Kinesis Apr 1, 1991

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 Where's the feminist outrage? - pg. 8  "Unlearning racism:'  does changing  individuals really  change anything?  Reports from Ireland and the Philippines  Lee Maracle * Ingrid Koenig * Holley Rubirisky Kinesis welcomes volunteei  all aspects of the  j paper.   Call   us   at  255-5499.  Our   next  Writer's   Meetings  are Wed. Apr. 3 and Wed. May  j 1 at 7 pm. at Kinesis, #301-  1720 Grant St. All women wel-  i even if you don't have  I experience.  PRODUCTION THIS ISSUE:  Janisse   Browning,    Christine  I Cosby, Nancy Pollak, Jill Mandrake, Terry Thompson, Jac-  i kie Brown, Rhoda Rosenfeld,  Walsh,   Agnes   Huang,  | Sandra Gillespie, Frances Was-  j serlein,    Gwen    Bird,.    Carrie  I Smith, Sima Black, Meg  Ed-  | wards, Deborah Mclnnes, Bir-  j  git Schinke, Gladys We, Mar-  I sha    Arbour,    Sonia    Morino,  Joel  I  FRONT COVER: Lizanne Fos-  a South African refugee  poke   at    Vancouver's  |  IWD rally. Photo by NJ Pollak  j EDITORIAL   BOARD:   Nan-  lak,   Heidi   Walsh,   Ag-  ; nes Huang, Terrie Hamazaki,  ristine Cosby  00^  CIRCULATION AND DIS'  BUTION: Jennifer Johi  Chau Tran, Rachel Fox  ADVERTISING: Birgit  OFFICE: Jennifer Johnsi  Chau Tran  I Kinesis !s published 10 times  a year by the Vancouver Status of Women.  Its objectives  I are to be a non-sectarian feminist voice for women and  to   work   actively   for   social  j change,   specifically   combat-  j ting sexism, racism, homophp-  and imperialism.  I Views expressed in Kinesis  are those of the writer and  do not necessarily reflect VSW  policy. All unsigned material is  e responsibility of the Kine-  i Editorial Board.  SUBSCRIPTIONS: Individual  subscriptions to Kinesis are  $20 per year or what you  :an afford. Membership in the  Vancouver Status of Women  is $30 or what you can afford,  includes subscription to Kine-  SUBMISSIONS: Women and  girls are welcome to make submissions. We reserve the right  to edit and submission does  not guarantee publication. If  possible,   submissions   should  I be typed double spaced and  must be signed and include  an address and phone number.  Please note: Kinesis does not  accept poetry or fiction contributions. For material to be  returned, a SASE must be included. Editorial guidelines are  I available on request.  ADVERTISING: For information about display advertising  j rates, please contact Kinesis.  For information about classifieds, please see the classified  page in this issue.  DEADLINE: For features and  reviews: the 10th of the  month preceding publication;  | news copy: 15th; letters and  Bulletin Board listings: 18th.  I Display advertising—camera  ready:  18th; design  required:  i  16th.  Women are feeling shut out of the constitutional debate. What's  at stake? 11  INSIDE  Linda Wilson won't be silent about the  Meme  breast implant scandal 8  Lots of violence, little money 3  Midwifes' ruling—victory for women 3  Maggie Benston: a tribute 4  Vancouver's new women's health centre 4  Pay equity fight for hospital workers 5  The Meme scandal: where's the outrage? 8  by Ellen Saenger  Ireland: a divided women's movement 9  by Heidi Walsh  Philippines: land reform is key 10  by Rita Gill  The Constitution: what's at stake? 11  by Shelagh Day, Gloria Nicholson  and Judy Rebick  Rapid Transits: Holley Rubinsky's keen ear 14  by Jill Mandrake  Moonlodge: part of our healing 15  by Annie Frazier  Lee Maracle: setting truth ablaze 15  by Kerrie Charnley  Eunuchs for Heaven: controlling the flock 16  by Heidi Walsh  Sandra's Garden: depicting her journey    .17  by Terry Gibson  Ingrid Koenig: documenting women's resistance... 19  by Morgan McGuigan  Commentary..  by Sunera Thobani  Wake Up Screening.  by Zainub Verjee  Letters 20  Bulletin Board 21  compiled by Avery August  Kinesis is indexed in the  Canadian Women's Periodicals Index, and the Alternative  Press Index.  CORRESPONDENCE: Kinesis, Vancouver Status of  Women, 301-1720 Grant St.,  Vancouver, B.C. V5L 2Y6  Kinesis is a member of the  Canadian Magazine Publishers  Association.  Second class mail #6426  KINESIS Movement Matters  Movement Matters is designed to be a  network of news, updates and information of special interest to the women's  movement. Submissions to Movement Matters should be no more than 500 words,  typed, double-spaced on eight and a half by  eleven paper. Submissions may be edited for  length. Deadline is the 18th of the month  preceding publication.  Older women  focus of mag.  A recent special issue of Women's Education des femmes is devoted to the  subject of education and older women. Articles include: "Older women and gerontology: you inherit your model;" "Social  health education with older women;" and  "Learning people: an older woman's education through activism." Poetry and graphics  continue these powerful themes throughout  the magazine, and there is a resource section which lists older women's groups, funding sources and publications.  "Older Women and Education" may be  purchased for $4.50 plus 10 percent shipping, or ordered as part of a subscription  to the quarterly Women's Education des  femmes: $17 (individuals) or $45 (organizations). Write to the Canadian Congress  for Learning Opportunities for Women, 47  Main St., Toronto ON., M4E 2V6.  Women's labour  history videos  The Lull Before the Storm is a four-  part video series about women's labour history in British Columbia in the 1930's to  1950's. The series consists of two dramas  and two documentaries, each 48 minutes  long. The dramatic portions of The Lull  explore the histories of working class women  and men in the post-war transition period,  centering on changing definitions of femininity and the impact of these on family working hfe. These videos mix "kitchen sink"  drama and historical footage in a unique  format.  The documentaries, "The Women of  Wood" and "Community Acts," portray  women married to mill-workers and loggers whose Uves were deeply touched by  the economic cycles of the logging industry and the conditions in single-industry  towns. These documentaries combine personal testimonies, location visuals and  archival footage and stills from Vancouver  Island.  Written, directed and produced by Sara  Diamond, The Lull is a co-production of  the Women's Labour History Project and  the Knowledge Network. To rent or purchase, or for more information, contact the  distributors: Video Out, 1102 Homer St.,  Vancouver BC V6B 2X6 (tel: 688-4336);  Women in Focus, 849 Beatty St., Vancouver, BC V6B 2M6 (tel: 682-5848); or V-  Tape, 183 Bathurst St., 1st Floor, Toronto,  ON. M5T 2R7 (tel: 867-9897).  1146 Commercial § Phone: 253-0913  Kinesis  Women of  Colour  Caucus  next meeting:  Monday, April 8  7:30 p.m.  at 301-1720 Grant St.  contact Terrie at 321-0575  for more information  Our thanks to Vancouver Status of Women members who support us year 'round with  memberships and donations. Our appreciation to the following supporters who became  members, renewed their memberships or donated in March:  E. Auerbach • Barbara Bell • Kate Braid • Heather Brenneman • Ruth Bullock •  Annabelle Cameron • V. Comensoli • Christine Conley • Sharon Costello • Anne Dagg ♦  Valerie Embree • Barbara Eyles • Sydney Foran • Kathe Freebury • Sally Gillard • Ellen  Hamer • Diana Hutchinson • Suzanne James • Olive Johnson • Pat Landrecht • Patricia  Lust ♦ Sandra Lynne • Maureen McEvoy • Diane McMahon • Monique Midgley • Adrienne Montani • Leshe Muir • Jan Pullinger • Rebecca Raby • Rosemarie Rupps • Mary  Woo Sims • Alice Starr • Maureen Trotter • Donalda Viaud • Peggy Watkins • Diana  Wolfe • Jane Wolverton  Child sexual abuse  dynamics explored  Let the Healing Begin: Breaking the  Cycle of Child Sexual Abuse in Our  Communities is written by feminist therapist Maureen McEvoy and published by  the Nicola Valley Institute of Technology.  Drawing on the experiences of Native communities in Canada, Let the Healing Begin explains dynamics of child sexual abuse,  how victims try to cope with their secret,  and how people can assist disclosure. The  strengths and weaknesses of the child protection system are frankly discussed, as well  as examples of Native-run child welfare.  The book also explains how victims, their  families and neighbours can address the  problem with prevention programs, support  groups, professional help and other kinds  of community action. Let the Healing Begin is appropriate for small groups, classrooms, workshops and individual study. Its  language is straightforward and its numerous illustrations make it accessible to adults  and teenagers of average reading abihty.  Let the Healing Begin is available for  $19.95 plus 5 percent shipping. Discounts  are available for bulk orders over 5 copies,  and the publisher is open to negotiating  shding scale fees for groups with limited resources. Send certified cheques or money orders to: Nicola Valley Inst, of Technology,  PubUcations Dept., Box 399, Merritt BC,  V0K 2B0 (tel: 604-378-2251 or FAX 604-  378-5898).  BOOK MANTEL  ^——^^  |f       Under New Management ||  EXCELLENT SELECTION OF OYER 40,000 GENTLY USED BOOKS  Feminist • Literature • Philosophy • Poetry • General Selection  N  Insidel  Kinesis  ;;is«NLi§ii  We'll open with a complaint. Letters.  Letters. Why do we get so few? Has letter  writing become a dying art? We've got room  on our letters page for the feminist community to debate, create, discuss or just fuss.  Write to us, if only to tell us why you don't  write to us. So hop to it.  Hello to new writers in this issue of Kinesis: Ellen Saenger, Annie Frazier, Helen Vermeulen and Morgan McGuigan. And  hello to new production volunteer Carrie  Smith.  Terrie Hamazaki is taking a leave of absence from the Editorial Board (until June),  but she is still working with the Women of  Colour Caucus (see ad this page). If anyone is interested in attending the Editorial  Board, the next meeting is Wednesday April  10th, 7 pm at our office. Call 255-5499 for  more information.  Our subscription drive is on its way.  Over 2000 enticing packages have been sent  across Canada, largely due to the efforts of  Lizanne Foster, Mina Hayes, Carrie Smith,  Amy Swartze, Suzanne and Michael, Esther  Shannon, Trisha Joel, Agnes Huang and  their fearless leader in stuffing and licking—  Juli Macdonnel. Thanks! Because our funding was cut last year, we certainly rely more  and more on subscribers.  Now, about that letter you were about to  write ...  Don't  S,   be shy  Moved to  1002 Commercial Drive  V5L3W9  1253-1099  , KINESIS  Open 7 days, 11-7  20% discount with valid student cards  WOMEN OWNED AND OPERATED |  writing is a bn  especially if you've never been  published before. We offer  support and advice to women  who want to i   "'  interviews, features, ne  Come to c  (see Bulletin Board for  details) or call 255-5499. y/yyyyy/yyyyyyyyyyyyyy/yy/yyyyyyy/yyyyyyyyyyyyy^  /y//y/////////A////y//>yy//y//y//yy^  NEWS  wmm  The feds:  Lots of violence, little money  by Shey Duboce  Midwives ruling:  Victory for women  by Nancy Pollak  When the Supreme Court of  Canada ruled in favour of mid-  wives Mary Sullivan and Gloria LeMay on March 21st, the  court merely re-affirmed its position that a fetus is not "a person"  under the Criminal Code.  While the court's decision was  well-received by women's rights  activists—and with considerable  relief by the two Vancouver- based  midwives—the ruhng was actually  a dry, legalistic conclusion to a  wrenching six year-long legal battle.  At stake was the possibility that  the court would grant legal "personhood" rights to the fetus—  thereby diminishing the mother's  rights. At the root of the case was  the persecution of midwives by the  legal and medical professions.  In 1986, lay midwives LeMay  and Sullivan were convicted of  criminal negligence causing death  to a baby which suffocated after becoming stuck in its mother's  body during a home birth. The  mother, Jewel Voth, experienced a  very difficult, long labour and was  eventually taken to hospital where  the baby was delivered dead.  Sullivan and LeMay were acquitted on a second charge of criminal negligence causing harm to  Jewel Voth. In 1988, the BC Court  of Appeal overturned their original conviction—finding that a fetus is not a person under the law—  and substituted a conviction on  the second charge. The midwives  appealed that conviction to the  Supreme Court.  The Supreme Court case had  two interveners (parties who per  suade the court they have "a  stake" in the ruhng): REAL  Women, a right-wing, anti-feminist  women's organization, and the  Women's Legal Education and Action Fund (LEAF), an equality-  seeking group.  REAL Women unsuccessfully  argued that a fetus is a person  under section 203 of the Criminal Code. The court reviewed existing, case law and the wording of  the section in rejecting their argument. (The court has made similar judgments: when striking down  the abortion law (1988), and in rejecting Joe Borowski's argument  that the fetus had equality rights  under the Charter (1989)).  LEAF argued that, rather than  granting a fetus legal status as  a person (which would threaten  women's equality rights), the court  should recognize that a fetus is  part of a woman. The Supreme  Court did not comment on LEAF's  argument beyond saying that its  ruhng was consistent with the  "equahty approach."  LEAF's Victoria Grey called  the ruhng "another brick in the  wall of saying the fetus does not  have independent legal rights."  The Supreme Court also considered the question of whether  or not Sullivan and LeMay should  have been convicted on the second charge of negligence causing  bodily harm to the mother. The  court's decision to overturn that  conviction on procedural grounds  has left open the question of maternal bodily harm in such circumstances. LEAF had argued that  bodily harm to the mother had occurred, since the fetus is in and of  the woman's body. Says LEAF's  Helena Orton, "We beheve that  a recognition of this relationship  is critically important to women's  equahty rights."  Joy Thompson of the BC Coalition of Abortion Chnics described  the court's ruhng as "a rehef, a  victory. This case raised a threat  to women around abortion rights  because the automatic result of  [granting] legal personhood rights  to the fetus is the loss of full personhood for women ...  "You can't 'balance' fetal rights  and women's rights: the protection  of the fetus must rest with women.  There is a kind of misguided preoccupation with the fetus which  would be more appropriately focused on women. The best way to  take care of the fetus is to take care  of the woman."  Gloria LeMay, who still practices lay midwifery, called the  court's ruhng "a big win for mid-  wives. In BC, the law was bent  in order to convict midwives, and  now the Supreme Court has restored the law to its original  shape."  However, LeMay beheves the  court ruled as it did to protect  medical doctors, not to benefit  midwives. No doctor would feel  safe dehvering babies, she says, if  the fetus had legal status as a person.  Nevertheless, she predicts the  ruhng will "curtail midwifery trials. The next time the attorney general in some province  thinks about prosecuting a midwife, they'll review the case  law and the Supreme Court's  decision—and they'll see how  much time and money BC wasted  on this case."  In February, Federal Health  Minister Perrin Beatty caught  many feminists off guard with his  announcement of $136 million for  Family Violence Programs to provide research, education and prevention programs over the next  four years.  If you're willing to read between  the hnes in the recently published  Family Violence government publicity package, you may be as reluctant to applaud the Conservatives as most feminist groups seem  to be.  Firstly, you'll need to weed  through government self-pro motion, which lauds the achievements  of their 1988 $40 million Family  Violence Initiative. Then there's  praise for Canada's partnership  between the federal and provincial levels, especially federal support for provincial social programs  through the Canada Assistance  Plan (CAP).  Secondly, they announce with  few explanations that this money  will be used by a "circle of fourteen  federal departments and agencies," (unhke the eight departments involved in 1988) and that  over one-third of the money ($55.6  miUion) will go directly to Health  and Welfare which will spread the  money between six departments  ... In other words, this money  could be difficult to find.  And lastly—and probably the  most difficult to comprehend—is  the government analysis of "What  is Family Violence?" Statistics are  offered: 1 in 10 women will be assaulted by a husband/boyfriend;  25 percent of girls and 10 percent  of boys are sexually abused before  age 16; fourty percent of women  with disabihties are abused. Feminists cite the following figures: 1  in 4 women will be assaulted by  a husband/boyfriend; 60-75 percent of girls and 17 percent of  boys face some form of sexual coercion before age 16; eighty percent of women with disabihties are  abused.  Where the real confusion hes is  in the concluding paragraph: "the  family is a place of safety, nurturing and positive values."  Unmentioned in the press package is that the money isn't actually available until 1992. Since the  Conservatives must call an election in 1993, is it possible that the  only real use of this money will be  for pre-election promotions?  Opposition critics have suggested the Tories' family violence  announcement was meant to offset  negative reaction to the bad news  contained in the federal budget of  February 26th, 1991. Finance Minister Michael Wilson's plans included extending the freeze on established program financing, the  method by which Ottawa transfers  money to the provinces for health  care and education programs.  As weU, the Tories will continue to diminish their contribution to the Canada Assistance  Plan (CAP), which means less  money for provinces to provide  welfare and a variety of social assistance programs.  The federal budget also calls  for a $75 million reduction in  funding grants to organizations in  1991, and additional $125 million  cuts in 1992 and 1993. The whole  range of advocacy, service and research groups—including women's  organizations—will be affected by  these cuts. As Kinesis goes to  press, details of how the funding  cuts will be distributed among federal ministries and programs are  unknown.  Shrinking transfer payments  and reduced funding can only  mean bad news for feminist anti-  violence centres, especially those  relying on federal health dollars or  managing on the few dollars they  can squeeze out of their provincial and city governments. Groups  located in poor areas—or under  right-wing governments, such as  the Socreds in BC—are especially  threatened as provinces become  more and more responsible for financing social programs, and have  less and less money to do so.  Since the early 70's, feminists  have lobbied and petitioned for  better services for women and children who hve in fear of violence.  It was feminist research and wom-  anpower that established existing rape crisis centres and advocacy/support centres. To this day,  feminists, by and large, continue to  maintain these groups.  Yet perhaps the toughest job for  feminists working against violence  has been keeping a hold on emergency shelter programs—better  known as transition houses—for  battered women and their children.  In the mid-80's, Vancouver feminists fought a bitter battle over  maintaining control of Vancouver's only transition house. Feminist in theory and practice—and  union op erated—Vancouver Transition House was eventually lost  through provin cial privatization  to the Salvation Army who continue to operate it under their  model of "Family Violence."  Vancouver has one government  funded second stage home operating with a feminist understanding of battering, consisting of six  private apartments (referred to as  "units"), where battered women  and children may stay from six  to a year for a small portion of  their monthly social assistance allowance. Women are offered counselhng, support, and advocacy services during their stay.  WUl the new federal program go  towards feminist-run, second stage  homes?  A smaU amount of the federal  family violence money wUl be allotted to the federal Ministry of  Housing. With the guidance of the  Canadian Mortgage and Housing  Corporation (CMHC), the ministry plans to spend $21 miUion  over the next four years on establishing 250 second stage "units"  for  See VIOLENCE page 6  KINESIS ^    ssass^  NEWS  Maggie Benston  An inspiring, generous woman  by Jean Rands  I   met   Maggie   Benston   in   1968   in  Women's Caucus at Simon Fraser University (SFU). The campus was in an uproar  and Women's Caucus was turning the world  upside down by even suggesting that women  could and should meet separately from men.  Maggie had come to SFU in 1966 to join  the Chemistry Department. She had a Phd  in theoretical chemistry which in itself made  I   her a pioneer. Her twin sister, Marian, had  Lg-   achieved the same degree, and the two sis-  jf   ters constituted 4 percent of the female  g>   chemists on the continent at that time.  Maggie Benston  Margaret Lowe Benston  Margaret (Maggie) Lowe Benston, 53, co-founder of SFU Women's Studies Program,  died March 7 after a courageous struggle with cancer. A respected professor of chemistry,  computing science and women's studies, she gained international renown for her article  "The Pohtical Economy of Women's Liberation" published in Monthly Review. Maggie  also co-authored a chemistry textbook, co-edited a book on work and new technologies,  and wrote numerous articles on the social implications, particularly for women, of computer technology. Her academic research was enlightened by a vision of a just and equitable  world. Her breadth of understanding and lively sense of inquiry were shared generously in  the classroom, at international conferences, and in talks to small community groups.  Maggie helped found the Vancouver Women's Caucus in 1968, the Euphoniously Feminist and Non-Performing Quintet in 1970, SFU Women's Studies Program in 1975, and  Mayworks, the week-long festival celebrating the cultural hfe of working people, in 1988.  She also served in 1984 as a board member of WomenSkills, conducting research and education on women and work. Remembered by her twin sister Marian Lowe and mother  Micki Lowe, both of Seattle, and friends, students and coUeagues. Memorial donations may  be made to the Margaret Lowe Benston Memorial Graduate Bursary in Women's Studies,  Development Office, SFU, Burnaby, BC.  I was a clerical worker, not a student,  and even though I was working on campus  I felt hke an outsider. At first glance Maggie seemed pretty intimidating—taU, beautiful, a chemistry professor and a Marxist  theoretician. But actually she was most welcoming, respectful and supportive of clerical workers organizing. She encouraged us  to form a group within Women's Caucus to  meet separately and to speak up within the  group as a whole.  Although Women's Studies as a university program wasn't developed untU several  years later, Maggie's work in this area was  widely published as early as 1969. Her article, "The Pohtical Economy of Women's  Liberation," inspired women aU over North  America, and especiaUy in Vancouver, to  buUd an independent women's movement.  She pushed Women's Caucus to organize  and undertake the abortion campaign, to  work in the high schools, and to support  a group of feminist public school teachers  called Women in Teaching. She supported  the organization of the Working Women's  Workshop within Women's Caucus, the  Working Women's Association and the feminist unions that later grew out of WWA:  the Association of University and CoUege  Employees (AUCE), and the Service Office  & RetaU Workers Union of Canada (SORWUC).  Also in the early 70's, Maggie was part of  a group of students and faculty that developed a proposal for a women's studies program at SFU. The program was established  as an undergraduate program in 1975, the  same year she joined Computer Sciences.  Women's health centre coming  by Helen Vermeulen  University Hospital in Vancouver recently announced a plan to establish a  Women's Health Centre in the fall of 1991.  The centre wUl offer specialized medical services for women, with a goal of providing  comprehensive care to patients by using a  multi-disciplinary approach and encouraging patient education, health promotion and  community participation.  At present, various programs dealing  with women's health operate independently  through chnics at the hospital. Under the  umbreUa of the Women's Health Centre,  most programs wiU be dehvered in one location on an out-patient basis.  "Our aim," says Judy Kirk, director of  community relations at University Hospital,  "is to encourage interaction and information exchange among the health practitioners." The centre wUl take a team approach  to solving health problems. Research and  teaching wUl be an integral part of the centre and there wUl be a seminar room for educational purposes and a library/resource  centre open to aU women.  The centre wUl consolidate the hospital's existing women's programs which  are: osteoporosis, sexual assault, premenstrual syndrome, in vitro fertilization, sexual medicine and mammography. Some programs wUl be expanded. For instance, the  sexual assault program, founded in 1982,  lacks a foUow-up counselhng component. A  clear need for these services has been identified and wUl now be provided. The new  programs at the centre wUl be reproductive  endocrinology, colposcopy (cervical exam  for abnormal cells), adolescent gynecology,  and hysteroscopy (viewing the uterus' lining with an optical instrument). More programs wUl be added as they are identified  by need.  The centre wUl be very technologically  oriented. Its steering committee plans to  humanize these services by being sensitive  to women's needs and to accomplish this  they have established a community advisory  committee for "consultation purposes." According to Alice Jope, chair of the Centre's  steering committee (the body with decisionmaking powers) the community representatives "will act as a referral base and assist in  developing relationships with women's communities."  "The community advisory committee",  says committee member Guninder Mumik,  multicultural health educator for Vancouver's health department, "is comprised of  people from a broad base of backgrounds"  to ensure that people throughout BC are  fairly represented. Traditionally, she said,  decisions concerning the kind of health care  women receive "are made by bureaucrats  and academics ... to even have a community advisory committee is a very positive  step on the part of the hospital."  The community advisory committee was  not given a specific mandate by the hospital. Commitee member Jean Burgess, a  longtime feminist who now works at the  Knowledge Network, said they are "stiU in  the process of getting to know each other  and the hospital." She and other committee  members are eager to make a contribution .  "This is not a passive group," said Burgess.  A glaring omission on the hst of advisory committee members is a representative from the Vancouver Women's Health  CoUective. The Health CoUective, a pioneer  of the grassroots feminist health movement  for the last 20 years, was approached by a  representative of the hospital regarding the  new centre, but was told there was no room  on the committee for them.  Whether the Centre's steering committee wiU be responsive to the advisory committee or co-opt it remains to be seen.  The htmus test wiU hkely be the centre's  in vitro fertilization (IVF) program. Feminist groups across the country are calling on the Royal Commission on New Reproductive Technologies to place a moratorium on IVF. There are serious health and  ethical questions being raised about using  IVF as a treatment for infertUity and very  few acceptable answers. The community advisory committee is the perfect vehicle to  bring these concerns to the attention of the  Women's Health Centre and IVF specialists. Dr. Lorna Medd, Deputy Medical Officer for the Vancouver Health Department  and new member of the steering committee said that the committee is "open to dis-  sention and to hearing clear opinions on is-  Capital funds for the Centre's construction wUl come from a $1.2 miUion provincial lottery grant and $600,000 raised by the  hospital foundation.  The government of British Columbia has  been criticized for its sudden generosity towards women and its support for a new  centre whUe the province's health care system is crumbhng. Minister of Health John  Jansen has denied that the timing of the  grant has anything to do with electioneering.  Maggie was there for every strike and  boycott action that AUCE or SORWUC  undertook (as weU as many other union  struggles that were important to working women). Maggie and the Euphoniously Feminist Non-Performing Quintet  (EFNPQ) sang on the Muckamuck restaurant picket hne every Friday night for two  years. Their music was an antidote to the  vicious anti-woman obscenities, and the violence and threats of violence that flowed  from the management and scabs at the  restaurant onto the picketers. Maggie's music reminded us all of what we were fighting  for and helped us see beyond the ugUness of  the moment.  Maggie played a big role in my aU-time  favourite International Women's Day—a  week-day parade instead of a Saturday afternoon march. Floats and clowns and hundreds of women in costume paraded downtown, through crowds of office workers on  their lunch breaks. I rushed to join the parade for my lunch hour and there was Maggie riding a gigantic white horse—taking the  women's movement to the tens of thousands  of office workers downtown, and making it  joyful and exciting.  Maggie's academic work around technology was always related to her concern with  the negative affects of technological change  on women workers. She encouraged her  students to get involved in helping working women organize around technology and  worked to get university and other resources  to support their efforts. She was always  available for workshops with smaU groups of  downtown office workers at lunch time, and  for workplace groups. The discussions were  hvely, with the experience and opinions of  clerical workers welcomed and respected.  These discussions of tech change led to a  chaUenge of office hierarchies, to a critique  of how our work is controUed and how we  can fight and win more self respect and dignity in the process. Maggie put our problems in a global context—how the new technologies are used to divide and exploit us,  how women in the Third World do data entry for corporations in North America, how  we have to fight racism and imperialism if  we're going to have job security and control  over our own work.  We used to joke that we would stiU be  handing out leaflets outside downtown office towers when we were in our eighties.  But Maggie won't get to grow old, to keep  teaching and changing the hves of students  and other women the way she changed mine.  She can't keep fighting to change the world.  Maggie played a critical role in the organizing of women workers into unions in  BC. In the 60's, not even clerical workers  in universities were organized. Not many  trade unionists know of Maggie's role, but  she inspired the organizers of the campaigns  of the 70s. Even though the movement she  was involved in didn't succeed in organizing the banks, insurance companies, department stores, there are many more women  in unions today than there were then. But  aside from that we're not much closer to  Maggie's goals. She fought against the deterioration of social services but the medical system failed her, and made her Ulness  more difficult for her and for her famUy.  Maggie was angered and sometimes depressed by the brutahty of the system we  live under and the injustice. But she always  enjoyed the struggle too. We can't possibly  fiU the gap she leaves but I guess we can  try to become more hke her—more tolerant and generous, more respectful of each  other, more musical, more courageous, more  funny, more intelhgent and articulate. And  just feel grateful that we knew her as long  as we did.   .KINESIS'  April 91 MEWS  //////yy///////y//////a^^^  Hospital employees  Pay equity HEU bargaining priority  by Joni Miller  "There hasn't been a better time to negotiate pay equity," says Carmela Allevato  of the Hospital Employees's Union (HEU).  "There's both the public profile of the issue  and the public wUl to succeed."  - HEU is currently in negotiations with  the Health Labour Relations Association  (HLRA) for a new master contract. As part  of that package, the union seeks to achieve  pay equity for its members. The HLRA officials say they are in favour of pay equity  but want to keep these negotiations separate from the regular contract talks.  The two sides differ in their approach to  the question. The union seeks "across the  board" increases for all its members, and a  removal of increment pay steps. They also  seek an equalization of base rates for entry level jobs. Currently, jobs dominated by  women have lower starting rates than jobs  dominated by men, and because of the num  ber of incremental pay raises, it takes longer  for women to work their way up the wage  scale.  The HLRA wants to use a system of job  evaluation—a process typically favoured by  management and one the HEU hopes to  avoid. The union sees job evaluation as a  good way to employ a lot of high-priced  consultants, but says it would have minimal impact on their members. Job evaluation involves a complicated method of comparing male dominated jobs to female dom-  The HEU represents  hospital workers in  a range ol occupations,  including kitchen,  laundry, cleaning,  technical and  laboratory trades.  Violence against women:  Do we need a Royal Commission?  by Kim Irving  Do we need another royal commission?  NDP Status of Women critic MP Dawn  Black beheves we do, and she's got some big  names supporting her call for a Royal Commission on Violence Against Women, made  last December.  Black's backers include such prominent  women's associations as: MATCH International, Girl Guides of Canada, the Canadian  Nurses Association, the Women's Legal Education and Action Fund (LEAF), the National Association of Women in the Law, the  Canadian Advisory CouncU on the Status  of Women, and National Action Committee  on the Status of Women (NAC). Support  also comes from some Canadian municipalities and provincial premiers.  In a recent interview with Kinesis, Black  emphasised the importance of bringing the  issue of violence against women into pubhc view, as "society as a whole must take  responsibility ... a royal commission could  work as an national educational tool." She  also expressed some pessimism about the  Conservative government's wUhngness to  form such a commission.  A prime mover behind the proposal is  Anne WUson, president of the Federation  of Women Teachers' Association of Ontario.  WUson, representing the 80-some organiza  tions, wrote to Prime Minister Brian Mulroney in late November 1990 in support of  the commission.  WUson calls the idea "Royal Commission Part II," in reference to the 1970  Royal Commission on the Status of Women  which helped initiate the birth of several  of Canada's major women's organizations,  including the Vancouver Status of Women.  One of the most notable gaps in that commission's work was its seeming obliviousness  to the issue of violence against women.  WUson's letter cites the 1989 Montreal  massacre as having brought violence against  women to the public's attention. "Every  social institution from the schools to the  criminal system has been identified both as  problem and solution," wrote Wilson. "We  think a high-profile, public investigation  with recommendations might have an impact similar to that of the [Royal Commission's] report 20 years ago." In addition to  organizational support for a new royal commission, WUson has received over 12,500  signatures which have been forwarded to  the federal Minister Responsible for the Status Women, Mary CoUins.  The federal government's reluctance to  fund another royal commission could be one  hurdle facing the idea's supporters. Wilson  and Black may also have to contend with  grassroots feminist groups which beheve the  issue of violence against women and chUdren requires action, not further study—  and who also fear further cuts to their operating budgets if money is funneled to a new  commission. Both Black and Wilson have  stressed that any funding for a royal commission would have to be "new money."  "Any women's centre or women's support  and advocacy service can tell the government what we need," said Karen Larcombe  of Vancouver's Battered Women's Support  Services. "We need money for our services  and money for developing more services."  Women's support organizations must  submit regular reports to their government funders, including assessments of their  services and recommendations for further  services—recommendations that seem to go  unacknowledged by the government.  "While the government insists on more  proof of the problem of violence against  women," said Larcombe, "women face death  threats, go without adequate legal advice,  wait weeks for affordable counselhng and  are turned away from shelters.  "Give us the money," added Larcombe,  "and we'll show the government the depth  of the problem through our statistics from  the hundreds of women using our services  on a monthly basis."  inated jobs and determining the "value" of  the work.  Union officials say the entire industry is  underpaid. The reason? Most hospital workers are women and women's work is tradi-  tionaUy undervalued. HEU members start  at $12.35/hour. A few members, such as  perfusionists—the (overwhelmingly male)  people who run the heart/lung machines—  make nearly double that amount. Most  workers are clustered around the low end of  the pay scale. Membership is 85 percent female.  Allevato says even the male members of  HEU are paid an average of $2 less per hour  than men employed in comparable positions  in other industries.  Belinda Faulkner is a night shift cleaner  at the University Hospital who sees the issue  very simply as: "The women work harder  and the men get paid more." Faulkner says  that at her workplace, women hold jobs  caUed "Worker F and are responsible for  mopping the wards. Men are classified as  "Worker IF' —they mop the hallways.  "What's the big difference?" she asks.  Faulkner has held her present position for  six years. Before that, she worked as a dietary aide in the same hospital—a daytime  job. She switched jobs in order to spend  more time with her chUdren.  Like many HEU members, Faulkner emigrated from a Third World country—  the PhiUppines. She supplements her pay  cheque by running a smaU family daycare,  but says she appreciates the union wages  and benefits of her job. "It's hard to get in,"  Faulkner says, "people stay for a long time."  Faulkner and her co-workers support the  idea of pay equity. AUevato says most HEU  members do, but admits that it's important  to educate people on the issue, particularly  men. "You have to give them the information that you have," she says.  During negotiations, the HEU wiU be  facing a provincial government with a reduced pool of federally-allocated funds. In  the recent federal budget, Finance Minister  Michael Wilson announced a reduction in  transfer payments to the provinces.  Another snag to HEU negotiations could  be the Social Credit's recently announced  wage restraint legislation. The Compensation Fairness Act [sic] grants provincially-  appointed commissioner Ed Lien the power  to evaluate all pubhc sector wage settlements in the context of the employer's abU-  ity to pay—an approach that always favours  management. Negotiated contracts would  require Lien's approval before they could be  implemented.  Allevato is not troubled by the new act.  She says the proposal as it stands appears  to provide leeway on issues of pay equity.  "We're not sure it wiU ever be used," she  says, pointing out the biU has yet to pass  the legislature. Like many others in the  province, Allevato anticipates the Socreds  may not be around after the next provincial election.  The union is reaching out to allies.  HEU members are active in Women for  Better Wages, as weU as the Women's  Rights committee of the BC Federation  of Labour. A union sponsored traveUing  musical-theatre show, the "Trade Union  Cabaret" is currently touring BC hospitals  with a 30 minute musical on pay equity.  Recently, HEU sponsored a successful "Pay  Equity Breakfast," attended by members  of women's groups, women pohticians and  other like-minded folks.  KINESIS NEWS  P4 W living conditions  prompt hunger strike  by Kinesis Writer  At Vancouver's International Women's Day  New coalition addresses  AIDS and disabilities  by Michelle des Lauriers  The AIDS and Disabihty Action Project  (ADAP) is a new educational venture sponsored by the BC CoaUtion of People with  Disabihties (BCCPD).  The project's materials which provide  education on HIV/AIDS come in various  formats—braille, large print, audio tape and  brochures with text for both high and low  hteracy—and address the needs of people  with physical, psychiatric, learning, vision  and hearing disabihties.  "This was a difficult project to get  started," said Mary WiUiams, Chairperson  of the ADAP, "because we were questioned  about what AIDS had to do with us."  The impetus for the two year project  came from the recognition that HIV/AIDS  is a disabihty in itself as weU as an issue for  people with other disabihties.  The ADAP worked with the support of a  broad range of disabihty and AIDS organizations.  Theresa Andrews, a bhnd student of the  University of British Columbia who advised  the project, said: "It's very important that  bhnd and visually impaired people have the  information we need to protect ourselves  from HIV transmission."  ly^pns  conne  ...provides reliable news and analysis  about development and social justice in  Latin America.  "Latin America Connexions  is a fine journal, lively,  informative, very impressive.  It will prove valuable to those  who hope to understand what  n the region."  •Noam Chomsky  For a one year subscription  please send $10 to:  LATIN AMERICA CONNEXIONS  BOX 4453, MPO  VANCOUVER, B.C. v6b 3z8  The BCCPD brought together over  100 advisors with disabihties to produce these comprehensive AIDS educational materials—the first of their kind in  the world.  One of the project's aims is to create an  understanding among community groups of  the common social and personal issues faced  by people with AIDS—(and those who care  for them)—and people with other disabihties. The project is also addressing ethical  issues in HIV/AIDS treatment and care.  People with HIV/AIDS and people with  other disabihties often experience subtle  or overt discrimination. Some of the social consequences associated with disabihties include unequal access to services and  treatment, financial support, employment  and housing. In personal terms, people  with disabihties—and lesbians and gays—  are hindered by attitudinal barriers that  deny sexuahty.  Particularly for people with disabihties,  restrictive institutional pohcies around sexuality create feehngs of low self- esteem, and  can lead to a lack of social/sexual identity.  They may have more grave consequences as  weU; statistics, for example, show that before the age of 18, 39-68 percent of females  and 16-30 percent of males labeUed mentally handicapped are sexually abused, compared with figures of 25 percent and 10 percent respectively for the general population.  These statistics alone underscore the need  for appropriate sexual health information.  The ADAP pamphlet for people with  physical disabihties includes a section for  attendants/caregivers. Two pamphlets for  people with mental handicaps (one about  AIDS, the other about condoms) come  with a support worker's kit. The material  for people with hearing impairments rehes  on extra Ulustrations and text written in  American Sign Language style, and a pamphlet in large print and a braiUe booklet  are avaUable for people with visual impairments. ADAP workers plan to use the pamphlets in upcoming educational workshops  for groups of people with disabihties.  For more information about the materials, contact Geoff McMurchy or  Teresa Berry at the BCCPD, 204-456  West Broadway, Vancouver, BC, V5Y  1R3. Telephone (604) 875-0188, Fax  (604) 875- 9227.  On March 4, 1991, nine women currently being held in the segregation units of  Kingston's Prison For Women (P4W) began a hunger strike as part of their struggle for survival and human rights inside the  prison walls.  The women stated that they were wUhng  to "fast to the death" unless two basic demands were met:  • "That a temporary absence pass be issued to Dawn, one of the women in segregation, so that she could visit her mother  who is suffering from cancer, and seems  to be in her final hours.  • That an independent inquiry be established into the conditions at P4W and  into the effects of the criminal justice system in women's hves. By independent,  the women mean independent of Correctional Services and of the Solicitor General, in fact, independent of the criminal  "just-us" system as it now exists."  The hunger strikers were being held in  segregation as punishment for their role in  the February 6th rebeUion inside P4W (see  Kinesis March, 1991). The rebeUion was  motivated by the death of Lorna Jones, a  23-year-old Native woman from northern  BC who was found hanging in her cell on  Feb. 4th —the fifth Native woman to die  of suicide in P4W in the past 18 months (a  sixth Native prisoner who attempted suicide  survives in critical condition).  On the fourth day of the hunger strike, 25  women prisoners joined the fast in soUdarity  with the women in segregation. P4W warden, Mary Cassidy, agreed to allow Dawn  to visit her mother, which was a victory, as  her pass had been denied for participating  in the rebeUion. That night, a decision was  made to end the hunger strike, when four of  the women had to be hospitalized, one having kidney faUure, the others severely weakened by the no-water hunger fast.  Prison authorities have refused to accept  any responsibihty for their part in creating  the conditions which precipitated the rebellion. Instead, they are blaming Native Programs as the source of the suicides and the  unrest and have canceUed aU Native programming at P4W. Nearly 80 charges have  been laid against 22 women who participated in the rebeUion; some internal disciplinary charges have been dealt with (resulting in fines), whUe criminal investigations continue.  Since Lorna's death, all correspondence  to and from the prison is interrupted and  censored, and phone calls are monitored or  cut. "Outside" women and Native workers  have had their visitations suspended. Most  prisoners have been sUenced by the threat  of losing visitations or having parole delayed  if they speak out.  The latest reports indicate that 11 of the  women who participated in the rebeUion remain in segregation, with no access to Native Elders, press or prisoner support workers. Their 30-day segregation limit came up  on March 6th but has since been renewed  for another 30 days. Tensions are running  high as another woman attempted to hang  herself on March 7th, and there are numerous incidences of women slashing them-  The Wimmin Prisoner Survival Network  (WPSN), a Toronto-based coUective of anti-  authoritarian prison abolitionists, are demanding that Correctional Services Canada  act immediately to reinstate aU Native Programs and Native Liaison people. In addition, they are urging prison authorities to  drop all internal charges against the women  who participated in the resistance.  Letters of protest can be sent to:  Prison For Women, Warden Mary  Cassidy, c/o Regional Headquartet  King St. West, Kingston, Ont. K7L  4Y8. Also, to the Solicitor General  Pierre Cadieux, House of Commons,  452 Confederation Bldg., Ottawa, Ont.  KlA 0A6.  For more information about the ongoing situation at P4W, readers can  write: WPSN, PO Box 770, Stn P,  Toronto, Ont. M5S 2Z1.  VIOLENCE from page 3  women and chUdren across Canada. A unit  may consist of one, two or three bedrooms.  The name of the program is "The Next  Step."  When questioned about their criteria for  selecting operators of these "Next Step"  homes, Grace Thrasher, press secretary for  the Ministry of Housing, said that the  next few months would be spent on setting  guidelines. When asked if ownership criteria  might call for a feminist analysis of battering, Thrasher rephed: "We couldn't discriminate against any group" and that "those  groups which have shown competence in  meeting the needs of women" wUl have priority.  Eleanor Summer, vice-president of the  BC Society of Transition Houses, said that  talks are already in progress for a planned  20 units of second stage housing for BC.  Summer felt assured that feminist input  would be weU-presented for the operation  of the BC houses. However, she cautioned  that the management of transition houses in  general shdes easily from femimst hands to  non-feminists because of the high turnover  of directors.  The catch to second stage funding is that  federal money only covers the purchase or  renovation of a home. Money for staff, day  care, support services for women hving in  the homes, and household materials must  come from provincial and city governments.  As competition for a shrinking pool of funds  increases, the quality of transition houses  may be deeply threatened.  In Battered But Not Beaten, published  in the late 1980's by the Canadian Advisory CouncU on the Status of Women, author Linda Macleod warns of this exact scenario. Macleod pinpoints two threats to the  welfare of feminist-rim transition homes: 1)  government "restraint measures" which foster competition for funding, debates about  ownership, and resistance to change; and 2)  "philosophy"—the undermining of feminist  theories of battering. Macleod also warns of  "violence prevention programs" which may  shadow the hved reality of violence against  women and be used as an excuse to cut  front-line services.  The $21 miUion for second stage housing,  out of the total $136 miUion, is only a drop  in the bucket. Ironically, it is the only drop  that holds any promise for the maintenance  of feminist support services.  KINESIS ■fS//SSSSStSSSS/SSSSSSS///SS/S/SSS//SSSSSSSSSSS///S///S//SSS///SSS/S//SSSSS/SfS/SSS//SA  yyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyy  //////////////////^^^^  Commentary  Racism:  The illusion of "unlearning"  by Sunera Thobani  The seeds planted by the white feminist movement's individualistic approach to  racism are beginning to bear fruit. And  what a bitter taste that fruit is leaving  in the mouths of women of colour. For  some time now, many of us have been concerned with the impact this individualistic  approach to racism is having on the feminist  movement. Some of the events organized  around Vancouver's International Women's  Day brought home very clearly to us how  negative the impact has been.  of power relations in society. Racist prejudice and intolerance acquire their Ml meaning and impact only when they are backed  with the power that can enforce these prejudices and intolerance onto peoples of colour.  It is only when power is concentrated in  white hands that the relationship of white  supremacy and enforced "inferiority" of  peoples of colour can be achieved. So whUe  racism is also played out at the interpersonal level in relations between white people and peoples of colour, it is only the institutionalized, structural power which white  people have that allows them to continue to  Terri John (centre) and others ol the Lil'wat Nation at Vancouver's IWD rally  by white women to charges of  racism raised by women of colour have varied from total sUence and continued exclusion, to an ever-enthusiastic embrace of "unlearning racism." In Vancouver, unlearning racism workshops have left many white  women with a feel-good, self-congratulatory  after-glow. "Our organization has undergone unlearning racism workshops," acclaim many white femimsts with pride,  some even suggesting to women of colour  that we too, would benefit from such workshops. Although a number of these workshops are facilitated by women of colour,  it is the wholehearted acceptance by white  women of this particular way of "dealing  with racism" that has made this approach  grow so rapidly.  Apparently the purpose of these workshops is to delve deeply into the attitudes  and behaviour of white women, and to confess any racism that might have guided  such attitudes and behaviour. Once having  confessed their sins and having felt guilt  over their actions, white women have then  "atoned" for their racism and aU is weU  again.  The danger this approach poses to the  challenges raised by women of colour are  many, the biggest one being that of misconstruing the meaning of racism. Racism exists at the level of interpersonal relations as  weU as at the structural, institutional level.  The functioning of racism can be fully understood only within the historical context  dominate and subjugate peoples of colour.  White people could have all the prejudices  in the world against certain groups of people, but as long as they did not have the  power to enforce these prejudices onto those  groups of people, the prejudices would remain relatively meaningless.  The focus Is shifted  away from confronting  racist power and privilege  to learning the politically  correct language  It is this fundamental factor of the power  relations of racism that the individualistic,  unlearning racism approach mystifies. The  Ulusion is created that racism is something  divorced from the power relations in society, that racism can be "unlearned" without any struggle being waged against these  power relations. The end result is that white  women feel good about themselves after  these unlearning sessions-they are no longer  racist. White women have learned to refute  charges of racism by arguing they have undergone this unlearning process, they are  thus now fully informed of the issues raised  by their "sisters of colour." Some of them  even quote beU hooks.  The focus is shifted away from confronting racist power and privUege to learning the pohticaUy correct language to use  when women of colour axe around. So whUe  the basic power relations between white  women and women of colour have remained  unchanged, white women are secure and  confident in having dealt with the issues of  race. The power relations of racism within  society also remain unchallenged by this unlearning process. White women collude with  this racism by continuing to exclude women  of colour but now, when they speak for aU  women in the name of "women," they do not  see themselves as excluding their "sisters of  colour" hke they did in the past, because  they have unlearned racism and thus are no  longer racist. This exclusion and sUencing  of the voices of women of colour continues  unabated after several years of the unlearning process, and was clearly evident during  some major IWD events in Vancouver.  Especially Cruel  Given the experiences of women of colour  this past year, this "speaking for aU women"  and exclusion by white women during IWD  seems especially cruel. The events at Oka  last summer and the attack on the Native  peoples in British Columbia led many of  us to expect that any IWD event would  have to pay tribute to Native women, to let  them lead the events. After aU, it was Native women and chUdren who have borne  the brunt of the attacks by racist mobs, in  addition to the attacks by the pohce, army  and the legal system on Native communities  as a whole.  That expectation remained unfulfiUed.  At the rally, the key speakers briefly  mentioned "the court ruhng in Vancouver on Friday" (referring to the Gitksan  Wet'suwet'en decision), and then went on  to spout the usual white rhetoric. I am told  that a Native speaker was slotted in at the  end of the three hour program at the IWD  rally, at which point most people had wandered off either in total disgust (hke myself), or out of sheer boredom.  Let us consider the bloody assault waged  on Iraq by that American macho-chip-on-  his-wimp-shoulder cowboy and his buddies.  Canada was complicit in this assault, which  caused a high level of casualties amongst the  civilian population of Iraq. Do we have to  remind our white "sisters" that women and  chUdren were hit hardest in this barbaric assault? Canadian women of Middle Eastern  origin have faced a barrage of racism over  the Gulf crisis. They have been viewed with  hostUe suspicion and constantly reminded  that they belong to the race of the evil  Arab/Mushm devils that the Super-DevU  Saddam embodies. The sUence at the IWD  raUy over this racism and violence was deafening.  Or take the Indo-Canadian community  which has been targeted not only by the  US doctor John Stephens, peddling his fetal sex selection wares, but also by the  racism in the media which has thrived on  re-enforcing racist stereotypes of the community by arguing that the oppression of  women is pecuUar to Indian culture, and is  rooted in our "backward" culture and tradition. The white women's movement has  remained sUent on this issue and hence has  helped perpetuate the distortion that the  preference for male babies is of relevance  to their Indo-Canadian "sisters" only. Of  course Indo-Canadian sisters were markedly  absent from the Ulustrious hst of speakers  at the IWD rally.  Lest it be considered mean-spirited of me  to single out the IWD rally to bear the  brunt of this criticism, let me mention some  of the other events I attended on the IWD  weekend. The Women's Committee of the  BC Federation of Labour organized a conference on Violence Against Women over  that weekend. The conference had its opening on Friday night, International Women's  Day. Yet the speakers that night were remarkably sUent on the issue of racist violence against women of colour. The attacks on Native women, the attacks on Iraqi  women, and the attacks on Indo-Canadian  women are apparently outside the realm of  a conference on Violence Against Women.  Apparently the racist violence faced by  women of colour becomes "violence against  women" only when it falls into the models  of violence against women as experienced by  white women.  ...many of the white  speakers mumbled  something about having  to take race and  class into consideration.  Or consider the film, A Story To Tell,  presented by the BC Coalition of Abortion  Chnics on the Sunday Mowing IWD. The  film focused on abortion as an issue of pure  "choice." A series of personal stories were  relayed, the central theme being the moral  issues and the psychological consequences  of making this choice. While I do not wish  to triviahze the experiences of the women  in the film, I wanted to scream out during  the screening—what about women of colour  and poor women? Do we exist for you? Does  it matter to you that our choices are so restricted by the socio-economic structures of  inequaUty that the use of the term "choice"  becomes laughable?  What was most disturbing about these  incidents is that whUe women of colour were  excluded from having voices at these events,  many of the white speakers mumbled something about having to take race and class  into consideration. Having totally sUenced  women of colour, white women have once  again risen to the occasion to speak for  aU women. To the charge of racism they  can respond, yes but we did mention that  race and class are important. That acknowledgement, without any move towards the  re-evaluating and re-defining of "feminism"  that an anti-racist feminist movement demands, is all they are wUling to cede at  present.  It is only when white women take on the  issue of the power relations of racism that  they can effectively forge an anti-racism  that might eventuaUy create the potential  for genuine sisterhood. As long as this is not  done, their mumbhngs about including race  and class remain meaningless and a mockery of women of colour. Racism cannot be |  unlearned, it must be confronted head on  and destroyed.  Sunera Thobani works on issues of\  race, class and gender.  KINESIS NEWS  ■i  The Meme scandal:  Where's the feminist outrage?  by Ellen Saenger  It's been six years since Linda WUson of  Delta, BC first agreed to have Meme breast  implants as a way of avoiding future surgery  for recurring benign cysts. But rather than  solve WUson's medical problems, the implants caused pain, infection, deformity and  complications that put her in hospital for  more than 100 days, required numerous operations and left her with continuing medical concerns.  WUson sued her doctors for not warning her of the risks associated with the implants and she became the first woman in  Canada to go to court in connection with  the controversial Meme. Last year, Mr. Justice Sherman Hood dismissed her claim in  BC Supreme Court.  But WUson is not about to give up her  fight against the Meme. She's appealing the  ruhng and also launching a product liability  case against the Meme's manufacturer and  distributor. And she watches with interest  similar cases in the United States.  Unfortunately, monitoring developments  in the Meme controversy south of the border underscore the sad reality of how far behind the Canadian government lags in protecting women from faulty medical devices  and how httle support or even information  is avaUable to Canadian women who have  become victims of the Meme.  "It's a pretty lonely feehng," says WUson,  who has spent countless hours and dollars  investigating the Meme. "A single-handed  fight is a lost cause," she says.  Nicholas Regush, a reporter with The  Gazette in Montreal, is one of the few  Canadian journalists who has covered the  Meme in any detail. He says he's "baffled"  that women's groups in Canada haven't  picked up the issue as their US counterparts  have.  The Meme is made up of a silicone gel  core covered with polyurethane foam. It's  produced by Surgitek of California and marketed in Canada by Real Laperriere Inc. of  Montreal.  The problem is that the foam, an industrial grade product used also in air filters  and mattresses, often separates from the  rest of the implant and decomposes in the  body, at which time traces of the chemical  toluene diamine are detected. The chemical  causes hver cancer in laboratory rats and  mice and is suspected of causing cancer in  humans.  Since 1984, more than 12,000 Canadian women, mostly in Quebec, have been  implanted with the Meme. By 1989, the  Meme's safety was being questioned and  Health and Welfare Canada commissioned  a seven-week study by Carolyn Kerrigan, a  Montreal plastic surgeon.  Kerrigan concluded that the polyurethane coating was safe for biological implantation and that there was insufficient  information to hnk the implants with cancer. But she did acknowledge that much  remains unknown about the degrading of  polyurethane in the human body.  Pierre Blais was a senior scientist for  Health and Welfare's bureau of radiation  and medical devices at the time of the  Kerrigan report. When he refused to hide  from the public information that showed  the implant may be unsafe, Blais was "discharged" in July, 1989. He fought the dismissal, was reinstated but resigned later  that year. Now, he appears as an expert witness in court cases involving the Meme, including the Wilson suit.  Last year, Chris Axworthy, the federal  NDP health critic, released a letter that  showed Ottawa was further studying the  Meme, indicating that Health and Welfare  does have some concerns about the safety  of the implant but won't admit it. Health  Minister Perrin Beatty refused to take the  product off the market for the duration of  the studies.  Also last year, Beryl Gaffney, Ottawa-  area Liberal MP, introduced a private member's bUl to control the sale of obsolete  medical products used in breast surgery—  specificaUy polyurethane foam implants.  Gaffney says that by not banning the Meme,  Beatty is placing at risk all Canadian  women. "If I may be so bold, I wonder if  this was something that was going to be implanted into the male body, would he be as  concerned today?" she said in the House of  Commons.  In addition to accusations of disregard  for women's health issues, there are questions of whether poUtical connections have  helped insure the Meme's continued sale in  Canada. Real Laperriere, for example, is a  former president of the Progressive Conservative Riding Association in Rosemont in  Montreal. For four years, untU 1988, he sold  and promoted the Meme without registering the product as required by the Food and  Drug Act. When public controversy arose  about the Meme, a health and welfare inspector paid Laperriere a visit and registered the product.  The sporadic efforts by pohticians to  fight the Meme have been unable to force  the government from hiding behind the  Kerrigan report. Similarly, the Meme controversy has generaUy faUed to capture  the interest of the Canadian media or  the women's movement. Nor have women  harmed by the Meme found redress in the  Canadian courts.  Not so in the United States.  In March, an anonymous New York plaintiff won a $4.6 miUion (US) award. The  woman, known as Ana Smith, had Meme  implants that were subsequently removed.  One year later, she developed breast cancer    |>  and a year after that, had uterine and ovar-   I  ian cancer. An eight-member jury agreed   I  that the residual polyurethane from the   £  Meme had probably caused her cancer to   J  grow. °-  Denise Dunleavy, the lawyer in the successful New York case, also has a case in  California scheduled for AprU. That case is  brought by Sybil Goldrich, a woman who  has spearheaded a US campaign to ensure  women are aware of the risks involved with  the Meme and other breast implants.  After Goldrich had two mastectomies due  to cancer in 1983, she began researching  breast reconstruction. She interviewed four  plastic surgeons and read countless articles  and medical books before she decided on implants. They were recommended as the best  option.  But the "simple" procedure turned into  five operations over 10 months, more than  15 hours under anesthesia, pain and severe disfiguring. The implants hardened and  shifted positions and attempts to create a  nipple caused infection.  Goldrich's breasts were finally restored  by a method of plastic surgery that uses  the patient's own abdominal flesh and fat to  shape breasts. Nipples are created by skin  grafting.  After her ordeal, Goldrich discovered  that the manufacturer of implants includes  warning pamphlets in the package. Among  the potential risks cited are infection, blood  clots, hardening, skin decay and rupture of  the implants causing leakage which can re  sult in pain and toxicity or auto-immune  diseases. Goldrich's research and questioning prior to her Ul-fated surgery never uncovered those risks.  A Pocketbook Issue  In 1988, Goldrich wrote an article about  her surgery and subsequent findings in Ms.  Magazine. "Why is this information in the  hands of the surgeons, but not the patients?" she wrote. "More important, how  many women would have implants if they  read the warnings?"  Goldrich got a flood of calls in the wake  of the article's publication. "Lots of women  were saying 'I thought I was the only one,"'  she says. As a result, she formed the Command Trust Network, a central clearing  house for information on breast implants.  Later that year, Goldrich was asked to  testify at the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) hearings into breast im-  cember congressional hearing investigating  the dangers of silicone breast implants and  whether the FDA is protecting patients. "It  is not too much to expect the FDA to aUow  women to make informed decisions about  this primarUy elective procedure. The evidence is there," she said.  Finally, after the congressional hearings,  the FDA was ordered to release the booklet,  with or without consensus. Goldrich says  she hopes it wUl be avaUable by summer.  Then aU US doctors, not just those in Maryland, wUl be required to inform women of  the risks prior to surgery.  Goldrich's advice to Canadian women is  to "get out there are make lots of noise."  That includes court cases. Pierre Blais says  US cases against the Meme are rising by  about one a week. He knows of 46 now on  file.  Linda Wilson  plants. She told the hearing about the lack  of information available to women considering implants.  As a result of the FDA hearings, a task  force was formed to write an information  pamphlet for women contemplating the procedure. But the task force, which includes  plastic surgeons, couldn't come up with a  document that got the required unanimous  approval. At one time, the plastic surgeons  refused to support any pamphlet that included mention of support groups.  The State of Maryland has had, since  1987, a law requiring doctors to provide  aU prospective implant patients with a  brochure detaUing possible risks and complications of breast implantation. Maryland Senate Delegate Joan Pitkin first introduced the legislation in 1982 after a  constituent literally bared her breast to  show how she was deformed by the procedure. Some plastic surgeons have pushed  for changes in the pamphlets to water down  the warnings and emphasize the positive aspects of implants. Others simply ignore the  regulation.  "Breast implant surgery is a pocketbook  issue for manufacturers of implants and  plastic surgeons ahke, and I believe this is  the crux of the problem," Pitkin told a De-  Says Goldrich: "They oidy understand  when it hits their pocketbooks, not when it  hurts our bodies."  But suing is not always easy, emotionaUy or financiafly, as Linda WUson has discovered. So far, she has spent over $40,000  fighting the Meme on her own. The costs  wUl rise with her appeal and product Uabil-  ity case.  Also, if you speak out in Canada, you  could face the wrath of Laperriere, who  has a penchant for threatening legal action  against those who say, write or broadcast  anything negative about his product.  Whatever the reasons, Goldrich is surprised by the lack of organization in Canada  around the issues brought up by the Meme.  "We would love to make [Command Trust]  an international movement if someone up  there would take it up," she says.  Command Trust can be reached at  P.O. Box 17082, Covington, Kentucky,  USA, 41017. Or Sybil Goldrich, 256  South Linden Drive, Beverly Hills, California, USA, 90212. Please send a  SASE.    Ellen Saenger is a Vancouver-based  writer.   .  KINESIS  April 91 s//////s/////////////////////s///////////////////s/////////////s//////s///////////jr  /////////////////^^^^^  yyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyy^  International  Ireland:  A severely divided  women's movement  by Heidi Walsh  If you hved anywhere in Ireland or Great  Britain, your chances of hearing Mairead  Keane speak on television or radio would be  nU.  Keane is vice-president of the Irish nationalist Sinn Fein Party, and head of its  Women's Department. Like aU Sinn Fein  members, she is subject to a broadcast ban  which took effect in the Repubhc of Ireland  in 1976 and in Great Britain in 1988.  Sinn Fein is a legal poUtical party with  elected representatives. It is also connected  to the Irish RepubUcan Army in that the  two organizations share the same executive.  The Sinn Fein is the pohtical wing and the  IRA the military wing of the same movement. The British government justifies the  ban by saying it will not permit airtime to  aUegcd terrorist groups and their accomplice.  Keane is allowed to make public appearances, however, and she did so recently in  Vancouver to speak to a supportive crowd  about the nationalist movement in Ireland  and the situation of Irish women. After her  talk she spoke with Kinesis.  Britain divided Ireland in 1922. The 26  counties in the south were molded into the  RepubUc of Ireland (Eire) where 95 percent of the population is Catholic. The six  counties to the north, where two-thirds of  the people are Protestant, remained under  British rule, forming what is commonly referred to as Northern Ireland.  The Enghsh presence in Ireland goes back  800 years, but much of the current friction between Cathohcs and Protestants has  its roots in the 17th century, when large  numbers of Scottish and English Protestants were granted farming land confiscated  from Irish Cathohcs by the British crown.  The British soon introduced the Penal Laws  which gave Protestants an obvious pohtical and economic advantage by prohibiting Cathohcs from buying land, voting and  holding public office.  The Penal Laws were eventuaUy repealed, but discrimination against Cathohcs,  particularly in employment and housing, remained widespread. In 1969, a civU rights  movement to end this discrimination became violent and resulted in the British  sending troops into Northern Ireland, where  they have remained ever since. Protestants  claim that if the British withdraw, there wiU  be a bloodbath between the two religious  groups.  Sinn Fein, which translates as "Ourselves  Alone," was established in 1905, and has  long advocated an end to partition and to  British rule in Northern Ireland. Its support comes primarily from working class  Cathohcs in the north and its objective is to  create a unified and secular sociahst state.  The Sinn Fein Women's Department was  established in 1980 when women decided  they needed an organized pohtical voice  within the party. Included in the Department's mandate is the promotion of education on women's issues and the implementation of affirmative action at all levels of the party. One quarter of the seats  on the National Executive are reserved for  women, but Keane adds "at a local level, it's  much more difficult [to bring in such pohcies]. You're dealing with the perception of  women's role, and all that." Asked if sexism exists within the party, Keane answers,  "Oh, yeah, of course. I think it's a long, hard  battle. Some of the men might theoretically  agree with you [on the Women's Department pohcies] but I mean, they don't reaUy  agree with you, they just say all the right  things." Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams  has been promoting women's interests, says  Keane, "but we stiU have a long way to go."  Keane, a feminist, clearly states that  the Department's credo is inseparable from  her party's nationalist position: "There can  be no women's Uberation without national  Uberation, and no real national Uberation  without women's hberation." Irish women  can never be free under the oppressive rule  of the British, she says, but she also emphasizes the need for women to organize now  and not to wait untU unification to campaign for their rights.  The women's movement in Ireland is  severely fragmented by borders, religious  beliefs, urban and rural perspectives, and  class. The issues confronting women in the  south are not always the same as those faced  by women in the north, and dialogue between Protestant and CathoUc women is  restrained. Keane says that the women's  movement, especially in the south, has traditionally been very middle class and has  ignored issues important to working class  Abortion Issue Contentious  Unhke in other countries, where diverse  strands within women's movements have  found agreement on the right to abortion,  in Ireland this issue is so contentious, many  women's groups wUl not, and sometimes  cannot come out with a clear pro-choice position.  Keane, who is pro-choice, found the issue to be very divisive within her own  Women's Department. In 1988 at its annual conference, the Department was able  to pass a pro-choice motion, but only because the rural delegation had left early and  wasn't present for the vote. "But it didn't  advance the issue within the party," says  Keane. "Our basic support reacted badly  to it. There was even a possibihty of Gerry  Adams' [the MP for West Belfast] seat being under threat. People weren't educated  on the issue, the ground work hadn't been  done."  The Department now only supports abortion under "certain circumstances," and  Keane cites ectopic pregnancy as one of  them.  Although the pohcy is stiU restrictive,  Keane says the debate is becoming more  pohticized and less emotional. "It now has  more to do with strategy and tactics and  looking at the most progressive steps to be  taking on reproductive rights, and less to do  with debates on when hfe begins."  Instead of campaigning for a right to  choose, Keane's Department and many  women's groups in the south are now lobbying for one of the most basic rights associated with abortion: the right to information. Abortion is Ulegal in the Irish Repub-  he, and since a referendum in 1983, the constitution gives the fetus equal rights to the  mother and states that Ufe begins at conception.  Irish women have traditionaUy had to  go to Britain for abortions. Many, however, first seek counselling and addresses  of reputable British clinics from Irish famUy planning centres. But in the 1980's,  an anti-abortion group filed an injunction  against centres giving non-directive pregnancy counselling and abortion information. The case is now before the European  Court, and in the meantime, information on  abortion is scarce.  Keane observes that the anti-choice sentiment is not restricted to regions where  the Cathohc Church dominates. The north,  with its strong Protestant fundamentalist  influence, has never extended the British  abortion law to the six counties, although  women there are able to get pregnancy  counselhng.  Divorce is recognized in the north, but  not in the south—not even when the divorce is obtained abroad. The repubUc held  a referendum on divorce a few years ago,  but Keane says it was defeated because of  scare tactics by conservative forces. "They  said men would run off with other women  and leave their wives penniless. It fueled a  lot of paranoia among many women. But in  places hke Dubhn, the referendum was very  pro-divorce, and it's only a matter of time  untU we get it."  Women aU over Ireland share many of  the same problems. Protestant and CathoUc  women in the north and south are weU-  acquainted with poverty, unemployment  and domestic violence.  But one factor which sets Cathohc  women in the north apart is that they hve  under what many describe as military occupation: the presence of 30,000 British soldiers.  HeavUy armed soldiers patrol the streets  and under the British Prevention of Terrorism Act, they can arrest anyone suspected of terrorist activities and hold them  for seven days without laying charges. The  act is frequently used to intimidate and harass people, says Keane.  Keane points to how the nationalist  struggle has changed many women's Uves.  There are currently 1,000 Irish pohtical  prisoners, most of whom are men, and  "jaUs and prisons are big issues for women.  They're the ones that have to hold the fam  ilies together, visit the jaUs. That has had  a major effect on them. It has also forced  women to become pohticized because they  end up running the family, having to survive."  This pohticization has led to women taking an active part in the nationalist struggle  at a pohtical level. There are also women involved in underground military operations,  although Keane says this fact is not recognized in the south. Women prisoners have  been active in hunger strikes and other campaigns to achieve pohtical status.  She says the 1970s opened debates on republicanism, feminism and whether to support violence. Some republicans became influenced by feminist issues, and a number  of feminists took up the repubUcan cause.  "Certainly there would be some women who  support the right of women to engage in  armed struggle. It depends on where you  come from. H you're from the working class,  you're more apt to understand why women,  with their backs against the wall, fight back.  If you're from a cosy, middle-class area, it's  easy to say women shouldn't resort to violence."  The question of Sinn Fein's position on  IRA activities, particularly civilian targeting, is not one that Keane hkes to dweU on.  She says the party supports the right of an  oppressed people to engage in armed struggle, but that armed struggle is just one of  a number of tactics. She also says the party  reserves the right to denounce individual violent acts.  "But we don't get into the pohtics of  condemnation, because that's just what the  British want us to do. What you have to  focus on is the root cause of the problem.  How do we end this? How do we get peace  in our country? We have to really put forward that we have a strategy for peace, that  we're wUUng to sit down and talk to people  without preconditions."  Keane and her party are confident an  end to partition and a British withdrawal  are inevitable, and that aU Irish people, including the Protestants, wUl benefit from  the change. But women must organize now,  Keane stresses. "If there isn't a strong  women's movement when they go, we run  the risk of having no real change for women,  because women have to fight for their  rights." But the women of Ireland have yet  to find an issue around which they can unite  and buUd that strength.  Heidi   Walsh  is  writer.  KINESIS  Vancouver- based STM. International  The Philippines  Land reform—  the first step to  women's liberation  by Rita Gill  In the PhiUppines, some people claim  there are more human rights violations under Corazon Aquino's government than under Ferdinand Marco's dictatorship. In 1988  alone 141 people were declared missing.  There were 784 torture victims and 75 massacres in which 196 people were kiUed. A total of 2882 people were arrested.  This is worse than a classic war, where  chUdren and women are supposedly spared.  In Aquino's Total War policy, whole families are tortured or kiUed.  This was the message brought to Vancouver by Loretta Ayupan when she visited in late February as part of the Filipino Congress for a People's Agrarian Reform tour. The tour was intended to educate  Canadians about land issues in the Phihppines, and to develop links between the two  countries.  Loretta Ayupan is an honorary chairperson of Amihan, the national peasant  women's organization—and she feels fortunate to be alive. Despite constant government harassment, she has continued her  work since 1955 when she was chosen as  Amihan's first chairperson. Ayupan has a  shoot-to-kUl order on her hfe: her public  criticism of the Aquino government's human rights violations have made her a primary target of the death squads.  Ayupan survives by moving around so  she cannot be tracked. The military suspects her of being a high-ranking Communist. The pohce and the military have raided  her home four times between 1986 and 1988.  Being labeUed a Communist means that officials can pick you up anytime, to be questioned or to be kUled. Ayupan claims that  the paramilitary units are actually working  for the landlords by threatening people and  kiUing those who are in revolt against the  Philippine's feudal system.  Aquino's government, says Ayupan, not  only represses individuals, but whole peasant communities. There are burnings of  farm houses in the barrios and of crops  in the fields. The summary report of cases  of violations against women presented at  a recent human rights tribunal hsted numerous cases of grievances such as Ulegal  searches, raids, arrests and detention, looting, destruction of property, and massacres.  These brutalities have caused massive dislocations.  But forced evacuations are the major  cause of dislocations. The operations of the  miUtary and the government's paramilitary  units (death squads) and the so-called vigilantes involve forced evacuations of women  and chUdren (70 percent of the populations  in rural areas is female). Those that flee  for their hves or are forcibly evacuated are  caUed internal refugees.  They are refugees in their own country.  They can neither return home nor can they  go to another country: because the Phihppines are a group of islands, the ordeal of  fleeing is extremely dangerous. There are  half a miUion internal refugees in the Phihppines. Most go to urban centres where they  can go unnoticed. Almost all the forced  evacuations (involving 23,449 famiUes) occurred after Aquino's government was in-  staUed in 1986.  Not only has the Aquino government  worked against the peasants with its Total War pohcy, but peasants have also been  misled. Under Marcos^ people were organized and mobiUzed because they feared  his regime. But because of Aquino's public  stance on progressive development, they began to disperse and to support her regime,  says Ayupan, losing some fear of the state.  Consequently, they have underestimated  the power of the government and the loss  of freedom in their hves.  Filipino activist Adora Faye De Vera  has called Aquino's poUcies "progressive  pretensions." The government talks about  women's concerns—ranging from agriculture, the environment, education and prostitution—but faUs to implement any plan  of action. Formal status as an "issue" in  governmental plans doesn't mean anything  these days.  Says Ayupan, such "progressive pretensions" help repressive leaders to enhance  their pubUc profiles. The support of peasant  women voters is crucial at election time and  therefore it is in the interest of the Aquino  government to create the Ulusion that it  work side by side with the men, sharing the  tasks of tiUing the land and harvesting the  crop. Nor is their labour recognized in the  home, where they feed and care for chUdren.  Landlords Must be Paid  But before the chUdren can be fed, the peasants must contend with other difficulties.  Pesticides, fertilizers and hand tractors are  very costly—and the landlord must be paid.  Some of the landlords want 50 percent of  the profit from the sale of the crop. Others  demand 75 percent. As Ayupan explains,  "Some landlords charge a very high interest  and this interest may increase from day to  day. For example, today it might be five pesos, tomorrow it might be six pesos. Some  people are paying as much as 100 to 300  percent interest in countryside. That's why  women and husbands cannot pay the landlords.  In reality, however, the Aquino  government caters to elitist interests  llllllllllllllllllllllillllllllllllillllllllllllllllllM^  wUl suppport and address the issues of rural women.  In reality, however, the Aquino government caters to ehtist interests. It imposes a  land tax on the farmers, just Uke the Marcos regime, whUe protecting the interests  of the landlords. In June 10, 1990 Aquino  signed the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform  Law. But Amihan members note that the  government offers landlords an escape from  the law by giving them options of stock distribution, labour administration or production sharing—so no real change in property  ownership wUl occur. As long as there is no  change in ownership, the reform law does  not affect the landlords.  Further, the agrarian reform law ignores  women farmers' rights and welfare. They  are unacknowledged as significant forces of  agricultural production even though they  "The farmers are also consumers. During  the harvest season you have rice, but then  for the next eight months you have to buy  the rice, usuaUy at very high price. So you  have to borrow from the landlord at very  high interest rates. The middle man comes  and offers to buy the harvest at a very low  price and the peasants don't have a choice.  The government agency [The National Food  Authority] offers better price than the middle man but because of corruption and lack  of money, it is open for only a few days. So  the farmer stiU ends up selling to the middle  man. Government intervention is not sufficient."  Loretta Ayupan wants autonomy for  women. As a widow with seven chUdren she  knows the hard hfe of a peasant woman.  She started to consoUdate peasant women's  organizations to fight for their rights not  only as farmers but also as daughters of  landlords. In the past, a woman was given  the worst part of the land as her share.  Other famiUes excluded the daughter from  her share altogether. Even if a woman did  receive land from her parents, she could not  make any decisions about it without her  husband's approval.  It has been the experience of many  women that their husbands wiU not aUow  them to seU their own land. Ayupan says  that this is part of the feudal patriarchy in  the Phihppines: "So, we want to give women  autonomy, to decide not only on their land,  but their own fertility."  The Total War poUcy also has meant  that women face increased poverty leading to prostitution in the urban centres. Women and chUdren are dehumanized  through pornography in the urban centres  and US miUtary bases. The trafficking of  Filipino women to the First and Second  World is on the increase—a scandal condoned by the Aquino government.  "We only have one goal. We are struggling for agrarian reform," says Ayupan.  Agrarian land reform is the first step towards the hberation of women: the sharing  of the landlord's land among the peasants  who have no land. Under the feudal system  the peasant farmer has no choices.  Through the efforts of Amihan and other  groups, women have made many gains.  They are occupying 110 hectares of land  where they have planted rice and corn.  They have also raised their rates for their  labour—women refused to plant untU they  were given 25 percent wage increase. And  they have taken the bold step of occupying pubUc lands and neglected farm lands  for their own agricultural use. It has been  a bitter struggle but it has resulted in better pay and benefits.  Says Ayupan, men and women must organize together to help women gain freedom.  Rita Gill is a freelance writer interested in issues relating to women.  .KINESIS The Constitutional Debate:  What's at stake for women?  Are you feeling out of touch, bored, bewildered—maybe a little anxious—about  the constitutional debate taking place in Canada and Quebec? Well, don't be  surprised—you're supposed to. Most of us feel profoundly mystified by both the  process and consequences of reforming the Canadian constitution, and that's just  how our leaders would have it. After all, a constitution is the formal statement of  how people decide to govern themselves —how powers are assigned and checked,  how individuals and groups are represented, how money is collected and spent,  how values and rights are promoted and protected. Constitutions are about self-  determination.  During last summer's Meech Lake debacle and again this season, as various  government-appointed commissions solicit views and prepare reports, women's  voices (in general) and feminist voices (in particular) have been barely audible.  We are just beginning to articulate what's at stake for women. To help this process, the Vancouver Status of Women sponsored an evening on the constitution on  March 14, 1991. Speakers included Shelagh Day, a feminist and human rights activist; Gloria Nicolson, president of the Professional Native Women's Association  of Vancouver; and Judy Rebick, president of the National Action Committee on  the Status of Women. An edited version of their speeches is presented here. Also  speaking that night was Louise Merler of Reseau femmes, an association of francophone women in Vancouver. Next month, Kinesis will publish an interview with  Louise and other members of Reseau femmes.  Shelagh Day:  No constitutional reform can be formulated again by 11 white men meeting behind closed  doors [the Meech Lake accord]. The spectacle of these 11 white men "roUing dice" and trying football tackles on each other and then emerging to teU us how today's play went has  thoroughly discredited negotiations among First Ministers as a process for important constitutional change. I beheve that Canadians wUl not stand for a repeat of this. In particular, I beUeve that women and Aboriginal peoples wUl not.  No process which is closed from public view, no process carried on by a group which,  whether elected or not, is so unrepresentative of the population, and no process which so  emphatically excludes women, Aboriginal peoples and other disadvantaged groups from  participation can be acceptable in the coming rounds of constitutional talks. Processes  which are non-egalitarian are also anti-democratic ...  The Citizen's Forum [headed by Keith Spicer] is supposed to provide us with an opportunity for input into the next stages of constitutional reform. This is not satisfactory. The  questions posed by the Citizen's Forum do not recognize that the constitutional reforms  which he ahead can either enhance the equahty of women or throw further obstacles in our  path ...  Since the Citizen's Forum is interested in hearing from individuals, not groups, and  since women's interests are not distinguished in any way from men's, the results wUl not  help to delineate the issues that are crucial to women, even though doubtless some hundreds of women participated.  It also appears that the Citizen's Forum, no matter what it does, may be meaningless.  While the forum prepares to write its report, Mulroney is already carrying out his ideas,  dismantling federalism as we have known it through changes to fiscal arrangements, by  putting a cap on the Canada Assistance Plan, by cutting back on transfer payments, and  by seeking to transfer the responsibility for health, education and culture to the provinces.  I am revolted by the process so far. It has been characterized by greed, ego, condescension to Canada's peoples, exclusion, discrimination and secret manipulation. I am not just  revolted, I am in revolt against this way of shaping Canada's future. Some better, more  inclusive, more thoughtful debate must be possible.  Peter RusseU, a pohtical scientist, has proposed a Constituent Assembly. According to  the Globe and Mail "the assembly is envisioned as a giant meeting of Canada's constitutional bargaining groups, drawn mainly from the legislatures as weU as the Aboriginal community and the North. An assortment of elected people, ordinary people, and representatives of various interests would put their heads together to work out a new constitution."  RusseU envisions a series of meetings at which ideas, proposals and counter-proposals could  be aired, leading up to a full Constituent Assembly in June 1992 at which final decisions  would be made.  This is a much more satisfactory model for a process of constitutional reform. Provincial and territorial delegations could be composed of pohticians from all parties, as weU as  women, Aboriginal peoples, people with disabihties and other groups who wiU be particularly affected. [The Constituent Assembly idea] wUl not, however, be shown favour by the  11 white men who are running the show [because] it takes power away from them and puts  it into the hands of a much bigger and more diverse group.  The Quebec Debate  A human rights analysis can contribute to the debate about Quebec. Quebec wants certain  powers for itself which, as a province, it currently does not have. It wants these in order to  not be dominated by the anglophone majority in Canada, and in order to preserve and foster Quebec's distinct culture and language. In the Meech Lake talks, the other provinces  responded with: "If Quebec gets the right to opt out of national social programs and stiU  gets the money to carry on a program compatible with the national objective, [we want]  the same deal. If Quebec gets new powers over immigration and Supreme Court appointments, we want them, too." Only by treating us all the same, said the provinces, can we  make a deal.  Looked at from an equahty rights perspective, this approach is founded on a concept of  equahty which ... has been clearly repudiated by women, by human rights activists, and  by the Supreme Court. This is the idea that equality simply means "same treatment." All  that is needed to make women equal, argue the same-treatment folks, is to treat women  the same as men. This formula denies the existence of inequaUty and does not produce  equahty for women.  Let me offer an example. Women who are denied pregnancy leave benefits are discriminated against because of their sex because, as the Supreme Court of Canada has said, without such benefits women are penalized for being the chUd-bearing sex. A same-treatment  approach finds that equahty requires not providing pregnancy benefits to women because  they are not provided to men ...  Equahty is not a question of same treat- P  ment or different treatment, but a question of whatever treatment is necessary to I  put a group which has historicaUy been dis- I  advantaged on an equivalent footing with I  the dominant group in society. If we look j  at Quebec in this hght, it becomes evident that because Quebec is a minority culture in Canada, with a different language I  which it wishes to preserve, and because I  the Quebecoises have historicaUy been dis- I  advantaged in relation to anglophones inside Quebec and in relation to anglophones I  in the rest of Canada, it is appropriate to 1  make special arrangements with Quebec in [  an attempt to overcome that disadvantage '  and to support the preservation of Quebec's  distinctive culture and language.  "I am not just revolted,  I am in revolt against  this way of shaping  Canada's future."  Shelagh Day  see next page  ipL up  KINESIS from previous page  Aboriginal Peoples, Women and Other Disadvantaged Groups  We must not engage in another round of [constitutional] bargaining which does not deal  as a matter of first priority with the concerns of Aboriginal peoples ... The appalling decision in the Gitksan Wet'suwet'en case reinforces the importance of Aboriginal partici-  ion in new deals and of resolution of Aboriginal rights issues. Justice McEachern has  brought forward to 1991 the colonial mentality of 150 years ago ... his decision nonetheless  underhnes the urgency of dealing with these issues in another forum, with seriousness, respect, generosity and justice. [Ed. note: In the Gitksan Wet'suwet'en case Judge McEach-  ruled that "Aboriginal rights ... were lawfully extinguished by the Crown during the  colonial period." The case wUl be appealed.]  Women and all those in Canada who are disadvantaged by disabihty, poverty, racism,  age or homophobia have a common interest in the federal spending power. Through the  Canada Assistance Plan, Established Program Financing and block funding, the federal  government plays a significant role in national social programs, and health, education and  social assistance which [fall within provincial] jurisdiction. Every equahty seeking group has  an interest in the federal government's role because, as the holder of the purse, the federal  government is able to set national standards for health, education and social programs.  In my view, Ottawa could play a much more creative role on behalf of disadvantaged  people than it does. A number of groups are actively considering whether the federal government breaches the equahty guarantees of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms if it provides money to provincial or territorial programs which discriminate or do not foster the  equahty of disadvantaged groups. The desire of these groups is not to see the federal spending power dismantled by turning over authority for these areas to the provinces but, on the  contrary, to enhance the power of the federal government to use its spending power to set  itandards by requiring that those standards include compliance with equahty guarantees  in the Charter.  Without a federal government which sees that one of its important roles is to preserve  | and foster national social programs and set increasingly egalitarian standards for their ad-  ' miidstration, I fear for the impact on the hves of women, chUdren, and aU persons who are  economically or socially disadvantaged. It is with profound concern that I contemplate a  more decentralized Canada—with a federal government which cares only for defense, the  Bank of Canada, and Free Trade.  Nor wiU women and other disadvantaged groups be better off if federal and provincial  powers are divided up so that there is "no duplication". For those who are disadvantaged,  [being able to] resort to another level of government or another forum [for social justice] is  ivs useful. While this may not be efficient, it is nonetheless the reality that women and  disadvantaged groups cannot depend on any one elected government to hear or address  their problems ...  The task is to find a new national arrangement which can satisfy the equahty needs of  Quebec, Aboriginal peoples, women, and other groups who have equaUty interests which  wUl be profoundly affected by constitutional reform. I don't beUeve we have even really  begun [the] conversation yet. At every stage of constitutional reform women have said: we  are on the outside, we are important, we must be involved—and yet here we are on the  outside again. I beheve that either we fight for a Constituent Assembly or that we should  convene a Constituent Assembly of our own.  Gloria Nicolson:  Listening tonight, it came to my mind that there are so many things we need to work on  together. We are just starting to work together effectively in the Aboriginal community,  and the key thing is that we understand and we respect each other's differences. There are  198 bands in BC alone, 27 tribal groups. When they put us aU together in one pot, it never  really works. But we have learned, specificaUy in the areas of self-determination, that we  have to work together, that we have to really define what our needs are in terms of our  relationship, or our non-relationship, to the government.  Last week's decision on the Gitksan Wet'suwet'en case [March 7] really served just to  make us stronger. And that is something I would really hke to see happen in the women's  movement because last year I was a bit disappointed in the response to the cuts to the  Native programs. There wasn't a concerted effort to really have an impact.  One of the things we found last year is that we don't expect too much from our government. We have presented our positions on different problems, issues and concerns of our  people to the government for so many years, and it's usually fallen on deaf ears. Reading  the summary and personal comments of Judge McEachern [in the Gitksan Wet'suwet'en  case] last night, I became angry. I really felt that I had read those comments [before], they  were similar to comments that Trutch [BC's land commissioner in the colonial era] made.  I felt that things hadn't changed much, that the efforts we are doing to address our own  problems in this country have really not been recognized.  I just want to give a quick overview of the association I work for. The Professional Native Women's Association was founded about 10 years ago by a group of 10 women who  felt there weren't any support services for our women who were getting into the professions  hke teaching, social work—in those days, those were the two areas that our women were  getting into. It wasn't untU about five years ago that we had quite a number of women  who took law seriously. I am proud to say that at this point we have about eight members  who are lawyers and they are doing very weU.  What we would hke to see is recognition of the work that women do—not just Aboriginal women, but aU women. You look at history, it has been the women who have started  it and yet they have never really been recognized for it.  Two years ago in this very room the Professional Native Women's Association held a  two day workshop and invited aU the different Native organizations, associations and service agencies that served our people. We had about 32 different organizations represented  and we shared [information]: tins is the association I work for, this is our mandate, this is  what we do, these are the services that we provide. After the second day, we broke into httle groups and did a bit of brainstorming and came up with some recommendations. And  one of the recommendations was that we form an umbreUa group that would act as a coordinating body for the urban Native community, so that we could see the services that  we provide and look at what we stiU needed to provide. Out of that meeting, we struck an  ad hoc committee and then proceeded to work towards forming this group, and the group  is called the Urban Representative Body for Aboriginal Nations.  We have been in operation for a year and a half. One of the things we accomplished is  we made a step in the right direction of what we call self-government or self-determination.  Perhaps you've heard about $3 miUion that was aUoted for sexual abuse for the province.  Out of that money, our allotment was $172,000. We met last summer to discuss how to  use this money in the best way possible. We had a foUow up meeting with the Ministry  of Health and the purpose of that meeting was for the community to make a decision on  where that money would go.  It was one of the shortest meetings I've ever attended. In fact, after the meeting we sort of  all sat there in a state of shock because the first motion that was put on the floor was that,  in view of the mandate of the Urban Society (as we call ourselves)... we would determine  where the funds would go and we would call for proposals—and the Ministry agreed to it.  It was a first step in what we are working toward, and that is to determine our own priorities in our issues and concerns and to address them and to work towards them ... So  when we talk about self-determination, it is very simple. We are only asking to be able to  make our own decisions about our hves and the bottom hne is: that's really not asking too  much. It is very, very hard to understand what the Aboriginal people in this country have  gone through, or that we have grown up in a system that has always denied our rights as  people. We have been treated as chUdren who did not know how to make our own decisions, and did not know how to direct our own hves.  A Crucial Time in Our History  The basis for our recovery is happening now. We have made many strides—we are now  going through a healing process in many areas. When you look at Meech Lake, when you  look at Oka's situation and, closer to BC, when we look at the LiUoet blockades and then  the Gitksan Wet'suwet'en, we are approaching a very crucial time in our history.  One of the things that I'd hke to see happen in the next whUe is a national Aboriginal women's conference that would focus  on the family, because for too long we have  been split up. Our problems have been sort  of dissected and there's really never been  a concerted effort to deal with aU the issues and this now needs to happen. As a  woman who has experienced discrimination  in many way—not just as a woman but as  an Aboriginal person—I would really hke  to see us buUd on positive things that have  happened in the women's movement.  "...we have to define  what our needs are in  terms of our relationship,  or our non-relationship,  to the government."  The association I work for was the founding member of the Urban Representative Body  and that was a big step. FU tell you why: for so long, the Aboriginal organizations, the political arms of our people, were set against each other and always confronting. People were  always afraid that someone was going to get the funding they felt they should have gotten, and this really divided and conquered our people even more. It was a women's organization that took the initiative to bring our people together and the Urban Representative  Body is becoming recognised by government as a liaison between our people and the different ministries. At the end of March we are sponsoring a conference that is going to be a  first in Canada on Native adult chUdren of alcohoUcs. And we are getting a good response  from across the countfy.  I just think it would be wonderful if we could get together, sponsor a conference for  women on a national basis, fiU up BC Place Stadium. It would just be fantastic because  then so much power would be generated by having aU these powerful women across the  country working together and addressing aU our national concerns. There's so much injustice, not only to the Aboriginal people of this country or to our minorities, but to aU our  women —and then, when you look at it, to our chUdren.  What keeps us going? I bet each and every one of you could answer that [in the same way]  we would answer it. I can speak for myself. I have five daughters, I have four grandchUdren,  and no matter what odds we face, we wUl continue to work towards self-determination,  equahty and justice for our chUdren.  Judy Rebick:  On one level, during the Meech Lake debate, there were 11 white men making decisions  behind closed doors but, on another level there was a faUure of leadership among social  movements—and I include NAC and the union movement in that. There was real faUure  on our part to put forward an alternative to what Mulroney or Bourassa were putting forward ... The government always tries to keep us outside, but we usuaUy manage to make  our voice heard.  Also there was division, and we have to avoid the division that happened in the Meech  Lake debate. Each of us focused on what we were concerned was going to happen to us under the constitution. Women said, we're worried about the Charter and spending powers;  minority groups said, we're worried about Charter protection; and Aboriginal people put  forward their views and francophones outside of Quebec put forward their views.  As a result of [these divisions], we didn't look at the whole constitutional process and  take a position on aU of it, and not just on those aspects that immediately affected the  group we represented. We fell into the trap of divide and rule.  The constitutional issues divided the groups that normally worked together and almost  irreparably divided us from our sisters in Quebec and progressive people in Quebec ... If  it wasn't for the Aboriginal people standing up and saying, "no, we wUl not let you step  on us again, we wUl not let you amend the constitution and forget us again," [the passing  of Meech Lake] would have been a disaster ....  We have to understand what the demands of other groups are before we look at what  our own issues are as women. I want to start with Quebec because I think that Quebec's  demands are very httle understood in Enghsh Canada ... There's been a lot of negative  feehngs about Quebec in Enghsh Canada. When I think back to the 1970's, there were all  kinds of groups across Enghsh Canada supporting self-determination for Quebec, and understanding [Quebec nationalism] as a progressive force.  Now, the Quebec establishment has taken up Quebec nationalism and we've seen some  rather ugly displays of racism in Quebec particularly against the Aboriginal people, yet a  "credible" chauvinism has developed [with the establishment's support], and it's now visible in Quebec. I don't beheve the racism in Quebec is worse than anywhere else, but it  certainly has gotten more publicity. There's a kind of anti-Quebec sentiment even in the  women's movement and the trade union movement. I've heard things said in women's meetings about Quebec that, if women had said [those things] about people of colour or Aboriginal people, they would be thrown out of the room.  I can tell you that the women's movement in Quebec supports independence. The Federation des Femmes de Quebec, a very mainstream women's group, and the Groupe de Treize,  which is a more grassroots women's group, they support independence. The immigrant and  visible minority groups are divided on the issue of sovereignty but their main issue is what,  kind of Quebec do we want? Independence or sovereignty are now assumed in Quebec ...  And the question now is, how is it going to happen and what kind of Quebec wUl it be?  Then We Support Independence ...  What we're facing in the rest of Canada (in Canada minus Quebec) is a federal government that's going to be talking about keeping the country together. The whole focus of  the constitutional debate, as it was in Meech Lake, is going to be on keeping the country together, keeping Canada unified. As a women's movement, we have to take a position on that ... My personal view—it's not the position of NAC—is that if the people of  Quebec want independence, then we support independence. That is what you call a self-  determination position—that it's up to the people to decide ...  That's the first issue and it's very controversial. We need to discuss it because if we  don't, then we get into the same trap we got into with Meech Lake. It's not up to us to  convince Quebec to stay in Canada. So if they're going to leave, what do we want for the  rest of Canada? That's the first framework.  The second framework is supporting sovereignty for Aboriginal people which is also not  a position that NAC has taken yet. If we say we support self-determination for Aboriginal  people and Aboriginal people are clearly saying that they want self-government, then we  have to support that.  Then we have to look at a whole series  of other questions that have to do with the  rest of Canada. Up untU now we've focused  on the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and  Charter protection: ensuring that the Charter continues to apply whatever happens to  the country. We've also focused on spending powers, which I think Shelagh explained  very weU. And both those two issues have  a great deal to do with women, with Un-  guistic, cultural and racial minorities, with  disabled people, with gays and lesbians—all  very important issues.  Recently there has arisen an attempt to  construct an artificial majority opinion in  favour of decentralization. Suddenly the media is saying that nobody supports a centralized country any more. There's absolutely no basis for saying this .... But, in  fact, decentralization is happening. It's happening through the recent federal budget,  through BiU C-69 (see Kinesis Feb. 1991).  see next page  "Suddenly the media  is saying that nobody  supports a centralized  country any more. There's  absolutely no basis for  saying this..."  Judy Rebick  19 KINESIS  KINESIS Arts  Gripping tales  from a writer  with a keen ear  by Jill Mandrake  RAPID TRANSITS  by HoUey Rubinsky  Winlaw: Polestar, 1990  Rapid Transits, HoUey Rubinsky's first  collection of short stories, is divided into  three segments: "Harriet Mary Dawn,"  "Lost and Found," and "California." The  narrative style of "Harriet Mary Dawn," is  one of the most exciting I've seen in recent  times.  The unconventional voice of "Harriet"  suggests a history of smaU towns, tough  love and a never-give-up spirit. In the title  story, Harriet, pregnant at the time, steps  off a Greyhound bus into a close community where she hopes to gain acceptance,  something she hasn't had before. She drifts  into a platonic relationship with an elderly  handyman called BUl and the two of them  set up a nice hfe for themselves. Before long  her estranged father comes to visit, and several tense scenes later, Harriet gets him to  leave. Afterward, she feels a typical mixture  of guilt and rehef:  "I stand in the yard that's big and flat  and thick with grass and watch the sky. I  would hke to remember my da hke people  do in the T.V. commercials for the phone  company: a soft-focus old fellow, white  of hair and bright of spirit, who would  fiU you full of sweet memories, that you  would want to phone right now. With my  da, though, I tried to ignore him drunk  and avoid him sober and aU the time I  was busy doing that, I was watching him  and letting him into me; hke seepage in a  basement, he got in."  As you might guess, Harriet was sexually  abused as a chUd by her "da." The theme of  sexual abuse carries through to the stories  "Grounding" and "Flight." "Grounding" is  by far the most gripping tale, whUe "Flight"  takes a longer time to unfold; its purpose as  the last of the trUogy is to track Harriet's  journey toward recovery (or partial recovery). "Flight" is a much later story, and in  order to write it, author HoUey Rubinsky  had to go back and "re-find" Harriet's voice  from her earlier work. She did this—fiction  writers, take note—by reading the first two  stories aloud over and over, untU finally reverting to Harriet mode.  Since the title story, "Rapid Transits,"  has a lot to do with Greyhound travel, I  first assumed it would be about the social  service phenomenon that used to be known  as "Greyhound therapy." Greyhound therapy was when homeless people were issued a  one-way bus ticket to whichever town their  next-of-kin were last heard from; off they'd  travel, on the road to nowhere. Rubinsky's  Greyhound riders aren't quite so bottomed  out: "A bus breathes with people, usually  poor, going where they've been caUed to:  a dying, a funeral, a surgery, a sickness,  sometimes a wedding; a looking for a job, a  town to Uve in where you belong, a man, a  woman; sometimes looking for a lost chUd."  In other words, Rubinsky's characters are at  least going somewhere, even in their more  despairing moments. This might be called  inspirational reading.  The stories in the second part of her  book, "Lost and Found," are written in the  third person, with the exception of "My  Daghter" (the narrator is supposed to be  semi-literate). The best third person story  has to be "Preacher's Geese," which appeared previously in The Macmillan Anthology I.  Lenore, the protagonist of "Preacher's  Geese," is a teacher who is trying to help  Elsbeth Jane, who has both a learning dis-  Holley Rubinsky  abihty and a close rapport with her farm  animals. Lenore is frankly shocked at the  disarrayed environment in which Elsbeth  Jane is being raised. Rubinsky describes the  chUd's mother, Darleen, and her environs,  in a few quick and adept images:  "Darleen, wearing a bright-orange ruffled  homemade blouse, had made instant coffee and set the mugs on the drop table in  the kitchen and was sitting, waiting, head  bowed Quakerlike at the neck, the neck  itself thin and white, a scar on the throat  to the left of the windpipe, the shape of  a nick you'd take out of an apple with  a paring knife, a placid tow-head baby  boy on her lap. All we get is boys around  here, Elsbeth Jane saying. The mother  waiting, head bowed, as though maybe  Lenore would ax her, one fell swoop and  spurting."  The incredible insight this story displays  is probably due to Rubinsky's own experience as a teacher of chUdren with learning disabihties. She said, in an interview,  she really enjoyed teaching and felt she had  to "get inside the chUd's mind" in order to  help her/him. The reason HoUey Rubinsky  no longer teaches? There'd be no time to  write.  The aforementioned "My Daghter" is  narrated by a single mother from the south-  CONSTITUTION from page 13  The Business CouncU on National Issues  presented a brief saying that the best thing  that could happen would be to devolve all  these federal powers to the provinces. And  basically, the Conservative government has  an ideological position to do just that: to  get out of the business of governing except  for defense and fiscal poUcy.  And we have a stake in that. We have to  stand up on the issue [of federal/provincial  powers] and we have to figure out what we  think. We've said all along that we want  the federal government to have powers to  ensure universality in social programs. On  the other hand, the federal government is  further from the people and municipal and  provincial governments [can] be easier to influence (not in BC, I know). What do we  think the ideal divisions of power are? Is  there a better division of power than we  have now?  Another issue concerns the representation of our pohtical institutions. One of the  worst problems in this country is that our  pohtical institutions are totaUy unrepresentative. Talk about 11 white men making  decisions [at Meech Lake]—the reality is,  in one way or another 11 white men make  aU the decisions in this country. Maybe it's  11 white men, maybe it's 250 white men,  maybe it's 30 in the cabinet—but that's  who it is and the electoral system is constructed to ensure that those in power remain in power.  We're never going to have equahty for  women or [fair] representation for minorities in Parhament because of how our electoral system is constructed ... Should we  re-organize our electoral system to a system  of proportional representation, rather than  a riding system? If you look at places where  women have achieved [elected] equahty, it's  almost always in a proportional electoral  system. How are we going to reflect ethnic  and racial diversity in our pohtical institutions? We talk about employment equity—  why aren't we talking about mandatory affirmative action or equity in our pohtical institutions?  Women haven't had very much to say  about the Senate. The original basis of  the Senate was to represent the propertied  classes, who were thought to be not adequately represented in the House of Commons in the early days. The Senate was  based on regional representation. WeU, if  you take the original basis of the Senate—  which is to represent those who are not  adequately represented—then maybe we  should be looking at a Senate that is 52 percent women, and 14 percent visible minority people, and the [appropriate percentage]  of francophones outside of Quebec, and of  Aboriginal people if Aboriginal people want  to be part of our institutions.  So maybe the Senate question should focus on these [approaches to] equahty. These  are some of the kinds of issues that we have  to introduce into the constitutional discussion and of course a Constituent Assembly  would be the best way to do that ...  Something that scares the heU out of me  is that when we go into another federal election, the whole election wUl be fought on  Canadian unity. Mulroney wUl become Captain Canada, and all the economic issues  and ways that the Tories have dashed us  from pUlar to post in the last five years wUl  disappear into a total obsession with Canadian unity. And there wUl not be an alternate voice. We have to do everything we can  to avoid that.  A   big  thanks  to  Agnes  Huang fo\  transcribing these speeches.  ern states. The rhythms of speech remind  me of Ethel Waters' amazing but out-of-  print autobiography, His Eye is on the  Sparrow (Doubleday: 1951). At one point  Ethel Waters is touring down south, boarding with a family named HiU and making  herself UI by eating too much of their southern cookin':  "One day I got so sick I had to stay in bed  aU day. In the early evening a relative of  the HiUs toted—that's the word they use  down there, toted—me to the theatre in  his httle old car."  Now compare that with this httle missive  about how you can't leave the south, told  by Rubinsky's character:  "Getting the South out is watching ducks  fly without' wanting to shoot them or  watching baby puU pans from the cupboard and not wanting to slap it and call  it bad. It is cleaning up after, yourself,  even if you are plumb beat (this is what  they say in the South, plumb beat). It is  also spotting a racoon and not wanting  to eat it."  This woman is trying to better herself  by taking upgrading classes at night whUe  looking after a growing adoptive family of  homeless kids, so "getting the South out"  is probably the least of her worries. To me,  it is uncanny how Rubinsky captures this  cadenced southern phrasing, even though  she's never hved there—she is originaUy  from Long Beach, Cahfornia, and moved to  BC in 1975.  The final section of Rapid Transits,  "Cahfornia," is about a group of people  during hippie days and how their ideals  are beginning to break down. In fact the  first story, "Breakdowns of Any Kind,"  strongly implies that certain aspects of the  counterculture—drugs, for one example—  were bound to burn people out and create  more problems than they solved over the  long haul.  The two stories of "Cahfornia" take place  in 1970-1972, which is pretty much when  the hippie movement got infiltrated by more  self-serving and mainstream factions, historicaUy speaking. Rubinsky herself missed  out on the era because, as she explains, she  was raising a family and teaching. All the  same she has quite a knowledge of the times  and a keen ear for the idioms—a talent  which shows up in all her work. Let's hope  we see a lot more of this writer's unique perception.  Jill Mandrake has a story in the current issue of Canadian Fiction Magazine.  .KINESIS Arts  yyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyy.  Lee Maracle:  Setting truth ablaze  SOJOURNER'S TRUTH  by Lee Maracle  Vancouver: Press Gang Pubhshers, 1990  by Kerrie Charnley  With Sojourner's Truth, Lee Maracle  has done it again: she has written a book  that speaks directly into the heart. In the  early 70s she wrote Bobbi Lee: Indian  Rebel, an account of her journey in Ufe  and the pohtical struggles of the American Indian Movement and marxism. Bobbi  Lee was re-issued by the Women's Press  (Toronto) in 1990 and continues to serve as  an extremely valuable history about growing up in Vancouver.  Bobbie Lee was hke an oxygen mask  for me at a time when I suddenly awoke  to the horror of the poUution of oppression I'd been breathing as a person on the  fringe—mixed-blood, urbanite, poor and  raised by a single, hard working, genera-  tionaUy stressed-out mother. Reading Bobbie Lee changed my hfe, en-couraged me.  Maracle's words convinced me that I didn't  have to rise into the elite echelons to be  counted a human being—that where I came  from was just as valuable and important to  the creating of this world.  Over time, I have moved beyond the euphoria of pohtical validation that Bobbi  Lee provided. Now, I am more acutely  aware of how critical the understanding of  one's emotions is to self-identity, community growth and unity—even global health.  In this new place in my hfe, I procrastinated  for weeks before reading Maracle's latest  book Sojourner's Truth. Rather than the  usual social and pohtical issues, I now want  to know only what someone struggling to  be a truthseeker feels and does to be true  to themselves. It seems to me that far too  many people hve hypocritical hves and hide  behind banners of pohtics, careers and even  art. I am looking for hope and, right now,  the only hope I trust is the bare bone expression of feehngs: on the ways to be courageous, on how to deal with the day-to-day  hypocrisies, rationalizations and plain old  abuse people hurl at each other to hide their  pain—rather than express it—and thus to  be free to fearlessly and unwaveringly love  and nurture each other.  When I finaUy picked up Sojourner's  Truth it was with the idea that "oh weU, I'U  just read a paragraph and get this procrastination anxiety off my back." What a gleeful  jolt it was to have the important thoughts I  had been struggling with come rippUng out  from the pages of the book. Sojourner's  Truth has the power of Bobbie Lee ah over  again, but this time with the issues and approaches of the 90s.  Maracle has written an emotional, phUosophical book about her thoughts, experiences and struggles beyond the glorified rehgion of pohtics and the "boys club" of swaggering rules. Her voice is moving and beautiful to encounter; the heart and truth of  her language is almost brutal because such  qualities are rarely awakened in the defensive positions we make in order to continue  our poUtical struggles.  In many of Sojourner's Truth's stories,  Maracle looks at moraUty and values, the  quest for the possession of one's own mind  and the power of memory. In "Too Much to  Explain," she writes:  "The Uttle girl, traumatized by the scene,  had jumped inside the same trap, running a marathon of imprisoning relationships because she had not wanted to remember. Now the trap sun ... H he accepted her insanity he would have to declare insane his own maddened binges of  Part of the healing  MOONLODGE  written & performed by Margo Kane  directed by Teri Snelgrove  Vancouver East Cultural Centre  March, 1990  by Annie Frazier  Moonlodge is a one-woman show by  Native writer/performer Margo Kane, who  hopes the play "wUl be a part of the healing of our people."  Let us take it further. Kane's work is not  exclusive to the phght of Native peoples but  rather embraces the self-searching struggle  of aU humanity to meet and greet their true  nature.  Moonlodge began as a series of improvisations by Cree writer/performer Floyd  Favel. Before coming to the Cultural Centre in March, the work was performed  as an oral storyteUing (directed by Sal-  ish writer/filmmaker Leonard Fisher) during the 1990 Women in View festival in Vancouver.  Native and non-Native communities performed the play several times before it was  reworked last June by dramaturge Deborah  Porter at Weesageechak Begins to Dance,  in Toronto. And last October, Native Earth  Performing Arts Inc. (Tompson Highway)  presented it as their season opener under  the direction of Floyd Favel. The most recent current production of Moonlodge was  also reworked and Kane was pleased to have  had the assistance of director Teri Snelgrove.  Kane's story of a young Native chUd  Agnes, who is brutally taken away—  "scooped"—from her natural parents and  placed in foster home after foster home, reminds us of the Christian hypocrisy ethic  that continues to strangle the very thing  most important to our spiritual survival:  our family and our identity. Agnes' sUent  and, in the beginning, subconscious search,  transcends into brUUant spiritual metaphors  that encompass not oidy her struggle but  that of aU humanity: the struggle to know  oneself and one's family—the human family.  Kane's soothing, contagious laughter and  her mesmerizing and unpredictable stage  presence serve as reminders that we are all  sisters and brothers.  Kane transports us smack-dab into the  heart of the 60's, where Agnes, now grown  after years of being raised by "Aunt Sophie"  (a nice Jewish woman who always has something to say about everyone and everything  except herself) decides to hitch-hike to San  Francisco. With flowers in her hair and an  East Indian scarf draped around her neck  boa-style, Agnes hits the road.  Like a true vaudeviUian performer, her  props and costumes magically appear out of  a single, funky suitcase she totes around the  stage. The suitcase transforms into the front  seat of her first car, bound for the City of  Love. Here she converses with an old letch  who drives a beater and a half. He buys her  lunch at a rundown truck stop in the middle of nowhere. Her escapade escalates into  an outrageous psychedehc encounter with a  gang of bikers.  Turning her suitcase into a styhn' red  Harley, Agnes/Kane takes us "cruising  down the highway, looking for adventure  and whatever comes our way..."(as Step-  penwolf cranks it out, we cruise complete  See MOONLODGE page 16  the past ... 'You don't have a monopoly  on craziness,' he said duUy. She laughed  at his flat sense of self, at the hopelessly  two-dimensional perception that he clung  to, and she wondered if the man who defined neurosis wasn't just a httle hke her  lover. She left him there in a tangle of  confused babbhng ... and drove out of  his hfe. 'I just don't feel desperate anymore,' was aU she could come up with.  As the cab sped away she could hear  him holler in self-defense, 'You reaUy are  crazy.'"  The title story expresses the haunting  wisdom of a protagonist who speaks from  inside his coffin: "HeU just might be seeing all the ugly shit people put each other  through from the clean and honest perspective of the spirit that no longer knows how  to he and twist the truth."  ...the heart and truth  of her language is  almost brutal...  Unhke the autobiographical Bobbi Lee,  much of Sojourner's Truth is fictional.  Maracle has moved her imagination over the  stories she has heard and the experiences  she has felt to give us an original, meaningful work. Her stories are descriptive, opinionated and intimate, much hke a diary entry or kitchen table conversation. Sometimes the result is piercingly strong. At  other times I felt there were too many words  and descriptions, and I wished Maracle had  indulged herself in poetry and had let the  full meaning of each word be taken into account and, Uke in poetry, had let the spaces  between words have meaning as weU. Sojourner 's Truth does contain many beautiful, poetic hnes, Uke in "Who's Pohtical  Here:"  "RolUng, changing emotions float around  inside me as I he looking at the old hand-  besmudged wall and wonder what is happening to me ... Somehow what I am  feehng seems more important to me than  Tom's incarceration, and I think they  should see it that way too... The changing emotions roar around inside, talcing  up speed and intensity untU fear starts to  ride over it all Uke the surf in a stormy  sea."  The transition from oration to literature  is not simple. In her preface to Sojourner's  Truth, Maracle comments on the differences between the two modes of telhng, as  weU as between Native and European storytelling: "The difference is that the reader is  as much a part of the story as the teller [in  Native traditions]. Most of our stories don't  have orthodox 'conclusions;' that is left to  the hsteners, who we trust wUl draw useful lessons from the story—not necessarUy  the lessons we wish them to draw, but all  conclusions are considered valid. The hsteners are drawn into the dUemma and are expected at some point in their Uves to actively work themselves out of it."  Lee Maracle has been called a gifted orator but, to me, immense courage is her  greatest and rarest gift. Her abihty to shoot  from the hip and set truth ablaze continues  to be an eye-opener for aU.  Kerrie Charnley is a freelance writer.  She is mixed-blood Katzie-Salish and is  pursuing a BA in English at Simon  Fraser University.  KINESIS    A"rtl  il 91  15 .****SS^S^^^^5^^  Arts  Catholic church:  How to control that flock...  by Heidi Walsh  EUNUCHS FOR HEAVEN:  The Catholic Church and Sexuality  by Uta Ranke-Heinemann  London: Andre Deutsch Ltd., 1990  To read Eunuchs for Heaven is to  plunge headlong into a world of sexual neurosis and misogyny, where for 2000 years  a string of celibate Cathohc clerics and  theologians have obsessed over controlhng  the sexual and reproductive habits of their  flock. The book provides a weU-documented  and fascinating history of this fixation, and  particularly observes its effects on women.  Roman Cathohcs wUl Ukely recognize the  name of Uta Ranke-Heinemann, the book's  author. After completing graduate studies  in Protestant theology, she converted to  Catholicism, got her Ph.D. in Cathohc the-  jr and became the world's first woman  professor of Cathohc theology. In 1987 she  made headlines when the Bishop of Essen,  Germany, withdrew her teaching Ucense for  having questioned the vahdity of the Holy  Mary's virginity.  Eunuchs for Heaven traces the evolution of the sexual hysteria of the Cathohc hierarchy, beginning with the influences of ascetic religious sects-(those advocating strict  self-denial)-on early Christianity and taking the reader right up to the current teachings of Pope John Paul II.  The two men Ranke-Heinemann credits  most with forming the sexual ethics of the  Church, which include the behef in the superiority of celibacy and an abhorrence of  aU things physical, are St. Augustine in the  4th century BC, and St. Thomas Aquinas  in the 12th.  St. Augustine, an ascetic who converted  to Christianity, divorced aU connection  between love and sex. Ranke-Heinemann  writes that he spent a hfetime agonizing  over such questions as whether Adam and  Eve had intercourse in Paradise, and more  importantly, whether any sexual desire in a  person could be devoid of sin. He concluded  that no lust was sinless, but that within  the bonds of marriage, it was only a minor  sin if the lust were satisfied for the purpose  of procreation. Any sexual activity for purposes other than generating chUdren was to  be gravely sinful, and even today, marital  intercourse is not condoned as sinless if it is  undertaken for pleasure's sake alone.  From Augustine onwards, the author  writes,  theologians  were consumed  with  the desire to curtaU sexual activity among  the laity, the common people. They devised calendars indicating the days on which  intercourse was prohibited: on Sundays,  feast days, during the 40 days of Lent, 20  days before Christmas, and so on. Ranke-  Heinemann notes that whUe the specific  Like many of the theologians referred to  in this book, Aquinas is shown to be an  overt misogynist. He concurred with Aristotle's opinion that woman is nothing more  than an imperfect man, that she is of no use  in spiritual and inteUectual matters and is  fit only for procreation. While he implored  Uta Ranke-Heinemann  days of abstinence varied over the course  of time, they never totaUed less than five  months of the year, chUdbirth and menstruation excluded.  According to Ranke-Heinemann,Thomas  Aquinas reinforced Augustine's views on  sexuahty. For a man who described marital intercourse as being "filth, a stain and a  disgrace," Aquinas developed a surprisingly  intense interest in the positions used during  intercourse. He concluded, for example, that  any transgression from the normal coital position was a sin worse than a mother sleeping with her son, because of his behef that  it would hinder conception.  MOONLODGE from page 15  with hght show and the wind blowing in our  faces). Out of sight! H you've never been on  a "bitchen low rider" you were on one now.  Drunk, stoned and stiU a virgin, sobering  reaUty crashes in around Agnes when she is  violated by her biker escort. Although disU-  lusioned and stuck in Santa Fe, she soon begins to sparkle again. Finding herself among  Natives in the town square who are selUng  turquoise jewelry and art work, something  starts to come alive inside her. Her past,  stiU vague, is awakening.  Hitching yet another ride, Agnes ends  up in a truck driven by Lance, your basic "to die for" Indian and American Indian Movement activist who begins reciting the low down ways of the White Man.  Lance rescues Agnes and takes her to her  first powwow. With magic, dignity and a  consistent sense of universal joy combined  with humour, Kane re-enacts an incredible  powwow. So vivid and real is it, she trans  forms her humble tipi-like set into a glorious extravaganza. We see dancers—fancy,  grass and traditional—we see chUdren, Elders, and women glorious and beautiful in  their regalia as they gather at the event. We  hear drummers, singers, conversations; we  are thriUed with every contagious moment  of every drum beat. Enchanted by the spectacle, Agnes is transformed. As we change  with her, we know she has touched her most  essential sacred self.  With both vulnerabUity and a new found  strength, Agnes leaves us, playing her drum  and singing to her rediscovered self and  path.  "It is hoped that Moonlodge wUl be a  part of the healing of our people," says  Kane. Work hke this goes so much further.  It is part of the healing of aU people. Thank  you, Margo.  Annie Frazier is a writer and performer of Blackfoot, Sioux and French  ancestry.  to assuage their husbands' sexual  desires in order to prevent them from committing adultery (for as vUe as marital intercourse is, it ranks nowhere near the sin of  fornication), husbands had no such mutual  responsibility towards their wives. Aroused  women were to be beaten or told to fast.  The glorification of ceUbacy has aUowed  clerics to maintain a distance from women  and to develop a beUef in their own spiritual superiority Ranke-Heinemann writes.  But she knocks a big chunk out of this  cornerstone of CathoUc dogma. She examines the biblical passage of Matthew 5:32,  from which the title of this book comes,  and which is most frequently cited by popes  as proof that Jesus championed the Ufe of  a celibate. Jesus, she observes, was not in  fact even speaking of celibacy in the passage or of a duty to remain celibate, but of  a renunciation of adultery. Writes Ranke-  Heinemann, Pope John Paul II "wrongly  regards the compulsory celibacy of the  Cathohc priesthood, not only as recommended by Jesus himself but as an 'apohstic  doctrine'...In reality, all the apostles were  married men."  The issue of celibacy is just one of many  examples where Ranke-Heinemann beUeves  the Church has distorted biblical text. Another case in point is the Virgin Mary.  According to the Church, Mary retained  her virginity not only after giving birth  to Jesus but throughout her Ufe. Ranke-  Heinemann is skeptical of the biological nature of the virgin birth as insisted upon  by clerics, writing that "The virgin birth  metaphor accords with the legends and figurative language of the ancient world in  which famous people were credited with di  vine ancestry...It has been the Christians'  peculiarity, even as late as the 20th century,  to take such metaphors hteraUy."  She points to references in the gospels of  Mark and Matthew where Jesus is said to  have brothers and sisters, indicating that  Mary at some point did lose her virginity. Ranke-Heinemann also notes that after the 2nd century BC, these sibhngs were  depicted as being Jesus's step-brothers and  sisters—offspring of Joseph's fictitious first  wife. By the 4th century, however, theologians decided Joseph, too, would have to  have been a virgin in order to be worthy of  Mary, and these half-sibhngs are from then  on simply referred to as Jesus's cousins.  Although the Church claims the adoration of Mary emphasizes a woman's greatness and dignity, Ranke-Heinemann feels  that by stripping her of all she has in common with other women, the Church has destroyed not only Mary's own feminine dignity, but that of all women as weU. She is  devoid of aU sexuahty, she conceived without lust or physical contact, had a painless,  bloodless labour, and managed to keep her  hymen intact throughout. She is an impossible role model for women to foUow, but  because she is sexless, the clergy can adore  her without the shghtest threat of temptation. The author also notes that although  Mary possessed the gift of wisdom, she is  not a teacher, because the Church long ago  decided it was more fitting to teach about  women than to be taught by them.  Ranke-Heinemann also examines the motives for the Church's ban on contraceptives. She observes that in times of war,  the Church has been particularly active in  enforcing this doctrine to ensure that a  low birth rate does not result in a lack  of recruits for the army. "Even today the  Cathohc Church guards notional children  against contraception more jealously than it  protects Uve adolescents from...death on the  battlefield. This it does because of its intolerable delusion that humanity's true crimes  are committed in the matrimonial bedroom, not in theatres of war or beside mass  graves." With regards to the birth control  piU, she includes evidence to show that the  Church is primarUy concerned that a resulting low birth rate would shrink the church-  tax revenues, further reduce the number of  men applying to the priesthood and eventuaUy lower the social standing of the clergy.  Other topics included in Eunuchs for  Heaven are abortion, witch hunts, incest  and a very brief chapter on homosexuality. The book is dense with information and  reading it cover-to-cover is something of an  ordeal, not because Eunuchs lacks style or  humour, but because the clergy and theologian's pettiness and vindictiveness concerning sex in general and women in particular  are simply overwhelming when seen in their  full scope. A less exhausting way to read the  book is for the reader to simply turn to the  chapters which appeal most to their interests.  At 63, Uta Ranke-Heinemann is back to  teaching CathoUc theology in Germany, and  when asked why she has decided to stay  within the Church, she invariably grins and  responds that it's the best way to irritate  the hierarchy. She remains an outspoken  critic of much of Cathohc dogma, and judging by her number one book sales in Germany and Italy, she hit on a responsive  chord which the Vatican cannot afford to  ignore.  According  to  St.   Augustine,   Heidi  Walsh is eternally damned.  , KINESIS Arts  yyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyy,  Depicting her  momentous  journey  SANDRA'S GARDEN  directed by Bonnie Dickie with  the collaboration of Sandra  National Film Board, 1991  by Terry Gibson  Sandra's Garden premiered at the National Film Board's third annual International Women's week film series in Vancouver. The first NFB film about a lesbian, this  1991 documentary explores the effects of incest on Sandra, a woman withholding her  last name to protect her privacy (and to  avoid the threats and harassment encountered by Shirley Turcotte of To A Safer  Place, the NFB's other film about incest).  Sandra's Garden depicts, without self-  pity and almost too quietly, Sandra's mor  mentous journey—from being totally enmeshed in a family system of denial, to  shrugging that off, speaking out, and discovering true healing in friends, community, and the life-affirming sanctuary of her  Prairie home and garden.  With memories of her father's abuse beginning at age two, Sandra's ordeal continued almost every day until she was ten. At  age three, with a red and raw body, she  broached the subject with her mother and  quietly awaited the question: Which man  did this? Not only did her mother never ask,  but she turned her back, walked away and  maintained that stance towards Sandra for  the rest of her hfe. "EssentiaUy," said Sandra, "...that was the end of my mother's love  for me."  At 15, Sandra had sex with her boyfriend  and got pregnant. Her family promptly sent  her away to give birth in total isolation in  a strange city. Desperately wanting to keep  her daughter, Sandra returned home shortly  after. Thinking of her own abuse, she decided the httle girl would be safe if they  moved out again before Angie reached two.  She even begged her father not to harm the  chUd. He told her not to worry, pleading  "temporary insanity" for his behaviour of  the past. TotaUy incapable of decency and  trust, he violated the chUd anyway. This reaUty has tormented Sandra. Her relationship with Angie is stiU very difficult.  In Sandra's community, she meets with  two other incest survivors to work through  the abuse. Among many common threads in  the group is the need to compartmentalize,  to manipulate access in one's brain to images which jeopardize love for the abuser.  Using this uncanny abihty, Sandra created  two radicaUy opposing camps: the bearable  and the unbearable. The latter she carried inside herself in "a black bag, tied at  the top." When one of her friend's stories  threatened to pop that open, she tried to filter it out, pushing all the ugliness down yet  again. This strategy worked initiaUy, but  then began to manifest itself in physical Ul-  nesses.  She consulted doctors and was repeatedly told there was nothing wrong with her.  Yet, she reaUy was experiencing symptoms  and finally admitted it was the incest affecting her, a significant step towards health.  In a clulhng comment to her femimst therapist, we are reminded of those who have  succumbed to the endless fatigue, sickness  and too-few resources: "There was a point  Sandra Irom Sandra's Garden  at which I thought, I could die...How many  die?" asked Sandra.  With her healing underway, Sandra  found her grandchUdren contributed to her  growth as weU. In watching her granddaughter, she saw beauty, vulnerabUity and  undying loyalty and love. This made her reflect on herself as a chUd: How could anyone blame her? How could she fault herself?  How dare anyone mess with a chUd! "I had  to start seeing myself as that httle, vulnerable, open person and I couldn't blame myself any more," said Sandra.  Concerning the struggle for intimacy,  Sandra said: "H, as a chUd, vulnerabUity  equals pain, then to be in a relationship  can be difficult." She experiences this difficulty with Kathy, her first partner truly capable of giving back to her. Sandra was stiU  sick when they got together—in the volatUe  phase of forging everything from that black  bag. It was an agonizing process for them  both, with the incest dividing, challenging  and sometimes even pulling them together.  Though rich with truths about the need  to confront our inner selves and share with  empathetic friends (especiaUy in a society  where most women cannot afford therapist fees), the impact of Sandra's Garden  seems to depend on an individual's perspective. I attended the film with a friend, both  of us incest survivors yet at different stages  of our healing. My friend, newly dealing  with incest, found the film extremely moving and powerful, whUe I was almost blase  about it. For me, the film doesn't have the  power to ignite hke To A Safer Place, nor  did it escape perpetuating myths and stigmatizing incest survivors. For example, it  seemed to blame Sandra's mother too much,  and not put the anger where it really belonged, with her father. Also, the use of  the word 'sick'—whether conscious or not—  gave me the image of someone 'mentally UI'  and I felt really angry about that.   -  While we learn much of Sandra's story,  the film's failure to delve into the added  dimension of being a lesbian healing from  sexual abuse is blatantly obvious. It is one  thing to recover from the violations, to learn  to feel good about one's sexuaUty in a world  which applauds heterosexuality—but quite  another if we choose same-sex partners. We  are left guessing about Sandra's struggles as  a lesbian.  There is no speculation needed, however,  in concluding that all of us, as survivors, are  tough, resilient and more deserving than we  wUl ever know.  Terry Gibson is a student in Vancou-  Guerrilla  Girls are  in the BAG  Do women have to be naked to  get into the Met. Museum?  less than 5% of the artists in the Modern  Art Sections are women, but 85%  of the nudes are female.  Coming to the Burnaby Art GaUery (BAG) is an exhibition of posters by the American women's cultural collective, The GuerrUla Girls. In existence since 1985, The GuerrUla  Girls, an anonymous collective of veteran artists, poster the streets with critical and statistical admonishments and proclamations exposing discriminatory practices within the institutions of art and art history. The BAG's exhibit wUl be the first opportunity for many of  us to view the full range of their production. Opening on the evening of AprU 4th (7-9 pm)  and continuing untU AprU 14th, the show wUl present 30 posters from The GuerrUla Girls'  portfolio, posters which humorously traverses serious themes such as women's exclusion  from art history to the perpetuation of racism and issues of censorship within the field.  To celebrate this exhibit and to highlight some local femimst cultural activism, on Sunday afternoon, AprU 7th, writers Angela Hryniuk and JamUa Ismail wUl read selections  from their poetry. FoUowing the poetry wUl be a screening of two videos which address  some aspect of women's cultural production. Local Native cultural activist, Viola Thomas,  wUl introduce The Spirit of Turtle Island. This video, produced by writer and story  teller Lenore Keeshig-Tobias, presents individual perspectives on the role of women and  art within Native cultures. The second video Feminist Art Practice in Ontario was produced for the Women's Art Resource Centre by writer, curator and educator Joan Borsa,  who now teaches art history at EmUy Carr CoUege of Art and Design. ChUdren are most  welcome at this free afternoon event and refreshments wiU be available.  There wUl also be an the opportunity to purchase a GuerrUla Girls' poster. The exhibit  is a fundraiser for the acquisition of the entire GuerrUla Girls portfolio for the BAG. Ten  posters have been donated at reduced cost to the BAG by The GuerrUla Girls and a sUent  auction wUl be held beginning at the opening AprU 4th. Bid sheets wUl be placed next to  each image and bidding wUl continue untU AprU 7th.  Carpool or bus out to the GaUery during gallery hours or for these special events: the  evening opening AprU 4th, 7-9 pm. or on the afternoon of AprU 7th, 2-5 pm. The Burnaby  Art Gal lery is located at 6344 Deer Lake Ave., Burnaby. The GaUery is open Tues.-Fri.,  9-5 pm., and Saturdays and Sundays noon-5 pm. Call 291-9441 for more information.  KINESIS  April 91 :SS*SSm**^^^^^^  ARTS  Video, film:  Women as independent producers  by Zainub Verjee  The strongest motivations for women getting into film and video have been the need  to "fiU the gaps," to create alternative images of women, to put different perspectives  on screen, and to challenge the values of  male-dominated i'  Since the inception of cinema as an art-  form, women have played roles in all areas,  including directing, script-writing, editing  and acting. The number of women actually  making feature films is very smaU but they  have had far reaching and profound impact  on both the industry and the viewing pubUc. By far the most interesting and powerful productions come from women who work  independently and who have control over  their creations.  HistoricaUy, the independent sector has  given expression to a plethora of visions  and voices that would otherwise have gone  unseen and unheard. Out of the diversity  of work certain common issues and concerns have emerged dealing with sex, economics, displacement, oppression, violence  and women's rights in the broad social, cultural and pohtical context.  In the early and mid-seventies, Canadian women's independent media productions developed a strong base. Women concerned with community and social issues,  and women committed to art practice came  together to produce works through collective process.  In Vancouver, women started to gain access to equipment and technology through  Cable 10 (now Rogers Cable 4), which  had an almost open-access pohcy. Intensive  workshops were organized and provided to  women and a large body of work expressing alternative images of women began to  emerge within a community context.  One person who was determined to produce alternative images was Marion Bar-  Ung, the founder of Women in Focus. She  and a group of women produced a variety  of works through the women's office at the  University of British Columbia with the use  of Cable 10 equipment. Workshops were organized at the Cable 10 studio and women  began to take control of the means of production.  Women in Focus was founded in 1974.  In 1976, the International Year of Women,  Secretary of State awarded a one-time-only  production grant to Women in Focus, and  a substantial body of work was produced.  Another group of Vancouver women  came together in the late seventies and  formed a coUective, calhng themselves  Amelia Productions. Ameha worked out  of the cable station on Vancouver's east  side. Ameha was concerned with producing  counter information on current affairs and  broadcast intervention.  Although they stopped working as a  group in 1982, Ameha elevated the skiU levels of women involved in the medium, and  raised questions concerning traditional documentary. Sara Diamond, one of the group's  members, continues to produce work which  examines these questions, with specific reference to content concerning women's history.  Also in 1974, after completing the series  Working Mothers for the "Challenge for  Change" program, Kathleen Shannon was  asked to found a women's studio within  the National Film Board of Canada. The  Working Mothers series began as an attempt to improve the status of women at the  NFB, and to meet the needs of women audiences. The series was very successful and  Shannon, Yuki Yoshida and Margaret Pettigrew began the collective process that became Studio D.  During this same period, women's production centres were emerging in other  parts of the country. In Quebec, two pioneer groups that were formed were Video  Femmes and Groups Intervention Video  (GIV). As in Vancouver, video became the  prioritized form of expression, particularly  with feminists. Access to video technology  was easier and less costly than to that of  film, and training was more readily avaUable. Video Femmes has been able to continue producing work whUe GIV, confronted  with limited funding, has had to concentrate  largely on distribution.  Global Trend  While women in Canada were taking control of the means of production and the  portrayal of women's images, similar trends  were emerging globally.  It was in the 70's that Latin American cinema came to the attention of world  E^t  VANCOUVER  WOMEN'S  BOOKSTORE  Peace on International Women's Day  315 Cambie Street  Vancouver, B.C., V6B 2N4  (604) 684-0523  Hours: Monday-Saturday 11:00-5:30 pm  (^  In Canada, organizations such as Women  in Focus, Video Femmes and GIV have developed and been structured partly by funding agencies. Video Femmes has been able  to continue both production and distribution, whUe both Women in Focus and GIV  have had to promote women's cultural productions through distribution and exhibition.  In the last two decades, organizations  (artist-run centres, festivals, collectives)  and individuals have addressed not only  funding bases but changes and developments in content, aesthetics and evolution  of form.  In the last few years issues of race and  representation and cultural appropriation  have come to the forefront. The feminist  centres of production have been made to ex-  tructure, production becomes increasingly  difficult, as evidenced in Africa. The African  cinema has been without an infrastructure  and has had to depend on Europe for training, finance and production facUities.  In Canada, the role of federal and provincial funding agencies in ensuring production has been extremely important. Telefilm  supports women's productions but funding  awarded to women has been for smaller productions with smaUer budgets compared to  those offered to men. Canada CouncU has  been and continues to be an important institution for women in the visual and media  arts.  The Canada CouncU was created in 1957  "to foster and promote the study and enjoy  ment of, and the production of works in the  arts." In fulfilhng its mandate the Counci.  iyme up  SCREENING  amine their images and engage in dialogues  that challenge their content and form.  Over the last twenty years the visual language has changed and continues to be explored. Women have worked in both film  and video and due to the technological  The history of national cinemas shows that  women all over the world have found  a space to tell their stories, but  not without struggle  audiences, and women's cinema began to  emerge. Embrafilme, in BrazU, was es-  tabhshed to finance film production and  also began to support women's productions. Cuban women directors infiltrated  the Cuban Institute of Fine Art and Industry (ICIAC) and found funding for their  projects. In ChUe women's collectives were  formed under Allende's regime and in Mexico, which has a strong femimst movement,  women began to assert themselves in the industry.  The history of national cinemas shows  that women all over the world have found  a space to tell their stories, but not without struggle. Training, financing, producing  and distributing have aU been on-going concerns for women working autonomously and  for the organizations that support alternative image-making.  changes in the electronic medium, cost factors have changed. Video production using  special effects can cost up to four hundred  dollars an hour. Also the film/video interface has become an important issue for aesthetic and financial reasons.  Within production, the questions of form,  content and aesthetics continue to be discussed. Art and social or community-based  work have come closer together and there  has been an infrastructure for the industry  and a commitment toward media art practice.  National Commitment  Most national cinemas have developed because of a commitment to the production  and distribution of work and women have  found a place within both the commercial  and independent sectors. Without an infras-  has awarded grants and services to artists,  professionals and arts organizations with an  arms-length pohcy. The CouncU model has  been recognized world-wide and highly acclaimed for its support to the practitioners  of contemporary art.  The last few years have seen a decrease  in funding for art and culture. The government has begun a process of dismemberment of Canadian institutions and infrastructures as evidenced in the cuts in the  CBC and the freeze of funds in other sectors. The recent decision by the Department  of Communications not to increase funding  above the $8 miUion previously awarded annually to the Canada CouncU wUl have a  far-reaching effect on artists and hence on  production. There wUl be more competition  between the disciplines, less money for each  artist and less production overall.   'Ģ  It is crucial that aU arts and cultural  practitioners are aware of the funding cutbacks and reallocation of money. PoUtica  lobbying and other action is essential in  ensuring that funding institutions, particularly those with arms-length pohcies, are  not destroyed.  Women have struggled for their autonomy, independence, and control over their  own Uves and resources. If we are to continue to have a forum for our productions  and dialogues, and a place for our aesthetic  and critique, we wUl have to ensure that our  infrastructures and support systems are not  eliminated.  Do typos turn you into  a raging monster?  There is a vocation for  you - proofreading  Kinesis.  Please call  CROSSLAND CONSULTING  Personal Management  Services for Artists  rrt and Proposal Writing  * FIRST CONSULTATION FREE*-  By Appointment Only  Jackie Crossland  435-2273  9 l<|NESIS Arts  yyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyA  A grand documentation  of women's resistance  THE EMPOWERMENT SERIES  paintings by Ingrid Koenig  Pitt International Galleries  Vancouver, February, 1991  by Morgan McGuigan  There is a long tradition in the western  art world of producing works based on art  history, using the new piece to comment  on changes that have occurred in artistic  styles over the years. Vancouver painter Ingrid Koenig employs this tradition in her  recent Empowerment exhibition at the Pitt  International GaUeries, but her four large-  scale oU paintings also reflect her feminism  and critical consciousness.  Koenig invites her audience to participate in and think about the ideologies  of the original historical art works and  society itself. Her issues include low pay  for women's work, chUdcare, rape, violence against women and the exclusion of  women's views. She also shows us that  women have always resisted.  Koenig's series is reminiscent of feminist  art from the early 70's in its forcefulness  and straightforward anger. Yet it is much  more complex. The paintings reach back in  history, bring us forward to the present and  query the future. They make us ask why we  think what we think, and what are the ideologies of the images we are given today,  both in our fine art and in our popular culture.  Koenig began the Empowerment series  in 1985. She was inspired after attending a  self-defense class in a ballet school complete  with the traditional bars and mirrors. Degas' ballerina paintings came to mind and  Koenig thought it would be fun to turn  the image around. Instead of the traditional  ballet costumes, she would depict women  practicing self-defense and wearing running  shoes.  That painting was never done but Koenig  uses the turn-around concept for the Em  powerment series. The first painting, "The  CaU," was based on a 1450 painting of  the angel Gabriel telhng Mary that she  was pregnant. Koenig changed the image  into a modern day woman enlisting another  woman into the Woman's Army. The two sit  in a hving room drinking tea. It seems very  famiUar and comforting, yet somehow subversive.  "The Call" also represents the history  of the women's movement and the conflict  between theory and action. A shelf full of  femimst texts frame the head of the theorist, whUe the activist is framed by a window showing the world outside. By making  the activist a Black woman and the theorist  white, Koenig raises questions about the  spUt between the movement against slavery  and the women's suffrage movement, which  refused to take a position against slavery  for fear of losing their own struggle. Are we  making those kinds of unacceptable compromises today?  The painting is framed by the words  "Born in Flames," a reference to Lizzy  Borden's film about a women's revolution  which partially inspired the painting. Says  Koenig: "Sometimes it does seem the only  way things get to be changed is by taking  really drastic measures."  "The Last Straw" depicts women surrounding a hght table as they produce feminist flyers and brochures—in fact, doing underground work. The work is not Ulegal,  Koenig explains, but neither is it acceptable. The painting is based on a work by  Caravaggio, a 16th century Italian painter  known for emphasizing hght radiating from  a single realistic source. The hght table's  glow shines onto the women working around  it, women who modeUed for Koenig.  Koenig's goal is to document women's resistance to patriarchal structures and "The  Last Straw" is framed by an astounding Ust  of historical examples of their resistance.  In Egyptian times, for instance,  women  demanded the right to give their chUdren their mother's name instead of their  father's—and won! Women's demands for  justice are not a recent nor a transient phenomenon. Neither is women's history comprised solely of passive victims.  "The Intervention (The Wimmin's Fire-  brigade)," based on David's painting of the  Sabine Women, takes on the issue of urban  sabotage as expressed through the Vancouver bombing of Red Hot Video (which markets porn) in the early 1980s. Instead of portraying women as victims of violence perpetrated by others, Koenig shows women as  actors in their own hves, making choices and  expressing their rage.  Koenig hnks this action to a tradition  of urban sabotage practised by the EngUsh  suffragettes at the turn of the century. Inscribed on the canvas is the case of Mary  Richardson who took an axe to a painting of Venus to protest the abuse of Sylvia  Pankhurst in prison. The public was outraged by Richardson's act, but not with the  abuse of Pankhurst.  The final painting is about chUdcare and  depicts the "Saint of the ChUdcare Workers." Only a saint would accept wages chUdcare workers are paid for their work, says  Koenig, who bases her piece on an image  of the Madonna. The Madonna is a time-  honoured tradition in art history, but the  twist here is that the Mother figure is about  to sign a petition demanding recognition of  chUdbearing and chUdraising for the "essential and valuable acts they are."  In the background are a series of pickets on Parliament HiU. In a fine art context, the picket signs have been described  by some critics as "vulgar sloganeering,"  meaning the work is too Uteral. Koenig adds  some of her own words to the petition: "We  throw our unwanted haloes into the fire of  our rage. We move to extinguish the golden  sun of exploitation which rains down upon  us each day. We are burning to end the dark  ages." This is pure propaganda, Koenig tells  Ingrid Koenig and sons Gabriel and Carmine  us, for which she is unashamed: we need to  say these things everywhere.  Koenig includes a dehberate crudeness  in her work, a straightforward style that is  not fashionable in today's art world. She  chooses to be crude, she says, as a means  of expressing her exasperation that nothing  wUl change and that we must stand up and  speak out. Koenig chooses to paint in a style  that expressed that idea, not a style validated by art history.  She sees the history of art as the history of pohtics, the expression of the ideologies of the winners of wars. For example, art history often propagates the idea  that there are such things as universal images to express the images of all classes, cultures, races, and sexes. In fact, they are images particular to a white, male and European view. AU other views are relegated to  the anthropological museums or to women's  studies classes. They are not considered a  part of art history.  Along with this idea of universality is the  notion of the artist grappUng with the human condition. For Koenig this flattens reaUty. All of us must cope with social conditions and economic factors that affect the  way we hve and work and how we view the  world. The "universal" image effectively excludes those who do not fit into the dominant ideology.  In England 100 years ago, over 1000  women were exhibiting their art work.  Today, we hardly know of them or any  other women artists. Their views of the  world have been excluded from history.  What other views have also been left out?  Koenig's work reminds me that this is not  acceptable, that we don't want to Uve in a  world that sUences and excludes. As Koenig  says: "I'm not naive about how much effect my work can have on the world. A lot  of times people that have ... pohtical content in their work are criticized, Uke, 'Oh,  come on, you're not going to change anything, why even bother doing this,' or 'it's  useless' or 'it lessens the value of the work  that you're doing when it's pohtical, when  it's connected to real things, it's not as good  aesthetically.'  "And so I said, years ago, okay—I know  this isn't going to topple governments, but  it's stiU necessary to say these things. And  as long as it's being said in a gallery space  that's one more space and one more voice  saying it."  Detail from "The Saint of the Child Care Workers"  % McGuigan Studied Fine Art  at Langara and has worked with Grunt  GaUery for two years.  KINESIS LETTERS  Correcting some  historical details  Kinesis:  After reading the article "We Want You  to Pay Attention" by SUva Tenenbein and  Karen X. Tulchinsky in your Dec/January  1991 issue, I decided to write to you in order to correct some historical errors that the  authors made.  Their first mistake is the identification  of Jesus as a Sephardic Jew. Sephardic is  term that refers to Jews whose ancestors  once hved in Spain or Portugal. (Sepharad  means Spain in Hebrew). Jews only began  to migrate to Spain in significant numbers  in the 8th century—700 odd years after Jesus died. The Jews were expeUed from Spain  1492 and Sephardic Jews spread throughout North Africa, Europe and the Mediterranean area.  I think that the authors wanted to make  the point that Jesus was not European, as  Christians often depict him, but they didn't  get their facts right.  The second mistake is the authors' claim  that Chanuka originated long before Jesus' hfetime. ActuaUy, the Maccabean revolt against the Greco-Syrians took place  in the second century B.C.E. In historical  terms this really isn't a very long time.  I'd Uke to conclude by saying that I enjoy reading Kinesis and support Jewish  women's right to speak up against oppression. I hope my comments wUl be taken as  constructive criticism.  Sincerely,  Shlomit Segal  Toronto, Ont.  The feedback  has been positive  Kinesis  We were happy to see that Kinesis reviewed our most recent publication, Strategies for Change: from women's experience to a plan for action ("Helpful tools,  but weak process," March, 1991). We were  also pleased with Lorraine Michael's positive comments on the content of the book.  We are concerned, however, that Michael's  criticisms might discourage groups who are  looking for assistance in strategy development.  Some of her individual points are weU  taken. She points out that strategy development is an ongoing process and should  not be seen as limited to the weekend we  have suggested as a time frame for the "four  steps to a strategy for change." We perhaps should have emphasized that developing strategy is, indeed, an ongoing process and that the framework we present is a  jumping off point for this work.  We know from the feedback we have already received from women's groups using  the book that they are indeed finding it a  useful tool. We therefore question Michael's  suggestion that only experienced community organizers wUl find the book useful.  In the coming year, we are planning to  develop (funding permitting) additional fa-  cUitators' guidelines based on feedback we  receive and on our own use of the book in  strategy workshops.  In the meantime we hope that groups wiU  continue to use Strategies for Change to  buUd on the organizing skiUs which we, as a  movement, have developed from our experience.  Sincerely,  Debra J. Lewis  for the Women's Research Centre  Vancouver, BC  Vancouver's  IWD: we've got  a ways to go  Kinesis:  Vancouver's International Women's Day  march and raUy was a success. The organizers deserve a big thank you for their commitment, dedication and hard work. I have  been attending IWD marches for over 10  years. Even though I am a lesbian and could  be attending lesbian marches, I attend IWD  celebrations because I feel proud to be a  part of the larger movement of women, actively involved in striving for social change.  As someone who has been active in the  women's community for years, it is always  difficult for me to voice constructive criticism. I do not intend to offend anyone, however, being honest sometimes creates animosities.  I feel compeUed to address the blatant institutional racism demonstrated at the raUy.  The women's movement has for a long time  ignored the needs of women of colour. Even  as I write this letter, unlearning racism  workshops are talcing place in the women's  community. Analysis is a lot of hard work. I  resent putting in the personal time to deal  with my own racism, only to be confronted  by it publicly, when my sisters continue to  support the status quo of power and whiteness. Organizing women of colour to speak  at the end of the rally is an example of tokenism. I abhor it. This is not a solution to  racism.  Women of colour were conveniently  placed at the end of the speaker's hne up.  By the time they spoke, many of the rally's  participants had gone home. Women of  colour should have spoken first when there  was a larger audience of women. They need  to have an avenue to express their voices.  milafipos  1108 Commercial Drive  255-8168  A Latin American-Canadian  enterprise, MILAGROS offers  uniquely designed silver and  bead jewellery, handicrafts  from Nicaragua, and weavings  and finely made clothing from  Guatemala. Come see the  products of co-ops and  solidarity.  Tues - Fri 11-6  Sat 10-7   Sun 12-6  10% off with this ad.  We need to hear them. We need to learn.  We need to support them. IWD ought to be  a place where aU women feel valued. Too often women of colour are not valued in our  movement. As much as I appreciate women  pohticians, poUticians have power. Why do  we continue to support the status quo?  The next issue that we have to contend  with is the lack of Sign Language interpretation at the raUy. I was deeply troubled.  There has been a group of women volunteering their Sign Language interpretation  skiUs at IWD for over eight years. Providing  access to deaf and hard of hearing women  strengthens our movement. Reaching out  has a profound effect not only in the hearing women's movement but also within the  deaf community. Deaf and hard of hearing  women cannot participate in women's issues  if they are unable to hear what the issues  are. They need to be heard. We need to hear  from them.  One deaf women said to me she had to  convince her peers to attend. They did not  beUeve there would be sign language interpretation. Sadly, they were right. They  were left out. No wonder deaf women cannot  trust hearing women. Occasionally providing Sign Language interpreters at events is  tokenism. Again, this is not a solution. I'm  wondering if some of my reading audience  is saying: "why didn't you volunteer to do  it?" My response to this is, Sign Language  interpreters are wUUng to donate their time  if asked. It is not my responsibility to call  and ensure interpreting is provided at every  organized event, unless of course, I was on  the organizing committee.  H our movement is to gain in credibihty,  strength and numbers, we must be consistent and accessible. Every event organized  by women, must be accessible to deaf and  hard of hearing women. Next year, contact Sign Language interpreters and advertise sign language interpretation in the IWD  material posters.  Lastly, because the women's movement  has demonstrated homophobia in the past,  there is a feeUng among lesbians that lesbian visibUity is absolutely essential in reducing the fears and ignorance within the  women's movement. There were no lesbian  speakers. Also, there was no lesbian visibUity in the advertising for IWD. I'm not suggesting that the focus of IWD should be lesbianism; however, addressing it even as one  of the many issues women confront would  give lesbians the feehng of inclusion. Lesbians need to be heard. We need to hear  from lesbians. Whether straight women hke  it or not, lesbians have been at the forefront of the women's movement, and constantly lend support to most women's issues. It is time that reciprocity be returned  to lesbians.  These three issues have a common  thread. Simply stated, powerlessness. Minorities within the women's movement:  women of colour, deaf and hard of hearing women, and lesbians have one thing  in common—constantly being left out by  the more powerful dominant numbers of  straight, white and able-bodied women in  the women's movement. I do not enjoy  pleading, but I ask aU of you to consider the  ramifications of continuing the behaviours  that divide women and ignore minorities  that are less powerful within our women's  movement. On a scale of one to ten, I rate  the IWD rally 1991 with a six. We stiU have  a ways to go.  Sincerely,  Linda M. Franchi  Vancouver, BC  t  %   AFTON MANAGEMENT LTD.   ±  I  ACCOUNTING, ADMINISTRATION & MANAGEMENT  Jf CONSULTANTS  , - BUSINESS & BANK PROPOSALS  - START UPS & BUSINESS ACQUISITIONS  - CORPORATE TAX RETURNS  - FINANCIAL STATEMENTS  - GOVERNMENT GRANTS & LOAN APPLICATIONS  INITIAL CONSULTATION WITHOUT OBLIGATION  Y BY APPOINTMENT ONLY  290-5412  Beginning February...  Linotron Service  THE DATAGRAPHICS  ANNBC  ELECTRONIC PUBLISHING  CENTRA  1670 Commercial Drive  253-3153    Fax 253-3073  .KINESIS  April 91 /S/////////S//S//S//S//////////////S/S////S///////S//S/A  ///////////////////m////////w//^  yyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyy  BULLETIN BOARD  READ THIS  All Ustings must be received no later than  the 18th of the month preceding publication. Listings are limited to 50 words and  should include a contact name and telephone number for any clarification that may  be required. Listings should be typed or  neatly handwritten, double-spaced on 8 1/2  by 11 paper. Listings wiU not be accepted  over the telephone. Groups, organizations  and individuals eligible for free space in the  Bulletin Board must be, or have, non-profit  objectives. Other free notices wUl be items  of general pubUc interest and wUl appear at  the discretion of Kinesis.  Classifieds are $8 (plus $0.56 GST) for  the first 50 words or portion thereof, $4  (plus $0.28 GST) for each additional 25  words or portion thereoL Deadhne for classifieds is the 18th of the month preceding  pubhcation. Kinesis wiU not accept classifieds over the telephone. AU classifieds must  be prepaid.  For Bulletin Board submissions send  copy to Kinesis Attn: BuUetin Board,  #301-1720 Grant Street, Vancouver, B.C.  V5L 2Y6. For more information call 255-  5499.  EVENTS  WANNA GET INVOLVED?  With Kinesis? We want to get involved  with you too. Help plan our next issues.  Come to the Writers' Meetings on Wed.  Apr. 3 (for the May issue) and Wed.  May 1 (for the June issue) at 7 pm at our  office, #301-1720 Grant St. If you can't  make the meeting, call 255-5499. No experience necessary, all women welcome  EVENT SB EVENT SIE VENTS  WOMEN OF COLOUR CAUCUS  Women of Colour are organizing at Kinesis and we welcome all volunteers past,  present and future to our next meeting on  Mon. Apr. 8 at 7:30 pm at #301-1720  Grant St. For more info, please call Terri  Hamazaki at 321-0575  CONFESSIONS  Tamahnous Theatre presents Confessions, a jazz play by Sheri-D Wilson,  directed by Teri Snelgrove. Set in the  steamy underground of New York City,  the Church of the Future will stimulate  your senses to the heights of fantasia. 2  for 1 previews Apr. 2-3 8 pm, regular  shows Apr. 4-14 8 pm. Tix $10, $12. For  more info call 688-8399  STRINGS  An opera in motion, by The Mortal  Coils Performance Society, with dance  and voices by Carmen Rosen, D.B. Boyko  and costumes by Susan Berganzi. At the  VECC, Apr. 10 and 11, 8 pm. Call 877-  0551 for reservations  VICKI RANDLE  Jazz singer Vicki Randle, at Doll and  Penny's Thurs., Apr. 4. Opens with  Maureen Field. Benefit for Persons With  AIDS and Sounds & Furies. Dinner show  8 pm. (doors open 6:30 pm) sliding scale  $15-$20; 2nd show 10 pm. (doors open  9:30 pm.) sliding scale $5-$10. Advance  tix recommended. Doll & Penny's, Octopus Books and The Book Mantel. Info  253-7189  I LOVE TITTY  Fifty-Six Gallery, 56 Powell St., presents  the paintings of Katarina Thorsen, a celebration of the female breast: Apr. 8-27.  Opening reception Apr. 8, 7-10 pm. Call  684-7387 for info  THE STORY OF X  This storytelling evening by Shirley Lamb  at the Gay and Lesbian Centre, 1170 Bute  St., Apr. 15, 7:30 pm. By donation  PHOTOS AND DRAWINGS  The Van East Cultural Centre presents  the photos of Brenda Hemsing and the  drawings of Frits Jacobsen Apr. 2-29 in  their co-exhibit entitled The City beyond  the Forest. Opening Apr. 3, 7-9 pm.  ON SELF DEFENSE  "The Women That Got Away," a video  that looks at the empowering aspect of  women resisting male violence. Stories  told by women who have escaped attacks  are commented on by women self-defense  instructors who give ideas and information to help women face an attacker. The  video screens Thurs. Apr. 4 8 pm. on  Channel 5 (Knowledge Network). Produced by Vancouver feminists  CHRISTINE LAVIN  The Vancouver Folk Music festival hosts  funny and fine songwriter Christine Lavin  at the Vancouver East Cultural Centre  Apr. 14, 8 pm. Tix $13  BOOK LAUNCHING  Chrystos, Beth Brant, Lee Maracle and  Press Gang Publishers are pleased to invite you to a launching/author reading to  celebrate the publication of three new and  exciting books: Dream On (poetry) by  Chrystos, Food & Spirits (short stories)  by Beth Brant, and Sojourner's Truth  (short stories) by Lee Maracle. On Apr.  27, 7:30-10 pm., reading at 8 pm. All are  welcome to attend at the Native Education Centre, 285 East 5th Ave., Vancouver, BC. Please call 253-2537 for more  info  FEMINIST TALK  Ursula Franklin, professor emeritus at the  University of Toronto will speak at a public lecture at SFU Downtown Campus  Harbour Centre, Rm. 1900 at 7:30 pm.,  Apr. 12  PEACE WALK  This year, the peace walk is Sat. Apr.  20, 11 am., beginning at Kits Beach and  ending at Sunset Beach. Call 736-2366  for details  POSTER PROJECT  As part of Vancouver's MayWorks, an exhibit of political posters will be mounted  at the Maritime Labour Centre. People are asked to make contributions of  posters from their personal or organization's collections. Call Rachel Rocco at  879-2931 for details, or mail posters directly to 3271 Main St., Vancouver BC,  V5V 3M6  COME SKATE  Come raise fun at Kitsilano Ice Rink, 2495  W. 12th Ave., Sat., Apr. 6, 7:30 pm.  The Gay & Lesbian Centre invites everyone to shiver, spin & spiral on ice. GLC &  VLC members $4; non-members $5; under 12's $2  WOMEN'S DANCE  The Western Pensioner's Ball Club will  be holding a dance Apr. 6, 8 pm.-l am.  Advance tix only. $10-$12 at "Hooked on  Books" (463-8380), or phone Lois at 437-  3965 for more info  LESBIAN LAW  At 7:30 pm., Tues., Apr. 16 lawyer Ruth  Lea Taylor hosts the second in her series of six workshops which cover various topics that concern lesbians. These  workshops take place the third Tuesday  of the month from Mar. thru Aug. This  month's topic: "Protecting our Own—  Property, Succession and Access to Medical Information"  GUERRILLA GIRLS  Are coming to the Burnaby Art Gallery in  April. See page 17 for details  EQUALITY DAY  The Women's Legal Education and Action Fund (LEAF) is celebrating women's  fight for equality on Wed. Apr. 17  (Equality Day) at the Diane Farris  Gallery, 1565 W. 7th Ave. A dessert reception and speaker's program, 7:30 pm.  Tix $10. Phone 684-8772 for more info  VLC COFFEEHOUSE  The Vancouver Lesbian Connection will  be hosting a monthly coffeehouse beginning Sun., Apr. 28. Entertainment will  be drumming by Linda & Jazz, Doreen  McLane singing original contemporary  and folk music and a surprise performance  by Random Acts. Doors open at 7:30 pm.  Phone for more info 254-8458  RUMBLE BENEFIT  The women from the Out On Screen  (Gay and Lesbian) Film Festival present  a fundraising party and dance with a  screening of the film, "Chopper Chicks in  Zombietown" Apr. 23, 7:30 pm at Pacific  Cinematheque, 1131 Howe St. Tix $10 at  Little Sisters, Ariel Books, Book Mantel  MOVIE MARATHON  The Out On Screen Festival folk will  be presenting the World's Worst Movie  Marathon, Part III, Apr. 6, 12 noon,  in which a handful of viewers is forced  to view 24 gruelling hours of flicks for  pledges. To make a pledge, phone Video-  matica at 734-5752  GATHERING  The Fourth Annual Lesbian Separatist  Conference and Gathering will be held in  south central Wisconsin, Aug. 29-Sept.  2. Play, talk, argue, spark new friendships, renew old connections, and have  fun for a change! Sliding scale registration fee: $110-175 (scholarships available,  write for info). Burning Bush, PO Box  3065, Madison Wl, 53704-0065, USA  SURVIVING OPPRESSION  Wimmin, that is: a cultural event featuring artwork by over 20 wimmin on display  until Apr. 7 at the Downtown Eastside  Women's Centre and the Firehall Theatre, during regular office hours. Also, a  closing cabaret at the DEWC, Sat. Apr.  6 at 8 pm. Wimmin only. Call 253-1616  or 879-5217 for info.  BE HOPPY  The Langley Centennial Museum, 9135  King St., Fort Langley, will be showing  the NFB film "Hoppy: A Portrait of Elisabeth Hopkins" Apr.. 21, 2 pm. Phone  Diane Thorpe at 888-3922 for more info  CO-OP RADIO  is holding their Spring Marathon April  5-21. Tune into 102.7 on your FM dial  and pledge your support for community  radio. Donations welcome, or renew your  membership—$40 regular or $20 fixed income. Listen for all the regular and special marathon programming—there will  be prizes too  liliiiiiiilllillllllHllillllHlilllllliliiiii  AY   1-5,   1991  "Art   With  An  Attitude'  Friday, May 3rd  8:00 pm — $12/$15  "Swing, Satire & Social^  Cabaret/Dance  Razor sharp wit with  Feminist comic  (Sheila Gostick),  Performance Artist  (Margo Kane)  Special Guests -  Country Swing with  (RANCH ROMANCE)  Maritime Labour Centre  111 Victoria Drive  Saturday, May 4th  8:00 pm —$15  Land & Bread Cabaret/Dance"  with:  LILLIAN ALLEN  & The Revolutionary Tea  Party Band  Allen's mix of reggae, rock,  funk & rap is electric —  Not To Be Missed!  "A Lesson of a Different Kind"  theatre on janitors' rights by  Vancouver Sath  Speakers:  Gitksan Wet'suwet'en &  Hereditary Chiefs  Lil'Wat Peoples Movement  Maritime Labour Centre  111 Victoria Drive  Advance   Tickets   for   both   events  available   at:  Octopus   Books,   Black   Swan  &   Track   Records  FOR   TICKETS   &   INFO:   324-8821  KINESIS yyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyy/^^^^^^  yy//yyyyyy/yyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyy/yyyy^  bulletin Board  BODY ALIVE!  To truly feel the pulsations of life within  ourselves, to know the joy of movement,  of pleasure, we must be alive within our  bodies. Through movement, body awareness and meditation, we will explore the  anguage of our bodies, the places we hold  back and begin to open ourselves to being fully alive. A 4 week course, Wed.,  Apr. 10-May 1 7-9 pm., at VLC. Sliding  scale $30-90. Women only. Phone Astarte  251-5409 to register or for info  WORKING KNOWLEDGE  Working Knowledge: Labour and Learning in the Twenty-First Century. A conference to be held May 10-12, 1991 in  Vancouver.  The working life of Canadians is changing rapidly; in response, the Canadian education and training system is being revamped. Working Knowledge puts you—  the women's advocate, educator, trade  unionist, counsellor, student—in the picture. Seventeen conference sessions bring  you up-to-date on major trends. Accessible, interactive panels take you to  the centre of the current debates: The  changing workplace? Women in the new  economy? Education and training in the  twenty-first century? Barriers and opportunities for visible minorities?  Sessions include: Economic or Democratic Education: Willing Workers or Active Citizens? Good Work, Bad Work:  A Preview of the 90s. Women's Occupations: Change and Continuity. Educational Requirements of the New Workforce. Learning for Earning or Learning for  Living? Race and Opportunity in Education.  For more information contact: Working  Knowledge Conference, Vancouver Com-  mnity College—Langara, 100 West 49th  Ave., Vancouver BC, V5Y 2Z6. Tel (604)  324-5524, Fax (604) 321-2153. Register  before April 10 for a lower conference  fee. Organized by Vancouver Community  College—Langara  MAYWORKS FESTIVAL  The 4th Annual MayWorks Festival runs  May 1-5, and the line-up promises to  be more engaging and exciting than ever.  Highlights include a Cabaret/Dance on  Fri. May 3 featuring feminist comedian  Sheila Gostick, the popular cowgirl band  Ranch Romance, and performance artist  Margo Kane. On Sat. May 4 the Peace,  Land and Bread Cabaret/Dance with the  Queen of reggae, rap, calypso fusion Lillian Allen. Both events at the Maritime  Labour Centre, 111 Victoria Drive. Tix  available at Octopus Books, Black Swan  or Track Records. For more info and a  complete festival line-up call: 324-8821  THANKS  The IWD organizing committee would  like to thank all of the speakers and  performers at the Mar. 9 rally: Key-  change, Tsezom Yuthok, Terri John,  Tracy Li, Kim Zander, Gulistan Shariff,  Imelda Rivera, Judy Rebick, The Raging Grannies, Judy Abrams, Women's  Karate, Lizanne Foster, Kelly White, Joan  Smallwood, Pam Fleming, The Philippine Women's Centre, Angela Hyrnick,  Dawn Black, and Darlene Marzari. We  would also like to thank Donalda Viaud  for painting the banner, Carol Weaver at  Women's Work for designing and producing the T-shirts, Joni Miller for designing  the poster, Womens Circle for Peace for  mailing the leaflet, Lizanne at SPEC for  designing the leaflet, and Diane Thorne  for selling T-shirts. Also, thanks to all  those women that helped with all those  things that must be done.  If you are interested in organizing IWD  next year or have any ideas, please write  Karen Lightbody at: Co-op Radio, c/o  Women Do This Every Day, 337 Carrall  St., Vancouver, BC, V6B 2J4  GROUPS  WRITERS'RETREAT  The West Coast Women and Words Society is holding a summer school/writing  retreat for women at the Canadian Intl.  College Aug. 11-24. Gay Allison, Eve  Zaremba, and Maria Campbell are featured, as well as a banquet, workshop,  and readings by Sky Lee and Lee Maracle.  Call 872-8014 for more info, or to apply  to the school (deadline May 10) write to  #210-640 W. Broadway, Vancouver BC,  V5Z 1G4  DROP-IN  The Battered Women's Support Services  is offering a drop-in support group for  women involved in the criminal justice  system because they have been assaulted,  or who just need emotional support or  information. Mon.-Fri. 10 am.-5 pm. &  Wed. 10 am.-8 pm. The group is at  #401-510 W. Hastings St. For more info  call 687-1867  WRITERS' RETREAT  North Pacific Women Writer's Retreat.  June 8-14. Unique, untutored creative  writing retreat. The time and space to  write; the opportunity to enjoy feedback  and support of peers. At the Rockwood  Centre on the Sunshine Coast. For info  734-9816 (9-5 weekdays) or 876-6299 (6-  10 weeknights) Or apply with your name,  address, a short writing history and a 5  page sample of recent work to 3091 West  15th Ave., Vancouver, BC, V6K 3A5  LESBIAN SEX  A healing group for lesbians. Few of us  come to our sexuality free. Many of us  struggle with oppression on many levels. Homophobia, sexism, racism, misogyny, fatism, sexual, physical and emotional abuse, religious indoctrination and  many others. All of this affects our sexuality and our right to experience pleasure  and sexual freedom. This is a group for  lesbians who want to support each other  in building a safe, non-judgmental atmosphere, learning from our differences,  and expanding and heightening awareness  of our unique, individual sexual selves.  Group limit - 12 women. For more info  call Miljenka Zadravec 253-3146  SENIOR CENTRE  If you can volunteer a little of your time  to assist in establishing a seniors centre,  please call the Gay & Lesbians Centre at  684-5307  BINGO!  Vancouver Rape Relief & Women's Shelter operates a 24 hour crisis line and transition house for women and their children. One of the ways we fund this is to  run a bingo every Saturday in Guildford.  We are looking for women to volunteer  4 hours per month to help at the bingo.  The crowd is demanding but fun, your coworkers will be interesting and as interested in helping women as you are. Call  Regina 872-8212  SUBMISSIONS  DIVERSITY  A Lesbian of Colour guest collective  will be formed to produce a "Lesbian  of Colour" issue of Diversity: The Lesbian Rag in October, 1991. Lesbians  of colour interested in working on this  special issue are invited to attend the  next meeting to be held Tues., Apr.  16, 7:30 pm at VSW, #301-1720 Grant  St., (wheelchair accessible). For more info  please contact Marlene at 253-8032. Lesbians of colour are invited to send in  fiction, erotica, letters, cartoons, poetry,  photographs, graphics, non-fiction, short  stories and more...Submission deadline:  Aug. 23, early submissions encouraged!  Send to: Special Issue c/o Diversity, PO  Box 66106, Stn. F, Vancouver, BC, V5N  5L4  Keeping our money in our community...  CCEC Credit Union  ORTGAGES  Purchase Made Possible ^  Our knowledgable staff at CCEC  will take the time to answer your  '\   questions and help you choose the  mortgage that best suits you.  Pre-Approved Mortgages • Open or Fixed • One or Two Year Terms • Flexible Payment Options  No Renewal Fees • Optional Life Insurance • Automatic Deduction Plan  Approved lenders for CMHC Mortgage Insurance and the B.C. Mortgage *>  Let's talk about us at 254-4100  CCEC Credit Union  Nicola Cavendish  IN  SHIRLEY VALENTINE  by Willy Russell  A Belfry Theatre Production Presented by THE VANCOUVER PLAYHOUSE  Directed by Roy Surette • Set Design David Roberts  Costume Design Phillip Clarkson • Lighting Design Marsha Sibthorpe  APRIL 23-MAY 25  VANCOUVER EAST CULTURAL CENTRE (1885 Venables St.)  Tue.-Fri. 8 p.m. Sat. 6-9 p.m. Sun. 2 p.m.  Ticketmaster 280-3311 VECC 254-9578 Playhouse 873-3311  Originally produced on Broadway by The Really Useful Theatre Company, Inc. & Bob Swash  , KINESIS yyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyy^  yyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyyy^  BULLETIN  BOARD  H¥.vmijm»; r«iTO*irai=i»i  COUNSELLING FOR LESBIANS  I am a feminist-lesbian counsellor with extensive experience working with sexually  abused children, teens and adult women.  I work individually, with couples and in  groups on issues of trust, intimacy, grief  and loss, coming out, homophobia, sexuality, addictions, and healing the inner  child. Ongoing groups: Sexual Abuse Survivors Group, Coming Out Groups, Lesbian Sexuality Groups. Half hour free  consultation. Sliding fee scale. Miljenka  Zadravec 253-3146  P§n=ni  ^F^r^F^i^F  Job Opening  Production Coordinator  Iy5  in t  There is a part-time opening at Kinesis lor a  Production Coordinator. The successlul applicant  will have:  * design and layout experience (preferably with  publications)  * an ability to work with and train volunteers  * an appreciation ol the values of feminist  journalism  * an ability to work to deadlines  The Kinesis Production Co-ordinator works mainly  during the third week ol the month (except in  December and July when no paper is published).  The Production Coordinator is expected to attend  l! monthly Editorial Board meetings, among others.  Pay: $11.44/hour, 65 hours per issue  Closing date to apply: May 8,1991  Start date: May 21,1991  Come by the office for a full job description or  call 255-5499 for information.  |f=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jr=Jf=Jr=Jr=Jf=Jf=Jr=ir=Jr=  HEALING CIRCLE  Sexual abuse healing circle. Music therapy, counselling and introductory groups  for adult survivors of sexual abuse.  Brenda Johima 525-3982  FREE THE SINGER WITHIN  Emotional and creative release through  breath and song with Penny Sidor.  Singers of all levels can increase range,  tone and power while developing the confidence to speak up and sing out! Expert  vocal coaching and personal counselling  in a supportive, accepting environment.  A wholistic and effective method for empowerment, joyful creative expression and  a great voice! On the drive. $30/session.  251-4715  WOMEN CENTRES CONTRACTS  The BC and Yukon Association of  Women's Centres is undertaking a project  to develop a resource manual and a series of training sessions for its member  groups. Contract positions are now available for the following projects: Needs  Assessment, April 15-June 15, 1991:  Curriculum Design and Development of  Course Materials, May 20-July 15, 1991;  Research and Writing of Women's Centre Resource Manual, May 20-July 30,  1991. Contract values range from $5,000-  $5,500. For info, call Jennifer at 255-5511  or Lynne at 941-6311  GARDENER/LANDSCAPER  Meticulous Gardener/Landscaper available for contract or piece work. Reasonable rates, free estimate. Call 253-8450  RECLAIMING WOMEN'S HISTORY  POSTER SERIES  Agnes McPhail  The first woman  elected to  parliament.    >  The Famous Five  who won for  woman the right  to be persons.  Nellie McClung  who, with her sister  suffragists, won  the vote for women.  These women deserve their place in the schools, offices, homes and official  corridors of the nation.  An ideal gift.  Posters are 16 x 20, in sepia tones,  particularly attractive when framed. $10.00 each or package of all three for $25.00,  plus $3.00 (postage/packaging) for 1 poster ($0.50 for each additional poster).  Laminated copies are an additional $6.00 each.  Women of Vision Series, Box 1402, Station C, St. John's Nfld. A1C 5N5  >Learn How To Facilitate  Assertiveness Groups ♦  Vancouver Status of Women is looking for women interested in  facilitating our Assertiveness Groups on a volunteer basis.  We are offering a Facilitator's Training Program involving two  skills workshops followed by a six-week practice group (one  night per week).  Workshops will be held: Thurs. April 25th - 5:30-10pm  Sat. April 27th - 10am-5pm  Practice group to follow  There is no charge, and childcare is provided.  Please register by April 18th. 255-6554. Ask for Trisha.  Lillian Allen and the Revolutionary Tea Party Band will play Saturday, May 4th 8 pm. at the Maritime  Labour Centre, 111 Victoria Drive. Tickets are $15, available at Octopus Books, Black Swan, and Track  Records. For more information about the 4th Annual Vancouver MayWorks—Festival ol Culture and  Working Life-call 324-8821.  CLASS IFIED1C LASS IFIE  REIKI PRACTITIONER  Second degree  Reiki  practitioner would  like to share skills and experience with females only at this time. Rates will be negotiable. Non-sexual. Angela 662-7741  MUSIC IN ME  Healing the music child within...Within  each of us lives a music child—one with  a natural love of music, ability and desire to express through music. This workshop is an experiential opportunity to create and share in the power of love, music, laughter and play, and to identify and  begin to let go of blocks and negative  beliefs about musical ability. No musical  or singing experience required. Sat., May  18, 9:30 am.-3:30 pm. Brenda Johima,  music therapist. 525-3982  HOUSE-SITTING SOUGHT  South African woman of colour refugee  seeks house-sitting opportunity from May  to July inclusive. I'm a single mother and  a teacher, non-smoking and vegetarian.  Please call Lizanne at 874-9282  SAILING FOR WOMEN  Are you the confident, competent sailor  you want to be on land and sea? Now is  the time to have what you want through  HERIZEN New Age Sailing, a personalized sailing and self-awareness course for  women in BC, Calif., and Mexico. Call  Captain Trish Birdsell at (604) 662-8016  FAMOUS IN WINNIPEG  The "late" Sheila Gostick, comedienne  extraordinaire, is now available in tape  format: rich, chewy, spicy, rare, sparkling,  political humour for nearly an hour. Write  to Dub Me Not Tapes, 329 Manning  Ave., Toronto, Ont., M6J 2K8 ($15 includes postage and fondling)  SALT SPRING RETREAT  Escape to the country on Salt Spring Island. Fully equipped women's guest cabin  close to sea, lakes and hiking trails. $35  single $50 double. Special rates for week  or month. Gillian Smith, C 85, King Rd.,  RR 1, Fulford Harbour, BC, VOS 1C0,  653-9475  FEMINIST ACCOMMODATION  Female seeks non-smoking feminist to  share 2 bedroom heritage town house in  Kitsilano with decks, view of mountains.  Fireplace, all appliances, one and a half  bathrooms. Available immediately. $500  per month. Penny 731-5412  KARATE FOR WOMEN  Self defense, fitness, confidence. Shito-  ryu karate taught by a female black  belt. Tues. & Thurs., 7-9 pm., Carnarvon Community School, 16th & Balaclava. $35/month. Women are welcome  to drop in or observe a class. Children's  classes available. For info: Joni 734-9816,  Rose, 737-0910, Monica 872-8982  VILLA DE HERMANAS  Our all women's Caribbean beachfront  guesthouse awaits you. Beautiful, LF  owned Spanish style villa on long, secluded beach in the Dominican Republic. Small tropical gardens, oceanside  pool, spacious comfortable common areas with large balconies and magnificent ocean view. Private, large, airy guestrooms, sumptuous meals and drinks,  relaxing massages and healing crystals.  Room rates: $330 single; $440 double per  week. For reservations call our Toronto  friend Suzi, at (416) 462-0046 between 9  am and 10 pm.  TRY CO-OP LIVING  City View Co-op, a 31 unit building near  Victoria & Hastings, keeps an open waiting list for applications for membership.  Rent for 1, 2 or 3 BR apts, is $467, 589, or  683, plus a (refundable) share purchase.  To apply, send a S.A.S.E. to: Membership  Ctte, 1885 E. Pender, Vane. V5L 1W6.  A WOMAN'S PLACE  Emotional Fitness Centre: New counselling, educational and referral service on  the North Shore. Offers feminist and lesbian affirmative counselling, workshops,  support groups and information - for general personal growth and healing and  women's issues. Call Lou Moreau, founder  and registered clinical counsellor, 984-  8738 or 922-7930.  j^lNtSJS LIB1ZBGRL 4/9z  LIBRARY PROCESSING CTR - SERIALS  2206 EAST HALL, U.B.C.  VANCOUVER, BC VST 1Z8  Scuffed the buttercups,  fetched a dozen sticks,  bought a Kinesis subscription  for the husky two doors down.  Good dog. Smart dog.  Published 10 times a year by the Vancouver Status of Women  Suite 301 1720 Grant St. Vancouver, B.C., Canada V5L 2Y6  T1VSW Membership (includes Kinesis subscription): $30 plus $1.40 GST  KINESIS Subscription:  Dl year:,$20 plus $1.40 GST fj2 years: $36plus $2.5.  {jCheque enclosed       'ñ° Bill me QNew  Please m


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