Kinesis May 1, 1987

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 Special Collections Serial  Artists: see questionnaire page 21  May 1987  $1.75|  News About Women That's Not In The Dailies  )0N/'T    TALK TO Mt    ABOUT\,  FREE    Tl^DH-    FKEF   TRADE  15    A     3)ANQeiz     To     CAWAD-  \Ah)      SOVEREl&MlTy.   Vou  WILL      H£A£     fVO/VE     DP    If  FROM      Mt * - Qrian rMulvoney  116 3 P.C.    1-ecidev^.iACp /  Free Trade Supplement  Bill 19  Lionheort Gal  Notes from the Country  Child Poverty Forum Kinesis welcomes volunteers to work on all aspects of the paper. Call  at 873-5925. Our next  News Group meeting Is  Wed. May 6, 1:30 pm at  Kinesis, 400 W 5th Ave.  All women welcome even If  you don't have experience.  PRODUCTION THIS ISSUE: Isis, Aletta Jacobs,  Alllsa McDonald, Esther  Shannon, Nancy Poltak,  Noreen Howes, Ann Doyie,  Jody McMurray, Maura  Volante, Marsha Arbour,  Lucy Morelra, Patty Glb-  \, Deborah Prleur.Jan  Skeldon, Kathee Muzln,  Linda Rlzzato, Sarah Shan't, Sonla Marino, Artemis, Marlon Grove, Andrea Lowe, Valerie Barone,  Agatha Clnader, Claire McCarthy.  EDITORIAL     BOARD:  Esther Shannon, Isis, Lisa  Hebert, Kim Irving,  Maura Volante, Noreen Howes,  Sharon   Hounsell,   Patty  Gibson, Alllsa McDonald.  CIRCULATION AND DISTRIBUTION: Cat L'Hirondelle, Nancy Pollak, Noreen Howes, Ann Doyle.  ADVERTISING:  Marsha Arbour  OFFICE: Cat L'Hirondelle.  Kinesis Is published 10  times a year by the Vancouver Status of Women.  Its objectives are to be  non-sectarian feminist  voice for women and to  work actively for social  change, specifically by  ombattlng sexism, racism, homophobia and Imperialism.  Views expressed In Kine-  are those of the writer  and do not necessarily reflect VSW policy. All unsigned material Is the responsibility of the Kinesis  Editorial Board.  SUBSCRIPTIONS: Individual subscriptions to Kinesis are $17.50 per year or  what you can afford. Membership In the Vancouver  Status of Women Is $25.50  or what you can afford, Includes subscription to Kinesis.  SUBMISSIONS: AH submissions are welcome. We  reserve the right to edit  and submission does not  guarantee publication. AH  submissions should be typed double spaced and must  be signed and include an  address and phone number. Please note that Ki-  .esis does not accept poetry or fiction contributions. For material to be returned, a SASE must be Included. Editorial guidelines  are available on request.  DEADLINE: For features  and reviews the 10th of  the month preceding publication; news copy, 15th;  letters and Bulletin Board  listings, 18th. Display advertising: camera ready,  18th; design required, 12th.  ADVERTISING: For Information about display advertising rates, please contact Kinesis For Information about classifieds,  please see the classified  page In this Issue.  v(  ^C^  m^**£jp  \  ,,-;■ f  LTik       ^^i  1^1  i\j  ■*jff.  HthiiBnT'  pOL  ^Ch  Qxm  Free trade supplement page 12        Lillian Allen page 22  INSIDE  /  teATum  ~  Justice, not charity  3  Farmworkers call for pesticide ban     4  Stop Bill 19    5  Understanding child poverty issues  6  Abortion report ignores women's needs   7  What happened to organizing at Eatons     8  Federal report dismisses quality childcare   9  Mexico garjrient workers union grows  10  4/irt  rade Supplement  Free Canada, Trade Mulroney    12  by Lorri Rudland  Sleeping with Elephants   13  by Debra Lewis and Lorri Rudland  A giant leap backwards    14  by Debra Lewis and Lorri Rudland  Rambo vs. Anne of Green Gables    17  by Debra Lewis and Lorri Rudland  Privatization: attacking women's independence .... 18  y Marion Pollack  .lonhearted women speak for themselves   22  by Emma Kivisild  Nelson theatre group focuses on women   23  by Nicola Harwood  The strange world of Diane Arbus    24  by Jill Pollack  REqmw  Movement Matters    2  Beans  Rubymusic   25  Bulletin Board   26  CORRESPONDENCE:  Kinesis, Vancouver Status  of Women, 400A West 5th  Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y  1J8.  Kinesis Is a member of the  Canadian Periodicals Publishers Association.  Typesetting and camera  work by Baseline Type  and Graphics Cooperative.  Laser printing by Vancouver Desktop Publishing  Printing   by   Webb   Press  Graphics.  Second class mall #6426  KINESIS Movement Matters  \xx\x\\^Sx\x\\N\^**^^  Movement Matters is designed to be a  network of news, updates and information of special interest to the women's  movement. Submissions to Movement Matters should be no more than 500 words,  typed, double-spaced on eight and a half by  eleven paper. Submissions may be edited for  length. Deadline is the 18th of the month  preceding publication.  AIDS conference  in October  People all over Canada have a lot to say  and do about AIDS. The health crisis has  reached a critical point in Canadian and  world society. More than 1,000 diagnosed  cases of AIDS have been reported to officials  Ottawa, meaning that probably half a  million people in Canada have already been  exposed to the HIV virus. People are beginning to understand that everyone is affected in wide reaching ways. Health care resources are limited and costs are sky rocketing, homophobia and racism compound the  discrimination, civil and minority rights are  under attack, and people need to be educated about sexuality and disease like never  before.  The Canadian AIDS Society is a national  coalition of community groups concerned  with and organizing about AIDS. There  are more than twenty-five member groups  across the country representing people with  ADDS, care-givers and support workers, educators, medical and research staff, volunteers on the phone lines and public speakers, people working for government action  and everyone concerned about the impact  and changes AIDS brings.  The Third Canadian AIDS Conference  will be held in Vancouver October 23, 24,  and 25,1987. AIDS Vancouver will host this  [I SvefyWear  coming together of people from all across  Canada, the United States, the Pacific Rim  and the world at large. Being one of the earliest communities to feel the impact and respond to the threat, Vancouver is one of the  best organized cities in the world. It will  be an invaluable opportunity to learn, grow  and share information, experiences and expertise.  A national advisory work group is being  struck and we are encouraging input from  everyone interested. Local committees are  being organized to plan and co-ordinate the  logistics of transportation, billet accomodations and resources. There is always a lot of  work in preparing for a conference of this  size and scope, so be assured that everything you can do to help will be greatly appreciated.  For more information about the Canadian ADDS Society and how to become involved with the Third Canadian AIDS Conference please call AIDS Vancouver at 687-  2437 and talk with Ken Mann.  May is for  Breaking Barriers  The 1987 Lesbian and Gay Conference Committee has developed an exciting  agenda for the "Breaking Barriers'' conference to be held at the University of British  Columbia May 16th to 18th. Over twenty  workshops and panels will address the "barriers'' within our relationships and communities that prevent us from working together  to fight the "barriers'' outside our community. A tentative schedule follows.  Registration for the conference begins at  8:30 am on Saturday, May 16th on the second floor of the UBC Student Union Building. At 10 am a panel will look at a number  of political issues: AIDS and Politics, Censorship, R.E.A.L. Women, and Sexual Orientation Legislation.  At 1 pm the workshops start, with  Fundraising, Feminism for Gay Men, the  International Lesbian Conference '86 Slide  Show, and an Update on Sexual Orientation Legislation. At 3:15 pm we have Gays  & Lesbians and the Law, Lesbian SM Living with ADDS, and Unlearning Racism.  Sunday morning May 17th, the 10 am  workshops include Integration of the Disabled into the Lesbian Community, Spirituality and Ritual in the Gay & Lesbian Community, Violence in Lesbian Relationships,  and the Worried Well. Scheduled at 1 pm  are Dealing with Addictions in the Lesbian  Community, Gay and Lesbian Youth—Our  Issues, Lesbians and Aging, and Personal &  Community Mobilization. At 3:15 pm a Gay  & Lesbian Political Forum will take place,  with speakers talking about their experiences as openly gay/lesbian candidates in  the political mainstream.  »»»»»«»mi<m  On Monday, May 18th at 10 am there  will be several workshops, including Financial Planning, Communications in Lesbian  Relationships, and Lesbian & Gay Political  Action.  There will be a dance held Sunday  evening, May 17th. The time and place will  be announced.  Registration follows a sliding scale,with  a suggested rate for a single person with  »TO  SUPPORT  WOMEN  IN DU 5INES5  KATHY TEMPLETON, M.Sc.,C.FJ».  2668 Crown Streci  (604) 224-3155  •, B.C. V6R 3W1  GRANDVIEW REALTY LTD.  MARLENE HOLT  253-4111      RES: 255-5027  1676 Charles Street, Vancouver, B.C. V5L 2T3  MMMMMMUmffiffiff  iHHiHTititHimmmtiiHH  The Alexander  Technique  Relieves back pain, excessive  fatigue, poor posture and physical  tension. Learn to move with  flexibility and ease in daily activities,  work, performing arts, and sport.  JULIA BRANDRETH   (604)684-2541  m»»»»»m»i»»»nn»  no dependents based on monthly income. It  ranges from $10 to $35, with people earning  less than $500 per month to pay what they  can. Dance admission is extra, on a scale of  $3 to $5.  The conference is wheelchair accessible.  Childcare and signing for the hearing impaired are available. Participants with these  needs should register by May 1st.  The conference is sponsored by the Vancouver Gay and Lesbian Community Centre (1170 Bute Street, 684-6869) and supported by the Vancouver Lesbian Centre  (876 Commercial Drive, 254-8458). Registration forms and further information are  available at both these places, as well as at a  number of bookstores and clubs in the city.  Grantfunds  for gay and  lesbian projects  The Kimeta Society of Toronto has recently been established to provide small  and limited grant funding for progressive  lesbian and gay projects in Canada and  around the world. Since we have only a limited amount of funds to disperse every year  we cannot provide funding for legal costs,  or maintenance or core funding for groups,  but only funding for specific political or educational projects. Applications can range  from a minimum of $500 to a maximum of  $4,000.00 (Canadian).  The deadline for applications for our  first dispersal period will be September 1st,  1987. For further information or to submit a  proposal write to us at: 291 Ontario Street,  Apartment 5, Toronto, Ont. M5A 2V8  *  Automation  and  Information  Services  ANN DOYLE  M.L.S.  • Database design • Computer training  • Documentation • Desktop publishing  201-1750 Vine Street  Vancouver, B.C.  604-734-9865  Envoy: AM.DOYLE  »»»»ni»H»H»»m»»  LEIGH THOMSON 877-0386  « i » 1  l3iq£0Mrv1 EftClAL !  rkeaFbeck^VN  jufcTfiJcf d..bynci  QGriFTSnoP  DR.VAVlCOUv'gft.  25 Its whtck ic,  "   jven rt\or€  c£MACPHE$SON gMOTORS  885 E. 8th Ave., Van.  876-6038  BYAPPOINTMENT  donna  Uz j. M.T.  cAlicecJvlacpherson.  licensed mechanic  THERAPIST/CONSULTANT       SEXUAL   ABUSE  (604)     254-8107  KINESIS ////////////////////^^^^^  //////////////////////^^^^  ACROSS B.C.  Justice not charity  Calling for "Justice not Charity", more than 250 demonstrators  gathered outside the Italian Cultural Centre April 24 to protest  B.C. Cabinet Minister Claude  Richmond's travelling "consultation" hearings on social policy.  The Minister of Social Policy had  received more than one hundred  requests from Vancouver groups to  speak at the one day hearing, but  only twenty-two groups were allowed to present their views.  Representatives of tenants, students, seniors, anti-poverty organizations, and Vancouver Alderman  Libby Davies all told the crowd  that Richmond's one day meeting  made a mockery of "consultation".  Jean Swanson of End Legislated Poverty (ELP) said the Social Credit government has con-  and British Columbians living on  social assistance.  "They consulted with working  people and then brought in legislation to trash their unions. They  consulted with us on hungry kids,  and now Richmond is assigning  one social worker to every two  or three schools. They consulted  with seniors and brought in fees  which will push tens of thousands  further into poverty. Now they're  consulting with us—supposedly on  social policy—and I shudder to  think what cutbacks they have in  mind," she said.  Meanwhile, inside the social  policy hearing, Richmond and six  fellow Cabinet Ministers heard  twenty-two socially concerned groups in under six hours.  Groups  sistently ignored the concerns of   were allowed a maximum of seven  seniors, students, working people,    minutes apiece.  Commons committee studies women's programs  by Kinesis Staff Writer  A federal Commons Committee studying the objectives of  the Secretary of State's Women's  program has entered its seventh  month of deliberation to decide  if current guidelines governing the  distribution of funds should be  challenged.  The seven member committee,  consisting of five Conservatives,  one Liberal and one New Democrat, began the examination last  fall when Realistic Equal Active for Life (R.E.A.L.) Women  of Canada was denied financing.  Since then the Committee has  heard from a plethora of women's  groups across Canada, the vast  majority of whom want the Conservative government to ensure  funds go only to those groups  working consistently for women's  equality.  The question of whether avowedly anti-feminist groups such as  R.E.A.L.   should  be   funded  re  ceived a resounding 'no' from  women's groups presenting in Vancouver in early April. "In trying  to look at the world of R.E.A.L.  from their perspective we had  some difficulty in making sense of  their position," stated representatives from the Victoria Status of  Women Action Group. "It is our  belief that this confusion in their  program arises because R.E.A.L.  is out of tune with the changing realities experienced by most Cana-  dian women today."  Victoria Status of Women Action Group (VSWAG) called upon  the committee to limit funding to  those groups working in concert  with established government policies regarding equality for women.  "It is our belief that it is antithetical to the spirit of a democratic  government to fund groups whose  main purpose is the destruction of  already established, effective and  constructive organizations."  Along a similar line Vancouver  Status of Women (VSW) told the  Committee  that  R.E.A.L.   "pro-  SORWUC  Local 1 folds  —  Potrebenko also cited a lack of  The Service Office and Retail suPPf J* Part of the TMason ^  Union of Canada (SORWUC) lost cal X l0ldecL  its oldest and largest local, Lo- "^ y°u have enough support,"  cal 1, in February of this year. she said> Vu can weather any-  Local 1 held contracts for four- thinS- But PeoPle are m°TM mter-  teen bargaining units representing workers in daycares, social services, theatres and neighbourhood  pubs. News of the local's folding  was delayed until these bargaining  ested in going to conferences and  coffeehouses these days."  Referring to Local 1 successes,  Potrebenko said that "SORWUC  made  it  possible for women  to  units could be transferred to other   join unions just by pointing out to  women that joining unions is their  According to Helen Potrebenko,  a founding member of SORWUC,  Local 1 was forced to fold primarily because "Employers are out  to bust workers back to medieval  working conditions."  "A deepening recession and  high unemployment have meant  decreases in pay and increases in  work load for employees", said  Potrebenko. "While the law says  that anyone can join a union,  the body that is supposed to enforce that law (British Columbia  Labour Relations Board (LRB)  enforces it only for the benefit of  employers."  Potrebenko noted that employer actions and LRB decisions  have combined to make it impossible to do any new organizing,  which was why SORWUC was established in the first place.  "Employers," said Potrebenko,  "are trying to get rid of any kind  of group that workers can speak  through."  right.  "During our good times," she  said "Local 1 negotiated some  good contract clauses which remain as ideals for other unions  to strive for. These included  fully paid maternity and paternity  leave, shorter working hours and  paid daycare."  She also said that under Locals  2 and 5, SORWUC "won the right  for bank workers to join unions."  Local 1 was established as the  first SORWUC local at the union's  inception in 1972. During its history, Local 1 led a number of well  known strikes, including Mallaber  Bimini's Neighbourhood Pub and  the Muckamuck Restaurant. At  the Muckamuck, workers were out  for over five years, and while they  never won a first contract, persistent picketing eventually forced  the restaurant to close.  Currently, the only remaining  SORWUC local is Local 5, the  Powell River Homemakers.  When management refused to negotiate five years of persistant picketing forced the Muckamuck to close.  vide an excellent example of a  group whose efforts would, overall,  attempt to turn around what has  been an important track record  in regards to federal support for  women's equality." Most groups  point to the Charter of Rights  and Freedoms, the UN Declaration, and Prime Minister Brian  Mulroney's throne speeches as example of Canada's commitment to  women's equality.  VSW also challenged RE.A.L.  claim that feminists neglect women  in the home or in the family saying it is "a claim born out of a  stated paranoia that feminists are  destroying the family and by implication destroying the fabric of  Canadian life." The organization  said R.E.A.L. Women's view of  the traditional family denied the  diversity of peoples and families  living in Canada saying feminists  "work in the interests of all women  in all families as they actually exist."  "We simply are not at liberty,"  said VSW, "to condone or condemn the choices and needs of one  type of woman over another."  R.E.A.L., in its own presentation to the Committee, called for  the elimination of the Secretary  of State Women's Program. If the  Program continues, however, the  group argued they should receive  a substantial piece of the funding  to ensure "the other side" is presented.  VSW also told Committee members that women's groups and  centres across the country suffer  from extremely low funding levels and called for an overall increase in the Program. Specifically  they noted the low wages paid  women staff saying it was ironic  that those working for improved  wages for Canadian women should  have their own work so critically  undervalued.  The only women on the Committee are Lucie Pepin for the  Liberals and Margaret Mitchell  for the NDP. Although it is too  soon to tell what this committee will recommend to Parliament,  feminists attending the Vancouver  hearings were disturbed at the lack  of information on equality issues  voiced by Tory members.  KINESIS    87 May Farmworkers call for pesticide ban  by Agatha Cinader  In the summer of 1985, the United  Farmworkers of America  (UFW) lau-  hed their third grape boycott since  1965. Their demands include fair and  free union elections, collective bargaining rights for workers at unionized vineyards, a ban of five agrochemicals (cap-  tan, dinoseb, parathion, methyl bromide  and phosdrin) and cooperation from  the grape industry to conduct regular  spot checks at supermarkets for pesticide residues.  The Canadian Farmworkers Union  (CFU) supports the boycott and calls  for a British Columbia ban of the five  chemicals named by the UFW.  The irresponsible way pesticides are used  on B.C. farms endangers the health of farmworkers and consumers. Pesticides are used  without adequate regulations and dangerous chemicals which have been linked to  cancer and/or birth defects are applied to  produce you may be eating.  Unlike workers in most other industries,  farmworkers are not protected by health  and safety regulations or rules regarding  minimum wage, hours of work and overtime.  They often have to work in unsafe conditions with toxic chemicals, whose names and  effects they don't know.  Farm work ranks as the third most dangerous occupation in North America, with  the highest rate of occupational disease.  Yet many injuries, and pesticide-related illnesses go unreported, either because the  person doesn't realize that their sickness is  related to pesticides or, most importantly  because people are afraid to report their injuries for fear of being fired.  Farm work ranks  as the third most  dangerous occupation  inNorth America,  with the highest  rate of occupational  disease.  Sarwan Boal, president of the CFU says  farmworkers think that they are getting  nauseous and dizzy because of their long  hours of work in the sun, but they may  be suffering from the effects of the pesticides fumes rising in the heat. Even when a  worker knows that her illness is caused by a  pesticide she may not be able to tell the doctor the name of the chemical responsible.  Since farmers don't need a license to  buy or use most agrochemicals, there is no  record of the names of the pesticides used  on a farm. When the CFU organizes a farm,  Boal said, they ask the farmers for the  names of the chemicals used so the union  can warn the farmworkers ahead of time  about the hazards of the chemical and the  safety precautions that should be taken.  About thirty percent of farmworkers in  the Okanagan and eighty percent of those  in the Fraser Valley are women. Most of the  farmworkers are of East Indian origin. Many  women bring their children to the farms.  Pregnant women and children are particularly sensitive to many agricultural pesticides.  Even when the worker knows what precautions should be taken, however, she often has no way of controlling her working  conditions. For instance, one survey done  in the Fraser Valley found that many farmers did not provide workers with washing  facilities or with a place to eat away from  the fields. So farmworkers have to eat in  the sprayed fields, without washing the pesticides off their hands. When a worker is  told to work in a particular field, she cannot refuse, even if she knows that it has just  been sprayed.  Since there are no regulations, workers  can be fired if they refuse to work under  dangerous conditions. Agricultural workers  are particularly vulnerable as many do not  speak English, some have little education,  and they cannot easily get other jobs.  There is evidence that farmworkers suffer  from health problems caused by exposure  to pesticides. A survey of 272 farmworkers in the Fraser Valley found that many  workers had experienced problems such as  headaches, dizziness, skin rashes, gastrointestinal disorders or nervous system disorders, all of which may be associated with  pesticide poisoning.  In 1982 Surrey farmworker Jarnail Deol  died from pesticide poisoning. (Monitor, the  pesticide that killed Deol, was one of the 113  approved for use in Canada on the basis of  tests, which were later found to be fraudulent, done by the Industrial Biotest Laboratory of Illinois.) An inquest found Jar-  nail Deol's death to be preventable homicide caused by ignorance and lack of safety  regulations.  The lack of farm safety regulations is dangerous for consumers as well as for farmworkers. There have been a number of cases  of consumers getting sick from pesticide-  contaminated produce. One example is the  aldicarb contamination of English cucumbers in 1985.  Some ways of spraying pesticides are especially dangerous. When crops are sprayed  from the air, the pesticide cannot be controlled, and can drift into neighboring fields  and gardens. Anyone or anything in the general area of the spraying may be hit.  Environmentalists point out that pesticides are only a short-term solution to increasing crop yields, since, as new chemicals  are used, new strains of pests evolve to resist  them. Pesticides not only do not eliminate  pests, but they often kill harmless species  or useful predators of the intended target,  as well as destroying agriculturally important soil life.  Agrochemicals affect the immediate environment in which they are used. Some  chemicals break down very slowly and are  leached through the soil or carried in the  wind to persist in water and atmosphere far  from the area in which they were applied.  The pesticides for sale in BC are manufactured by multinationals and tested outside Canada, usually in the United States.  Although present testing is apparently very  thorough, many of the chemicals we use  were tested inadequately about ten years  ago.  According to Calvin Sandborn, a lawyer  with the West Coast Environmental Law  Association, Agriculture Canada has admitted that it has insufficient information on  eighty percent of the chemicals for sale here.  The United Farmworkers of America  (UFW) has called for a ban of five of  the most dangerous agrochemicals. One of  these, dinoseb, was suspended in October, 1986, by the American Environmental  Protection Agency after the chemical was  shown to cause birth defects (neurological  disorders, skeletal defects). Dinoseb is still  for sale in BC. At least two of the other  chemicals the UFW wants banned, captan  and parathion, are used on BC farms.  When asked why the BC government still  allowed these pesticides to be used here,  Boal commented:  "The government here thinks that farmworkers are not human beings. We always  have been treated as second-class citizens.  Secondly, the government has no respect for  consumers ..."  Studies done in the U.S. and other countries have revealed some of the health problems associated with pesticide exposure. For  instance, a study of California farmworkers  found a high incidence of liver and kidney  disorders. Chronic exposure to organophos-  phates (a category of pesticides which include many agricultural chemicals) has been  associated with neurological dysfuntion, loss  of sight, and pregnancy difficulties, such as  bleeding and premature births. Some pesticides have been linked to miscarriages and  are sprayed, posting of sprayed fields in a  way that could be understood by all workers, compulsory training of pesticide applicators, provision of health and safety information to all workers, proper maintenance  of pesticide equipment and the provision oi  clean water for washing and drinking.  But 1983 was an election year and at the  last minute the government buckled under  pressure from the BC Federation of Agriculture and gave the responsibility for health  and safety regulation to a group representing the growers. While farmworkers are now  eligible for WCB compensation, farm safety  is still in the hands of the grower's association.  In the meantime, Boal explained, farmworkers are worse off than they were beforel  1983.  "Before 1983 when the (growers) council was not in place, we could sue either  the grower or the company that produced  male sterility and in the California grape-  growing districts there is a higher than average rate of some kinds of cancer.  Since the CFU was formed in 1980, it  has been trying to convince the government  to legislate and enforce compulsory safety  laws. In 1983, after Jarnail Deol's death,  and under pressure from the BC Medical  Association and consumer groups, the government promised to bring in safety regulations, and to include farmworkers under  Workers Compensation Board (WCB) coverage.  The recommendations made to the WCB  included simple measures such as legislated minimum re-entry times after fields  a chemical, if a person got sick from it, but  now we can't do that. You can only go to  the WCB. So now the growers say 'We don't  In mid-April CFU representatives met  with the provincial government to discuss  the safety regulations. The union tried to  convince WCB Chairman Jim Nielson to  implement at least those regulations pertaining to pesticide safety in time for the  summer season. The government refused the  request promising to look into health and  safety regulations. Boal is not hopeful that  the government will be any more responsive  to farmworkers' needs than they have been  in the past.  KINESIS  May*87 Across B.C.  7.000 workers rally at the Agrodome in protest against Bills 19 and 20.  photo by Marilyn Burnett  BILL 19: UNION  BUSTING B.C. STYLE  by Marilyn Burnett  Promising to end an era of confrontation  perpetuated by Bill Bennett's Socred government, Bill Vander Zalm publicly dedicated himself last fall to the pursuit of cooperation, economic stability and jobs for  all.  Less than six months following his election, the new premier's soothing sentiments  to end confrontation through consultation  and co-operation have turned to dust with  the recent introduction of Bill 19, the Industrial Relations Reform Act.  A radical departure from B.C.'s current  labour code, as well as other labour acts  in Canada, Bill 19 reads like a product of  the ultra-conservative Sun Belt states where  the labour movement has been weakened  beyond recognition and in some instances,  eliminated.  Asserting the omnipotent power of a  "competitive market economy" Bill 19 is  designed to strip B.C. unions of hard-won  rights including full collective bargaining  with the right to strike. This Act makes it  extremely difficult for the labour movement  to not only maintain its current membership but to organize unorganized workers.  And finally, Bill 19 urges an unprecedented  level of direct government interference in internal union affairs legislating who can vote  on strike action and when that vote can be  taken.  Skillfully crafted, and containing some  seventy-five sections, Bill 19 is a masterpiece  of double-think where seemingly disparate  elements do in fact form a whole. "The more  you read it (Bill 19) the more horrendous  it becomes," says Dianne Woods, the first  Vice-President of the B.C. Government Employees Union (BCGEU).  The Socred goals as set out in the Bill are  twofold. The first is to radically alter the  status quo by sharply curtailing the power  and strength of the labour movement. Currently, about forty-two per cent of B.C.'s  labour force is unionized and that number  is growing.  The second goal is to ensure that unions  will never be able to regain the power and  strength they once had.  In the United States similar laws have  been so successful that the number of union  ized workers has fallen from about thirty  percent to about seventeen percent.  Historically, unions as democratic organizations provide a degree of protection for  their membership on the shop floor whether  that be an office or a fish plant. Through  bargaining and the ability to withdraw services in order to achieve a collective agreement, unions provide their members with a  degree of control over their workplaces and  thus, a degree of control over the economy.  By applying the  concept of a level  playing field  Bill 19 sets the  stage for free trade  activity in B.C.  It is this degree of control the Socreds  seek to eliminate through Bill 19. Rooted  in monetarist theories of economics, Bill 19  upholds the sanctity of a "competitive market economy" at the full expense of workers  rights.  It also sets the stage for free trade activity in B.C. by applying the concept of a  level playing field. A concept that demands  low wages and few, if any, benefits. According to employers, this means that companies here will be able to compete with their  U.S. counterparts.  In the most southern U.S. states' the adherence to those same monetarist economic  theories has meant entrenchment of right-  to-work laws which place the rights of the  individual above the good of the collective  whole. It has also meant the elimination of  minimum wage laws, no health and safety  protection, and no job security.  In other words, a cheap, unprotected  labour pool has been created so company  profits can continue to climb as wages  steadily drop.  Describing the goal of Bill 19, Cliff And-  stein, Secretary Treasurer of the B.C. Fed  eration of Labour says, "The legislation is  ultimately designed to create an unlimited,  docile labour force and a regulated trade  union movement so that it becomes a labour  movement in name only."  Andstein's view of the Bill is echoed by  other union spokespersons including Phyllis Webb, co-manager of the International  Ladies Garment Workers Union (ILGWU)  who believes that both Bill 19 and the new  education legislation, Bill 20, are "the tip of  the iceberg for right-to-work legislation that  they have in the southern states. I really feel  it is built for free trade and will allow employers to pay whatever they feel they can  pay."  And according to Confederation of Canadian Unions Executive Assistant Sue Vo-  hanka, the intent of Bill 19 is "to get rid of  unions entirely. And that means wages and  benefits in other unorganized sectors will be  lowered. Things like equal pay for work of  equal value will be impossible."  One of the most unusual features of Bill  19 is the establishment of the Commissioner of the newly formed Industrial Relations Council. The five-year job of the government appointed Commissioner, with a  salary of $128,000 per annum plus expenses,  is to oversee the daily implementation of the  Bill and to ensure its principles remain in  tact.  Among the Commissioner's powers is his  right to step into negotiations; prevent or  end a strike or lockout if he deems the dispute to be a "threat to the economy of the  Province, or to the health, safety, or welfare  of its residents or to the provision of educational services."  And although the Minister of Labour,  Lyall Hanson, has said some of the Commissioner's power to intervene in labour disputes will now be invested in elected politicians such as himself, the intent of Bill 19  and much of the power granted to the Commissioner remain.  Whether it is the Commissioner or a Cabinet Minister, the point of the Bill remains  the same. That is, to change the face of collective bargaining by assuring intervention  by a third party at any time during negotiations and to assure the imposition of contracts on unions.  Labour  pledges  defiance  by Marilyn Burnett  B.C. trade unionists are gearing up to  stop Bill 19 whether that defeat will be in  the short run or over the long haul.  The B.C. Federation of Labour and its affiliates have devised a plan of action which  includes union members across the province  voting to express opposition to the Bill; informing unionists and the public alike abouf  the Bill; and boycotting government com  missions and committees.  In addition, the Federation proposes botl,  non-compliance and boycotting Bill 19 onc<  it becomes legislation.  "Part of our strategy is to try and builo  up a feeling in people in the province thai  it is bad legislation and tie it to Vandei  Zalm's election statements," says Cliff And-  stein, B.C. Federation of Labour Secretary-  Treasurer.  Noting that the Federation's first goal  is to "stop the Bill", Andstein stressed  that "ultimately the boycott and noncompliance will lead to defiance" if the Bill  becomes law.  Recently, the Federation met with nonaffiliated unions and labour organizations  such as the Confederation of Canadian  Unions (CCU), the B.C. Teachers Federation (BCTF) and the B.C. Nurses Union in  order to convince them to join in the Federation's plan of action.  However, unlike the Federation, the CCU  appears to be taking a somewhat different  approach to the Bill 19 fight. In a leaflet  describing the Bill and its effects, the CCU  suggests that the fight "may well require a  general strike to defeat Bill 19."  And although the CCU qualifies its stand  by saying that "the only way a general strike  will be effective or even possible is when  enough people are prepared to support such  action", the Federation has yet to utter the  words "general strike", at least publicly, at  all.  The teachers, on the other hand, are  poised to take immediate job action against  Bill 20, the Education Act and in effect, Bill  19.  Job action by the teachers may, indeed,  be the spark that leads to immediate job  action by other unions. If nothing else, the  BCTF would likely expect an expression of  solidarity and support from the rest of the  B.C. labour movement.  In any event, comments from a number of  unionists indicate a rapidly growing opposition amongst their membership. A hastily  called rally at the Agro Dome held twelve  days after Bill 19 was introduced drew a  packed house of more than 7,000 people.  And the first union, the B.C. Government  Employees Union (BCGEU), to conduct a  vote among its members demonstrated overwhelming opposition to Bill 19.  Phyllis Webb, Manager of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union, cites  the seven rows of garment workers seated at  the Agro Dome rally as opposed to the usual  small numbers who attend union functions,  as an indication of growing opposition to the  Bill.  Convinced that the garment workers are  "willing to defy the law", Webb says it isn't  "big labour leaders pushing the panic button", as the Socreds would have people believe, but union members' concern for their  future and the future of their union.  "When you get people who are not ever  interested in the union, coming to you ...  they're reading between the lines. They  know what is happening to them."  KINESIS      "May «mssms*\  ACROSS  B.C.  Understanding child poverty issues  by Wendy Frost  One in five Canadian children are poor—  and many of them are going hungry. On  April 4, 150 people attended the Child  Poverty Forum in Vancouver to hear these  and other facts about the effects of poverty  on children.  Sponsored by End Legislated Poverty,  the British Columbia Teacher's Federation  (BCTF), the Vancouver School Board, the  First United Church, and the BC Association of Social Workers, the Forum had  two stated aims: "To understand the plight  of low-income children in Vancouver," and  "to develop recommendations to all levels  of government and social agencies." To this  end, organizers put together a full day of  speakers, panels, videos and workshops.  The opening address by Pat Chauncey  set the tone for the day. Chauncey described  herself as a parent who had experienced  poverty in one form or another for the last  fourteen years—on welfare, on UI, and as  a member of the 'working poor'. She countered common "mis-conceptions" about the  poor: that people are poor because they're  unmotivated, that poor people make bad  parents and raise bad kids, that the poor  don't need more money, just more skills,  that they're leeches on the system.  Her address concluded with a poverty  "wish list": increased welfare rates, an increased minimum wage, affordable housing,  daycare subsidies, hot lunch programs in the  schools, funding for child support workers,  and subsidized medical and dental plans.  ing to health problems. In the school system, poor children have far less chance of  success—among other things, malnutrition  can lead to learning problems.  Elsa Craig, a Vancouver elementary  school teacher, argued that Socred restraint  has had a devastating effect on the quality of education that poor children receive.  With schools forced to fundraise independently, those with the poorest parent populations will remain the least funded. And  with health care and social workers reduced,  child care workers and family support workers cut, poor families have been almost com-  pletely cut off from meaningful institutional ^  support. o.  In one of the day's most moving mo- 53  ments,   Craig  read   excerpts   of  her   stu- -2  dents' class journals. They spoke of hunger,  of shame, of waiting for the next welfare 2  cheque when the money has run out.  One disappointing note in the day's  agenda was the National Film Board movie,  "Left Out" (from Studio D, surprisingly),  a fictional drama which treated the subject  of child poverty in an embarrassingly trivial  and individualized fashion. However, it also  indirectly provided one of the high points  of the day: a panel of grade twelve students  from Britannia Secondary were invited to  respond to the film. For these five young  women, the film had nothing to say about  the realities of being a teenager living in  poverty, a subject on which they themselves  said a great deal.  The afternoon was devoted to small  workshops, designed to formulate recom-  Speakers throughout the day, who included parents, teachers, and front line social service workers, focused on different aspects of child poverty, such as its effects on  children's health and education.  The facts are alarming. Poor children are  more likely to become ill, to get sicker when  >r to die. They are at much higher risk  for death or injury from accidents. Their diets tend to be low in nutrition, contribut-  mendations on different aspects of child  poverty, such as health, education, and  housing. These recommendations, brought  back to a final plenary session, echoed  Pat Chauncey's "wish list" of the morning:  higher welfare rates, higher minimum wage,  hot lunches, affordable daycare, affordable  housing, restoration of social services cut by  restraint, etc. They also focused on the need  for education on poverty, especially in the  schools.  As a participant, I felt that there were  both important strengths and serious weaknesses in the conference as a whole.  First, the strengths: the Forum was an  excellent source of information on the conditions and effects of child poverty, information which has not been made generally  available before. Also, the number of high  school students in attendance was refreshing. The BCTF, as one of the Forum's sponsors, made particular efforts to include students, both as participants and on the program. Their presence was a positive note.  The cost was low ($10 if you could afford it, nothing if you couldn't, and free to  students), lunch was provided, and bus fare  was available—small points, but important  if you're trying to involve the very people  affected by the issue.  I also appreciated the fact that small  group workshops were included. I've been  to too many events that offered a flood of  information on how bad things are, but no  opportunity to discuss strategies or alternatives, leaving you numb with despair. Here  the intention was to help combat that despair by devoting a good portion of the day  to formulating alternatives.  This brings me, however, to my major  criticism of the conference, and that is the  nature of the strategies proposed. From the  workshops, and throughout the day's presentations, two approaches predominated:  educate those unaware of the problem of  child poverty, and lobby the government for  change.  The atmosphere was one of moral indignation: "Something ought to be done about  it"—that something being appealing to a  hostile government whose every policy over  the last five years has worsened the plight of  women and children. The link between child  poverty and women's poverty was made  from the floor, but not by and large by the  featured speakers.  Little was said about the need for self-  education and organization, and still less  about the causes of child poverty. Most disturbing was the lack of any clear awareness  that the provincial government, in its self-  proclaimed crusade to help business profits  rise, has a stake in the conditions that produce child poverty.  The Socreds have engineered massive  public sector lay-offs, huge cuts in social services, attacks on the trade union movement  and widespread unemployment. It was  mentioned at the Forum that their much-  touted raise in the welfare rates amounts  to at most $10.50 a month for a family of  four—this after a five year freeze.  In the week following the Forum, the  child poverty issue received a lot of coverage  in the mainstream press. Premier Vander  Zalm's response was first to deny that his  government had any responsibility for hungry children, then to offer a vague promise  to "look into it"—we've heard that one before. Claude Richmond's contribution was  to accuse hungry children's parents of child  neglect.  So far, the major results of the press coverage are a Vancouver School Board sponsored hot lunch program, funded by donations, and a hovering threat that poor parents may find their kids being taken into  care if they can't afford to feed them. Blame  the victim, cut institutional support, and  leave it to private volunteerism to take up  the slack—vintage Socred tactics.  To fight back effectively, we're going to  have to do more than come up with "wish  lists". We do need to make our demands  clear, we do need to educate. But that  should be only the beginning. To seriously  fight child poverty, we need a clear analysis of its causes, of the broader picture it  fits into. We need to discuss how to mobilize among those affected, how to make links  with other sectors who are under attack,  how to create mutual support networks to  help us through while at the same time organizing for change.  Getting 150 people together who care  about the problem is a great start. However,  any effective strategy must proceed with  the understanding that we're dealing with  a government who's on the other side. We  have to rely on our own forces, and whatever allies we can link up with.  It's time to stop wasting our energy on  pleading with the forces that are steam-  rolling us, and get down to the hard work  of organizing ourselves.  KINESIS WORKSHOP SERIES  Kinesis is sponsoring a free series of newspaper workshops. Women  are invited to come and learn writing and production skills. The first two  seminars are:  Newswriting for beginners: June 13,10 am-4 pm  facilitators: Patty Gibson and Esther Shannon  Layout and Design made easy: June 20,10 am-4 pm  facilitator: Isis  Registration is limited, and preregistration is required, (there is a $5  refundable deposit). For more information call Kinesis, 873-5925, or  write 400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver BC V5Y 1J8.  OPEN SEVEN DAYS A WEEK  10am to 7:30pm  • KIDS play space  • FRESH produce — incl. organic  NEW convenient location  10% OFF for seniors, Wed. & Thurs.  1034 COMMERCIAL  254-5044  KINESIS  May'87 Across B.C.  Abortion report ignores women's needs  by Nancy Pollak  For the Honourable William Vander  Zalm, the news was not good. In mid-  March, the Ministry of Health released its  "Policy Review: Prevention and Handling of  Unwanted Pregnancies", a report the premier had ordered to prove his belief that  the women of British Columbia were worshipping too frequently at the abortion altar. To his dismay, the report revealed that:  • excepting a small rise in 1986, abortion  rates have been steadily declining in B.C.;  • overwhelmingly, women are not using  abortion as an ongoing form of birth control (seventy-three percent were having a  first abortion);  • all hospitals and therapeutic abortion  committees (TACs) are fully complying  with the Criminal Code of Canada, and  • fifty-nine percent of British Columbians  surveyed in 1985 believed that "Every  woman who wants an abortion should be  able to have one."  Unfortunately, the news was also not  good for us. While the report couldn't help  but set the record straight on these basic  facts, its overall tone and methodology reflected its anti-choice, anti-woman origins.  Couching the issue in market terminology,  the report prattles about "options to prevent oversupply/undersupply of abortion  services" and "niinimizing the demand for  abortions". What the women of B.C. may  want in terms of reproductive choice never  even made it onto the agenda.  Curious Blend  At the same time, the report is a curious  blend of straightforward reportage, common sense and pessimism.  While stating that B.C.'s abortion rate  is higher than all other provinces, the authors acknowledge that such statistics are  unreliable since they don't account for Quebec's free-standing clinics, or the fact that  abortion services in the Maritimes are so diminished that women are forced to go elsewhere.  The report cautions the province against  interfering with the laws regulating TACs,  noting the dangers of federal legal chal-  \mn  lenges and the possible loss of federal matching health funds.  On the social front, the report emphasizes that, while education programs  on pregnancy prevention and contraception  can be linked to declining unplanned pregnancy rates, the long term solution lies in  altering the self-perception and life expectations of young women.  Citing a recent U.S. study, the report  advises that "such fundamental attitude  changes (are) subject to the achievement  of major social and economic reforms (e.g.  greater educational and employment opportunities and the elimination of poverty)."  Study that, Mr. Premier.  Poverty is mentioned in this report—  coupled with ignorance of adoption procedures as possible reasons for high abortion  rates. The authors suggest that a little less  poverty and a lot more adoption information may alter the abortion demand; specifically, they propose that "to give the subject (adoption) prominence in the minds of  physicians, incentives might take the form  of a special fee incentive." (The report also  notes that there is not evidence that women  can ever be voluntarily induced to choose  adoption over abortion, or that lower abor  tion rates are ever due to increased adoption rates.)  Acknowledging that social assistance  rates (which recently were increased by five  percent for the first time since 1982) and  daycare subsidies make the lot of a single mother rather difficult, the report recommends that the Health Ministry, in the  spirit of preventing abortions, toss $500,000  towards "Additional Assistance for Pregnant Women" this fiscal year.  Welfare and daycare rates should also be  raised, but the report warns: "... significant rate increases could prove costly ...  (and) even greater if the higher rates inadvertantly served as an incentive for some  women to get pregnant." Don't play fast  and loose with those incentives, Mr. Premier.  Lip Service  The report pays lip service to the need for  educational programs in schools and communities, just the sort of investment in human needs this government hates to make.  Plans are underway to introduce sex education into the schools next fall (presently  such programs are optional); the report recommends an emphasis on "delaying sex  ual activity ... pre-natal development and  abortion ... and contraception."  While the report is mildly critical of  the province's lack of a "coordinated program to prevent unplanned pregnancy", its  proposal that the Ministry spend $875,000  on educational and contraceptive programs  this year suggests a less than unbridled enthusiasm for this approach.  The report does spill considerable ink  on ways to meddle with the bureaucratic environment surrounding abortion.  To its credit, the report strongly opposes  eliminating medical coverage for "nonmedical" abortions; besides legal problems,  the authors recognize that such a move  would endanger women's health, discriminate against poor women and, in all likelihood, have little impact on the actual rate  of abortions.  In the long-term, the report advises the  province to lobby the federal government to  modify the law so that it defines a woman's  "health" in narrow, medical terms (i.e. a return to pre-1969 days). In the meantime  the authors propose a "Blue Ribbon" panel  of medical and ethical experts who would  develop voluntary guidelines for hospital  boards and TACs, with the aim of discouraging abortions on the grounds of social,  psychological and economic health considerations. Increased auditing of TACs is also  proposed.  In short, breath down the backs of medical staff and hospital administrators and  in terms of the overall political climate, the  general public.  Curiously, the province's present strategy of allowing anti-choice hospital boards  to hamstring TACs, thus severely disrupting or halting abortion services, is not an  approach recommended by the study. (The  latest struggle is at Kamloops Royal Inland  Hospital where the medical staff is asking  the province to replace an anti-choice board;  so far, the health minister has refused.)  As the report says," ... reduced access tc  hospital abortions would probably increase  the demand for free-standing abortion clinics," force women to travel to other regions  and lead to a rise in unsafe, illegal abortions.  It's your report, Mr. Premier.  Labour Code Analysis continued  from page 5  By establishing the notion of 'public interest' in the Disputes Resolution section of  the Bill, Vander Zalm and his government  have given employers an iron-clad guarantee of intervention in negotiations or in possible labour disputes.  Webb of the Garment Workers believes  that if you give employers a "green light for  something they'll go all the way.  "As far as I'm concerned it (Bill 19) is  a green light for the employers. In order to  win anything at the bargaining table unions  will have to have a lawyer at negotiations.  It will be good for the law business."  Unlike most other labour codes' both private and public sector unions may now be  designated as providing essential services to  the public. And the definition of what constitutes an essential service has been broadened so that it is any service which is "necessary or essential to prevent the immediate and serious danger to the health, safety  or welfare of residents or to the economy of  the Province or to the provision of educational services in the Province."  Recalling Vander Zalm's 1983 statement  that unions should not be allowed to organize companies with fewer than fifty employees, Diane Woods, First Vice-President  of the BCGEU notes that the intent of Bill  19 "is something he has talked about for  years."  "It has been on his personal agenda for  a long time and now that he is Premier he  can do anything he wants."  Central to the guiding political philosophy in Bill 19 are the following:  • intervention in negotiations  • the imposition of contracts on unions  • the introduction of a Public Interest Advocate in negotiations between a union  and a company  • the virtual elimination of union successor  rights when a company is sold or a government service is privatized  • tying wages in the public sector to the  employers' ability to pay  • the eliminaton of closed shop provisions  whereby union membership in an organized workplace is a requirement in order  to work  • the removal of a union's ability to negotiate a hot cargo clause in its contract so  that unionized employees do not have to  handle goods from a struck plant or company  Within this scenario women, who remain  the least unionized and the worst paid, will  bear the brunt of Bill 19.  "This legislation is going to push women  even further down," says B.C. Nurses Union  spokesperson Pat Van Home. "I think it will  have an impact on women to the extent that  they are still earning sixty percent of what  men earn. And anything that impacts on all  workers' ability to bargain is going to affect  women even more because they are already  in the minority."  And because the percentage of unionized  women is so much lower than men, obstacles  put in the path of union organizing drives  will have a severe effect on non-unionized  working women.  Obstacles put in  the path of union  organizing drives  will severely affect  non-unionized  working women.  Entrenching the right of employers to express their views, for example, will be especially disastrous when workers are trying to  organize into a union for the first time.  "This change," says Vohanka of the CCU,  "will allow employers to campaign against  a union in an organizing drive, to express  a preference in a raid, and to by-pass the  union to bargain directly with their employees."  She says it will be harder for unions to  organize workers and will also give employers much wider opportunities to encourage  decertification.  In addition, any hope of women unionists  to achieve equal pay for work of equal value  has been crushed by the Bill.  "Bill 19 destroys any hope of pay equity  in this province. Effectively, by Bill 19, the  government of this province has created a  situation where there will never be pay equity," asserts Wood of the BCGEU.  According to Anne Harvey, President of  the Office and Technical Employees Union  Local 378 "whether it is getting pay equity;  whether it's getting sick benefits or reducing the work week; or whether it's job training or career-pathing—all those kinds of issues will be viewed as frills because we will  be fighting for our survival."  In the long run, if Bill 19 is borne out  of the same ideological root that fosters  free trade and bows to a 'competitive market economy' where women will most likely  form a greater part of the cheap, unprotected labour pool that such an economy requires to achieve its goal of ever increasing  profits. (See page 16).  KINESIS     '87 May Across Canada  What happened  to organizing  at Eaton's?  by Jean Rands  »n the struggle to organize  ~ working women in Canada.  On February 20 and 21, Jean Rands spoke to Eaton's  workers at five Eaton's stores workers who were active in  in Ontario voted in favour of the organizing about what hap-  decertification of the interna- pened. The workers have re-  tional Retail Wholesale De- quested anonymity,  partment Store Union (RWDSU).  The union now represents less In the spring of 1984, workers  than fifty Eaton's workers in at six Eaton's stores in Ontario  Ontario. This is a devastat- joined the RWDSU. There was an  ing defeat for the women at active organizing committee at the  Eaton's and a serious setback flagship store at the Eaton Cen  %%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%XSi  WHAT1 S NEWS?  by Patty Gibson  WOMEN'S HOUSING  STUDY RELEASED  Single-parent families headed  by women, and single women, are  the largest clientele of social housing in Canada, according to a recently released study by the Canadian Advisory Council on the Star  tus of Women (CACSW). The  background paper also points out  that more than sixty-two percent  of female-headed households are  tenants, compared to only thirty  percent of male-headed households.  The CACSW paper Housing  for Canadian Women: An Everyday Concern examines the  effects of rental market housing  fluctuations, on the disproportionate number of women renters, the  lack of services geared to homeless  women, and the insensitivity of social housing planners in meeting  women's housing needs.  'STOP LOGGING',  SAY HAIDA WOMEN  Haida Indian women, supported  by Anglican church representatives, called upon the mid-April  annual meeting of British Columbia Forest Products to halt all  plans to log Lyell Island in the  Queen Charlottes.  "You have a moral responsibility to respond to the people who  lived here before you," said one  Haida woman, Levina Lightbaum.  Ethel Jones, another Haida, told  the meeting she would stand in the  way of the loggers again "because  I believe this land belongs to the  Haida people". Globe and Mail  PRISONERS LAUNCH  COURT CASE  Using the equality guarantees in  the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Daryl Newstead Dollan, the  first woman in Canada to earn a  university degree while serving a  prison term, has launched a court  case against the Kingston Prison  for Women.  Newstead Dollan and sister  prisoner Joann Mayhew contend  women prisoners face security  measures and a shortage of ser-  and opportunities male fed-  TRESIS"  eral prisoners do not. The recently  launched charter case challenges  long-standing complaints about  federal penal facilities for women  that "could have an impact on every prisoner who feels her options  are more limited than they are  for men," says the women's lawyer  Rebecca Shamai. Vancouver Sun  MATERNITY AID  CHALLENGED  The Women's Legal Education  and Action Fund (LEAF) will intervene in a case where maternity benefits under the Unemployment Insurance Act are being challenged as discriminating against  men. The case argues that extending parenting benefits to fathers  may dispel the traditional idea  that only women should care for  infants. LEAF will ensure there is  evidence before the court demonstrating the importance of pre- i  serving at least a portion of the ;  parental benefits for the exclusive :  use of the mother.  SEXUAL CHOICE  LOBBY UNDERWAY  An Ottawa-based ad hoc com-;  mittee EG ALE (Equality for Gays ]  and Lesbians Everywhere) is leading a national lobby to ensure a  "sexual orientation" clause is included in the anti-discrimination  section of the Canadian Human  Rights Act. The group says many  representations are being made  against the inclusion of the sexual orientation clause and urges all  those concerned to pressure local  Members of Parliament and Cabinet Ministers to bring forward protective legislation for lesbians and  gays.  NACPLANSANNUAL  CONVENTION  Bringing together representatives from women's groups across  Canada the National Action Committee on the Status of Women  (NAC) will convene its annual general meeting May 8-11 in Ottawa.  The conference will include a number of internal business sessions,  issue workshops, the election of a  NAC executive, and a mass lobby  of federal Members of Parliament  on May 11.  tre in Toronto, but that store was  never organized. It was clear from  the beginning that Eaton's would  fight every inch of the way. At  the bargaining table they refused  to negotiate wage increases and  then turned around and gave increases to employees in the unorganized stores. The union was getting nowhere in negotiations. By  the end of November, the union decided to strike.  The picket lines were strong and  effective. Part-time workers were  active in the strike, as they had  been in the organizing drive, and  they took the same picket shifts  and received the same strike pay  as full-time workers.  The Canadian Labour Congress  (CLC) called a boycott in support  of the strike. The strikers spoke  at rallies and meetings, did radio  and television interviews and talk  shows.  "Before the organizing drive,  the majority of us didn't know  what 'union' meant," said an  Eaton's worker. "Then, with all  the hype around the strike and the  boycott—we were the centre of so  much attention."  In March 1985 two of the strikers were sent on a national tour.  The boycott was just beginning to  be effective. Then the strikers were  told by union business agents that  they could lose their jobs if the  strike wasn't over by the end of  May.  Under Ontario labour law, unions are protected from decertification, and the strikers retain  their employee status for the first  six months of a legal strike. After  six months, the Labour Relations  Board could have considered an  application for decertification, but  the union could have made legal  arguments against it. Especially if  the strike and boycott were effective, they could well have won that  argument. But these possibilities  were never discussed.  In late April and early May the  Catholic bishops and the United  Church joined the boycott but despite this new support the strike  ended on May 7.  The international president of  the union signed the contract  without letting the strikers vote  on it. At the back-to-work meeting  the union representatives refused  to tell the strikers what was in the  contract. An activist who asked for  discussion of how to deal with a  possible decertification campaign  was told that was too far in the future.  The contract basically maintained the status quo at Eaton's—  the wages and conditions that  had convinced people to join the  union in the first place. There were  no improvements. (See Kinesis,  September 1985).  When they got back to work,  the union members at Eaton's who  had been the centre of so much attention were suddenly very much  on their own. They were spied  on by other employees—personal  Eaton's worker cutting up Eaton  IWD rally.  phone calls and punctuality were  noted, as well as any union talk  at work. In some stores, scabs outnumbered strikers.  Union members tried to sign  up new employees into the union,  but the union insisted they should  keep a "low profile". Eaton's  was improving "communications"  with their employees. And Eaton's  made sure that wages were lower  in union stores than in non-union  stores, making it hard for the  union activists to convince anyone  that joining the union made sense.  In the end, in order to win the  decertification votes, Eaton's took  the unprecedented step of hiring  new employees immediately after  Christmas.  "Other unions volunteered to  help in the campaign against  decertification—the Ontario Federation of Labour Women's Committee, the Toronto and District  Labour Council, the Steelwork-  ers, Canadian Auto Workers. But  s charge cards at Vancouver's 1985  "We are so emotionally drained,  there won't be any activity for  quite a while. We're just not prepared to give that kind of commitment at this time."  "Before we'd try again, we'd  have to be damn secure that  the same thing wouldn't happen  again. But how? Could we have  won if we had organized the flagship store? Perhaps if we'd been in  a stronger union the strikers would  have been more educated, might  have been able to hold out longer.  We didn't know about the May  deadline (for decertification) until  the end of March."  The Eaton's strike exploded the  myth that part-time workers can't  be organized. But the strikers were  taking on a powerful and hostile  employer. Their success depended  on their ability to expand their  organizing to other stores and to  build a boycott that could cost  Eaton's more than they were prepared to pay.  We saw them organizing quietly,  secretly, on company property.  But we couldn't do anything about it.  RWDSU said no." An Eaton's  worker expressed the frustration:  "We saw them organizing quietly, secretly, on company property and time—organizing against  the union. But we couldn't do anything about it."  Now that the votes are over,  Eaton's management aren't being  quite so nice, and workers are even  more fearful.  "Most of the Eaton's strikers  are now wondering why we were  out for five and a half months,"  said an Eaton's worker. "It was a  hard emotional strike. A few of us  realize what we've done—that.we  made a start, that it wasn't just  for us. But most of us feel that it's  all gone now, it didn't mean anything."  If the strikers had had control of their own negotiations and  strike strategy, they might have  had more success organizing other  stores. But it's still likely that  Eaton's workers would have decided to "wait and see" what the  strike could win before they joined  the union.  By the end of the strike, the  boycott held become truly national  and must have been putting real  pressure on Eaton's. But this was  too little too late. The Ontario six  month law meant that Eaton's had  little incentive to negotiate within  the first six months—they would  try to wait it out and go for decertification. The fact that the union  let that law set its time limits  meant the strike couldn't be effective. Across Canada  x^%^^^%^^^  Federal report dismisses quality childcare  by Claire Stannard  The federal government's recently released special committee report on childcare  has been widely condemned by feminists,  labour and childcare activists, as well as  the two non-Tory members of the six-person  committee, Margaret Mitchell (NDP) and  Lucie Pepin (Liberal), both of whom issued dissenting minority reports. Although  the vast majority of briefs presented to the  Committee called for direct funding to nonprofit centres, the Conservative government  has focused instead on a limited system of  tax credits to parents.  "Despite strong testimony from all areas  of the country," says Mitchell, "Conservative members of the committee dismissed  out of hand the concept of universally accessible, quality child care."  The childcare committee spent a million  dollars and eighteen months holding hearings across the country as well as receiving  written submissions from groups and individuals. It reviewed nine other reports concerning childcare undertaken since 1969, including the 1970 Royal Commission on the  Status of Women which described Canada's  childcare situation as being in "a state of  crisis" and urged the development of a universal, publicly funded system of childcare.  The 1985 task force on childcare headed  by Victoria sociologist Katie Cooke drew  the same conclusions, but found, predictably, "that the need for affordable, accessible, quality childcare has become even  more acute." A January 1987 Angus Reid  poll found that almost two-thirds of Canadians feel that everyone who wishes to use  quality daycare should be able to do so.  The special committee report pays polite  lip service to years of studies and recommendations, as well as the the thousands  of submissions and presentations it sought,  while effectively ignoring the message.  Four months before the report was released, University of Toronto daycare advocate Martha Friendly predicted the report would "propose some sort of tax credit  that will include non-receipts and parents at  home" and some funding to profit centres.  In an article in Today's Parent she  went on to say, "It looks like the task  force will not propose anything that moves  in the direction of non-profit, universally-  accessible, high-quality daycare. Daycare  advocates would rather the government did  nothing than do the things we think they  will do."  Unfortunately, it was an uncannily accurate prediction. Instead of providing direct  funding to non-profit daycares, the major  portion of the $700 million alloted for the  first year goes toward two kinds of tax credits to replace the childcare expense deduction. Portions of these grants apply to parents at home or those using unlicensed care.  This system would only "perpetuate the  use of unlicensed, often inadequate care,"  Mitchell says. She estimates that 420 thousand new spaces would be created over five  years if the tax money were spent directly  on creating quality care rather than the  forty-six thousand spaces that would be created by the Reports' recommendations.  Julie Mathein of the Canadian Daycare  Advocacy Association (CDCAA), says the  tax credits are "so individually minor as to  provide only a small amount to parents."  Others have pointed out that they would be  of little or no use to parents whose incomes  are so low as to be barely taxable.  "Most families and childcare centres need  financial assistance on a monthly basis,"  says Patty Moore, who submitted the Vancouver Status of Women (VSW) brief to the  committee.  "A small kick-back at the end of the year  through the tax system is of little use com  pared to the steps toward quality, licensed  group childcare that could be taken with  those dollars."  "The government is doing what all  desperate governments do," says Barbara  Cameron of the National Action Committee  on the Status of Women (NAC). "It's giving money to taxpayers rather than solving  the problem."  The Commons report also recommends  federal-provincial cost-sharing of operating grants to licenced centres and startup grants for new centres. But in spite of  widespread urging to limit grants to nonprofit centres, they have not done so.  The case against daycare-for-profit is an  old, often repeated and often proved one.  In its brief to the Cooke task force, NAC  states, "the profit motive is in contradiction with the needs of children, families and  communities." Daycare centres should be  accountable to parents in order to "truly  complement their child-rearing responsibilities". They note that wages and benefits  are "distinctly lower in commercial centers"  and that profit centres are less likely to encourage parental involvement or input. A  non-profit centre, on the other hand, is regulated by a board of directors often made  up of the parents themselves, or other community members.  Alberta has the highest proportion of  commercial centres—fifty percent of the national average. Not coincidentally, it also  has the reputation for having the lowest  standards in the country, according to The  Kin Trade: The Daycare Crisis.  The profit motive  is in contradiction  with the needs of  ! children, families  [ and communities.  Tracey Fellowes, family life counsellor  and former day care supervisor in Edmonton, describes many private centres she has  seen there as "understaffed by untrained  people on minimum wage, often in public places like shopping malls with no outdoor play space." She cites cases of "physical punishment; centries with cost cutting  measures that limit children to one piece of  paper per day; staff smoking while working  with the children; very little staff-child interaction; fire regulations being broken."  Other practices found in private centres  in Vancouver include: using television daily  to supplement children's activities (as well  as soap operas for the staff), art projects  regularly supplied from colouring books  and, in one particular case, forcing a child  to wash out his own soiled pants.  Another chilling example of the "child-  care-for-profit industry" is the expose in the  April '87 issue of Mother Jones. It reports on the Kinder-Care chain of nearly  1,200 centres across the United States and  Canada, whose philosophy blatantly admits  they have no interest in providing a service to low-income families. The centres are  found in middle class neighborhoods and  the company is against subsidy.  Low income parents are in a catch-22  situation regarding daycare funding which  the report does nothing to change. In order  to qualify for the maximum subsidy available from the MHR in B.C., the income  for a family of two cannot exceed $775 per  month. Since the maximum subsidy for the  three to five year old category is $230, and  most quality daycares for this age group  range from $325 to $375, a single parent  must come up with an extra $95 to $145 a  month. This may be why the Liberal minority report states that in 1983, "fewer than  twenty percent of the children under age six  who met the eligibility criteria actually received subsidies."  At the same time, to keep prices from  being even more prohibitive, daycare workers often subsidize fees through their wages,  benefits and working conditions.  In mid-May, Health and Welfare Minister Jake Epp will bring recommendations  for a national childcare system before cabinet, turning to provincial counterparts to  implement a program promised by June 30.  GET THE FACTS ABOUT  "FREE" TRADE  Comprehensive information in a highly readable form  • Women • The Free Trade Dictionary • Forestry  • Free Trade, Unemployment and Poverty  • Free Trade and the Public Sector • Culture  • Agriculture • A History of Free Trade  FREE TRADE FOR BRITISH COLUMBIA:  IS IT A BARGAIN AT THE PRICE  by Debra J. Lewis and Lorri Rudland  $5 (discounts on 10 or more)  Bxcific Croup  104 - 2005 East 43rd Avenue.  For policy aIter natives  S'.U.^rtMpnO'*  Epp has claimed parents are the best  people to raise children, and that he is in  terested in "trying to preserve the tradi  tional family". The traditional family referred to by Epp includes only sixteen percent of Canadian families where the father  is the only wage earner.  "There are a lot of items that still haven't  been decided on," says a spokesperson for  Epp. "There was a big reaction to the parliamentary report and that certainly can't  be ignored either."  It remains to be seen how this government will respond to the approximate two]  million children in need of quality care in  Canada.  The Vancouver East Cultural Centre &  the Vancouver Folk Music Festival present  Lillian  Allen  MAY 12  MAY 13-16 ■-  \jMjtwm \jWM  Tix at all VTC/CBO outlets (call 2804444  to charge by phone), Black Swan, Highlife  and the Vancouver Folk Music Festival  KINESIS     87 May International  by Eunice Brooks  Women's network  As the white male leaves the  manufacturing force to be supplanted by women, global networks of women are being formed to confront multi-national  corporations. The Self-Employed  Women's Association (SEWA),  and Women Working Worldwide,  the Gabriella Movement, and others share information about sweatshop economies.  One woman, Jahanara Begum,  of the Bangladesh Garment Workers Union travelled to England  to make a case for allowing  Bangladesh to export its garments  unrestrictedly in the European  Market. Her industry provides  jobs for 15,000 women. This request smacks up against interests  of the United Kingdom based National Homeworking Group. The  National Homeworking Group is  concerned with sweated labour  within the UK, where black  women in inner cities are the  cheapest source of labour. Internar  tionally, multinational companies  pit woman against woman, using  the one who will work for the lowest wage.  The mainstream labour movement is predominantly concerned  with men's work and appears unaware of the international nature  of the textile industries. Women in  countries like Sri-Lanka find it difficult to explain to industrial world  men why they must work for whatever is offered.  If restrictions are put on Bangladesh products, the multinationals will move elsewhere. Poverty-  stricken women can be found anywhere and computers make supervision of production easy. Companies shift assembly-line work to  cheap labour countries but they  retain control over the knowledge-  intensive parts of production.  Casual, part-time, short-term,  contract, and at-home workers are  today's workforce internationally  and they are women.  The new networks are highlighting racist and sexist practices  which give management power  over the workers. They also provide a forum for exchanging information among workers employed  by the same company but in different parts of the world. Networks  lend solidarity to women workers, unionized or not. For instance,  during the strike at the Polytex  Company in Sri-Lanka there was  support from women's organizations internationally.  Networks have also promoted  the formulation of alternative economic strategies. The Gabriella  Movement in the Philippines and  the SEWA in India are examples  of this. Through Gabriella women  are demanding a shift in priorities,  on local ownership of manufacturing, and they promote the idea of  farming food for local use, rather  than pineapples for export. Networks have reached beyond the assembly line to take stances on military spending and child labour.  SEWA consists of home-based  and self-employed women in textiles. Members are among the  poorest and many are drawn from  India's 'untouchables' class. The  lives of the women have been improved by the union, which arranges for upgrading skills, trains  in marketing and also finances cottage industries. SEWA serves as a  bank for its members.  With homework and piecework  on the rise everywhere western  women should be looking at the  example set by SEWA as the nature of work changes and more and  more of us may be forced to work  from our homes.  SpareRib  Mexico:  Garment union grows  by Eunice Brooks  It took the death of 40,000 people in the September 1985 earthquake to shake Mexican garment  workers into a state of political activity. Now the Sindicato National  de las Costureas (SNC) (the garment workers union) has climbed  out of the rubble and vows it will  never bow down again.  When the tremor happened  some factory owners locked doors  to stop women from leaving their  work. Later, owners paid for machines and safes to be hauled out of  the collapsed buildings, but it was  left to the workers to look for and  find the wounded and the dead.  That search was the beginning of  the SNC.  One woman who has worked  thirty years as a seamstress and  who is active in the union says:  "There was no social security benefits, we worked ten hours a day,  sexual favours were demanded in  return for better work, and for  that we got maybe minimum wage  or piece work. Then came the  quake and 1600 women were killed  on the job. Often workers reported  no back wages paid, no compensation, no money for funerals." This  is the voice of Evangelina Corona,  secretary of the union.  Japan:  Rape kept secret  by Eunice Brooks  If you are a Japanese woman living in Japan and have been raped,  chances are you will not report the  rape. In Japan rape is a taboo  word. It is more likely to bring  shame on the victim than on the  assaulter.  The Japanese press manage to  avoid the word gokan (rape) by  using instead osowareru (attack).  The newspapers are catering to  readers' sense of what is polite.  In fact, the Tokyo Rape Crisis  Centre was formed to help women  of all ages who have not had justice from the law. The Rape Crisis Center has been functioning for  three years and means to end the  silence and the taboo.  They have only been able to get  one case into court. The Japanese  government refuses to recognize  that rape is a serious problem.  Families are rarely willing to support a woman who reports a rape,  because she brings shame on them.  This is particularly true in the  smaller cities. The victim almost  always gets the blame.  If the woman was a virgin at the  time of the rape, the prosecution  will take the case to court. The  idea of consent, as we know it, is  more difficult to appraise in Japan.  For one thing, Japanese women  have been raised to submit to men,  and saying 'no' is more difficult.  The women who call the crisis center are more likely to want counselling in how to grieve over the  crime than they are to want backing in court.  The Tokyo Rape Crisis Center  defines rape as: "any sexual act  that the woman does not desire,  and violence against a woman in  the form of a sexual act for the  purposes of control, subjection, or  possession." The law, at this time,  is more vague. So the women hold  grief secret.  Outwrite  On October 16, 1986, women  garment workers celebrated the  first anniversary of their union, the  first independent union in Mexican history. They have 4,000 members and are recruiting. They have  twelve factory contracts and fifteen more pending. Mexico has  strong labour laws compared to  other Third World countries. Yet  for twenty years garment workers couldn't get their official union'  to do anything for them but take  their dues and tell them what their  negotiated salary would be. The  SNC uses pressure tactics, such  as camping in front of the boss's  home, to get publicity for their  fight for severance pay.  An eighteen member National  Executive was created to set the  course of the union with the guidance of leftist women's groups.  Decision-making is left to delegates from each factory. A union-  run school to teach basic literacy has been set up. Labour laws  are taught and so is the history of working women. Members  are increasingly organizing against  government repression. Garment  workers are still the lowest paid industrial workers in Mexico at an  average of $3.50 (Canadian) daily.  One aspect of the job the union  objects to is that the multinational companies sending them  only clothing parts to be assembled. The final products then go  to the parent company for distribution.  For many of the workers union  work has been a step out of the traditional female role, and there is  opposition in the home. Discovering hidden potentials has changed  the garment workers and they are  committed to fighting for their  rights even though unemployment  in Mexico is forty percent.  Sojourner  ARIEL BOOKS  CLEARING  SALE  A sweeping sale to  celebrate Ariel's new look.  Begins May Day.  arid books for women  2766 w*.4th ave. van., b.C 733-3511  fmrjc Inner  MADE   TO ORDER.  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A book by mothers of lesbians $12.55      V    TLr^-'r   /U  — Women of the Caribbean                            um -JK^^^^U  editor Pat Ellis $13.95                                  3 M^^JTV*  — Lesbian Philosophy: Explorations $13.95 >d|(|K'i f  -Hard Times Cotton Mill Girls                       rjTJlMp   K  by Victoria Byerly                                          L*  ^^O^lHbJ  Spartacus Books        l~-*i£<^|  fl  311 WestHastingsStreet                  B? ■    . ^^B  Vancouver, B.C.                          ■f^^T^B  Marsha J. Arbour  Signpainting  Screenprinting  Graphics & Design  734-9395  i° KINESIS /////////////////^^^^^^  //////////////////////^^^^^  LIFE STORIES  The bus, themooseand what the boy saw  SMV39 t  Oo<  FANS  BEANS  hy Nora Randall  As far as I'm concerned this story started  with a moose. It was a stupid ringer puppet  a friend of mine brought back from a trip for  me. It was made out of cheap fake fur that  felt soft and scratchy at the same time and  would never lie down properly no matter  how much you petted it. It had foam rubber  antlers that stuck straight up and those little plastic eyes with the loose beads inside  that jiggle. Oh yes, and a red felt tongue  that hung out.  I took it on the school bus with me last  fall to let the kids play with it. I was hoping it would be an alternative to a) talking  about pooping, peeing and sex b) punching  and kicking c) bugging the other kids and  d) bugging me. Of course it couldn't do all  this by itself so I got some rubber monster  finger puppets and a story book.  It worked. The boys put the rubber monsters on their fingers and fought with each  other that way. The girls were not interested  in toys and no one would touch the storybook with a ten foot pole. I had learned  something about school children, at least  the school children on my bus.  But the biggest surprise was that silly  moose. He turned out to be the favorite bus  toy of one of the biggest, toughest boys on  the bus. Daniel loved that moose. He'd put  it on his finger and talk to it and jiggle it so  its eyes would cross and pet it and pull at  its antlers. Not just one day, he played with  the moose just about everyday that moose  was on the bus. While monster wars played  around him, Daniel talked to the moose. I  had learned something new about tough ten  year old boys.  Of course, the life of a bus toy is a  short one. Soon the moose had disappeared,  out the window when I wasn't looking, out  the door when someone went home, in the  pocket of somebody who just forgot, who  knows. I got another moose but it didn't  have half the personality of the first one. Its  eyes didn't jiggle, its antlers didn't stand up  and its tongue didn't hang out. It wasn't the  same. I ended up putting it on the end of  my stick shift because the kids didn't pick  it very often to play with. But that first silly  moose had changed my life. Before it came  along Daniel was just a behaviour problem.  Even after the moose was gone Daniel and  I were getting along a lot better because we  liked each other more.  I went by Daniel's house yesterday to pick  him up for school and his mom came to  the window and said Daniel wasn't going to  school that day. Today I picked him up and  he got on the same as usual, or so I thought.  I hadn't driven a block when Daniel said,  "A guy shot himself."  "What!" I said, searching for Daniel in  the mirror over my head.  "Ya. Right near my house," he said. "He  shot himself. He was talking about shooting  his wife and his kid, but he shot at somebody and then he put the gun in his pants  and shot himself. He was drinking a lot of  beer."  Now I had in fact heard on the news that  a man had fired a gun at somebody and it  hadn't gone off until he'd put it in his belt.  I hadn't heard anything about his family or  his drinking, and I wasn't catching everything Daniel was saying after all because I  was driving a school bus in rush hour and  I did have to think about what I was doing as well as what I was hearing. Also the  other kids were making noise. Not unusual,  A  m      mnnual  Guest Speaker: Moira MacKenzie,  B.C. Teacher's Federation  What's going on in B.C. schools? Controversy over Bill 20,  sex education and private schools keeps education in the  headlines. . but how does it all fit together? Come hear  MoiVd MacKenzie, second vice-president of the B.C.T.F.,  grade the Socia.! Credit report-card. For more information,  call 873-1427.  VSW  Wed. May ^  7:00 9:30 p.m.  First United Church |  320 E. Hastings  but what was unusual was that I was the  only one who had asked Daniel any questions. Most times when a kid gets on the bus  with a fantastic story he is assaulted with a  verbal tidal wave of questions. Nobody was  asking Daniel any questions but me. Very  strange.  As I drove along watching my stop lights  and traffic flow and trying to piece together  this story Daniel was telling me I had this  creeping realization. At the next stop sign,  I turned around and looked Daniel in the  eye, "Did you see this guy shoot himself?"  "I was right there, I saw the whole thing,"  he shouted.  The light changed and I had to go. I  crossed the intersection and then looked up  at Daniel in my mirror. He wasn't talking  or looking at anybody now.  "There are killers out there," he said. "I  don't care."  He sat back with that look hurt kids get,  their faces look like granite outcroppings  and their eyes burn like fire coming from a  deep cave.  I didn't know what to say but it didn't  matter because I never could have made  myself heard over the din that had started  in the back of the bus. Half the kids were  shouting la la la la la la, which they'd never  done before. They kept it up until they  started to fade and one voice could be heard  in the middle of the din dhanting "Poopy,  poopy, caca. Eat your farts."  "Alright", I said. "That's enough."  As Daniel was getting off the bus at his  school I told him I was really sorry he'd seen  what he'd seen.  Job Opening at VSW  Fulltime position open for  program co-ordinator.  Start date June 1, 1987  Primary Responsibilities:  facilitating assertiveness and consciousness raising groups, including training  volunteers to facilitate groups; organizing educational programs; preparing and  presenting materials for government, community groups, the media: fundraising  and writing grant proposals; and general tasks to maintain VSW internal operations.  Qualifications:  experience in group facilitation, ability to work collectively and to communicate  with women who are in different stages of involvement with feminism; extensive  knowledge of women's issues and experience in the women's movement; public  speaking and writing skills; ability to initiate and organize educational programs;  experience with fundraising and grant writing.  Closing Date: May 14  Send resumes to Vancouver Status of Women  400 a West 5th  Vancouver, B.C.  V5Y 1J8  For more information call 873-1427   Invest in your  principle  At CCEC your money works for you,  your principles and your community.  Your investments will promote  community economic development in British  Columbia by financing community businesses,  cooperative and democratic organizations and  by assisting the traditionally disadvantaged.  We don't finance distant corporations,  land speculators or companies that profit from  apartheid, toxic waste or armaments.  A variety of terms are available to meet  your needs for growth and liquidity.  With Term Deposits, CCEC provides you  with a direct return and supports community  economic development.  Put your money to work.  CCEC Credit Union  33 East Broadway  Vancouver. B.C.  V5T 1V4  876-2123  KINESIS   '*>w Canada Canada CanadaCanada Canada Canada  Free Canada, trade Mulroney  by Lorri Rudland  Canadians are constantly being assaulted  with, and are probably just a touch defensive about, comparisons to the American  national character. What is a Canadian anyway? What makes us different from Americans?  American entrepreneurialism is always  pitted against Canadian conservatism. Americans are dynamic, brash; they have something called American ingenuity (which  they probably copyrighted and are selling  at this moment to some Canadian). We're  kind of dull, sedate, and we have the CBC,  which like us, can be boring.  It is difficult to imagine how a Canadian  national character can be defined. Canada  is composed of Francophones and Anglophones, aboriginal peoples, and many sizable racial and ethnic populations. Unlike  the United States, which has been called a  "melting pot", Canadians refuse to melt. Instead we seem to celebrate our differences.  Our regional identification is and always  was much stronger than any kind of national  identification. Except when we're on a bus  tour abroad, of course (which might be one  of the few times we wave, wear or carry the  Canadian flag.)  Canadian writers have invested much  time on the subject of a Canadian national  character. A closer look often revealed that  an Anglo-Canadian, white, male bias had  somehow crept in. In any case the Canadian  national character has successfully eluded  description.  And yet, for all that, Canada is a quieter,  less violent, cleaner, more equitable place to  live than the United States. Our national  character may defy description but Canada  stands for something. Our culture and history are different. We have different values  domestically and internationally than the  United States, and that difference is visible.  Americans visit because the streets are  cleaner, the air is less polluted, there is less  poverty and violence. They are impressed  by our health care system. And so are we  The differences between Canada and  the United States can not be completely  summed up in the words "universality" versus "individualism" but they speak some  truth.  In the United States there is no universal, government supported health care plan,  welfare is non-existent for some and minimal for others. Thousands and thousands of  people are homeless. Violence is the highest per capita rate in the world and some  American cities resemble war-zones.  Although the American constitution enshrines the individual's right to "life, liberty  and the pursuit of happiness", this individualism seems to encourage the maximization  of individual wealth rather than collective  assistance to those in need.  In Canada, we have national and federal  social programs of which we are proud, universal programs that benefit not just certain individuals but all Canadians. This  committment to "universality" is evident:  the Old Age Pension Plan, state-supported  Medicare, welfare assistance for people in  need, and unemployment insurance. Canadians are at this moment struggling to get  the right to universal daycare recognized  (because Canadian feminists made them)  and more importantly, paid for out of our  tax base.  Although much of our human rights legislation, labour, health and safety standards  are inadequate and under attack, nevertheless workers in Canada have protections  that American workers don't have, particularly when compared against the Southern  right-to-work states.  To acknowledge these things that Canadians are proud of is not to forget or gloss  over regional disparities, poverty, unemployment, sexism, racism or the need to settle land claims.  But within our borders, thtis are Canadian problems and as \-ng ^ we retain our  sovereignty-.oui. right to make independent  ^OTaestic and foreign policy decisions—we  can work on Canadian solutions. Outside  our borders, Canada can make choices that  influence people's lives in humane, respectful ways, rather than exploiting them or aiding and abetting their exploitation.  Canadians weren't given these rights.  They didn't pop out of some pre-formed or  fantasy-land Canadian national character.  We lobbied, struck, picketed, marched, and  voted to get them. Nor do we have these  rights in perpetuity. If these rights are not  protected, they will be lost, and the process  has already begun.  The question is: will free trade endanger  the distinctive features of life that makes  Canada different?  Opponents of free trade say that Canada  is on the bargaining table. Our sovereignty  over domestic and international affairs is at  stake as are our unique social institutions  and culture. In short, everything that makes  us different, more humane and civilized than  American society is at risk in the free trade  negotiations.  Free traders say no, it will only increase  our economic prosperity, after an unfortunate but necessary, intense economic restructuring affecting only one fifth of the  labour force. But our social institutions are  already under attack. The pressure to "harmonize" Canadian laws with American laws  is intense now and would be overwhelming  after a free trade deal is struck. Medicare  and unemployment insurance have been targeted by American business as "unfair subsidies" that restrain American trade.  Free trade does not guarantee economic  prosperity, but it does guarantee an even  greater dependence upon, and integr^ioii  into, the United States economy. We are  already far too reliant «p<m this economy  now: in 1985. ?.^;enty-eight percent of Cana-  "^H. trade was with the United States.  Greater economic integration means our  ability to make different domestic and international decisions bee  Canadian sovereignty is at issue. We do  have a distinctive and humane lifestyle to  protect.  12 KINESIS  May'87 Canada Canada Canada Canada Canada Canada  Sleeping with elephants  by Debra Lewis and Lorri Rudland  A major difficulty in discussing free trade  is that it is hard to pin down exactly  what the term means. We know it means  much more than the removal of tariffs from  goods. Over eighty percent of goods already pass between the United States and  Canada tariff-free, so this is not the most  contentious issue.  More significant is the American attack  on what are called "non-tariff barriers,"  those government policies which are deemed  to give certain advantages to one country's  industry.  They include regional development subsidies, tax incentives, import quotas, Buy-  Canadian policies, agricultural marketing  boards and a host of other support systems.  All of these policies are under attack  by the U.S. as restraining American trade.  They want to eliminate "unfair" trade practices by Canada and create a "level playing  field".  As Peter Cook noted in the Globe and  Mail's Report on Business magazine, however, "Level playing fields, the U.S. politicians suggest, are whatever terrain Americans choose to play on; everyone else subsidizes and cheats."  But a real comprehensive free trade  treaty with the U.S. poses real dangers for  Canada. There is more than Canadian culture and the Auto Pact on the table. Canadian sovereignty is at issue.  International Trade Implications  In 1947, the General Agreement on Tariffs  and Trade (GATT) was established to rationalize tariffs on a global basis. This year,  ninety-one countries will enter the eighth  There is more than  Canadian culture  and the Auto Pact on  the table. Canadian  sovereignity  is at issue.  round of negotiations to update the GATT  treaty provisions.  The U.S. has several very important interests to push in the upcoming round of  talks, namely, trade in services in which  they have a surplus and agricultural subsidies. Negotiating bilateral trade agreements  (such as free trade with Canada) with specific countries is a deliberate strategy to  force their will at the GATT negotiations.  Many countries fear being overrun by the  American dominance of trade in services,  which includes finance, communications and  cultural industries.  The Auto Pact  One of the most important events in the history of Canadian trade was the negotiation  of a sectoral trade agrement with the United  States called the Auto Pact. The Auto Pact  was announced in 1965 by Lester Pearson  and Lyndon Johnson. However, the actual  negotiations were performed by Simon Reis-  man, now chief negotiator for Canada in the  free trade talks.  Motor vehicles and parts account for  a very large proportion of Canadian exports. In 1985, they accounted for $33.1 billion in exports—more than the combined  value of the next eight performers on the  list: crude petroleum, newsprint, softwood  lumber, natural gas, wheat, pulp products, petroleum products and telecommunications equipment. Over ninety-eight percent of those motor vehicles and parts went  to the United States and almost all were  covered by the Auto Pact.  The Auto Pact allows motor vehicles and  parts to pass across the Canada-U.S. border without tariffs. In this respect it looks  like a free trade agreement. However, it also  includes production quotas for Canada that  are based on Canada's share of the consumer market. So the Auto Pact is not  free trade. Its production guarantees are  counter to the entire "free market" philosophy of free trade.  Uncle Sam: "I can almost hear them singing  'The Star Spangled Banner' in Ottawa, Be  gosh."  The Trudeau Years  In the early 1970's, the Trudeau government  attempted to reduce Canada's heavy trade  dependence on the U.S. by expanding trade  relations with Europe, the so-called "Third  Option". The Liberals failed, and reversed  their policy in the early 1980's when they  made tentative proposals for sectoral trade  agreements with the U.S. At this time the  Americans were not interested.  But other parties were interested. The  Business Council on National Issues, an  organization representing Canada's 150  largest corporations, was an early supporter. Thomas d'Aquino, President of  the Business Council, met with the head  of its American counterpart, Business  Roundtable, in the offices of the U.S. Ambassador to Canada, Paul Robinson. They  encouraged the Liberal government to pursue a free trade policy, but Trudeau wasn't  buying. It was only a temporary reprieve.  Mulroney's Turnaround  The issue of free trade continued to simmer in the background. It was raised during Brian Mulroney's campaign for the Progressive Conservative leadership. Mulroney  vehemently denied any interest in the issue.  He likened the prospect to that of sleeping  with an elephant, and made ominous predictions about what might happen should  the elephant decide to roll over.  Then Mulroney won the leadership and  the subsequent federal election. He announced that "Canada is open for business."  Along the way, he lost his fear of elephants and did a complete reversal on the  free trade issue. In March 1985, at the so-  called "Shamrock Summit" between Mulroney and President Ronald Reagan, they  announced the beginning of the free trade  initiative. In April 1986, Reagan got approval, despite protectionist sentiment in  Congress, to proceed with free trade negotiations on the "fast track".  This process frees the trade negotiations  from usual Congressional constraints and  allows the acceptance or rejection of a proposed deal by a simple majority instead of  the two-thirds usually required. It cannot be  amended. The treaty must be presented to  Congress by early October for ratification  or rejection before the current "fast track"  mandate ends next January.  During the talks in October 1986, as protectionist sentiment was warming up, the  U.S. Commerce department ordered a fifteen percent countervailing tariff on Canadian softwood lumber. Canada protested  but protectionist sentiment increased as the  Democrats gained sufficient ground in the  November congressional elections to control  both the U.S. House of Representatives and  the Senate.  Canadians were then treated to the spectacle of provincial, federal and lumber interests squabbling for a way out. Finally the  federal government agreed to impose a tax  on the Canadian forestry industry equivalent to the fifteen percent American tariff  in return for its withdrawal.  The Mulroney government was strongly  criticised for undermining Canada's negotiating strength. The Canadian position  amounts to an agreement to fine ourselves  in order to avoid being penalized by the  Americans. As NDP leader Ed Broadbent  said, "It's softwood today. It could be steel  or hogs tomorrow."  And steel it is. Canada is now "monitoring" its steel shipments to the United States  in hopes of staving off American charges  that we are taking too great a market share.  Meanwhile protectionist sentiment continues as more Canadian commodities are hit  with tariffs. In B.C. raspberries could become the latest victim of the trade wars as  Washington State growers are demanding  higher raspberry tariffs.  The MacDonald Commission  At the same time that Mulroney was approaching his turnaround on free trade, the  Royal Commission on the Economic Union  and Development Prospects for Canada  (chaired by Donald MacDonald) was receiving submissions, holding public meetings and developing its report on the state  of the Canadian economy.  The MacDonald Commission emphasized  free trade as a cornerstone of Canada's economic recovery. MacDonald said that Canadians must take a "leap of faith" in adopting free trade and thus ensuring prosperity  in our future.  The Commission claimed to provide a  consensus on Canada's economic future.  However, as Daniel Drache (a co-editor  of The Other MacDonald Report has  pointed out, the MacDonald Commission's  "consensus" was limited indeed. Submissions by unions, women, churches, native  groups and community organizations were  largely ignored in the report.  Furthermore, the research and economic  analysis presented by the Commission were  questionable at best. Research that should  have been done, wasn't. Researchers who  did not share a bias in favour of free trade  were passed over by the Commission. Opposing briefs were given short shrift.  Almost no research was done into the  way in which free trade would affect specific groups of workers (women, immigrants,  youth, etc.), different industries or different  regions of Canada.  And, as economist Marjorie Cohen points  out, the main econometric study of the potential free trade benefits to the economy  uses a doubtful economic model. Projections of the gains to be had are inconsistent.  But even the most generous projections  dicate that free trade will result in an increase of one percent per year in the Gross  National Product over a ten year period—a  very small gain to be had in return for the  many negative impacts of free trade.  What Is At Stake?  American negotiators have never wavered  from their initial negotiating position on  free trade with Canada. Everything is or  the table—culture, the Auto Pact, agricultural support systems, regional subsidies,  Buy-Canada policies.  The Americans particularly demand that  trade in services, intellectual property—like  patents and copyrights—and investment be  included. And every indication is that the  Mulroney government will concede these vital areas of the Canadian economy.  Canadian business wants "guaranteed access to the U.S. market", such as freedom  from the countervailing tariff. Most experts  agree that the U.S. Congress would never  yield their power over trade in this area.  Even Israel, which maintains one of the  most powerful lobbies in Washington, could  not obtain an exemption from the countervail in their 1984 free trade pact with the  U.S.  Canadians might take heed of the statements of Israel's communication minister  Amnon Rubinstein in early 1985 on the effect of free trade on the Israeli economy. He  said it left "very little manoeuvering room  nor the power to say no to specific requests  from the United States."  The big danger, of course, is that Brian  Mulroney has so pinned the prestige of his  government's economic strategy on achieving a free trade deal that he will literally sell  the store to achieve it.  Canada is bargaining from weakness to  achieve a deal that offers more economic  integration with the United States. And,  the support for an unregulated free market economy ensures the private sector absolute supremacy in determining our economic future, while limiting the ability of  federal and provincial governments to intervene. In exchange for a doubtful promise of  economic prosperity, a politically independent Canada is on the table.  Sections of this article were adapted  from Free Trade For British Columbia: Is It  A Bargain At The Price? published by the  Pacific Group for Policy Alternatives,  Discounting   \he intimacy Utween MmCtnid.* And. Jokn Bull  KINESIS I'LL HAVE MY GIRL CALL YOUR CIRL  Lkt^  Free trade and women:  prospects of an economy unregulated by  minimum wage taws, protective labour  legislation, or wage and employment equality legislation  by Debra Lewis and Lorri Rudland  Women form the majority of the working  poor. Two out of three workers who receive  minimum wage are women. And sixty percent of women workers are still ghettoized  in three traditional female occupations -  sales, service, and clerical work, which also  pay the lowest wages. Single parent mothers  have a five times greater chance of poverty  than two parent families, and sixty-two percent of single, unattached women are poor.  It is called "the feminization of poverty".  For women, free trade is a giant leap  backwards. Free traders like the Business  Council on National Issues, the Canadian  Manufacturer's Association and the Fraser  Institute demand that control of the economy be returned to "market forces". What  they actually mean is an economy unregulated by minimum wage laws, protective  labour legislation or wage and employment,  equality legislation.  Because women are undervalued in society, women's work is undervalued in the  market. The primary law of the market is  profit. As long as discrimination continues  unchallenged, the "market" will continue  to set whatever value it wants on women's  labour.  The effects of free trade and an unrestrained market economy will touch every  aspect of women's lives. Expanding job opportunities for women are doubtful under  free trade, but women can be sure of massive job loss and a lack of retraining options.  American demands to "harmonize" Canadian laws with American laws put all progressive Canadian social policies at risk  (See page 16). Social service cutbacks mean  less support, less money, and less hope for  women trapped in the poverty cycle.  An economic strategy for Canada must  be committed to economic equality for  women. Free trade and an unrestrained  market ecpnomy guarantee the reverse.  Working Our Way to the Bottom  Free traders argue that Canada must restructure its industrial base in order to  compete on the world market. They define  very high levels of unemployment as the  necessary cost of industrial restructuring.  Women will be the most hard hit.  The most vulnerable industries in a free  trade agreement are eastern manufacturing  establishments which employ about forty-  two percent of all female manufacturing  workers. In Quebec and Ontario, government studies predict at least 800,000 jobs  at risk in leather products, small electrical  goods, textiles and the garment trade.  Many of the women workers are immigrants; and many have low levels of formal  schooling. It is doubtful whether new job  opportunities or retraining options would  significantly expand for these women, who  could find themselves permanently unemployed.  The service sector is also at risk. This  sector employs over eighty percent of the  female labour force. It includes banking,  transportation, communications, retail and  wholesale sales, education, health and culture. In an effort to turn around a severe  trade deficit, the United States is aggressively marketing trade in services to the  West and Third World countries. Canadian  firms are already exporting twenty-five percent of their data processing to the U.S.  which translates into 180,000 jobs. Jobs lost  in this sector further reduce women's employment opportunities.  Wages and Working Conditions  The unleashing of market forces by free  trade would drive Canadian wages, benefits,  and working conditions downward. Canadian employers would be competing with  states like South Carolina, where only eight  percent of the labour force is unionized and  the minimum wage is $3 per hour. Almost  half of all the states have passed right-to-  work legislation.  In Canada, approximately thirty-seven  percent of the labour force is unionized;  thirty-eight and a half percent of the union  ized workers are women, located mostly  in the public sector. In the United States,  unionization has declined from a post-war  high of thirty-five percent to the current low  of fifteen percent. But unionization rates  vary greatly from state to state. In the  south, or so-called Sun Belt, they tend to be  the lowest in the nation. The effect of free  trade could very well create a Canadian Sun  Belt, while the economic prosperity we are  promised benefits others.  Furthermore, Canadian social programs  are under attack. U.S. employers have argued that unemployment insurance and  medicare are "unfair" practices that restrain American trade. Fewer than fifty percent of the jobless in the United States have  unemployment benefits of any significance.  Maternity benefits could quite conceivably be on the next U.S. employer's hit list.  All of our labour laws would be challenged.  In Canada, workers have much more legal protection from unjust dismissal. In the  United States, most workers are not protected by a collective agreement and can be  fired at any time, with no notice, for no just  cause.  Premier Vander Zalm's proposed labour  legislation (the most controversial and interventionist in Canada) virtually eliminates  protection against arbitrary dismissal for  public sector workers and moves Canada  ever closer to the American model, (see page  5)  Social Safety Net: Serving the Market  Free traders admit that people have to be  protected from the free trade upheaval. But  when they talk of relief to the poor and the  unemployed, a closer look reveals a social  safety net designed to serve the needs of the  market.  Unemployment Insurance  Unemployment Insurance (UIC) is not only  under attack from American business. The  Mulroney government has already reduced  or taken away many workers' eligibility for  unemployment insurance. Severance pay,  vacation pay and pension benefits must now  be deducted from unemployment benefits.  UI entitlement is being shifted from a universal right into a means test.  The pro-free trade MacDonald Commission defined unemployment insurance as a  "work disincentive" and according to the  theory of voluntary unemployment, they  recommended reducing UI benefits to force  Canadians to take available jobs. Continuing in the same vein, the controversial Forget Commission into Unemployment Insurance shouldn't be forgotten just because it  was apparently shelved. Its spirit lives.  The Forget Commission recommended  harsh cuts in benefits and restrictions  in entitlement. Neil Cohen and Jennifer  McKenna, Canadian Dimension (April  1987) note that the report is full of  references to "cheaters". Forget found  "cheaters" everywhere—either those who  defrauded the system or those who, in For-  get's view, had their incentive to work destroyed by the accessibility of the system.  From this vantage, the Canadian worker is  blamed for being dishonest, lazy and unproductive. Yet in 1985 only three percent of  UI claims were fraudulent.  Annualization is a major recommendation of the Forget report. Benefits would be  calculated on average weekly earnings, but  paid out over a fifty week period. Workers in  marginal, part time or seasonal employment  would receive substantially reduced benefits.  This analysis relates benefit entitlement  to the length of labour force attachment,  rather than to the worker's legitimate claim  of unemployment. Women workers, particularly those with young children, would be  seriously disadvantaged.  The Commission recommends abolishing  UI benefits for workers in the fishing industry. But the report does not address regional disparities or other causes for unemployment (like sexism or racism) which restrict workers' choices. Free trade would increase, not decrease, regional disparities.  Fair Wage Legislation  The MacDonald Commission opposed increases in the minimum wage because it was  claimed job opportunities for young people  would be lost. The minimum wage pushes  the bottom of the wage scale up so that  workers at all levels benefit. Equitable wage  legislation was opposed because it involved  setting value independent of market forces.  Women and other victims of workplace discrimination would argue, however, that the  point of such legislation is to counter market forces which create and maintain wage  differentials.  Canadian programs  under attack:  U.S. employers argue  that UI and medicare  are'unfair.'  Maternity benefits  could be next.  Universal Income Supplement  The MacDonald Commission's universal income supplement would abolish almost all  existing benefits (child tax credit deductions, seniors supplements, social housing)  but leave the poor well below the poverty  line and in some cases, worsen their situation.  The Commission's plan still relies on  provinces maintaining their half of benefits to the poor. Past experience shows  provinces cut benefits when the federal government increases them. Provincial benefits  tend to be grudging with very wide variations across Canada. BC GAIN rates are  one half of the poverty line, and have been  virtually frozen since 1982, despite a fifteen percent increase in the cost of living.  (Support rates for families will only be increased five percent in June and a further  five percent in December. The initial increase works out to $10.50 per month for  a family of four.) Progressive groups have  been demanding a guaranteed income that  would alleviate poverty, not sustain it. The  business agenda is the reverse.  The real benefactors of the free traders'  plans would be low-wage employers, who, in  effect, be subsidized by Canadian taxpayers. And, high unemployment levels, combined with cuts to UI benefits, would force  workers to accept low waged labour.  What Job Opportunities?  Barbara McDougall, federal Minister Responsible for the Status of Women (and  Privatization) recently said that women's  best hope for economic advancement lies  in the high-tech future that will come with  freer trade with the US. The MacDonald  Commission stated that women could move  to "expanding sectors". But these vague  promises are not supported by the evidence.  We don't know, and they do not or can not  tell us, where these new jobs will be created.  "... the idea that high-tech glamour industries will prosper and create new jobs in  Canada, once we streamline our industrial  sector, is pure fantasy. Even more fantastic is the notion that displaced workers will  be easily employed in the future." (Marjorie  Cohen, Free Trade and Women.)  Most of the evidence points to American  branch plants leaving Canada and technological change displacing even more workers. High technology is not likely to fill the  gap: low-skilled, labour intensive microchip  assembly would likely remain in places like  South-East Asia where the labour force is  severely exploited.  Retraining options for women are questionable, despite government assurances.  Cohen notes that women are historically under represented in most programmes, par  ticularly those that include advanced skills  training. And the Macdonald Commission's  plan requires that entrants would have to  make a committment to relocate which  would be an impossible demand for many  married women.  Restructuring the economy on the scale  that free traders envision would take many  years, so that new jobs, wherever they might  be, would be a long time coming. In BC,  from 1981 to 1983, the recession hindered  women's rate of participation in the labour  force. A free trade upheaval would seriously  threaten women's labour force participation  and advancement.  Unequal Pay, Unequal Access  Free traders contend that the unfettered operation of the market will correct any wage  discrimination that exists. But such reasoning applies only to a full employment economy, not an economy of high unemployment  where employers can pay what they choose.  Free trade will seriously set back the struggle for equal pay.  It is not heartening for women to read  the MacDonald Commission's analysis of  the male/female "wage gap". About half  of the wage gap is attributed to "nondiscriminatory factors": to education or  training, or to women themselves, because  they "willingly supplied their services at the  lower wage." This is the market version of  blaming the victim.  Free traders oppose legislated pay equity  measures because they involve setting concepts of value independently of the market,  which is exactly the point of to such legislation. And under free trade, other legislated protections, like freedom from sexual  harassment in the workplace, will be even  less likely.  The federal Employment Equity Act  (June, 1986) is supposed to be an affirmative action law that assists women, racial  and ethnic minorities, the disabled and native peoples in the workforce. Its application  has been limited to only about 100 companies that do business with the federal government, in addition to the government and  crown corporations. It contains no concrete  affirmative action policy and no enforcement provisions. Any person who wishes to  complain of discrimination must still go to  the Human Rights Commisssion, but even if  discrimination is proved, the Commisssion  can not force the employer to hire.  The legislation is farcical and does nothing to challenge occupational segregation or  to increase employment opportunities for  any of the affected groups.  Conclusion: The Poor Get Poorer  Free trade will be disastrous for  Women will experience the highest job  losses but have the least retraining options.  Reduced UI benefits and a redesigned social  safety net will ensure poverty rather than  eliminating it. Women's struggle for equality in the workforce will be seriously affected. And for women in the home, choices  will be reduced not expanded.  Sections of this article were adapted  from Free Trade For British Columbia: Is It  A Bargain At The Price? published by the  Pacific Group for Policy Alternatives.  Barbara Macdougall:  vague promises of a  high tech future  for women, but it's  not supported  by the evidence.  KINESIS  KINESIS     '87 May Canada Canada CanadaCanada Canada Canada  Workers' rights onf ree trade table  by Adrienne Peacock  When it comes to free trade, Ottawa's  most enthusiastic provincial booster is the  government of British Columbia. It was, after all, Bill Bennett who first proposed creating Special Economic Zones in B.C. in  1984. These Free Trade Zones were intended  to create little islands of corporate heaven  where selected businesses could enjoy special profit-making advantages.  Advantages would range from tax concessions and subsidized facilities and energy  to relaxed regulations concerning worker  health, safety and environmental pollution  standards.  In addition, B.C.'s then Minister of Industry and Small Business Development,  Don Phillips, declared that the zones would  be "union free."  Free Trade Zones were not very popular, even Ottawa was not overly enthusiastic. After all, why restrict the benefits of  free trade to a few small geographic areas  when the whole country is waiting to be  plundered? With the election of Bill Vander  Zalm, British Columbia had a premier who  could think on the same grand scale as Ottawa. Why not turn the whole province into  one great Special Economic Zone where employers would always find a friend and those  pesky unions would just fade away?  The Premier clearly wants to make B.C. a  safe haven for foreign investment. His recent  labour legislation, for example, is a clear effort to remove any restrictions a union may  be able to apply to an investor's profit objectives.  Bill 19, if passed, will effectively remove  working people's only collective ability to  put economic pressure on an employer. (See  page 5).  Trade Unions: Part of the Problem or  Part of the Solution?  The special contribution of trade unions in  our society is to equalize the distribution  of power between employers and employees.  Unions provide leadership in many areas of  importance to women, pay equity and child  care facilities being two major examples.  Unions improve  the performance  of the economy.  Professor Morley G under son of the University of Toronto found that in Ontario the  gap in earnings between equally qualified  men and women in unionized firms was only  half as large as in non-unionized establishments.  Discrimination is less in the unionized  workplace precisely because unions can affect a company's internal operations. Once  women and minorities acquire seniority they  are relatively protected against layoffs, and  promotions become more likely. The replacement of discretionary pay policies with  objective, standard rates reduces the possibility of managerial prejudice hitting a  worker's pay packet.  Some British Columbians think of this  province as a high wage area, that high  wages are caused by powerful unions and  that wages can be reduced by weakening  trade unions. Indeed, they are inclined to  believe that high wages inhibit industrialization and are, therefore, a problem.  Relative to the developing countries of  the Pacific Rim (Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan, the Philippines), B.C. is a high wage  area. In 1980, manufacturing wages in Hong  Kong, Korea and Singapore were less than  $2.00 per hour and often less than $1.00 per  hour. Clearly these wages are exploitative  and any suggestion that B.C. wages should  compete with them is ridiculous.  When B.C. wages are compared with  the United States, there is no evidence  that B.C. wages are excessive. In August  1984, average weekly earnings for workers  employed in manufacturing in B.C. were  $513.66 (Canadian) or $394.08 (U.S.). In  fourteen American states, including Washington, Oregon and California, average  weekly earnings were higher.  Another charge laid against B.C. unions  is that their "excessive militancy" scares off  potential investment and thereby imposes a  cost on the people of B.C. As Table 1 shows,  industrial conflict as measured by the number of strikes or person-days lost in strikes  a condition of employment. This type of  "open shop" legislation in the U.S. construction trades was examined by Herbert  Northrup at the University of Pennsylvania.  Northrup found that most open shop contractors do not provide pension plans and  that fringe benefits are much more substantial in the unionized sector than among  open shop contractors.  Table 1  Magnitude of Strikes, 1973 - 82  (per union member, per year)  Strikes  Ontario  .00025  Quebec  .00034  B.C.  .00026  Canada  .00026  Days Lost  1.977  3.165  1.711  2.568  Source: Trade Unions and the B.C. Economy by Robert C. Allen from Restraining the  Economy, 1986.  relative to the number of union members  has been lower in B.C. than in Ontario,  Quebec or Canada as a whole.  Examining the impact of trade unions  on the economy, Robert Allen of the B.C.  Economic Policy Institute concluded that  unions improve the performance of the  economy. U.S. studies, by Brown and Hed-  off, found that productivity is ten to thirty-  one percent higher in states where the work  force is highly unionized.  On the basis of data gathered by  Northrup "open shop wages are as much as  sixty percent lower and benefits less common and generous than are unionized ones."  The loss of the closed shop will have  other less obvious but equally insidious effects. For example, the Independent Canadian Transit Union sets clear limits on the  amount of overtime that can be worked. If  an employee exceeds the agreed overtime,  the union can discipline the worker through  To ensure that the mix of industries  across states was not biasing the results,  several studies compared unionized and  non-unionized establishments in the same  industry. Studies have been done for furniture factories, cement plants, and paper  mills. Results show a positive union productivity effect of six to seventeen percent. In  one study, a researcher examined the "before and after" productivity records of cement mills that were unionized and found  productivity increased six percent.  The Road To A Union Free Province  Premier Vander Zalm has never been one to  let facts get in the way of a good confrontation. The Labour Relations Reform Act or  Bill 19 is designed to turn the clock back to  the days when workers couldn't share power  with their employers, however unequal the  relationship.  Bill 19 prepares B.C. for the new free  trade climate by a massive rewrite of labour  legislation which wipes away the relevance  of labour precedents established over the  last fifteen years. It borrows heavily from  anti-union ideas and laws rooted in the  United States. Under Ronald Reagan, union  membership has fallen from thirty-five percent of the total work force in 1980 to about  fifteen percent today. The Reagan forces  have crushed the labour movement across  the U.S. and in some states—such as the  'Sunbelt' of the South—unions have been  wiped out altogether.  Among Other Union Busting Effects  Bill 19 will prevent unions from requiring  workers to maintain union membership as  a fine and, ultimately, by expulsion from  the union. The employer, however, places  no limit on overtime. Indeed, many workers feel there may even be pressure to work  overtime—and this overtime could lead to  increased accidents. The dreadful Hinton  rail disaster was partially blamed on worker  fatigue due to excessive overtime.  Bill 19 appears to be the Premier's first  heavy-handed approach to preparing the  work force for the realities of a world  where the rights of individuals, particularly  employers, take precedence over collective  rights.  The purpose of this legislation is to ensure the "expeditious resolution of disputes"  in a "competitive market economy". It is  not designed to encourage collective bargaining. Even the Vancouver Sun described Bill 19 as "a massive state intrusion  into private affairs."  Recently, the giant South Korean Hyundai corporation joined forces with the notoriously non-union Kerkhoff Construction  Company to bid on major projects in  Canada and the U.S. The Hyundai-Kerkhoff  partnership has already succeeded in winning two major government contracts—the  transit bridge over the Fraser River in B.C.  and the Old Man River project in Alberta.  Is this, what Bill 19 is preparing us for?  Are B.C. workers being turned over, legally  bound and strung, as a powerless work force  to any corporation from a Third World dictatorship? In the interests of a "competitive  market economy" it is obvious the first major steps in creating a free trade work force  in B.C. are underway.  5 KINESIS Canada Canada CanadaCanada Canada Canada  by Debra Lewis and Lorri Rudland  Clayton Yeutter, the US trade representative, wants Canadian culture on the free  trade bargaining table. He always has—  the Americans want everything and have  been entirely consistent in their position.  It's the Canadian's free trade negotiator, Simon Reisman, and our Prime Minister who  keep mealymouthing around.  Yeutter is an up-front Rambo kind of guy  who has a winning way with words. In early  February he said, "I'm prepared to have  America's culture on the table and take the  risk of having it be damaged by Canadian  influence after a free trade arrangement. I  hope Canada's prepared to run that risk,  D."  As this would be a contest between a  mouse and an elephant, it provoked even  Canada's greatest advocate of free trade to  defend Canadian culture. Donald Macdonald, head of the Macdonald Royal Commission, had advocated a "leap of faith" to free  trade one year before the Commission concluded its work. He called Yeutter and US  free trade negotiator, Peter Murphy, "maladroit" on this sensitive issue which was a  legitimate concern for Canadians.  Brian Mulroney was forced to reiterate  his defence of "cultural sovereignty", whatever that is (is three percent Canadian film  content on the US dominated Canadian  market considered sovereign, or can we go  lower?) According to Brian, "culture is not  up for grabs". Globe and Mail columnist  Mavor Moore was almost left with the last  laugh: he noted every time US trade cheerleaders spoke, they aroused more nationalism than Mel Hurtig and the Council of  Canadians, vocal opponents of free trade.  Canadian culture is already on the endangered list. Access to our own cultural  market is highly prohibited because of  American ownership and domination. Without the limited protection and subsidies it  now receives, most Canadian cultural industries would probably be extinct.  For women, the struggle continues on almost every front. Women are already seriously under represented in all of the Canadian cultural industries as performers, reporters, and technicians. Not surprisingly,  women receive significantly less funding and  subsidies than male artists/performers in  every single cultural category.  Anne Innis Dagg details the sorry record  of Canadian underfunding in The Fifty  Percent Solution, Why Should Women  Pay for Men's Culture?. Women must  battle sexism and foreign domination of our  market just to enter the field; after that  the next battle (or battering) begins if the  small, pre-defined women's role is found too  confining.  A brief review of Canadian access to  our own cultural market demonstrates the  dilemma:  Television:  In peak hours in 1984, the best we achieved  was an average of about twenty-three percent of Canadian programming, and most of  that was hockey, football and baseball. Only  two percent of English-language drarr,? programming is Canadian, and some of that  has been "denationalized" for American  sales.  Films:  Less than three percent of Canadian theatre screen time is used for Canadian films.  In the summer of 1986, only one in forty  first-run movies in Vancouver was Canadian. Other countries have legislated screen  quotas to ensure a domestic film industry;  Australia set domestic quota of twenty percent, France forty-eight percent, and Italy  forty-four percent. Canada hasn't dared set  any screen quotas for fear of retaliation from  our good neighbour to the south.  Between eighty and ninety percent of  the film distribution business in Canada  is controlled by what are known as the  Hollywood majors: Columbia (owned by  Coca-Cola), MGM/United Artists (owned  by Gulf and Western), Twentieth Century  Canadian culture on the ropes:  Rambo vs.  Anne of Green Gables  ... A fair fight?  Fox, Universal (owned by MCA), Warner  Brothers (owned by Warner Communications), and Disney. They make, own, or buy  all the North American distribution rights  to whatever the product, and they own most  of the distribution outlets.  The Hollywood majors drain up to  ninety-seven percent of the profits from film  distribution in Canada. Of an annual foreign box-office take of $2 billion per year,  Canada pays the biggest slice at $400 million. Video-cassette sales and rentals ($135  million per year) and TV program export  A Pertinent Question. '"  Mrs. Britannia: "Is it possible, my dear, that  you have ever given your cousin Jonathan any  encouragement?"  Miss Canada: "Encouragement! Certainly not  revenues ($150 million per year) help a little, as do sound recordings of which foreign  controlled companies and foreign-content  products take over eighty-five percent of  the sales. The domination of Canadian cultural industries hands the US $1.5 billion  per year. When we talk about the Canadian cultural market, we are not just talking  about arts and crafts. Cultural industries in  Canada are big business, but we don't own  them.  Joyce Nelson, in This Mavzzine describes in depth the str^g-arm tactics of  the Motion Pictrje Association of America  (MPAA-", considered to be the most powerful US lobby that exists, as it intervened  in the "domestic policies of most nations  around the globe to prevent other countries  from interfering with US domination over  the movie and TV screen of the planet."  Any time any country tried to develop  its own homegrown film or television industries that in anyway restricts US distributors, the MPAA, or its export arm, the Motion Picture Export Association of America (MPEAA) stepped in to prevent limits  on the profit it could extract. Quebec's Bill  109, an attempt to support an independent  Quebec film industry, required eighty percent Canadian ownership of any film distribution companies operating in Quebec,  French dubbing of feature films after a sixty  day rim, and a ten percent tax on film distribution revenues to support a Quebec film-  production fund.  The Bill was tabled in December, 1982,  and was abandoned by December, 1985.  During that period, Jack Valenti, president  of the MPAA/MPEAA had been very active  lobbying Quebec and federal governments  against the "very restrictive law" which  made it difficult for them to do business  in Quebec. The Quebec government backed  down after the US State Department delivered a "verbal note" threatening the immediate withdrawal of American films from  Quebec theatres.  Working with the US government, Valenti  developed a list of "unfair trade practices"  to prevent the restraint of American trade  in the cultural, or what the Americans call  the entertainment industries. They are:  • Import quotas  • Screen-time quotas  • Film rental controls  • Currency remittance restrictions  • Requirements that prints be struck in the  country of origin  • Dubbing requirements  • Foreign prohibition against alien distributors  • High income taxes  • Production subsidies/incentives  That just about covers it; American "culture" Uber Alles.  Books and Magazines  Small Canadian book publishers produce  eighty-five percent of all books written by  Canadians, take all the risks of publishing new Canadian writers, but receive only  twenty percent of the book sale revenues.  A few large US firms control the more lucrative trade in textbooks (for Canadian  schools) and foreign book sales.  Without government protective regulations, the magazine industry would be seriously in jeopardy. Canadian magazines have  increased their circulation to forty percent  from thirty percent in 1971.  Advertising revenue is critical to Vne ^p.  port of Canadian magazines and media. Bill  C-58 prohibited *£x deductions to Canadian busijvtsses that advertised in America magazines or border TV/radio sta  tions. Foreign ownership restrictions, domestic subsidies such as those for Canadian book publishers, and Canadian content  rules all help ensure that Canadian artists  and Canadian industries get some access to  the Canadian market. They also ensure that  Canadians get a choice of something besides  Rambo or Jacqueline Suzanne.  American businesses, like the Motion Picture Association of America, hate our Canadian content rules/Buy Canadian' policies  and regional subsidies, limited though they  may be. In fact, anything that promotes  Canadian cultural production and distribution is called the restraint of American  trade.  American printing interests even complained because all printed materials distributed at Expo '86 had to be producer,  in Canada. They claimed this was unfair to  American business. Is it so unfair to expect  that money spent by our governments go to  Canadian firms and Canadian workers?  But Bill C-58 and foreign ownership regulations are expected to be part of the Mulroney government sell-out in exchange for a  free trade deal.  The Canadian government's apparent  distinction between "cultural sovereignty"  and Canadian cultural industries is fraudulent. There is no sovereignty if there is no  independent voice. The issue for Canadian  filmmakers, television and radio artists  writers and book and magazine publishers  is not access to the US market, it is access  to our own market.  Make no mistake, a market of 25 millior  people is no small potatoes, as tfej American film industry can att^'i. And the issue  for women in culture industries is one step  further baci; it is basic access: to the industry, to the market and to non-stereotypical  roles.  Sections of this article were adopted]  from Free Trade For British Columbia: Is It  A Bargain At The Prices? published by the\  Pacific Group for Policy Alternatives  KINESIS      87 May Canada Canada CanadaCanada Canada Canada  Privatization:attacking women's independence  Of late Canadians have heard a great deal, from all levels of government, about privatization and de-regulation. The articles in the free trade supplement on privatization and deregulation are here because both policy directions are necessary precursors to a free trade  agreement with the United States. Privatization and de-regulation initiatives are necessary  in order to "harmonize" our economic, social and political systems with those of the United  States. Both initiatives will have an enormous impact on the economic status of women in  Canada.  by Marion Pollack  Privatization, defined as the selling or  giving up of public services and or companies to the private sector, is part of a  comprehensive strategy for permanently restructuring the welfare state and public services in the interests of capital. The twin sister of privatization is contracting out. This  is where government puts part of their services out to tender to the private sector. Its  effects are exactly the same as privatization.  Both the provincial and federal governments have embarked on a programme of  privatization. With the election of a Non  Partisan Association (NPA) majority on  Vancouver city council the threat of privatization moves one step closer.  The push towards privatization is espoused by various governments, ranging  from Thatcher in Britain to Reagan in the  United States. Neo-conservative proponents  of privatization believe that we have too  much government and that it is a "drain"  on their ability to make money. The backers of privatization support only a residual government role in the provision of human services. They believe that the market  place, not the government, should fulfill human needs.  In BC privatization affects every aspect  of our lives. It reduces our access to services,  reduces the range of those services, reduces  the number of and quality of services. Privatization takes away our rights to job training and attacks our rights to hold jobs at  decent pay.  What Is Privatization?  There are many o!;i?erent faces to privatization. One type is the selling of crown corporations to private buyers. De HaViUand Aircraft, Canadian Arsenals Limited, and Teleglobe Canada have all been sold off in this  manner. Air Canada is on the selling block  now.  There is also the privatization or contracting out of government services. In BC  we have seen homes for emotionally disturbed children, social services to seniors,  and battered women's shelters being handled in this manner. In addition, in a number of BC municipalities, garbage collection  has been contracted out. In BC and Ontario  provincial parks and recreation areas have  been privatized.  Another face of privatization-contracting  out has occurred in hospitals and prisons.  Here part of the services are being privatized. It can range from the management of  the Building Services Department at Vancouver General Hospital, to the provision of  food services.  Privatization also has more subtle faces.  The federal government has emphasized giving monies to privately-run organizations  for training and education instead of plugging the money into the university and college system (see box). The recent moves by  both the City of Vancouver and the Tory  Government to scrap fair wages provisions  is another hidden form of privatization.  There is also privatization by neglect  or cutbacks. This happens when, because  of government cutbacks, private companies  move in to provide services that the government either still provides or used to provide. The Post Office is a good example of  this. Canada Post is cutting back door-to-  door delivery to new subdivisions, as a result private companies are springing up to  provide these residents with delivery.  There are other more indirect forms of  privatization. For instance some reductions  in levels of government assistance are picked  up Ly &e voluntary sector with little or no  government Slipper*. An example of this are  the food banks.  Rationales for Privatization  One of the rationales for privatization-  contracting out is that government spending has become too large. This is not true.  The number of public sector workers is less  than one fifth the Canadian workforce. Governments account for less than ten percent  of total investment in Canada. Government  spending of resources is less than one quarter of total spending in the economy and has  not increased significantly in years.  Another argument in favour of privatization is that Canada's social spending programmes cost too much and have an adverse  affect on the economy. Far from being a  big spender on social programmes, Canada  ranks fifteenth on a list of nineteen industrialized countries. West Germany spends  thirty-one percent of its Gross National  Product (GNP) on social spending, as compared to Canada's twenty-two percent.  Supporters of privatization-contracting  out also say that it saves money. In reality  it just shifts the costs from one level of government to another. For example the privatization of clerical services may initially save  a municipality some money, but the federal  government has to pay unemployment insurance to the people laid off. It also brings  up a question of the social costs; is the lay  off of hundreds of workers and the disruption to their personal lives worth it?  Wage Cuts and Job Loss  The aim of privatization is to lower the wage  bill. This is done by transferring the work  done by adequately-paid unionized workers  to low-paid non-unionized workers.  Privatization and contracting out also  have two other effects on wages. They serve  to depress the wages of unionized workers  as a whole, since the employers say that if  workers demand decent wages their work  will be contracted out. Also, an increasing pool of non-unionized workers makes it  more difficult for unionized workers to bargain for and receive decent wages.  As well, people who are laid off as a result of privatization-contracting out will not  have a chance to get another job at the same  rate of pay.  Across Canada nursing homes have recently begun laying off unionized health  care workers and replacing them with non-  unionized workers at half the wage. In Ontario at least seven nursing homes have been  privatized. Their unionized staff have been  laid off—a total of over 300 people. These  newly privatized facilities pay a  of $6.25 per hour versus approximately $11  per hour in wages and benefits under the  union contract. The vast majority of both  former and new employees are women. The  saving is almost one million dollars at the  largest home.  In Toronto, the mainly immigrant women  who clean the post offices used to earn $10  an hour and have full rights and benefits as  members of the Public Service Alliance of  Canada. However, the federal government  decided to contract out cleaning work. As  a result, wages fell from $10 to $4.50. The  cleaners are still doing exactly the same  work.  Privatization in the public sector particularly affects women as one of the primary areas where women have access to relatively decent paying jobs is in the public sector. The transfer of these jobs to the  private sector means that women's immediate wages fall and the prospect of attaining more highly paid work is closed off. The  more work that is either contracted out or  privatized the more women will be confined  to poverty level wages.  For women of colour and immigrant  women, privatization has even more draco-  nian effects. Since they generally earn less  than white women, any reduction in wages  results in poverty.  Privatization causes job loss for everyone.  An example is the Transition House workers. Most were able to keep their jobs during the first round of privatization only to  lose them during the second round.  In Montreal, over a period of eleven years  from 1972-83, the size of a CUPE local representing the unionized city workers went  from 9,158 to 5,600. Some of the jobs were  lost due to service cutbacks and technological change, but the major job loss was due  to contracting out.  The effects of privatization and contracting out on labour are profound. Unionized  workers watch their bargaining units shrink  as more and more work is contracted out or  privatized. Wages for union workers fall and  unorganized workers can only expect more  severe wage cuts. Job security for all workers is increasingly threatened. Bargaining  power is reduced because employers, particularly in the public sector, can simply close  up shop by contracting out.  Women have always been marginalized in  the labour market. Increasing privatization  and contracting out is a direct threat to  women's economic independence and rights.  Training and Privatization  One of the more insidious but less obvious effects of privatization is the trenci towards  the privatization of vocational education. In the late 70's the bulk of clerical training took  place at community colleges. Now, the training is increasingly done by private educational  institutions.  For women this has a major impact not only in terms of the skills we learn, but also in  our ability to have some mobility in the job market. Workers are increasingly being trained  in a narrow range of skills, appropriate to most entry level office jobs. Gone is any training  to develop analytical abilities. With privatization, training is more and more being geared  to the specific needs of employers rather than the rights of women to gain skills to enable  them to move up in the hierarchy of the work world.  The policy of the Conservative government regarding privatization of training and education is explicit. The Tories have redirected the bulk of the job training money to the  Canadian Job Strategy Programme. The priority for this programme is funding in the private sector.  The trend towards the privatization of education also has adverse impacts on women  workers. One of the few places where women receive decent wages is in the education and  college system and as a result of privatization women are losing their jobs or are being  forced to do the same work for lower pay.  The recent BC budget takes privatization in the education system one step further. The  budget included a 13.5 percent increase to public schools and a forty-two percent funding  increase to private schools. This works out to less than one dollar per student enrolled in  the public school system as compared with $5 for students in the private school system.  is KINESIS Canada Canada CanadaCanada Canada Canada  Privatization and Daycare  An Ontario report authored by SPR Associates Inc., shows that children in non-profit daycares are provided with better services than children in profit centres. The study states  "In general non-profit care is likely to be higher in quality than for profit care and this superiority seems to hold up on virtually all measures (except for availability and location)  according to the daycare consultants rating of some 1000 centres."  In order to make a profit in daycare you have to cutback somewhere. In many of the  for-profit franchise centres profit is made through packaged programmes for the kids, resulting in a lack of flexibility, low staff ratio and poor wages. Another Ontario study found  that, in 1979, the wages for daycare workers in non-profit daycares was $11,400 per year,  compared to wages for workers in profit daycares of $10,000" per annum.  One reason for the entry of private business into the daycare field is the failure of governments at all levels to adequately fund daycares. In this case the increasing privatization  of the daycares is because of government inaction.  Another aspect of privatization of daycare has serious implications for everyone. That  has to do with the lack of accountability of the service. In daycare centres, the parents  usually are the board members and often, in conjunction with the staff, they have some  say in terms of the direction the centre is taking. In for-profit centres this accountability is  non- existent. Franchise centres such as kindercare are responsible to their corporate board  room and the stock market.  One reason for the entry of private business into the daycare field is the failure of governments at all levels to adequately fund daycares. In this case the increasing privatization  of the daycares is because of government inaction.  Privatization: Back to the Family  For years feminists have been arguing that the obstacles women face are not of their own  making, but are a result of women's position in society. Feminists have argued that women  must see their problems as social, not individual. Privatization threatens to eliminate some  of these gains.  Privatization seeks to take society's problems out of the public sphere. Service recipients  are put into the position of receiving charity.  Battered women are an example of this. For years women had been trying to make wife-  beating a public issue. The privatization of the Vancouver Transition Housejs a symbolic  way of trying to return this to the private sphere. Moreover, despite the fact that these  services are well run, many women still report that they feel they are using charity when  they have had to use these services.  Over the years women have fought for social services that did some of the work previously carried on exclusively in the family. Two examples of these are care for the elderly  and daycare.  With privatization people simply can't afford to pay, or do not have access to the social  services. Much of that work is sent back to the family. Privatization means women will end  up doing more work in the family.  Affirmative Action and Equal Pay  The new federal legislation on employment equity requires that companies who receive  contracts of $200,000 or more comply with the affirmative action provisions of this law.  The problem with this is that only a small number of government contracts fall into  this category. A National Union of Provincial Government Employees (NUPGE) paper estimated that only about 100 out of the thousands of companies that do business with the  federal government fall into this category.  The increasing trend towards privatization is a trend away from giving women equal opportunity. The government could do in-house work instead of privatizing it but it chooses  to send it out for contract. In doing this, the women workers in the federal government,  are not eligible for pay equity.  An example of this occurs in the post office where the crown corporation has started to  privatize its data entry service. Women workers in the post office who do this job will have  the benefits of this legislation, but women outside the government won't.  Also privatization means that women will have less access to government and public sector jobs and therefore some of the equality in hiring goals of the legislation become nonexistent.  In a number of public sector jobs, unions have won agreements which are steps on the  road to achieving equal pay for work of equal value. But that work is being contracted out,  and the equal pay gains are being eroded.  Also, the federal government's equal pay for work of equal value legislation, as well as  that in Ontario and Manitoba, apply only to parts of the public sector. Since a lot of work,  which used to be done by the public sector, is now begin contracted out and/or privatized,  those workers are no longer covered by the legislation. Privatization and contracting out  is a way of getting around equality for women.  Employers will also use the threat of privatization as a lever to 'discourage' their workers from fighting for equal pay.  The interests which argue against equal pay are the same interests which argue for contracting out. The basic ideology is that equal pay restricts the freedom of the market place  and that contracting out is a living breathing example of that freedom. With that kind of  combination women know that they have a problem.  Privatization almost always leads to reductions in service or in the quality of  Most privatization of services means staff reductions since it's primarily through lay-offs  and wage cuts that private operators make their profits.  Sometimes privatization means no service at all. The most dramatic example of this was  when the provincial government moved to privatize the Vancouver Transition House. When  the government privatized the house in 1983 there was no interruption of service because  the YWCA was able to take over the house without delay.  In 1985, however, when the YWCA gave up operating transition house there was no one  to take over. The government "temporarily closed" the house for over three months while  the contract was put out to tender. If the house had not been occupied and kept open by  concerned women, battered women in Vancouver would have had no service in their community.  While this is the most blatant example, reduced access to services occurs at every level.  Some formerly run government services fall by the wayside and other organizations have  ' to take up the slack. Reduction occurs in two areas. On the one hand there are fewer services and on the other hand there are more people needing the remaining services which  have fewer staff to spread over a greater need.  Another aspect of how privatization reduces services is when the government imposes  user fees for services that were free of charge. User fees make it more difficult for low income people to access service.  Privatization and contracting out also often result in a Jack of services for people who  live outside major urban centres. Operators cannot expect to make money in smaller communities so they tend to concentrate in larger centres.  Women are the chief beneficiaries of programmes and services provided by government.;.  With increased privatization greater and greater responsibility falls on women to pick upp  the slack, make do, or do without.  KINESIS      ^ May Canada Canada CanadaCanada Canada Canada  Deregulation means less, not more  Going... going oil gone   by Marion Pollack  Governments around the world, but particularly in the United States and Canada,  have begun to move on a number of initiatives which will lead to a vastly different  lomic reality. Among these is deregulation.  In a November 1984 speech federal Finance Minister, Michael Wilson provided  the Progressive Conservative government's  view of deregulation. "In a number of specific sectors, there is undue government regulation and intervention. Action in these areas could make an important contribution  to fostering private sector growth and economic renewal."  The theory of deregulation holds that  government should minimize its role in the  marketplace. The proponents of deregulation believe that government 'red tape'  hurts their ability to make money. They argue that the marketplace will protect the  interests of workers and consumers.  In Canada, regulation has been fought for  by unions and community groups who have  argued that regulation serves to balance private and public interests and ensure that  government meets its social responsibilities.  For example, in the airline industry, regulation ensures that small as well as larger  communities receive adequate air service.  Regulations have also meant that companies are forced to comply with environmental legislation, and health and safety guidelines.  While the Canadian government has only  recently moved towards increased deregulation, in the United States deregulation  got underway in 1978 when the American  Congress moved to deregulate the airline industry. A look at the American experience,  which eventually grew to include deregulation in' the telephone, bus and trucking industries among others, provides some useful  information on the impact of deregulation.  Service  By the fall of 1983, five years after the deregulation of the airline industry, 351 American  communities had experienced service cutbacks. An additional 106 communities had  air service completely eliminated.  The same experience has followed the  deregulation of the American bus industry. Since deregulation twenty percent fewer  American communities receive bus service.  Not only have services been cutback but  the quality of service had decreased. The  American Federal Communications Commission reported that in the first year of  telephone deregulation complaints about  service increased by 400 percent.  Service is being cutback another way because of deregulation. It becomes so expensive that people cannot afford to use  it. In 1982 the House of Commons Standing Committee on Transportation reported  on the effects of airline deregulation in the  US. They found that "... there is no evidence that deregulation has created an overall lowering of airfares ... On certain high  density routes rates have dropped but on  less competitive routes they have risen considerably. Overall rates have risen by seventeen percent per annum since deregulation."  Telephone deregulation in the US has  meant local rate increases of between thirty  to fifty percent. A Peats Marwick study of  the potential effects of deregulation on the  Canadian phone system has suggested that  rate increases over five years of thirteen  to ninety-three percent, primarily on local  rates, would be required.  In 1986 ATT, a multi-national telephone  company, estimated that deregulation will  cause telephone rates to jump 300 percent  over the next three years. This would mean  that approximately three out of ten households would lose their phone service. In Ontario and Quebec over 40,000 people would  not be able to afford telephone service after  deregulation.  In addition, in the United States, there  has been a trend away from the traditional  "flat rate" for monthly telephone service  to "local measured service". This is where  you pay for the length and duration of each  and every phone call. Free calling areas also  shrink after deregulation.  Deregulation and Jobs  The airline industry in the United States  had a relatively high degree of unionization  and was a major employer of women, as passenger agents, clerical workers, and flight  attendants. Since deregulation over 40,000  jobs have been lost. Well over half of these  jobs were held by women.  Canada  Canada  Canada  Canada  In Canada deregulation of the airline industry has been occurring since late 1984.  At CP Air, during 1985-86, there were 239  new passenger agents of which 235 were  part time. A March, 1987 brief by the Airline Division of the Brotherhood of Railway  and Airline Clerks (BRAC) put it this way:  "Therefore, in the airline industry, we have  a growing underpaid and under-employed  (mostly female) workforce."  The recent takeover of CP Airlines by Pacific Western Airlines is deregulation's baby.  Unfortunately, observers forecast that the  takeover will mean considerable job loss.  The first source of job losses will be the rationalization of the two airlines' schedules.  (For example both PWA and CP Air fly to  Edmonton.) The second source of job loss  will occur with the establishment of a single head office for the new combined airline.  BRAC estimates that the latter could  translate into the loss of upwards of 4,500  jobs in Greater Vancouver. Lots of those  jobs would be held by women.  Wages  Deregulation is part of the drive to lower  wages. We have seen this occur in the airline industry in Canada. Since 1985 major  airline companies in Canada have forced a  two-tier, or similar type system, on their  employees. A two-tier system is one where  new hires receive substantially lower wages  than workers presently on staff.  The passenger agents at CP Air were  forced, in their last collective agreement, to  accept lower starting wages for new employees. New employees receive a seventeen percent lower starting wage than other workers. This means that a new worker would  earn approximately $6.80 per hour, while an  older one earns a minimum of $10 per hour.  At CP Air, workers are guaranteed a minimum of twenty hours per week with a ceiling of thirty hours per week. At the new  lower starting rates a part time weekly wage  would range between $136 and $204. This  is substantially below Canada's average industrial wage of $433.  Deregulation means that the wages will  be held down. Two tier wage systems make  it more difficult for unionized workers in  other industries to achieve wage increases.  Labour Unrest  In both Canada and the US the airline industry used to be marked by fairly amicable labour relations. Since deregulation this  has been drastically changed. In Canada every airline but Quebec Air experienced either strikes or lockouts after 1984. In the  US, the flight attendants at TWA were recently on a prolonged strike.  Over the 1985/86 period the Canadian  airline industry recorded a very high level  of person-days lost to strikes. For example  in 1986 there was an average of 158 days  lost to strike. In the ten year period prior  to deregulation, the average was 23.17 days  lost.  Monopolization  In both Canada and the US deregulation  has led to the growth of monopolies. Instead of "freeing the market to competition" deregulation has done the opposite.  The most recent Canadian example is the  PWA purchase of CP Airlines. In Canada  the most recent series of mergers have,  within three years, reduced the number of  major carriers from seven to three. Smaller  regional airlines (which numbered eight in  1984) have virtually disappeared.  Canada Canada Canada"  CanadS Canada" CanadS  CanadS CanadS Canada  Canada Canada Canada  CanadaCanada CanadS  Canada Canada Canada  Canada Canada Canada  Canada Canada" Canada  CanadaCanada Canada  Canada Canada CanadS  Canada Canada CanadS  Canada Canada'Canada  CanadaCanada CanadS  CanadS Canada CanadS  CanadS CanadS CanadS  CanadS CanadS" CanadS  CanadS Canada CanadS  CanadS Canada CanadS  CanadS CanadS CanadS  CanadS Canada" CanadS  Monopolization gives business more power to set trends in terms of wages and benefits. In the private sector, monopolization  generally leads to low wages, inadequate  benefits and attacks on workers' rights.  Health and Safety  Deregulation is not only hitting the airline and phone industries. It is affecting  our daily health and safety. In British Columbia the changes to the Workers Compensation Board (WCB), and the refusal  to increase WCB funding has meant worse  working conditions. Newer health problems  which particularly affect women, such as  tendonitis and tendosinivitis, are not fully  recognized by the WCB and require a massive fight if the worker is to get any compensation whatsoever.  Attempts to deregulate health and safety  come at a time when women are demanding increased regulations vis a vis health  and safety. For example women have been  pushing for increased protections regarding  the use of video display terminals. They  are concerned with reports of dangers to  pregnant women, skin rashes, radiation, and  cataracts. The trend towards deregulation  in health and safety issues throws this struggle into jeopardy.  The supporters of deregulation say that  the market should be the final arbitrator.  But women have had years of that and have  seen that the free market means exploitation of women. It means lower wages for  women workers, it means no services for  women in the home, and it puts our health  and safety at risk.  We have to challenge deregulation. We  need to talk about regulation, which meets  human needs and comes from human experience. We need regulation if we are to fight  for an equal role in society.  —/he. CouxLe.%  PIGEON  Program y°ur  save a bundle.  683-1610  683-2696  giANr bdn voyage sale  JEANNIE KAMINS AND HENRI ROBIDEAU  abe movmg to MONTREAL  THIS PRESENTS THE OPPORTUNITY OF K LIFETIME!  TOU TOO CAH UTT AM AUTHMTIC RAHIN 3 OB  ROBIDEAU COLLICTOBS ITEM  CHERP CHERP CHEAP  JOIN US DURING THE WEEK-END OF JUNE 12 - 13:   10 AM - 9 PM  RUSH RIGHT DOWN TO 3281 WEST THIRD AVE (738-8991)  EOB THE BUT OF A LIFETIME.  NO REASONABLE OFFER REFUSED)  ! feminist  ; women's writing  : ending abuse  ariet books for women  2766 west 4th ave.  Vancouver, b.c.  Canada V6kirl  (604)73305 1  20 KINESIS ////////////////////^^^^^  ///////////////////////^^^^  Notes from the Country  Spring equinox and no work gardening  by Judith Quinlan  Spring Equinox—the mornings are crisp  and frosty, but the sun is hot and warms the  earth during the day. Almost all the snow is  gone now. The pussywillows are almost four  weeks early and last night there was a moth  on my front window.  There is not much in the way of organizations for feminist farmers. The farm women  organizations tend to address themselves  exclusively to the problems of farm wives,  although there are many fine women farming and they tend to have a more creative  approach and have much to offer in the way  of experience.  Then there are the environmental groups  which tend to be confrontational, urban-  based and rather simplistic in their understanding of environmental issues. Even less  there for feminists to relate to. All the same  there ought to be some sort of forum for rural women committed to developing agricultural political understanding. Perhaps there  is and I'm missing it. If anyone out there  knows of such a group please contact me.  A few words about another good idea.  I recently read Ruth Stout's book on No-  Work Gardening. Her method consists of  continuous green mulching. The effect is  that the earth is constantly enriched, no  ploughing or tilling is necessary, and very  little moisture is lost.  She covers the ground with several feet  of molding hay and pulls it aside to plant  things. As they grow the mulch is pulled in  around the plants again. In the fall she harvests what she wants and covers the rest in  hay. She maintains that she gets good yields  with no fertilizer, no pesticides, no weeding,  no digging and no watering. This sounds like  my sort of garden, so I'm trying it this year.  It also fits in with my definitions of feminist farming because the soil isn't disturbed,  it's completely organic, it's a self-replicating  system in that each year there is less labour  and better quality soil, and it can be practical for older or handicapped gardeners. I  don't see why this system can't be adapted  for large scale market gardening. One would  need a good supply of green manure, especially in the first few years, but in time the  stalks, leaves and other leftovers from harvesting add to the mulch.  I don't know how city gardeners could use  it—grass clippings and prunings are good  mulch. Garden waste is just thrown on top  and left to gradually rot. There is no composting necessary, since by the time anything works its way down to soil level it's  pretty much composted already. Still one  would need, I think, a source of hay to start  out, because it has to be so deep to work  properly. Of course trips to the countryside  aren't out of the question.  On a large scale, one would need, I think,  a hayfield for every three or four vegetable  fields. Given the high price of hay this  wouldn't be too economical—it's better economics to sell the hay and buy fertilizer for  the vegetables. It works for small gardens  because there's always a certain amount of  spoiled hay around. Of course swampy fields  and other poorly productive areas could be  hayed for mulching purposes and this would  be a good use economically and would probably save many a poor cow from having to  eat poor quality, moldy hay just because the  farmer has no other use for it.  A combination of continuous mulching  and the use of clear (not black) plastic  could be used to extend the growing season in colder areas, which except for the  lower mainland of British Columbia is all of  Canada.  The frost-free season here is officially  June 1 to September 1 but there has been  frost every month of the year. My first summer up here it snowed on Solstice. With  piles of mulch already built up around the  plants, pulling the hay over or laying plastic on top when frost threatens is a relatively simple procedure, compared to some  of the machinations people go through here  to frost-proof their gardens.  Mulch might have to be pulled back in  the spring to let the ground thaw, but I  wonder if ground covered with bales of hay  and a few feet of snow on top would even  freeze. Mrs. Stout leaves her root crops in  the ground and digs up what she needs as  she goes along. She lives in Wisconsin where  it gets almost as cold as here, although the  growing season is longer. I think I'll try an  extra-heavy mulch in the fall and see what  happens.  I seem to have said more than a few words  on this topic. I want to thank the women  who wrote to me after Notes from the Countryside first appeared. I am at Zone Three,  C 44, Imp. Ranch, R.R. #1,100 Mile House,  B.C. VOK 2EO. If anyone else has tried continuous mulching or after reading this has  decided to give it a try, I'd love to hear from  you. Claire—do you have a last name or can  I just write Claire, General Delivery?  100 Mile House now has a full-time  women's centre with paid staff! (At least until our Job Development Project runs out in  six months). The Women's Centre is called  the South Cariboo Women's Centre. Our  address is Box 1288, 100 Mile House. The  phone number is 395-5288.  Visitors are welcome at Zone Three, and  at the Women's Centre. The women at the  Centre are a very welcoming and supportive group. We offer free holidays at Zone  Three to any women willing to come and do  workshops for us. Call Judith at 395-4721 if  you'd like to make a trade of this sort.  Some questions for artists in B.C.  Kinesis is doing research on women artists working in groups or collectives for a  July/August supplement on women artists in B.C. If you are a member of such a  group please take a few minutes to answer the questions below and return to Kinesis. 400 W. 5th Ave.. Vancouver. B.C. V5Y 1J8 by May 28th.  Your name will not be published, but if we may contact you for further information  please fill in your name and address here:  ABOUT YOU  Name:   Address:   How many members do you have? Under 5   Is it women only? Yes No   How long has your group been in existence? _  Does the group have any source of income? Yes _  If yes, what?   Is your group open to new members? Yes _  If yes, on what basis?   Not at this time _  What medium do you work in? Visual Arts    Theater      Music       Film and Video    Other   How long have you been working as an artist?  Under a year     l-5years      5-10 years     More than 10 years _  How do you support yourself?  Directly from your work:(e.g. royalties, sales)   From a related job: (e.g. teaching, graphic arts)        From a job unrelated to the arts:   Would your group be willing to be listed in a resource guide for women artists to be  published in Kinesisl    Yes No   Does   your   group   have   any   particular   political   or   philosophical   positions?!  Please describe:   What does your group offer its members? _  Government grants: (please specify)   U.I. or welfare:    Supported by another person _  Are you supporting and caring for children?   How is working as an artist within a group different for you than working alone?  ABOUT YOUR GROUP  Name of group:   Contact person (name and address):_  What is the purpose of your group? (e.g. working group, critiques, support groups)  KINESIS       87 May Arts  \XXNXX\\NN\XX\NXX\X\\\\\\XXNXXX\XX^^  Lionhearted women  speak for themselves  by Emma Kivisild  Lionheart Gal by Sistren with Honor  Ford Smith. The Women's Press, London,  There are reasons why personal narratives have played such a key role in feminist  publishing. When they're well done, that is,  clearly focussed and sensitively edited, they  are fascinating, readable, and an excellent  illustration of the complexity of our lives.  Sistren's Lionheart Gal falls into that  well done category. After my initial difficulties (more about that in a minute), my  main complaint about the book was that  I couldn't get anything else done until I  had finished it. The women's voices come  through loud and clear, and it is riveting  reading. Now that I am done, the stories  have stayed with me, and I find I continue to  ponder the problems, solutions, and dilemmas of the women.  Sistren is a grassroots women's theatre group formed in Kingston, Jamaica in  1977. Initially a project of Michael Mauley's  democratic socialist government, the group  brought together primarily working class  Jamaican women to create theatre from  their experiences. They became a CR group  for themselves, as well as presenting radical  political theatre. Their success locally and  internationally has been phenomenal, and  when the government changed, they elected  to stay together anyway. Since then they by Rachel Melas  have branched into other cultural work.  "Me madda never tell me 'thanks' yet.  She never tek notten from me. She always  a gimme. All dem lickle tings rest pon me  mind when me member how she used to say,  'Be independent, fi yuh pon yuh own."  Canadian women especially would do well  to learn about Jamaican women, as so much  of the black population here originated on  that island. As I read this book, I kept  thinking of Makeda Silvera's Silenced, also  personal narratives, about Jamaican domestic workers in Toronto.  And as a vehicle for communication for  Third World women, Lionheart Gal looks  uncompromisingly at racism and classism  among women.  Lionheart Gal is an important book.  Third World women's voices rarely reach  book form, and for the working class or poor  among them this is doubly true. Lionheart  Gal gives a glimpse of women's everyday  lives in the countryside and cities of one  Third World country. The fact that these  women are speaking for themselves, not  through statistics or analysis, not through a  foreign language, really makes their stories  hit home. This is an invaluable anthology.  Lillian Allen returns to Vancouver  Lionheart Gal began as a series of narratives by Sistren women to make an introduction to another project. But the narratives "threatened to take over the entire  project and they would not behave." Finally  they were given a book of their own. Artistic  director Honor Ford Smith undertook the  task of taping interviews, arranging transcripts etc. and compiling the results.  The upshot is a series of fifteen narratives, each focussed on three questions:  How did you first become aware of the fact  that you were oppressed as a woman? How  did that experience affect your life? How  have you tried to change it? They are published anonymously, with names in the story  changed. This was done for security reasons, but also contributes to the testimonial  power of the project. Overall, the authors  see the book as fitting into a broader framework of Jamaican women's oral traditions.  What was the problem I had? Well, the  book is not in English. It's in Patwah, or  Creole, the Jamaican language familiar to  fans of dub poetry. This is a significant step  on Sistren's part, as Patwah has yet to be  formally recognized as a language in its own  right. These women were basically on their  own as they worked on things like standardizing spelling, and creating a glossary for  English speakers. The glossary is an essential reference, but nonetheless flipping back  and forth was very slow going at first. As  I got used to the vocabulary, syntax, and  rhythm of the language, it got easier.  The stories themselves are widely varied—as varied as women's lives themselves—  though some commonalities stand out for  me. Over and over again, a girl's hopes of  finishing school and getting a good job were  dashed by pregnancy. No information about  or accessibility to birth control, or even how  you get pregnant. And while some women  in the book have been exploited by their  relatives, the strength and support of other  women family members is essential for many  of these women to survive and resist.  Lillian Allen tells us the stories of people  we don't usually get to hear from—a raped  thirteen year old girl, an immigrant cleaning woman, a woman giving birth, the stories of black immigrants in big city ghettos.  Her voice is especially unique and valuable  because of the genre she works in: dub poetry.  Dub poetry is a powerful, rhythmic,  usually political form. It has its roots in  Caribbean speech and is often accompanied  by reggae music. Lillian's poetry stands on  its own, and the rhythm of her words is the  frame around which the music is built.  Revolutionary Tea Party is Lillian's  first album. Preceded by an E.P. on Voice-  pondence records, "De Dub Poets" (with  fellow dub poets Clifton Joseph and Devon Haughton) and several cassette releases,  (the poetry of Lillian Allen and Lillian Allen  and The Vancouver Resistance, the latter  dedicated to the Vancouver Five) it is her  most refined and accessible work.  Produced by Parachute Club drummer  Billy Bryans, Revolutionary Tea Party  features his bandmates Dave Grey (guitar) and Lorraine Segato (vocals) as well  as percussionist Quammie Williams, bassist  Terry Lewis and "The Toronto All-Girls  Subversive Chorus" (sounds like fun). Ex-  Vancouver musician Elaine Stef (now of  Toronto's Demi-Monde) provides guitar on  "I Fight Back".  Independently released on her own Verse  to Vinyl label, Revolutionary Tea Party  won the 1986 Juno award for best reg  gae/socca release. It has sold 5,000 copies in  Canada and has gotten heavy play on college and community radio.  I spoke to Lillian about her feelings on  performance, her creative process and her  plans for the future.'She told me that she  first started performing as a child in school  in Jamaica, reciting and story-telling.  She feels that one is transformed during the process of performance, and through  taking people's current reality and making  a complete, focused and clear creative work  one can feel the "spirit of empowerment."  Her poetry is so close to her that even if she  has performed a piece one hundred times it  still brings out something new in her each  time.  When the music for her record was created, Lillian described to the musicians the  feel and flow she wanted for each piece.  With the energy she brings to her work and  the comfort and respect she felt for the musicians the album's music was written in a  few intense days of jamming, and polished  in the recording studio. Lillian writes in the  heat of inspiration, on subjects of concern  to her. She describes writing as "a total experience", one she's totally in love with.  Lillian has been reading and playing live  in Toronto for many years. She has written and had produced a play about black  women who didn't bring their children to  Canada when they immigrated to work as  domestics and she's working on another  about women who are evicted from Toronto  public housing when their children reach a  certain age.  She believes that the support and the demand for her work from the women's community has helped her in reaching a larger  audience and in being recognized for her  work.  Lillian Allen is appearing at the Vancouver East Cultural Centre for five  nights. The first night, Tuesday May  12th will be a solo poetry reading. From  May ISth to 16th she will be playing  with a live reggae band consisting of  Quammie Williams, Heather Bacquie,  Terry Lewis and Maurice Gordon.  22  KINESIS  May 87 Arts  ///////////////////////^^^^^  Heather Bishop:  Set to tour States  by Connie Kuhns  women are learning a bit about their music A Taste of the Blues was produced  history. They are being introduced to songs by Dan Donahue (who has produced all of  they may have never heard. Or if they are Heather's albums) and in supporting roles  familiar, such as "Please Don't Let Me Be are Connie Kaldor (listen carefully for her  Misunderstood", they hear them in a new comedic asides) Suzanne and Annette Cam-  way, pagne and Ilene Zaremba. Her band on this  album is: Greg Black, drums, John Ervin,  / Love Women Who Laugh has the bass> Janice Finlay> Dclaril\e> Wa,1« Lars"  largest collection of Heather originals. The son saxophone and flute Marilyn Lerner  title track may be the most popular, but keyboards, and Glen Matthews, congas and  "Yukon Rain" is the most brilliant. It stands Percussion. The album was engineered by  up easily as one of the top twenty Canadian Dave Koman-  love songs. (Ferron's "Ain't Life A Brook" Heather will be in Vancouver this month  and Joni Mitchell's "A Case Of You" would performing at the Children's Festival. Then,  be in this same category). after a two month holiday on the farm, she'll  begin her American tours.  There is no Yukon Rain on Heather's       Heather's  records are  distributed by  latest album, A  Taste of the Blues, re-   Festival   Records,   3271   Main   Street,  leased on her own label, Mother of Pearl   Vancouver, B.C. V5V SM6. (604) 879-  Records. However the perks are these: a   2981.  revival of Billy Holiday's  "Tell Me More  and More" with instrumentation circa Ja-  Last month Milwaukee's Icebergg Records added Canadian singer-songwriter  Heather Bishop to their catalogue. This distribution deal, combined with a renewed  work permit allows Heather access to that  great American market: a well-developed  concert circuit populated by record-buying  women who appreciate Canadian talent.  Certainly part of Heather's appeal on  both sides of the border is that she is Canadian. She's a prairie woman who illustrates  her album covers with hand drawn pictures  of her grandmother. She's a family woman  living with six other women on a quarter  section of land in homes they built themselves. She's a friend of children, touring the  reserves and small farming communities of  Manitoba two months out of every year performing for young people.  Although these are not exclusively Canadian attributes, Heather has a way of exuding hometown pride. She is glad she is  Canadian. She has a Canadian identity. She  tells stories about cold weather and muddy  roads. And she reminds Canadian women  that there is a music culture in this country  which is uniquely their own.  On the other hand, Heather grew up  greatly influenced by American politics of  the 60's: Viet Nam, civil rights, women's  rights. And her musical influences (with  the exception of Nina Simone and Connie  Kaldor) link her directly to the political sector of the American westcoast women's music movement which produced the woman-  identified singer-songwriter.  Unlike her U.S. counterparts, Heather  did not have the option of a thriving women-  only concert circuit, although she had the  support of women's communities. Heather  developed into a blues and folk singer on  the stages of integrated folk festivals across  this country.1  From the Sun Dog Festival in Saskatoon  to the Year of the Child tour which included Old Crow, Yukon to the Conference  of Women from Mining and Mill Towns in  Terrace Bay, Ontario, Heather Bishop accomplished an unusual feat. She took her  repertoire of blues covers, folk songs, children's songs, pop tunes, political stories and  lesbian originals to the Canadian people.  And they didn't back away. After twelve  years in the business, twelve years of outreach, Heather is now considered a Canadian Musician.  Heather's influence on the women's communities in this country has been substantial. She has performed at lesbian and gay  conferences, benefits for sexual assault centres, conferences on rural women and mental health, women and the law, women in  trades, women in international food production, and women's music festivals. She  has appeared at universities, women's centres, coffee houses, bookstores and transition houses. Her fan mail is poignant. She  has made a difference in the quality of  women's lives.  With the exception of her third adult  album, I Love Women Who Laugh,  (Heather has recorded two albums for children, Bellybutton and Purple People  Eater), Heather predominantly sings cov  ers. And not obscure ones, either. Heather's  knack for the popular song has led her  to cover songs written by Billie Holiday,  Nina Simone, Joan Armatrading and Randy  Newman.  Many of her selections have already been  huge hits: "Fever", "Cry Me A River",  "You Don't Own Me", "Am I Blue^. She  also revived a collection of unlikelies including "Please Don't Let Me Be Misunderstood", recorded by the Animals in 1965,  and (Ghost) "Riders in the Sky" which was  made popular by the Sons of the Pioneers  and the Ramrods.  In a recent conversation I asked Heather  why she records songs that have already had  maximum exposure. She answered, "They  are such great songs that they warrant doing". She's right. And whether or not you  think Nina Simone recorded the definitive  version of "Sugar In My Bowl", or only Diana Ross can sing Billie Holiday, there is  something going on here.  For a lot of good reasons, some of  them economic, most women are not sitting  around charting the advancement of women  in the music business, reading Billboard,  Rolling Stone or Hot Wire, or spending  food money on highly-priced albums, For  some, owning a radio is as good as it gets.  For others, music is just not part of their  lifestyle. For still others, popular music has  gone into the political dumpster. (Blues is  sexist, girl groups are stupid, folk music is  whiny, rock and roll is male-oriented).  Heather Bishop is in the business of music  education. Because of the songs she covers,  nis Joplin and the Kozmic Blues Band,  powerful and original rendition of Carolyn  Brandy's "Spirit Healer", a very grown-up  version of Leslie Gore's hit "You Don't Own  Me", (with one small lyric change), and a  live-wire interpretation of Gary Tigerman's  cleverly written song, "Seduced".  Discography  Grandmother's Song, 1979  Celebration, 1981  I Love Women Who Laugh, 1982  Bellybutton, 1982  Purple People Eater, 1985  A Taste of the Blues, :  Nelson theatre group focuses on women  by Nicola Harwood  Theatre Energy of Nelson is preparing for  its next production, an original, collectively  created piece with the working title, The  Women's Project.  The Women's Project will be performed May 26-31, 1987 at the Studio 80  theatre of the David Thompson College  campus in Nelson, B.C.  Karen White, Susie O'Donnell and Nicola  Harwood are the three member collective of  Theatre Energy. When these women took  over the company in 1986 they had previously been working together with Women  On Cue, Nelson's women's theatre collective. It was decided at that time that as well  as maintaining Theatre Energy's reputation  for quality original theatre, they would also  try to incorporate the active tradition of  women's theatre in Nelson and create one  show of their season completely cast and  crewed by women. Hiring from within the  Kootenays except for director Cheryl Cash-  man and actress Valerie Laub, both from  Vancouver, the cast and crew are complete  and The Women's Project is underway.  The concept for The Women's Project  was developed by the collective in conjunction with director Cashman. Its objective  is to explore archetypes and stereotypes of  women, to find the boundaries of those definitions and with the use of mask, improvisation and clowning, begin to break through  those boundaries and establish new defini- Project will provide training for women of  tions. Perhaps more awesome, perhaps more the area as well as give Theatre Energy a  realistic. larger pool of theatre expertise to draw on  Research is being undertaken through in- {or future productions.  terviews, observation, municipal and uni-        The    Women's  Project  is  employing  versity libraries, the women's centre and eleven women who bring together diverse  private collections of reading material. spiritual,   political   and   life   experiences.  Backgrounds range from theatre to carpen-  Cashman came to Nelson in March to try, journalism to music with ages varying  lead participants in a workshop on the con- from twenty-six to forty-six. All are strong  struction and use of mask. Since then a women with independent voices and ideas.  room in the rehearsal building has been <  verted into a studio and cast and crew members continue to create masks for use on the  project. Interested members of the community are also participating in the mask making thus fulfilling another of the objectives  of The Women's Project which was to offer women of the community access to the  creative process of the show.  The patient layering of the papier mache  Director Cheryl Cashman brings to the  project ten years of professional directing  experience as well as more recent work in  clowning, mask and commedia d'elle arte.  An original musical score will be written  by Celeste Crowley, a long time Kootenay  resident, performer and composer.  Acting in the production are: Meredith  used in the mask making process and the Bain Woodward, Susie O'Donnell, Karen  informal atmosphere of the studio have ere- White, Valerie Laub and Patricia Lakes. Set  ated a space for active discussion and shar- design is by Nicola Harwood, lighting design  ing of research, ideas and attitudes. by Norma Duggan and costumes by Teresa  The   Women's Project is providing a Burgoyne. Rachel Yoder will crew and Ju-  vehicle for transformation both personal d.lth Ceroh Wl11 »*age-manage the produc-  and political. For some of the women in- tlon-  volved, working in an all women's collective Anyone   interested   in   volunteering  is a new experience, for others it is a famil- and/or   requiring  further  information  iar environment. Several members are tack- can contact collective members through  ling new areas of theatre and will be ap- Theatre Energy at 711  Tenth St., Nel-  prenticing under more experienced person- son,  B.C.   VlL  SC7 or  by  phone  at  nel. Through this process  The   Women's (604) 852-1888.  KINESIS s**sss******s**s**ss*ss^^  Arts  The strange world of Diane Arbus  by Jill Pollack  Diane Arbus committed suicide on July  26, 1971. She was an acclaimed artist whose  haunting photographs captured people and  events as if "nothing is ever the same as they  said it was. It's what I've never seen before  that I recognize." (Diane Arbus, 1971)  She focussed in on the peculiar; what  some consider the 'abnormal', be they  twins, transvestites, nudists or children with  Downs Syndrome. And she took pictures of  'just people' at odd moments, showing that  "it's impossible to get out of your skin into  somebody else's. And that's what all this  is a little bit about. That somebody else's  tragedy is not the same as your own."  She is closely, almost exclusively, associated with macabre, disturbing imagery.  But there was a time when she was first  learning photography, that she worked with  her then-husband Alan Arbus, doing fashion photography for such magazines as Seventeen, Vogue and Glamour. An exhibition of her magazine work produced between 1960 and 1971 opens April 22 at the  Presentation House Gallery in North Vancouver.  It may seem a little incongruous that the  same artist who said, "There's a quality of  legend about freaks" also spent hours posing models in New York's Central Park for  magazine layouts. In a sense, her entire life  was a series of contrasts.  Arbus was born on March 14, 1923  in New York city to a socialite mother  and a wealthy father. Her family owned  Russek's, a Fifth Avenue department store.  Her brother, Howard Nemerov, is an accomplished poet and writer who has won  both the Pulitzer Prize and a National Book  Award. Of her childhood, Arbus has said, "I  never felt adversity".  She fell in love when she was fourteen  and married Alan Arbus four years later.  They had two daughters, Doon, born in  1945 and Amy, born in 1954. Her marriage  broke up in the late '50s, but their photographic studio was not closed until 1969, the  same year their divorce became final. As Diane was turning more and more to her own  photographic work, Alan Arbus was trying to get his acting career off the ground.  He is quoted as saying that "Diane is the  more talented" when speaking of their photographic collaboration.  Karen Young of Connections Unlimited presents:  Images west*  acrylic on paper by  SHIRLEY AVRIL  Exhibition continues  Monday, Wednesday &. Friday - 3:30 p.m. - 6:30 p.m  Tuesday & Thursday - 11:00 a.m. - 2:00 p.m.  Saturday &. Sunday  - 10:00 a.m. - 4:00 p.m.  In conjunction with this exhibition there will be a concert featuring  LOUISE ROSE  Saturday, May 30 • Advance tickets only • »8.°° • Ph. 263-7911  A turning point in Arbus' life occurred  in 1958. She began to study under Lisette  Model, who encouraged her to "document  people and places she's been afraid to confront". Arbus had been trying to find a way  to continue taking photographs, but she had  realized that she wanted to photograph "the  eerie, the forbidden". She wasn't sure she either could or should. Lisette Model gave her  the permission she needed and Arbus never  looked back. In fact, she developed an attitude towards her work which stood her well:  "I have this funny thing which is that I'm  never afraid when I'm looking in the ground  glass. This person could be approaching  with a gun or something like that and I'd  have my eyes glued to the finder ..."  Her art drove her to seek out strangers,  go into their homes and photograph them.  Arbus did not take snapshots. She  worked closely and sometimes repeatedly  with people. They were aware of being photographed and often spent time with her,  telling their life stories.  Arbus was also concerned with the technical aspects of her art-making, although  she felt that the formal considerations of  composition and texture eluded her on a  theoretical level. She said she "arranged  herself" rather than "arranging things."  She took an approach to documentary  photography that was enveloped with sensitivity towards her subject matter. It was  important to her that she spent time with  and involved her subjects in the process. She  was interested in looking beneath the facade  and was able to draw out aspects of a person and present them in a non-stereotypical  fashion.  What was deemed by society as taboo or  ugly, she showed was present in all of us. Human foibles, changing fashions, sexual proclivities and physical abberations were, according to her, what made people alive and  interesting. While some say her view of life  was bleak and negative, in fact her images  show an excitement, almost a wonderment,  with the plethora of lifestyles and stances  played out in the world. Yet at the same  time, she managed to form connections between a drag queen, a model and a set of  twins. Life, her work states, is strange.  Every time someone looks at her photographs they are forced to confront their  own codes of morality and ethics. All 'her  people' appear 'odd' and some raise the fear  that we, too, may be or end up like them.  The tendency is to subvert, deny or invalidate; to put her images into the category of  'freaks'. Often she too used this terminology (see above quote) but as her daughter  Doon said when asked to participate in the  biography, "the work speaks for itself."  The standards which many strive to  achieve and uphold do not include how people feel. In Arbus' work, we see peopl<  who do not fit those standards. Exaggerated, yes. Unique, no. And that perhaps is  the most provocative aspect of her work.  These people, who exist on one fringe or another, apart from the majority (we think),  are shown as individuals with a capacity  to feel, to need, to be bored, to be happy.  By isolating the figures, pulling them out of  their environment and placing them in the  realm of both documentation and portraiture, Arbus enhanced their expressive value.  It dawns on us that Arbus is pointing out  no one really fits those arbitrary standards.  It is clear, always, that the images speak of  more than their immediate content.  And Arbus had a strong sense, always, of  what she wanted; although she often lacked  the self-assurance to carry out her desires.  When holding a camera, however, that all  changed. Even in the early days when she  was doing magazine work, she devised creative and unique ways of approaching her  assignments.  On a Glamour magazine job with writer  Marguerite Lamkin, they once planned to  do a feature on couples' bathrooms. Arbus  researched the project, exploring bathrooms  in all the homes she entered. Her feeling was  "the content of somebody's bathroom is like  reading their biography". Needless to say,  the piece was never done. But it does illustrate the point that whether commissioned  by a magazine or doing her own work, Diane Arbus brought a distinct sensibility to  everything she did.  She believed that "there are things which  nobody would see unless I photographed  them."  Diane Arbus: Magazine Work, 1961-  1971 runs to May 81. On June 10, the  curator of photographs from the Seattle Art Museum, Rod Slemmons, will  talk about Diane Arbus at Presentation  House Gallery, 888 Chesterfield, North  Vancouver, 986-1851.  24 KINESIS J  ARTS  /////////////////////////^^^^  /N^o>v\e;*  by Melanie Conn  This month's sample of science fiction  includes something for everybody: a social  commentary set in the near future, a fantasy adventure and a story about an ocean  world of women.  FORT PRIVILEGE  by Kit Reed  Ace Science Fiction, 1986, 186 pages. $3.95  This book is about class struggle, seen in  sharp relief against a background of a city  under seige:  In April... the exodus from Manhattan became a rout ... The middle-class  escapees of the 1960"s and 1970's had  been followed by the working poor and  even the destitute in increasing numbers, which left behind only the very  rich, who could still afford every comfort, and the helpless.  The central event of the story is a luxurious celebration at an exclusive residence  near Central Park, the home of one of  New York's wealthiest families. As Bart Cavanaugh makes his way to the Parkhurst, we  see New York in ruins, infested with garbage  and rats, and populated by street gangs and  desperate people—a nightmarish exaggeration of today's Manhattan.  The characters in Fort Privilege each  represent a different element of the political  spectrum: On the one hand is the benevolent patriarch, Abel Parkhurst, and a host  of loyal servants, assorted wealthy relatives  and friends, including a bishop and a retired marine. Opposing them are the "rabble" who have taken over Manhattan and  are moving in on the Parkhurst, demanding  vengeance and justice. Caught in the middle are Bart Cavanaugh and Regan Millane,  each blocked from a clear analysis of the situation. Bart is functionally illiterate as the  result of a past trauma, and Regan uses alcohol to cloud her perception of the pain  within and around her.  As events escalate, some of the lines become more clearly drawn, while others expand to allow new insights into the experience of both wealth and poverty. This is not  a profound book, and I found some of the  characterizations offensive, especially of the  rebels. Still, the action is fast-paced, suspense is maintained and I found it interesting to follow along as understanding began to dawn, especially for Bart and Regan.  The anti-climactic ending seemed particularly real.  One warning: the typeface is the tiniest I  have ever seen. Hard on the eyes.  FROSTFLOWER AND THORN  by Phyllis Ann Karr  Berkley Books, 1980, 275 pages, $3.50.  I've been wanting to read more fantasy,  since a number of women have suggested  books to me. This one is the first in a series about two very different, strong-willed  women.  Thorn is a bad-tempered, fearless warrior whose scowl at the early morning sun in  the books' first line endeared her to me instantly. She moves from town to town, taking work wherever she finds merchants willing to pay her to escort or guard them.  As the book opens, she is stomping  around her rented room at a village inn, furious because she is pregnant and doesn't  know where to find a good "aborter". Her  frustration ("How did a stranger know the  good ones ahead of time?") and her need  ("Who will hire a waddling, melon-bellied  warrior?")—imbue her with familiarity.  WOKLl*  Enter Frostflower, a gentle sorceress with  an unusual solution to Thorn's problem. Instead of a directory of health practitioners,  she offers to use one of her powers, the ability to "hasten growth", bringing the child to  term in a few hours. Thorn's need to be free  of pregnancy is matched by Frostflower's desire for a child, and they become allies.  The contrast between the two women  seemed too sharply drawn for me at first.  Thorn's crude and cynical attitudes to children, family and commitment are drawn  with a very broad brush, and made Frost-  flower seem pallid and passive in comparison.  But, as in Kit Reed's book, the characters develop as the story does. Vulnerable  in a world where a virgin sorceress with  a child will be suspected of having stolen  the baby from his rightful parents, Frost-  flower hires Thorn to escort her on the  long journey to the safety of her home. En-  route, amidst episodes of capture and rescue, torture and relief, both women discover  strengths in each other and in themselves.  The discoveries are surprising and profound. Thorn begins to look at her freewheeling life, seeing her relationship to her  employers as a kind of bondage and wants  to change. Frostflower learns to question  the deepest principles of her religion, and  finds the courage to maintain her inquiring stance. This soul-searching comes about  quite naturally, without sentimentality or  preaching.  Thorn and Frostflower, despite their outlandish names, have a sisterly relationship  that many readers will find familiar and appealing. And Frostflower's confidence as she  persists in her attempts to breastfeed her  adopted son may make science fiction fans  of La Leche League members!  A DOOR INTO OCEAN ^  by Joan Slonczewski  Avon Books, 1987, 406 pages, $5.50  In this long and engrossing book, the author has created a totally believable world,  an ocean world inhabited by mauve-skinned  women who live in harmony with each other  and the creatures of the sea and air.  Part of the book's success is that it opens  on the planet Valedon, a place remarkably  similar to our own Earth, with touches of  both past and future. People are classified  by trade along the lines of medieval guilds  in cities guarded by occupying armies. But  Valedon squirms under a yoke maintained  by awesomely destructive powers wielded  from many lights years away by The Patriarch who holds a hundred planets in his  Empire.  Into this dismal scenario come two  women from Shora, the Moon World, who  weave seasilk under the big shade tree in the  market square and express a friendly curiosity about Valedon culture and a willingness  to share information about Shora.  Although they are called traders by the  Valans, the two explain they have no words  for give or take or pay or sell: they "share  knowledge" (rather than learn or teach),  they "share words" (rather than speak or  listen) and by the time they return to  their watery world with Spinel, a young  Valan male, we are accustomed to their  strangeness, even that  Their flesh bloomed deep amethyst,  from hairless scalp to nail-less fingertips; and when a hand rose a moment,  the overlong fingers spread to reveal  scalloped webbing that shone translucent against the sun.  In fact, it is the Sharers who find the  Valans incomprehensible. How can they be  human, since they have been known to  deliberately share physical injury amongst  themselves and with Sharers? Could it be  that "the persistence of malefreaks has kept  the Valan race in a primitive state?" wonders one Sharer, since "only lesser races produce males."  None of this is idle speculation. If the  Valans are not human, than they should be  destroyed before they interfere more with  life on Shora. The debate over whether  Valans are "sisters" or undeveloped "infants" proceeds even in the midst of an all-  out invasion of the Moon World under orders of The patriarch.  The resistance of the Sharers to the assault calls upon all their resources: they utilize their reciprocal relationship with the  natural world, they send wave upon wave of  witnesses to stand where their sisters have  been imprisoned, they share knowledge with  the invaders, and they refuse to act in violence because those who are hurting them  may be human after all.  The effect of this book crept up on me  slowly. Without quite realizing how it had  happened, I was swept into the beauty of  Shora, delighting in its simpler aspects: silk-  panelled shelters, easily replaced when seasonal storms destroyed them, freshly-caught  seafood for any feast, living plant-rafts that  grew with communities.  I was fascinated with the political system too—consensus decision-making by  "rafts", loosely federated across the world.  (I haven't read such a detailed description of  an anarcha-feminist society since "Woman  On The Edge of Time" by Marge Piercy.)  The Sharers' sophisticated understanding of genetics and its practical applications, in the regeneration of limbs, for example, was another aspect of their life that  appealed to me, just as it repelled and baffled their invaders.  A Door Into Ocean is a wonderful,  richly-layered book, which has left me with  many thoughts and feelings: about women  working together, about the stupidity and  cruelty of nations that colonize people they  don't understand or respect, and about the  courage and resilience of people when they  share a common history and commitment  to the future.  A RELIABLE SOURCE OF ORGANIC FOOD  * Fresh Produce * Soy Products  * Dried Fruit & Nuts * Wholegrain Foods  * Pure Juices * Natural Yogurts  • Cafe Altura  Write or call for Wholesale catalog & buying club information  ~ WE SHIP THROUGHOUT CANADA-  r~\A)ifJ r~\Ah<:t-^ Canada's Largest Organic Produce  vviLCL     vves*> Wholesaler  UraaniC parvesC^'  10 Years of Dependable Service  ^Co-operative Ongoing Certification Program  J Worker Owned & Managed  2477 Simpson Rd, Richmond, B.C  V6X2R2/604-276-2411  KINESIS      '87 May Bulletin Board  E V E N  T S  LILLIAN ALLEN  Lillian Allen's powerful dub poetry won  her '86 Juno Award for best reggae/calypso recording. She's bringing a  band fronted by 2 Parachute Club members. May 13-16 8 pm. to Vancouver  East Cultural Centre, 1895 Venables. Tix  Wed. Si Thurs. $7.50, Fri. Si Sat. $9.  VTC/CBO outlets or reservations 254-  9575.  Lillian Allen reads from her original  works. Includes selections from her published collection, Rhythm An' Hardtimes.  May 12. 8 pm. Tix $5. Vancouver East  Cultural Centre.  CERTAIN PATHS  Wall reliefs and a bent wood sculpture  by Sherry Grauer. Floating Curatorial  Gallery, Women in Focus, 2nd floor, 456  W. Broadway. Opening May 6 8 pm. To  June 20. Wed-Sat 12-5 pm. Guest cu-  rated by Jill Pollack. Info 872-2250  ART SHOW  Images West, acrylic on paper by Shirley  Avril. Opening May 24 2-5 pm Sanctuary. 5475 Dunbar.  JAZZ CONCERT  Featuring Louise Rose. May 30. $8. Advance tickets only. 263-7911.  All listings must be received no later  than the 18th of the month preceding publication. Listings are limited to  75 words and should include a contact  name and telephone number for any clarification that may be required. Listings  should be typed, or neatly handwritten,  idouble-spaced on 8| by 11 paper. List-  lings will not be accepted over the telephone. Groups, organizations and individuals eligible for free space in the Bulletin Board must be, or have, non-profit  objectives. Other free notices will be  items of general public interest and will  appear at the discretion of Kinesis.  Classifieds are $4 for the first 75 words  or portion thereof, $1 for each additional  25 words or portion thereof. Deadline for  classifieds is the 18th of the month preceding publication. Kinesis will not accept classifieds over the telephone. All  classifieds must be prepaid.  For Bulletin Board submissions send  copy to Kinesis Att'n Bulletin Board. 400  A West 5th, Vancouver. B.C., V5Y 1J8.  For more information call 873-5925.  EVENTS  LESBIAN SHOW  CFRO Co-op Radio 102.7 FM—on cable throughout B.C. May 7 Special  Marathon show featuring musicians from  Japan, Denmark. Mexico, Cuba ...  have your cheque book ready; May 14  Conferences—Calgary, Black Women's  National, B.C.: May 21 a look at Quebec's writers; May 28 stress and illness.  f&*Oi   ft  6ft>Ab SRPUf  Vf PEOPLE. .,  QUEEN IDA  Queen Ida and the Bon Temps Zydeco  Band. Commodore. May 28. More info  Vancouver Folk Festival, 3271 Main. 879-  2931  Mt  IM5PIRE.  Jk£XXt4tSS,  CoMMiT M£MT  AWb t&lcATioK  /7.. I MOST ttr1r£N  BtEH StbHBh  wucm i qcrr  EVENT SIE VENTS  DIANE ARBUS  Magazine work 1960-1971. Presentation  House Gallery, 333 Chesterfield Ave, N.  Van. until May 31. Wed-Sun 12-5 pm.  Thurs. 12-9 pm. More info 986-1351.  3 ORIGINAL COMEDIES  Off White in the Black Gallery, 3 comic  plays by local writers. Lisa Shipley's The  Bathtub. Mickey Rose's Lover's Leap  and Douglas Gardner's The Wolf is at  the Door. May 1, 2, 7-9. Curtain 8:30  pm. Pitt International Galleries, 36 Powell. Tix $5 at door, reservations 734-  4396, Little Sisters or Gay/Lesbian Community Centre. 1170 Bute.  WEST WORD THREE  3rd Annual Summer School/Writing Retreat for women sponsored by West coast  NEED   INFORMATION?  WANT  TO  TALK?  >ft (604) 875-6963  m  Weds. & Sun. 7-10 p.rr  400A West 5th Ave.  Vancouver, B.C. Canada V5Y 1J8  Lesbian Information Line  »KINESIS     Support your local  lili  LESBIAN AND GAY CONFERENCE  "Breaking Barriers", held at UBC Student Union Building May 16 to 18. Registration (sliding scale) starts at 8:30 am  Saturday. Political Issues Panels at 10  am. Workshops begin 1 pm Saturday, and  continue to noon Monday May 18. Over  twenty workshops, seven are women-  only. A mixed dance Sunday evening.  Conference wheelchair accessible. Preregistration for childcare and signing. For  detailed information call Vancouver Gay  & Lesbian Community Centre. 684-6869  or Vancouver Lesbian Centre, 254-8458.  MISC.  A.C.O.A. DOCUMENTARY  REACH Community Health Centre is producing video documentary addressing issues facing adult children of alcoholics.  People interested in participating as interviewees write: Harris Taylor c/o The  Health Education Project. REACH. 1145  Commercial Dr. Vancouver V5L 3X3.  More info Harris 251-9994.  Women and Words. Aug 9-22 UBC Campus. More info West Word Three. Box  65563 Stn. F. Vancouver, V6N 4BO.  (604) 872- 8014.  WALK FOR EL SALVADOR  In conjunction with U.N.'s International  Year of Shelter for the Homeless, Sal-  vaide's National Walkathon for El Salvador will be held May 23. Stanley Park.  Salvaide encourages everyone to walk  or sponsor local Salvaide representative.  More info & pledge sheets 251-6501 or  253-6120. Pledge sheets also available at  VSW. 400 A West 5th (at Yukon).  RECLAIM MOTHER'S DAY  Picnic/potluck. Music. Speeches. May 9  1 pm. Brewers Park, 27th and Victoria.  More info Housewives in Training and  Research 321-5400.  ALL WOMAN ENTERTAINMENT  All welcome to 311 W. Hastings (next  to Spartacus Books). May 9. Dance to  No Frills String Band, new original music  band, Cargo Cult, and taped music. Also  performance artist, Artemis, slide projections, wall art and refreshments. Doors  open 9 pm. $3. Info 872-4251.  WICCAN SUMMER INTENSIVE  An opportunity to study feminist ritual,  magic and political change with Starhawk  and Reclaiming Collective. Aug. 9-15.  Residential program in Lower Mainland  at secluded, beautiful campsite. Open  to women and men. with women only  and men only space planned. Sliding  scale $250-350 includes food, lodging  and training. For brochure/application,  send SASE to P. Hogan. 1932 W. 2nd  Ave. Vancouver V6J 1J2. 732-5153.  GROUPS  LESBIAN CONNECTION  To accommodate new changes at VLC,  additional adjacent space has been obtained at 103-880 Commercial Dr. 253-  6083. Inquiries still through centre at 876  Commercial Dr. 254-8458. Come in Si see  changes.  DOWNTOWN EASTSIDE  Downtown Eastside Women's Centre,  217 Main. 681-8480. Mon.-Fri. 1-9 pm.  Resources, support, drop-in. coffee, telephone, clothing and more. Ongoing support groups: Alcohol and drug, women on  welfare, prostitutes.  WORKIN' FOR ME  Ongoing, open support group for women  who are or have been prostitutes. Crab-  tree Corner, 101 E. Cordova 2-3:30 pm.  Call Dori 432-6782 day before to arrange for 6 mo. to 6 yr. old childcare.  More info Downtown Eastside Women's  Centre 681-8480. Crabtree 689-2808 9-6  weekdays, Dori 432-6782 weekends.  WOMEN'S GROUP FORMING  For women who have been or are in  destructive relationships (with women  or men). Leaderless support group with  feminist orientation based on suggestion  outlined in Women Who Love Too Much.  Call 732-6579 afts or eves.  REMEMBER LIL  LIL is the Lesbian Information Line and  provides personal answers for incoming  calls and enquiries on Wed. and Sun.  evenings from 7 to 9pm and recorded  messages  and  current information,  24  • • THEATRE .• •  For the best in Foreign Films  and Independent Quality Films  Non-Sexist, Coffee Bar, Crying Room for parents  with small children  16th and ARBUTUS STREET  Phone 738-6311  S2.50 on Tuesday, $4 students with  valid student cards. /////////////////^^^^^^  //////////////////////^^^^^  Bulletin Board  hours a day, seven days a week.LIL offers peer counselling, information and referral about groups, organizations, support groups and individuals in the lesbian community. LIL also sponsors workshops, monthly meetings, occaissional  pot-luck dinners, sponsors an annual  womens/lesbians's softball tournament  and responds generally to the information needs of the lesbian community. LIL  is looking for more volunteer-members to  help keep this vital service available. If  you are interested in joining LIL in any  or all of her numerous activities, please  telephone 986-8324 and leave a message.  If you would like to speak to LIL in person, call 875-6963 any Wed. or Sun. between 7 and 9pm. LIL needs you.  RESOURCES  CHARTER OF RIGHTS SPEAKERS  Vancouver Charter of Rights Coalition  has speakers available. More info Judy  Kenacan 684-5356/936-0563 or write  CRC, 210-43 E. 15th, Vancouver V5T  2P5.  FREE TRADE KIT  Free Trade For B.C.: Is It A Bargain  For The Price? Culture, women, forestry,  public sector, agriculture, unemployment,  poverty, facts, history, glossary, sources  list. Pacific Group for Policy Alternatives.  104-2005 E. 43 Ave. Vancouver, V5P  3W8. $5 for 1-9 to $2 for 200 plus.  WORKSHOPS  NEW WEST FAMILY SERVICES  Joint Custody—Making It Work May 21  7-10 pm. $10; Living in Step-blended  Families: His. Hers Si Ours May 2 10-  1 pm $10.; Divorce Through the Child's  Eyes May 9 12:30-3:30 pm $10. Preregistration essential. Family Services.  201-604 Blackford St. New Westminster  V3M 1R6. Subsidies available. More info  Diane 525-9144 Tues. or Thurs.  PERSONAL LIFE STORY  Californian Anthea Francine incorporates  left and right brain thinking, inner personal story and women's collective story.  Symbol and ritual healing. Personal Life  Story as Source of Revelation. May 30-  31 Nanaimo. More info Leanne Smith.  720 Millstone Ave, Nanaimo, B.C. V9S  5B2. 754-8810.  WOMEN'S HEALTH  Menopause: May 12; Birth Control: May  19 women Si men; PMS: May 26. Vancouver Women's Health  Collective 888  Burrard. All workshops 7:30 pm. Free.  CLASSIFIED  DOUBLE YOUR INCOME  Double your income in 90 days, with-  fastest growing North American entrepreneurial business—where 70 percent  more women than men achieve financial  independence within first year. Choice of  part or full time participation. Join me for  Caribbean cruise this Nov. and have time  of your life. Call Lea 685-1263 days. 430-  6886 eves.  SUBLET/SHARE/EXCHANGE  Looking for downtown Vancouver apartment to sublet, share or exchange June  15-Aug 15. Purpose: write Si visit.  Apartment in Montreal 61/2 with backyard. Maryse Pellerin, 5025, rue Gamier,  Montreal H2J 3T1.  SUMMER CABIN  On Sugar Lake in Monashee Mtns (near  Vernon). Sleeps six, woodstove, sauna.  Cargo Cult (from I to r):   Stephanie Wilson. Joanne. Maureen Field. Nadine Davenport, (sitting) Betty Holmes.  Carol Weaver. LaQuena.May 29 8:30 pm. Tix. U & 5. More info 251-1540.  CLASS IFIEDiCLASSIFIEDICLASSIFIED  swimming, row boat, privacy, islands ...  Available July 1-24. $100 week. More  info 251-3872.  HEALTH CRISIS, HELP  Women in health crisis needs someone to  do regular exercise program with. Also  in desperate need for help with cooking, sewing and errands. Please call 253-  5379 to volunteer with any or all of above  tasks.  3 RESEARCHERS ON U.I.  Needed for 6 mo. May-Nov. To do feasibility study on need for women's centre  in S.E. Van. Resume deadline May 15.  Housewives in Training and Research,  4932 Victoria Dr. Vancouver V5P 3T6  LONELY ROCK VOCALIST  Looking for women musicians to work  with. Long range plan to perform in Vancouver area. Call Elaine 255-4767 or leave  message on machine 254-2693.  COMMUNAL SPACE  Available now in Community Alternatives Co-op for 1 or 2 persons. Share with  2 women, 1 small child and 1 teenager  (part time). Attractive living space, edible landscaping, library, woodworking  shop. mtg. room, etc. Open to short term  renters or those wishing to pursue membership. $290 rent includes util. More info  Maret or Patricia 731-3005 or 732-5153.  BOOKS BY MAIL  Feminist and lesbian books by mail  (in English and French). Free new  book bulletin published 3 times/year.  L'Androgyne Bookstore, 3636 St. Laurent. Montreal H2X 2V4.  GUESTHOUSES REGISTRY  Women's guesthouse referral service  catering to the lesbian traveller. U.S. Si  abroad B&B, inns, campgrounds. $3 per  state/region listing. Assistance to start  up bed Si breakfast, $15 annual registration fee. Write Fountain Institute for  Women. P.O. Box 700. Rego Park N.Y.  11374. Also Travel Talk, free quarterly  newsletter.  HOUSING CO-OP  Van. East Housing Co-op is looking for  people for waiting list. No subsidy available now. Reasonable market rents. Single units $248-$335. 2 bed. $378- $535.  3-4 bed. $513-$572. Write for application. Membership Committee. 3-1220  Salsbury. Vancouver V5L 4B2  SATURNA ISLAND RETREAT  Enjoy the unspoiled quiet of island life  in 12 room historic farmhouse nestled in  28 acres with private beach. Reasonable  rates. Groups, families and individuals.  Breezy Bay Bed and Breakfast, Saturna  Island. B.C. VON 2YO (604) 539-2937.  BED & BREAKFAST FOR WOMEN  Quadra Island is a short ferry ride from  Campbell River, 5 hours from Vancouver.  The island provides great trails, fishing, skin diving, a native museum, etc.  We provide a large room with gorgeous  view of mountains and ocean plus private bath. $35 double. $28 single. 10%  discount on 3 or more nights. Call Susan  or Carolyn (604) 285-3632 or write Box  119. Quathiaski Cove. B.C. VOP 1NO.  ROOM FOR RENT IN SHARED  HOUSE  One, or possibly two rooms for rent  in shared women's house at Clark and  13th. Non-smoking, have pets, baby expected this summer. Woman with child  welcome. Avail. May 1 $150 plus until.  872-4251.  AMAZON RUBY  '71 Ford Econoline van. Great for camping, moving, retreats from city, women's  festivals. In tune, radials, sleeps 3-4,  room to stand. $1000 or best offer. 251-  3872.  FOR RENT  Two bedroom apartment, wonderful view  in character house in Kitsilano: For appointment to view telephone 734-7486.  CALL FOR CRICKET!  Housecleaning with a difference. We're  faster, more efficient, and we ask you  what you need and how you want it done.  Cricket Domestic Service. For consultation and an estimate call 734-7486.  fAirheart  Co-operative Travel Centre  Deborah Bradley  Travel Consultant  Ellen Frank CTC  Travel Consultant  2149 Commercial Drive  Vancouver, B.C. V5N 4B3  (604) 251-2282  CompuServe 71470,3502  kV  KINESIS LIBRARY PROCESSING CENTRE-SERIALS  2206 EAST HALL, U.B.C.  VANCOUVER, B.C.  VST 1Z8       GR - 8804  16  .■*  fvrty  /VW*| '  I?  «««K  <VrA^lAV  V**  jflki*  *?C*9  Of**  *t 7:^(7,  -2x§-  Published 10 times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, BC V5Y 1J8  □ VSW Membership-$25.50 (or what you can afford) -includes Kinesis subscription}  □ Kinesis subscription only - $17.50       □ Sustainers - $75  □ Institutions - $45 □ New  □ Here's my cheque □ Renewal  D Bill me D Gift subscription for a friend


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