lee Sanchez' essay  on the systematic decimation of her people:  For fifty years,  children in this country  have been raised to kill Indians mentally,  subconsciously through the visual media,  until it is an automatic reflex...Cowboys  and Indians is still played every day by  children all over America of every creed,  colour and nationality.  Well  - it's harmless isn't it? Just kids playing kill  Indians.  It's all history.  But it's still  happening every day, and costumes are  sold and the cheap'western is still rolling  out of Hollywood.. .Would you allow your  ohildren to play Nazis and Jews? Blacks  and KKK's? Complete with costumes? Yes! It  is a horrifying thought, but in thinking  about it you can see how easy it is to  dismiss an entire race of people as bar-  'Ģ  baric and savage,  and how impossible it is,  after this has been inculcated in you,  to  relate to an Indian or a group of Indians  today.  Ihis anthology also contains poetry of  varying subjects, styles and strengths,  letters from women in prison and an introduction by the editor outlining the evolution of this special issue and its impact  on her. Reading Beth Brant's labour of love  I remember the summer of 1969 when I was  completing my degree with a course on native  cultures in British Columbia. The professor's coldness, acerbity and rudeness had  diminished our class - composed mainly of  teachers - to a third of its original size.  Dn the final day of class she stunned us  by saying that she had treated us over the  summer like B.C. teachers treat their native students. I left the course in awe of  this woman's rage, and shaken out of my  ignorance. Beth Brant's work leaves me  similarily moved. Sinister Wisdom's special  issue on North American Indian Women is  great reading'and a testimony to the revolutionary potential of small press feminist  publishing.  The evolution of Fireweed's special issue  on women of colour seems to have been more  tumultuous than Beth Brant's anthology.  The latter was conceived one snowy night  when Beth asked Michelle Cliff and Adrienne  Rich - editors of SW at the time - if they  had ever thought of devoting an issue to  the writings of native women. Excited and  enthused they asked Beth to edit it. The  guest collective of Fireweed have a  different story to tell. They - Himani  Bannerji, Dionne Brand, Nila Gupta,  Prahba Khosla and Makeda Silvera - took  over two years to convince the Fireweed  collective that a special issue on and  about women of colour had to be editorially  controlled by women of colour as well.  Their rage spills over onto the first  page of their anthology in a dialogue entitled: WE APPEAR SILENT TO PEOPLE WHO ARE  DEAF TO WHAT WE SAY: "I'm really sick of  some of these white feminists when they  talk about rape. It's always from their  perspective" asserts Makeda Silvera as she  sets a tone for a vigorous discussion  on racism in the women's movement in Canada.  Dialogue and documentation form a major  focus of Fireweed 16. There is a discussion between a group of lesbians in which  the women talk about the painful lack of  community for those who are caught between  the homophobia of their home cultures and  the racism of lesbian communities.  Prabha Khosla interviewed and translated  the stories of East Indian workers which  profile the special problems of non-English speaking workers in Canada. Karen  Pheasant discusses her life in relation to  the native Friendship Centre movement and  its commitment to helping native people  retain their cultural ties. An excerpt  from Makeda Silvera's book Silenced, scheduled to be published this Fall, powerfully  documents the oppression of West Indian  domestic workers in this country. The detailed account of one woman's struggle  to earn a living to support her children  in Jamaica is staggering. Her forced  separation from her children - out of  economic necessity - links her in spirit  to the women in Beth Brant's A Long Story  in SW 22/23.  Ihere is a profound class consciousness  in this collection, an insistence on the  economic aspects of women's oppression.  A lengthy review of Angela Davis' Women,  Race and^ Class  by Cecilia Green, articulates the gender, race and class triad.  I was pleased that this review was so well  integrated into the text as a whole. Many  book reviews are tacked on at the end of  journals which tend to undermine the im  portance of critical writing.  Fireweed 16 also contains an open letter  to her Rastafarian sisters by Makeda  Silvera, a brief presented by the Sub-  Committee on Sex Discrimination Against  Indian Women to the Standing Committee on  Indian Affairs and Northern Development,  and a short discussion on racism in the  Women's Studies movement. Silvera's open  letter is potent, capturing as it does the  complexity of women's oppression and the  contradictions for Silvera in being a  feminist Rastafarian. I feel honored that  Makeda Silvera chose a feminist forum for  this act of courage.  The short fiction and poetry in this volume are concerned mainly with the theme  of imprisonment and struggle. This focus  is expected; the precise language and  picturesque imagery gratifying. Himani  Bannerji's The Story of a Birth  is an  exceptional piece of writing. Using prison  imagery to dramatize a woman's conflicts  with marriage and pregnancy, Bannerji's  story belongs, in theme and quality, with  Charlotte Perkins Gilman's classic short  work The Yellow Wallpaper.   Both pieces  are intense, succint expressions of woman's  primal, existential battle against confinement .  Window-Pane  by Dora Nipp leaves me with a  lasting impression of a Chinese woman's  view of life at the turn of the century  in Victoria. Like her main character,  Nipp's language is brisk and efficient.  Nila Gupta's poem So She-^ Could Walk  chillingly details a child's fear of racist  assault. Judith Pilowsky-Santos, exiled  from Chile in 1976, gives us a gruesome  glimpse into the psyche of a tortured  political prisoner. On poem, Someone's  Old Favorite  by Slyvia Hamilton, passionately engages the white reader with a  vision of racism:  the first time I was called it  how old I was, what day it was*  who said it and why,  Only that it happened enough other times  the first doesn't matter any more.  And now,  on my twenty-sixth birthday,  out of the anonymity of the night  came the familiar sound from a passing  car  (N-I-G-G-E-RRRRRRRR)  which once again accompanied me home.  Fireweed, 16 and Sinister Wisdom 22/23 are  must reading. I hope women of colour  and white women will get together to  discuss the wealth of material in these  two anthologies. As an avid reader of  feminist journals I want to read more  and more writing by the women presented  here, some published for the first  time. This is work to be respected,  debated and studied. 22 Kinesis October'83  ARTS  Fat liberation  Shadow  on a tightrope  by Bonnie Ramsey  The strength of fat women is not so well  known. But as you read this book you'll  come to know it. And if you're fat, in  case you haven't yet seen the strength in  yourself, I promise you, you will.  This statement appears in the forward by  Vivian F. Mayer, and Shadow on a Tightrope  keeps the promise.  Shadow on a Tightrope; Writings by Women  on Fat Oppression,  edited by Lisa Schoen-  fielder and Barb Wieser. Published by  Aunt Lute Book Co.  "Ask,..., why are racists so eager to  prove blacks inferior? Why are Americans  so determined to prove it is immoral (i.e.,  self-destructive) to be fat?"  Shadow on a Tightrope  is not for fat women only. Fatism is no more the sole  problem of fat women than racism is the  sole problem of women of colour, or homophobia that of lesbians.  If you think that fat liberation is frivolous and bourgeois, when you read Shadow  on a Tightrope  you will learn of the class  distinctions by size and that the highest  percentage of fat women are black and  living below the poverty level. As well,  you will learn that these women consume  the least calories. Elana Dykwomon compares the crippling practice of foot binding, the smaller the better, i.e. more  class mobility, with dieting.  Shadow on. a Tightrope  is an insightful  look at fat women's lives. It is about the  daily horror bf fat women but most of all  it is about the strength, beauty, and.  courage of these women.  This is a collection of writings by fat  women, not only about their oppression  but also about their struggles to combat  that oppression. It is about the strength  and beauty of fat women who are round in  this angular male society.  There are many statistics to back up the  claim that being fat is not a choice, nor  in and of itself an unhealthy state of  being. Yet this book is anything but dry.  And the bottom line is that no one should  suffer torture, mutilation and indignations  that are the lot of fat women in this  fatist society.  As Judy Freespirit points out in, "A Day  In My Life", she is ridiculed by young  boys on the bus and no one will sit beside  her, until the bus is full. And then only  reluctantly. She is conscious of the stares  and disapproving looks that she is the  brunt of in the coffee shop, as though she  doesn't have a right to eat.  The feminist community is not free of fato-  phobia either as we see in Elana Dykwonon's  "Travelling Fat". She tells of her tour  of feminist communities to do readings of  her work and finding an abundance of women  drinking diet pop as well as feminist t-  shirts that only go up to size large.  Elana finds, instead of a safe place for  herself and her fat sisters (in a community  that has supposedly thrown off the yoke of  lookism), that the burden has fallen to  her to educate these women to fat politics.  Anorexia is a result of this fat hating,  woman hating society and Joan Dickenson,  in "Some Thoughts on Fat", says this of it,  'I maintain she is trying to become a boy.  Who could blame her? We are all taught that  *boys are better; girls are meant to be  mothers'". Joan also raises the question,  Dark Circle  Compelling  atomic accounts  by Emma Kivisild  Dark Circle is an Independent Documentary  Group Production; written by Judy Irving  and Chris Beaver; directed by Irving,  Beaver, and Ruth Landy.  It was shown in  Vancouver as a fundraiser for two local  Dark'Circle  is an anti-nuclear documentary  that takes the form of 'atomic biographies'  There are several main 'characters' whose  personal stories weave through the film,  all people whose lives have been drastically altered by their contact with some  link in the circular chain of the nuclear  shadow. Most are victims of radiation, as  citizens of the United States or Japan, or  as military employees or personnel.  Nuclear weaponry is not isolated in Dark  Circle.  We see its interdependence with  both the nuclear power industry and the  military industry. We see its reliance on  propaganda. And most significantly, it  becomes undeniable that the dangers of preparing for nuclear war are not limited to  the possibility of holocaust - they are  killing people here and now.  "The bomb is being used on Americans,"  says atomic veteran Richard McHugh in  Dark Circle, expressing the ultimate dark  circle of atomic weapons: our own b6mbs  come back to haunt us.  Much of the film explores the spread of  radiation-caused cancer, and the barriers  in the way of preventing it at its source.  Interwoven with the lives of people from  the area of the Rocky Flats Nuclear  Weapons Plant, the Diablo Canyon nuclear  power plant in California, and the experiences of Hiroshima and Nagasaki victims,  is a powerful analysis of the ways and  means that perpetrate nuclear madness.  The filmmakers viewed literally hundreds  of thousands of feet of film in 30  archives from Washington^!). C. to Nagasaki,  Japan in order to assemble a comprehensive  look at the hidden world of nuclear  weapons. Much of the archival film finally  used is being declassified for the first  time: the actual assembly line for the  hydrogen bomb, the explosions of unshielded nuclear reactors in a series of U.S.  government tests from the 50's and 60's,  and an atomic bomb test in which 700 pigs  were dressed in military uniforms and  exposed to the blast, heat and radiation  of a nuclear weapon.  What is most compelling about Dark Circle  is the clear connections it makes between  the possibility of a nuclear war, its  causes, and the destruction that possibility has already "yielded. A basic consciousness of the nuclear threat tells anyone  that Armageddon is a likelihood, and that  it is hurting us emotionally. But we need  to know more in order to move beyond despair and paralysis.  Dark Circle  is a film that actually provides a basis of information with which  to make that move. It outlines the basic  physical and economic facts around pluton-  ium, explores the health issues around  radiation, and removes some of the anonymity that shrouds those who hold our lives  in their hands.  Dark Circle  is thus an excellent film for  those of us who want to take action. It  shows us what we are up against, preparing  us not only for the military mind, but  also for the battles we have to fight  against the control that mind has over  many lives, often despite knowledge of  nuclear warmaking. Yes, it is_ hard to win  against a company that represents the  livelihood of many people. Here is the  dogged leafletting of the Diablo Canyon  workers and the struggle of a peace  activist to convince her husband to quit  his job at Rocky Flats. It is most painful to hear Lloyd Mixon, whose livestock  have been genetically mutated because of  their proximity to Rocky Flats, and who  has had several tumors removed from his )  own body, justify the plant's existence on  the grounds of national security. The  secondhand lies are harder to take than  the firsthand ones. 'Ģ %Sf|;;.U^  However, there are activists in the film  as well, and we see both their victories  and their frustrations. It is in this area  that extensive input of women into the  film is most clear. It is primarily the  thoughts of women that we hear in the film,  and it is the strategies of women that  are acted out. The actions against the  nuclear monster are directed, orchestrated,  and carried out primarily by women. Thus,  while the verbal message of this documentary makes no overt reference to feminist -  issues, the intrinsic message clearly  establishes a primary position for us in  anti-nuclear work, according importance  to our struggles, and our voices. The use  of a woman as narrator emphasizes the  importance of this role.  Dark Circle  offers urgency and hope.  Urgency because of the nature of the  nuclear threat, with the added immediacy  of the devastation of cancer today. Hope  is apparent not in the proffering of  easy solutions, or even of unclouded  victories, but rather in the many consciousnesses that are raised within the  film. There is hope, too, in the work  Dark Circle  does toward arming all of us  against the war already being waged on  North American soil. October'83 Kinesis 23  Jl '<&Jhi  ■«L Jain  A SCREAM ^  FROm SILENCE  I  by Kim Irving  A Scream From Silence  was produced by NFB  Montreal in 1979. It has had some showings  in Ontario and Quebec but has remained almost untouched in B.C. until the recent  change of policy at NFB Vancouver, which  now allows a commercial release. (The film  is also available for free viewing at NFB).  It is expected that it will be shown more  in local theatres.  French with English Subtitles  Directed by Anne Claire Poirier ■  Best Foreign Film, Academy Awards 1980  Best Actress,  Chicago Film Festival,   1980  Mourier a Tue-Tete (a take off from the  french expression "Rire A Tue-Tete" - to  die laughing) the french title of A Scream  From Silence - a film about rape's power  to kill. It is a film about making a film  on rape, so it asks questions but doesn't  necessarily provide the answers.  It is explicit, it is violent, it is rape.  It is a story of how rape can kill a woman's  desire to love - it can kill her sexuality.  It is how women are the victims-victims of  domination by men, victims of the courts,  victims of violence and victims of emotion.  Suzanne (played by Julie Vincent), a nurse  on the way home from the hospital is  abducted and dragged into a van at knife  point. Through a long violent scene you  take her position on the floor as the  rapist (Germain Houde) paces the van,  swears at her, spits beer on her and  strikes out at her body with his fists and  feet. You close your eyes when she closes  hers; you push back in your seat as he  comes closer. "...Tell me your scared...",  he spits, "You think you're too good for  me...". With her eyes, you watch him tear  off her clothes with the knife. He sweats,  swears and grunts as he mounts and struggles on top of the camera. He is raping  her - you can almost smell him.  "No man can identify with that rapist"  says the editor (Michelene Lanctot) as she  turns on the light, "he's disgusting".  "But, if you want a reference so everybody can understand - you have to have this  rape" comments the director (Monique  the judge to represent all the girls raped  as children. Thirty some children enter  the courtroom - the judge quickly demands  their removal - the woman objects, "You  are so scared that we will talk - and act  first".  Suzanne's story doesn't have a happy ending. The rape, and the fear that has taken  over her soul, breaks her and kills her.  It is a sad and desperate loss. The director and editor debate after the mournful  ending. Could love have healed her? Should  we let her live? Maybe she should have  talked more? Why do some women survive?  Her life fades to white. "Each human being  with a vagina, should have a whistle  around her neck", we are warned, as whistles scream out the silence.  What is different about Anne Claire Poirier 's A Scream From Silence    from the  other numerous films about rape, is her  honesty and her commitment to making you  "Each human being  with a vagina, should have  a whistle around her neck."  Miller) beside her. Is this erotic, they  question. How would men react to this  scene? Is that what we want?  Suzanne's silent scream is mirrored with  actual documentary footage of the rape  and the torturing of women in Vietnam and  Bangledesh - with rare footage from a  clitoridectomy done in Africa and some  mixed scenes from the shaving of heads of  women conspirators during World War II.  Testifying before an unseen and unemotional male judge, some women introduce their  rape and their rapist — psychiatrist, a  clerk, a husband, a director... . "Once  again, it is only the act of rape that is  on trial. This trial is a lie", tells a  blindfolded woman. A woman stands before  feel the degradition and humiliation of  the rape - rather than telling it. You  feel it during the rape - after the rape  when Suzanne spreads her legs for the male  doctor and the male photographer - when  she's questioned by the police and after  she dies. And it will stay with you - long  after you have left the theatre. N  The Quebec/french emotional response is  quite different from English-Canadian. The  women in the film speak of their lost souls  their spirituality, the love that's dead.  Unfortunately, some of this is lost during  the translation.  Due to the film's violence and subject  matter it's recommended that a discussion  time be provided after viewings, if possible.  Chained Heat  by Kim Irving  A young woman in the corner. She is handcuffed. Black Male enters. She pulls out  a gun. The woman guards notice - they  grab their guns. They shoot many times.  No questions asked. The woman falls in  slow motion, bullet ridden.  Women are shoved into the prison. They are  similiar; wild hair, tight clothes, lots  of make-up. Except one. She is well dressed. She's the fish.  The system. It's cruel. They are given  clinging night shirts. No bras, no underwear.  The warden is male. He seduces the convicts - in his Jacuzzi, of course. He promises to make them stars. Porn stars. One  of his stars is murdered. She was a snitch.  Then a black woman is stabbed by several  white women. She dies. No one saw what  happened. Ericka, the white leader trys  to seduce Carol, the fish. No one has  refused Erica before.  Captain Taylor is wicked. She only makes  deals with Lester. Lester is a prison  pimp. Warden calls up Carol. He treats  her like a father.  Twinks is cute. Twinks is dragged out  into the hall and sliced up by some women.  Then she is raped by the black man. The  red haired guard watches and she smiles.  Duchess is the black woman leader. She  wears jeans and work shirts, as all the  black women do. Duchess hates Ericka.  Ericka hates Duchess. Lester lets some of  the women out so they can prostitute for  him. Carol goes but won't screw a stranger.  Lester beats up Carol.  A white woman sits on the can in the prison. A black hand reaches over the top.  Later that night, Carol finds the very  white woman hanging in the stall. Yuck.  Carol demands that the warden do something.  He does. He rapes her. Damn, he says, I  forgot to tape it.  The warden is drowned by the red haired  guard and Captain Taylor. Red haired  guard escorts Val (Carol's friend) back  to the dorm. Val never gets there - the  red haired guard shoved a batton down her  throat. Val's dead. Carol's angry. Carol  is thrown in the hole. Ericka and Duchess  finally have it out. White hates Black.  Black hates White.  Carol steals the warden's porn tape. Duchess drowns the red haired guard in the  fish tank.  Ericka chains up the black guard. She is  sweating. Twinks is offered the chance to  finish him off.  Captain Taylor chases Carol up to the roof.  Carol tricks her. Captain falls over the  edge.  Carol, Ericka and the Duchess join hands  and"deliver tape to the police.  This is porn. Yet is has a commercial release. The violence is horrible, the  misogyny not new, and its message so clearly understood. Women Against Women (a classic in porn); Ericka and the Duchess both  want the leadership. They are similiar;  both tall, dominate 'their people', intelli  gent and both have strong inside pulls.  Both are masculine - butches. The white is  the 'earthy' prostitute - the black is  the laborer - the working class.  Women want Bower; power is the struggle,  yet power quests in reality are quite the  opposite of this. This is how men view  women, especially women in prison.  Carol demands that the warden  do something about the white  woman hanging in her stall. He  does. He rapes her.  Rape is Power; Carol is raped by the white  warden. She suddenly attains power and  status. She takes over the 'lead' from  Ericka and Duchess. Rape has given her  power.  Racial Minorities are the Rapist; Twinksis  raped by a black man. She is offered  revenge by a white woman. Twinks sweats -  she is in heat (Chained Heat)  as she swings  the eight inch blade above him. Racial  hatred in this film is completely sexual-  ized.  Women must be Silenced; women are snitches.  That is quite apparent. Women must be controlled; Women hate goes on  throughout the film.  This film is now playing at the Coronet,  West Van Odeon, Fraser, Westminister Mall  and Westminister Drive In. It would be  useful to register complaints with these  theatres. 24 Kinesis October '83  ARTS  When is art subversive? When do politics subvert art?  by K.O. Kanne  Subversive, subvert, are very strange words.  In some, they inspire a kind of pride and  joy, a feeling of life purpose and direction; in others the same words cause near  death spasms of terror mustering images  of black-masked gunpersons, destruction,  chaos and hellish fires.  My Oxford dictionary offers the following:  'SUBVERT: to overthrow, demolish, overturn a state, law, or set of ideas.' Further searching uncovers the Latin radical  VERT: 'to change the direction of and  SUB: 'under'. From this I extrapolate the  meaning of subvert: to change the direction  of the world from below, from the great  well of the subconscious, from the depths  of our hearts, from the bottom of the  heap of the hierarchical power structure -  a kind of grass-roots movement.  On a concrete level I know the meaning  of these words only too well. The penalties for subversion in most countries  either with or without trial, are extreme  and include life imprisonment, torture  and death. And artists are not exempt  from these consequences. The ready avail-  ibility of examples is sickening. The  image that has always stayed with me as  the most ironically materialistic and  sadistic (and I use the word 'materialistic' accurately) is the severing of a  musician's hands - the hands of Victor  Jara in the stadium of Santiago, Chile.  I bring this up for two reasons. The first  being to point out the extremely limited  intelligence of those with whom we battle;  to point out the nature Of mind that would  draw the conclusion that to cut off our  hands or for that matter our, tongues,  would be enough to silence us or Art. And  I also bring this up to remind us to be  vigilant. The nature of our work as writers  has a iong tradition of occupational hazards ~ not the least of which have been  grinding poverty, alcoholism and the madhouse . I do not mean vigilance in some  leftist - paranoid - fantasy sense where  social points are handed out for the number of phone taps or the size of your  dossier (it's become so 'hip') but rather  in the sense of what eventually the work  demands of and from us.  If, like myself, you believe in the visionary possibilities of art, if you believe  in the transformational power of that  vision (in the sense of seeing what is),  and if you believe in that power to do no  less than totally change the world in  which we live, then you must also have  knowledge of the truly dangerous task we  have set for ourselves as writers. The  vigilance I mean is the type of spiral  intensity, the consuming nature of an art  that draws us to ever greater commitments  both internally and externally: commitments to ourselves, our visions and perceptions, and commitments to what is life-  giving and humane.'  But the question given this panel is not  whether art i_s subversive, but rather  when is art subversive.  My personal theory goes something like  .this:  In a time when those in power are fixated,  to the point of causing our decimation,  with a perception of existence that is  linear, materialistic, competitive, patriarchal and exploitative;  In a time when the machinations of the  defence mentality can bring us all to our  deaths in a matter of a few minutes;  In a time when power is equated with money,  property and privilege;  In a time when most of the new words coming  into our language are technological in  nature;  Ln a time when cultural and social needs  are subservient to the needs of industry,  Einance.and sports;  £n a time like NOW, art is subversive when  it points to a holistic, holographic and  spiral interpretation of time, space and  reality. Art is subversive when it pro-  notes erotic, sensual and nurturing  possibilities; when it directs us to look  at human needs instead of economic; when  it argues that matter is merely the extension of what we call spirit or soul. Art  is subversive when it articulates that  power is what arises from the inside, not  from the outside. Art' is subversive when  it strikes us to our core, when it allows  us to lose our ego (even for the briefest  second) and connect with the other -  connection in the sense of compassion. Art  whole notion of what art is but will not  go into it here. Perhaps in the dialogue  which follows our assumptions about art  will be clarified. What I'd like to turn  to now is the second question put to this  panel.  When does politics subvert art?  To give a glib answer, I would say that  Politics, with a big "P", almost always  subverts art. To carry this further:  Politics subverts art whenever it is  tagged on as a directive as opposed to  having already been integrated into the  entire vision.  What I mean by this is, when art becomes  subservient to the practice of dogma, or  is made to tow the party line, I believe  it is not art but rather sinks into the  morass of rhetoric, dialectical discursiveness and moralization.  ART is a wily and  independent creature.  My experience with her  over the past fifteen  years has taught me only  to follow where she  leads. She supercedes my  ego and even my will.  is subversive when it asks 'improper'  questions, demands new answers, and does  anything that fundamentally threatens the  accepted status quo, either within the  macro or micro power structure.  And I will mis-quote one of my favorite  lines here, from Rita Mae Brown: 'If you  can't raise consciousness, at least raise  a little hell. . .'  Which in a round about way brings up the  particular for me, which is being a  writer and a lesbian. It can be argued  that just being an artist in this society  is subversive: against the grain of the  work ethic, against the demands of being  economically viable, against the expectations of being a non-thinking automaton  that dutifully goes to work, goes to market, or goes to war. Even more convincingly, it can be argued that to be a woman  AND an artist does no less than add injury  to insult. Bnt add to that women who deliberately chose to thumb their noses at  everything that seems to stand as holy  in this society, and you hit pay-dirt in  the subversion department as far as I'm  concerned.  Thus I believe that being a writer and  writing from a lesbian perspective is in  and of itself a subversive act.  I have another paper stewing about the  ART is a wily and independent creature.  My experience with her over the past  fifteen years has taught me only to follow  where she leads. She supercedes my ego  and even my will. Whenever 'I' have tried  to dictate her movements, my writing is  little better than garbage.  And with this converence in mind, I must  say that this applies to the dictates of  the feminist, and yes, lesbian, partyline  as well. Dogma is dogma is dogma. The  concept of 'politically correct' is an  elitist dictate that as far as I can  discern arises out of fear of loss of  power - the same dynamic that can be seen  in any hierarchical power structure. It  is as much a form of censorship as any I  have known.  I want to say this in particular to younger  lesbian writers: Write via your ear and  your heart, not from what you think you  should be writing as a 'good feminist',  nor from what you think people want to  hear, nor from what you think the current  political climate will bear. Only follow  the truth of your own tongue; otherwise  you'll be cheating yourself and our  community at large.  As writers we have got to be free to say  things the way we see them.  (3) k.o.  kanne 1983 October'83 Kinesis 25  LETTERS  Open letter to community  Update on Lesbian Information Line  With all the cutbacks to community services  and all people in B.C. in 1983, our information and counselling line for lesbians  is still going strong. Perhaps more than  ever, we realize how valuable and necessary our organization is to women in B.C.  who are struggling with their sexuality  and whole identities. One way to stay  visible is in our listing in the white  pages of the phone book - and many women  do call us using this source.  The Lesbian Information Line has been  operating for over five years and providing  short-term telephone counselling and  community information on women's groups,  counsellors, clubs, dances and publications. Our group has always been composed  of lesbian women of various ages, family  status and mixed backgrounds - in this  variety we have been able to provide a  comprehensive suitable service to all  lesbians in their varying stages of coming  out. Some of our founding members - Dorrie  Brannock, Susan Western, Lee MacKay and  Laurel Kimberley - built up a credible and  energetic lesbian organization when few  such groups existed. The early line existed  on their work and their money and we would  like to thank them all for their efforts  and for their good foundations.  In the past couple of years LIL has stayed  afloat with old members leaving and new  women joining. It may be true to say that  our analysis and commitment to the broader  women's struggle is less than in previous  years, but it is fair to say that as the  collective itself becomes more knowledgeable about feminism and the broader  struggle, our involvement is increasing.  We have been active in the Women Against  the Budget Coalition and have written  letters to the editor about the cuts and  overall 1983 budget fight. But as with  many organizations, we have a limited  number of members, at present nine, and  in all of our work we put the running of  the line and all that this entails first.  Believe me,, this prioritizing is difficult  but essential if we are to reach the women  who need us.  How Do We Function? '  LIL is formed on a collective basis and  consensus is the approach we use for  decision making. Our members have a  commitment to abide by our constitution  and policy and to work two nights a month  on the line (at least for the first six  months and then other work can be taken  up instead) and to attend a meeting once  a month. With these limitations, other  work and decision making is made via the  phone and in a new attempt to expedite  decisions, we have formed a working commit-  FEATURINGE  Do Gonlan       v&cal. < vi&es  \3G£>2>& AngOS on tvwe*WM» t vCxal  WEDNESDAYS  *'s Mumr--MU8*.  tee of three for a couple of months at a  time - to decide on a problem and to contact other members if it is in fact a  policy decision. This new method has begun  to involve more members. This structural  change has allowed us to be more active  and visible in the women's community and  at the same time it has helped us to further educate ourselves.  Our meetings are held at a member's house  and we deal with various matters such as  sensitive call and questions on counselling  techniques, new resources and gaps in our  service, assignment of tasks, ideological  questions and new policy - often difficult  as we sometimes have to make a policy  after an issue has occurred - but then we  are only human! In all of this we try not  to be too bureaucratic but sensitive to  all of our needs, the*concerns of the women  who use our service while getting business  done as well. The meetings are important  for all of us -since we do not see each  other as a group otherwise and it is an  opportunity to catch up with our lives and  to share in our main belief - that lesbianism is a viable and enjoyable lifestyle  and we are all proud to be lesbians!  Why Join LIL?  We have all joined LIL because of our  positive belief in lesbianism but also  because we want to participate in a women's group and help other women. As  well, LIL provides a social and educational experience for everyone and a place to  learn new skills - i.e. counselling, bookkeeping, letter writing, resource gathering, public speaking, advertising and  dance organization. Many of us at the  moment work and live most of our lives  in the straight, male world and LIL is  like a haven from all of this. The support  we give each other is dynamic and essential If we are to function as women loving  women.  It is certainly not essential that an  interested woman needs to have counselling  experience or even have been a part of  a women's group befpre. We are always on  the look-out for new members and are  aware that being warm and open on initial  contact with prospective members is important. One way we are trying to achieve  this is by giving an interested woman a  contact partner, a sister who she can  talk to and discuss line information with.  We have found this to be effective since  in the past, interested women were left  ln the lurch too often not knowing who  to talk to before the monthly meeting.  New women are welcome to come to the line,  check us out, meet us, and take a few  calls, and read over the constitution and  VSW Notes  Vancouver Status of Women (VSW) has a new  Board of Directors. On June 29, 1983, we  elected Kate Andrew, Janet Berry, and  Nancy Keough (second terms), and Vicky  Donaldson, Janet Lakeman, Susan Stewart,  Rosemarie Rupps, and Heather Wells (first  terms). Congratulations 1  First order of business for the new directors, and members, was a special meeting  on Septemebr 15th to revise the VSW Con-  titution. Pending registration in  Victoria, our new constitution will be  available to all VSW members for $1.00.  Mark December 3rd on your calendar for  VSW's benefit December Party !  policy. The more members a new woman works  with on the line, the better counselling  skills we feel will be developed. We do  not have a planned training program at  this time but use on-the-line training  and discussion of calls at the time.  Our Approach To Counselling  The most important philosophy behind our  approach is that we accept our caller or  drop in visitor where she is at. We are  supportive and caring and non-judgemental.  As well, we all know that there are times  when we will not have all the answers -  and that's O.K. We try to be good listeners and to pick up on feelings - sometimes  it is intuition and asking questions to  help the woman is the best way to do it.  Many of us ourselves have been to therapists or peer counselling. We try to use  what we have learned from our own experiences and from each other. Because we  are helping each other via the phone, our  own life experiences can become valuable  assets and also become validated from  another caller's feelings. This aspect,  the counsellor receiving affirmation of  their own past, is an incredible experience . Sometimes old pain is kindled in  us and we can re-evaluate and become  better in our assistance to other lesbians.  Improving Our Line  Updating our files and resources is a continual battle. In addition we have participated in several community women's  events such as the Lesbian Conference,  International Women's Day and so on -  and are always picking up pamphlets and  brochures when we see them. VGCC News and  Kinesis  provide a lot of assistance for  our resources as well. A major gap still  exists in the area of helping persons -  we need names of doctors, therapists and  dentists to list. LIL would like to expand by speaking at more public engagements and through advertising and mailouts  we are attempting to reach more of the  straight world. We are always open to  suggestions on how to expand our service -  your input is most welcome.  LIL operates totally on volunteer workers  and we raise most of our own funds  through a yearly dance (usually in June).  Thanks to the Women's Health Collective,  we use a space two nights a week for our  line when the Health Collective is not  operating. The rest of our money comes  from donations from individuals and organizations, such as the Gazebo Connection  and the late S.P.A.G. We exist on around  $1400 a year - and most of this goes to  paying the phone and advertising costs -  our biggest expenses. Of cource we  wouldn't say no to anyone out there willing to give us a few bucks (at this time  though we have not applied for a tax number.)  • An Invitation   ,  If you think it is time to get involved  in the women's community and a lesbian  feminist group, how about dropping down to  LIL. Maybe you are going on a trip and  want to know what clubs mid groups exist  in other cities; drop down to LIL, we have  a book on such information. Or maybe you  want to know the name of a good therapist -  call us. LIL is not just a counselling line  - we are an information centre as well and  we also provide a drop in space on Sundays.  If you are Interested in LIL - call us  Thursday and Sundays, 7-10 p.m. at 734-  1016 or drop in at the Health Collective,  (the same nights) at 1501 West Broadway.  LIL is a lesbian feminist group and it is  as strong as ever.  I 26 Kinesis October'83  LETTERS  Film crew  turned down  Kinesis:  The following describes our personal frustration with the situation concerning our  attempts to film the Women's Peace Camp,  but it also poses some important questions  for the women's community to address.  On Thursday August 15, 1983, two days before the Women's Peace Camp was scheduled  to begin in Cole1 Bay, Saskatchewan, three  Vancouver women came together with the  realization that it would be possible to  get the time, equipment and supplies needed to cover the event on film. Although  the National Film Board's Studio 'D' and  director Bonnie Klein had already been  working with the event's committee of the  Peace Camp for some time and were also  covering it, we as independent filmmakers  from the Vancouver women's community felt  that our coverage would be a positive  contribution to the event, and more immediately accessible to the community. We were  prepared to invest personal time, effort  and money into producing a short, ten  minute documentary, our objective being the  documentation of an important event organized by women in support of the Peace  Movement. As women and filmmakers, we also  feel that it is important for women to use  the media to record, document and distribute our feminist perspective.  We contacted some women on the organizing  committee and initially our suggestion  was favourably received. Several hours  later a decision was made; we were not  given permission to film. Our frustration  with the situation lies not with the  individuals involved but with the unrepresentative decision making process and  therefore the decision itself. The reasons  for the refusal were not clear, but two in  particular stand out. First, that we had  waited until the last minute, therefore  it was too late, and second, that the  National Film Board was covering it anyway  so it was not necessary to 'duplicate'  their coverage. These 'reasons' and the  decision itself raise some interesting  and important issues that need to be  addressed by the organizers of the Peace  Camp and the women's community at large.  How is it possible that three Women with  the necessary expertise, resources, and  commitment to participate in their own way  to support the Peace Camp are denied the  opportunity to film this event by a  committee in their own community?  We had individually known about the Peace  Camp for some time, however, it would not  have been possible for any one of us to  cover the event alone, even though the  desire had- been strong. By combining our  skills and resources it became apparent  that we could pull together enough money  and equipment for a short film, a realization that unfortunately did not occur  until two days before the scheduled Peace  Camp.  Although we realized thaf we were approaching the organizing committee 'at the last  minute' we did not expect this to be a  major problem. After all individual women  artists rarely have the time and resources  to organize such a project much in advance,  considering our day to day struggle to  merely survive as women artists. Any scheduled women's events from a political  rally, to a protest march, to a concert,  to a theatrical performance, must be prepared to deal with last minute changes.  Why was there no such preparation or flexibility within the Peace Camp's organization?  The second factor in question is the  National Film Board's coverage of the  event. We were aware the N.F.B. was covering the Peace Camp but felt that the one  and a half hour shooting time that we  could have done would have been different  in style and technique, simply because we  are individuals with our own unique way  of seeing. Considering this, our coverage  would have provided more visibility and  promotion of the goals and values embodied  in the Peace Camp, not a mere 'duplication'  of events.  A related issue to be considered here is  the individual versus the institution; the  independent filmmaker versus the National  Film Board. Was it the perception of the  Peace Camp organizers that since the N.F.B.  is a more established filmmaking body,  they were more professional and hence,  command more validity? We don't see ourselves in competition with the N.F.B. crew,  and in fact, certainly support their  presence in principle. We find it difficult to understand why they were allowed  to record the event while we were not.  Surely the missed opportunity here is twofold! Our ability to effectively organize  ourselves into a functioning team was  thwarted,' and another perspective was  lost.  Are we mistaken in assuming that a symbolic event, such as a Women's Peace camp,  could only benefit from as much publicity  as possible? Isn't documentation of the  action important in promoting the values  of peace and unity that the event represents? Wouldn't a film solely about the  event (with the participation of mostly  western Canadian women) produced by Vancouver feminists have been valuable in  broadening the Peace Movement locally? A  decision was made. The possibility for the  existence of such a film was eliminated.  As the would-be producers, we can only  stand by in frustration and disappointment, hoping that organizers of similar  events in the future will not be so shortsighted.  In solidarity,  Jin Hong, Laurie Meeker, Clo Laurencelle  Experience for  women paramount  Kinesis:  In response to the letter appearing in  Kinesis,  which was also forwarded to the  Women's Gathering, by Jin Hong, Laurie  Meeker and Clo Laurencelle we, the Events  Committee of Women Gathering to Stop the  Cruise, would like to clarify our reasons  for not allowing a second film crew to film  the Women's Peace Camp at Cole Bay.  Our reasons were two-fold and centred  around the nature of the camp. The events  of the weekend were geared towards the  women participating in a political ritual.  This was to be a new experience for most  of the women involved and it was vital  that a safe atmosphere be developed in  which women felt free to express their  thoughts and feelings openly.  Our first reason - the last minute timing  of the proposal - would not have been a  problem for most events. As it was, a  few people on the Events Committee were  approached on the afternoon before the day  we were to leave for Cole Bay and we felt  unable to make a 'yes' decision without  consulting the whole group. If we had been  approached even two days earlier the  decision could have been made at a general  meeting and frustration would have been  avoided on both sides.  Our second reason was our concern over  the quality of the experience for the  participating women. A lot of time and  care had gone into making the decision to  allow one crew to film the event. Although  we recognized the importance of documentation and publicity, the major goal of the  gathering was to encourage women to make  connections to the Metis and Cree people  of Cole Bay and to the movement for peace.  In weighing the benefits of good documentation against the quality of the experience  for the women involved the majority of the  Events Committee decided that a second  camera would be too disruptive.  Although our decision may have seemed pro-  institution, we would like to make it  clear that our reasons for rejecting the  group of independent filmmakers had nothing to do with a preference for the more  established NFB crew. As women who have  been active in the women's movement for  years we are very aware of the problems  that non-funded artists and groups face  and believe strongly in the need for mutual support.  Our decision was a difficult one and we  regret the frustration that it has caused.  The experience, like any new experience,  has been one of learning. In the overall  evaluation of the weekend many different  views were expressed. Some women found the  presence of one film crew too intrusive  while others would have liked to have seen  more documentation of the event. Obviously,  the problem of how to achieve a balance  between the quality of an experience and  the documentation of it has yet to be  resolved for us. This is an issue which we  hope will continue to be discussed.  Anne Beesack, Pat Feindel, Paulette Roscoe,  Wendy Solloway, Heather Wells.  The B.C.  Federation of Women Convention is  approaching (November Remembrance weekend).  VSW members interested in attending as  delegates please contact VSW at 873-1427  for. further information. October'83 Kinesis 27  BULLETIN BOARD  EVENTS  AN EXCITING NEW COURSE - "History of the  Labour Movement in B.C. - The Role of  Women Unionists" will begin on Mon.,  Oct. 3rd at the Hospital Employees  Union, 2286 W. 12th Ave., 7-10 p.m.  This ten week course will offer an  in-depth view of working women's history and organization in the province.  Facilitator is Sara Diamond. Register  at 986-1911, Local 430 or come in  person to the first seminar.  Cost is  $25.50 for two weeks, plus a $10 college  registration fee, and is sponsored by  Capilano College Labour Studies Programme. Optional course materials cost  an additional $10. This is a unique  opportunity to learn a history that  effects all of our lives as women.  SPECIAL SHOWING: FEMINIST FILMMAKER. Three  films by Sarah Halpern (formerly Barbara  Martineau) at NFB Theatre, 1155 West  Georgia. Sunday, Oct. 2 at 7:30 p.m.  WITH THESE HANDS: An exhibit of visual arts  by women at Sister's Restaurant from  Oct. 4 - Nov. 13. Sponsored by Battered  Women's Support Services. Opening: Oct.  3 at 8 p.m.  SOLIDARITY FILM SERIES every Tues. at  Little Mountain Neighbourhood House,  3981 Main St. Begins Oct. 4, 7:30 - 9:30  p.m. For more info, call 879-7104.  THIS BUDGET HURTS CHILDREN: A Public Meeting Wed. Oct. 5, 7:30 p.m. at Templeton  High School, 727 Templeton. Childcare  available. Sponsored by B.C. Daycare  Action Coalition.  BENEFIT YARD SALE for Women Gathering to  Stop the Cruise, Sun., Oct. 9th, 10am-4pm,  1736 William, Donations needed 253-4802  AT WOMEN IN FOCUS - THE PARISIAN LAUNDRY:  An Extravaganza of Women's Work from  Toronto. A show of 44 artists in the  mediums of painting, drawing, photography, video, film and performance. Opening Oct. 7 thru Nov. 5, Mon.-Fri., noon  to 5p.m. Sat., 10:30a.m. to 5p.m. $3  entrance fee; $2 unemployed. Oct. 7- performance; Oct. 12 - video evening; Oct.  19 - film evening; Oct. 26 - video afternoon; Oct. 29 - performance; Nov. 2 -  video evening. For more info, contact  Women in Focus, Ste. 204-456 W. Broadway,  phone: 872-2250.  PUBLIC MEETING: MARGARET RANDALL speaking  on "Correcting the Lies - Nicaragua  Today". Sat., Oct. 15 at 8p.m. At the  Russian Hall, 600 Campbell St. $3.  SHARON H. NELSON READS from her new book  of poems, Mad Women and Crazy Ladies,  Sun., October 16th, 2 pm, Ariel Books.  LESBIANS AND GAYS HAVE A PLACE on the  Steering Committees of both Solidarity  Coalitions. We need to discuss who will  represent us and our concerns. Therefore  all lesbians are invited to attend a  meeting on Wednesday, Oct. 19, 1983 at  7:30pm. at Vancouver Status of Women,  400 A West 5th Ave. Contact Jan at 734-  0485 if you need more information.  YWCA FIFTH ANNUAL SINGLE MOTHERS' SYMPOSIUM, Oct. 21 & 22, 1983. Theme: "Choices  & Change", Keynote speaker Joy Leach.  Cost: Fri. & Sat. $25; Fri. only $7;  Sat. only $20. Financial aid is available  to those on income assistance through  the financial aid worker. Register by  Oct. 14. For more info phone the YWCA at  683-2531, local 310.  FEMINIST COUNSELLING ASSOCIATION PRESENTS   1983-84 SPORTSWOMEN WALL CALENDAR (16mths.)  FALL WORKSHOP: "A Feminist Approach to  Female Sexuality" on Sat., Oct. 29 from  9a.m. - 4p.m. at the Unitarian Centre  (49th & Oak). Cost: $30 or exchange.  For further info, contact: Marsha Ablowitz at 261-8953 or 228-7029.  LEADING MOUNTAINEER, PHOTOGRAPHER ARLENE  BLUM speaking on a history of women's  mountaineering, "Women on Top". Date:  Sun., Oct. 30th at 7:30 p.m. Location:  UBC - Instructional Resource Centre  (IRC) Lecture Hall #6 - Woodward Library.  Admission: $3.50 students and in advance; $4.50 at the door. Tickets  available at CAAW&S, 1200 Hornby, 3rd  floor; Ariel Books; Octopus East; AMS  Box office at UBC-SUB.  VANCOUVER FOLK MUSIC FESTIVAL presents  Queen Ida and the Bon Temps Zydeco  Band at the Commodore Ballroom on Fri.,  Nov. 4, 8:00 p.m. Tickets: Black Swan  Records, Octopus Books East, Vancouver  Folk Music Festival Office, and all  VTC/CBO outlets.  AN EVENING IN SOLIDARITY WITH PERU. Latin  American songs, poetry, dances and a  panel discussion on the situation in  Peru. Dance to Communique.'ĢAdmission:  $4 in advance, $5 at the door. West End  Community Centre, Sat. Nov. 5, 6p.m. -  12a.m.  CLASSIFIED  WEST WIND CIRCLE T-SHIRTS: A Women's business. We specialize in silk-screening  and custom designs/logos. We have special  rates for political groups. Call Carol  327-5778 (message); Susan 873-5804. -  THE VANCOUVER ASSOCIATION OF WOMEN AND THE  LAW, local caucus of the National Association of Women and the Law, is presently  encouraging more women to become members.  We are: a) a contact group for women who  wish to discuss legal issues; b) a lobbying force at the Municipal, Provincial,  and Federal levels. We also offer: a)  public education; b) speakers; c) conferences. Fees are $15 per year for a  regular membership, or $5 per year for  a student membership. For more info.,  contact Linda King at 669-6238 or at the  UBC Faculty of Law Legal Clinic (228-  5911).  WEST COAST REVIEW  IS INVITING SUBMISSIONS  of short works of fiction for consideration for a special issue. The issue will  be a companion volume to two previously  published WCR books and will be called  New:   West Coast Fiction.   Scheduled  publication is January-February, 1984.  Works should be previously unpublished  and accompanied by a brief autobiographical statement of about 50 words. Enclose  a SASE. Deadline: Nov. 1, 1983. Mail to:  The Editor, West Coast Reveiw, c/o The  English Dept., SFU, Burnaby, B.C. V5A 1S6  DROP-IN WRITING WORKSHOP - JOAN HAGGERTY  is starting an on-going drop-in writing  workshop at 168 W. 19th Aye. on Wed. and  Thurs. evenings. You pay $30 a year to  belong to the group. You come whenever  you want. If you are presenting material  for criticism, you pay $12-$15 for that  session. If you want to listen, you pay  $5. The Thurs. evenings will be for  women only. Both sessions will start at  7:30p.m.  Joan Haggerty is the author of two books,  Please,  Miss,  Can I Play God?  (Methuen,  London. Bobbs-Merrill, N.Y.C.) and  Daughters of the Moon  (Bobbs-Merill,  N.Y.C.)  Photographs include Softball, Lacrosse,  Basketball, Soccer, Martial Arts. Lists  women's Olympic history, Canadian holidays, lunar phases. Send $8.75(Can.):  Brushfire Press-Ki, 2349 Indianola,  Columbus, OH, USA 43202.  WORKSHOP SPACE FOR RENT, available immediately. Phone Press Gang at 253-1224  WEIGHT TRAINING CLINIC FOR WOMEN. Beginner  or intermediate levels. Includes safety  tips, basic skills, avoiding injury,  principles of muscle development.  Nov. 5, 1983, 9a.m.-2p.m. at Riley Park  Community Centre. Call Riley Park for  registration before Nov. 2. $15-$20.  Instructor: Betty Baxter.  FEMINIST THERAPY - Sliding Scale Fees.  Phone Maggie Ziegler, 251-3215.  KINESIS  IS EXPANDING ITS ARTS SECTION. We  are soliciting copies of newly published  books and passes to the openings of  plays and films. Anyone interested in  reviewing books, plays, film, art shows  or photography shows, please contact  Cole Dudley, 873-1427. We also need  photographers who could take pictures  for use in Kinesis.  ROOMATE NEEDED - Vintage lesbian-feminist  household needs a fourth woman. We live  co-operatively in a big non-smoking  house with a cat, garden, and darkroom.  Very reasonable rent. Near Fraser and  25th. Call 876-4541.  VANCOUVER STATUS OF WOMEN needs member  involvement with fundraising and member  help with the upcoming December dance.  Call Vicky 687-8531; Cat 873-1427.  ARIEL BOOKS IS HAVING A SALE, SALE, SALE,  from Oct.l to Oct.15, at 2766 W. 4.  ON THE AIR  CO-OP RADIO HIGHLIGHTS FOR OCTOBER:  A special fund-raising day of women's  programming: selections from the  women and words conference, music,  interviews with local poets and  writers arid much more on:  Saturday, October 15 from 12-6 pm.  Listen in on 102.7 FM, Cable 104.9.  Pledge lines will be open all weekend  October 14,15,16 to help raise Co-op  Radio's rent.  GROUPS  ASSERTIVENESS TRAINING GROUP at VSW six  Tues. evenings starting Nov. 8, 7:30 -  9:30p.m. No charge; childcare provided  if requested ahead. Call Patty Moore,  873-1427 to register and for more info.  WOMEN'S BISEXUAL SUPPORT GROUP meets twice  monthly: meeting/discussion on the  first Tues. of each month, social evening on the third Fri. of each month.  Coming events: Tues., Oct. 4, 8:00p.m.  - "Coming Out as a Bisexual - Shared  Experiences". Fri., Oct. 21, 8:00p.m. -  Potluck/Party. Tues., Nov.l, 8:00p.m. -  "Arguments for/against our Relationships with Men". Fri., Nov. 18, 8:00p.m.  - night on the town. F> - further info,  contact: Beth 251-7473. Joyce 255-6997.  THE HEALTH COLLECTIVE NEEDS VOLUNTEERS!  The Vancouver Women's Health Collective  is looking for women interested in  working day or evening shifts in our  resource centre. We will begin training sessions on Tues., Oct. 4 in the  morning. If you are interested, please  call the Health Collective, 736-6696  for more Info.


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