Kinesis Sep 1, 1985

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 KfMESiJ  news about women that's not in the dailies  September 1985 $1.50 Demanding support  for battered women  Kinesis September'85 1  On August 27 supporters of  Transition House asked City  Council to ensure the continuation of a battered women's  house in Vancouver. This  action is the most recent in  a series women have adopted  since June 28 when the Ministry of Human Resources cut  funding and called for other  contractors to offer the  service.  At City Council Alderwoman Libby  Davies introduced the motion  which has instructed the  Social Planning Department to  examine the feasibility of the  city sponsoring a house with  financial assistance from  senior levels of government.  Since-Transition House was  closed the Women's House  Saving Action — volunteers  and former staff — have  been occupying the building  and operating a woman's   '■  shelter. During this time it  has been filled to almost 70  percent capacity. Ministry of  Human Resources staff continue  to refer women to this house.  In August the government  awarded contracts to the Salvation Army and Act II. Minister of Human Resources Grace  McCarthy is on the Salvation  Army's provincial advisory  board.  Neither the Salvation Army  nor Act II have officially  disclosed the nature of services they will offer to battered women and their children when they begin operation  sometime after September.  The Salvation Army plans to  operate a 12 bed hostel with a  maximum stay of two weeks,  says Megan Ellis, of the Women's  House Saving Action."This  suggests a conveyor belt ap-  roach."  Supporters fear the religious  nature of the Salvation Army  will alienate women of non-  christian backgrounds and encourage a judgmental approach  to counselling. Ellis says that  many women will not go.  Act II is a private company  which will operate a series of  houses for follow-up work with  women who have left battering  situations.  "Putting women in five separate  facilities increases the risk  to their lives. At least one  out of every five homicides is  a wife who has been beaten by  her husband," says Monica, an  ex-Transition House worker.  Adds Ellis, "Placing battered  women in different locations  will isolate them from each  other.  "Both the Salvation Army and  Act II are operating on the  assumption that battered women  need therapy," says Ellis.  This contrasts with feminist  shelters such as Transition  House where staff, and other  residents, assist women to take  control of their own lives.  Neither Act II nor the Salvation Army are interested in  utilizing the skills and information of Vancouver feminists who have been active in  services for battered women.  "The Transition House we have  wasn't born out of thin air.  It was developed carefully  over 12 years. Now these  people, in the government  created crisis, are throwing  together a service," Ellis  asserts.  To date supporters have organized four public meetings, a  rally, downtown leafletting,  a picket at Grace McCarthy's  office, meetings at City Hall,  and the occupation which includes the operation of Transition House.  "The house is continuing to be  occupied for the time being,"  says Ellis. Community support  has been overwhelming and organizers thank all those who  have contributed.  Over 100 women have taken  shifts, and donations of money,  food, clothing and other supplies are coming in continuously. However, donations are  still needed. If you are interested, in assisting, call  734-8752 or 525-9879.  Midwives Charged  by Marrianne van Loon  Vancouver midwives Gloria  Lemay and Mary Sullivan have  been charged with criminal  negligence causing death after  a baby, born May 8, died.  Further charges of criminal  negligence causing bodily harm  and four counts of practicing  medicine without a licence have  also been laid against them in  connection with this and other  births.  At the July bail hearing over  one hundred adults and an  equal number of children attended a rally prior to the  court appearance. During the  hearing the courtroom was  filled to overflowing, and  adults who could not squeeze in  waited outside with the  children.  Sullivan and Lemay were  released under the conditions  that they do not practice midwifery or attend or assist at  any births. However, they may  continue to teach pre-natal  and other related classes  while they await their pre  liminary hearing, scheduled for  October 21, on the criminal  negligence charges.  After these charges have been  dealt with, the others will  be heard.  The Sullivan-Lamay Defence Fund  Group has formed to raise  money for' legal costs and to  educate the public about the  upcoming court appearance and  the issues it involves.  Various groups including the  Maternal Health Society and the  Home Birth Support Group are  involved.  The main issue, says midwife  " and defence group member Patsy  Bearss, is womens' control over  birthing. "A woman, or a family,  has the right to choose the  caregivers and place of birth,  and be respected for that intelligent and informed choice,  says Bearss.  In order to find Sullivan and  Lemay guilty, a verdict which  carries a maximum life sentence, the prosecutor must  Midwives continued p. 4  Mount Pleasant debates prostitution solutions  by Pam Tranfield  A federal government bill to  make public soliciting a criminal offense is among suggestions being offered to Mt.  Pleasant residents by local  politicians to clear streets  of prostitutes.  At a public meeting on August  6, Alderwoman May Brown and  Vancouver East MP Margaret Mit-  This month's supplement: class  Response to this month's Kinesis  supplement on class was  so enthusiastic that we are considering another class  supplement for early next year. Articles this supplement  include a call for working class women to organize autonomously within the women's movement, excerpts from a  native woman's journal, and a history of BC working class  women's political organizing, among many others.  Next month our supplement is on food, and for November we  plan a sexuality issue. If you are interested in contributing to either of these upcoming editions, please give  us a call at (604) 873-5925. The deadline for food is  September 15, and October 15 for sexuality.  chell expressed concern over  flaws in the proposed legislation.  Under Bill 49, juvenile solicitors could be sent to jail, then  "returned to the street". There  are no provisions to deal with  pimps, or customers of juveniles.  Margaret Mitchell said the  "nuisance aspect" of prostitution is not covered in proposed  legislation and would not be  solved by jailing women and juveniles. She criticized the  bill for its emphasis on criminal charges against women  and young people.  May Brown said any changes in  legislation should be monitored, and social programs  introduced to deal with the  roots of prostitution.  "I fully agree with statements  that prostitution is a social  problem because not all (women)  have had equal opportunity.  So many do not have economic  stability or solid home background ."  "This is a long term community  social problem that should be  attacked," said Brown.  Mitchell suggested enforcement  of existing laws to curb noise  and harassment of residents  by customers, pimps and prostitutes,  "I hope City Hall would designate it (Mt. Pleasant) as an  emergency area," said Mitchell.  She suggested community liason  officers and increased policing should be used to work  within the communiy and enforce  bylaws.  Members of ASP (Alliance for  the Safety of Prostitutes)  did not attend the meeting  due to previous verbal harassment at such events.  Some residents of Mt.   Pleasant  have requested a provincial  Mt. Pleasant continued p. 4 2 Kinesis September'85  MOVEMENT MATTERS  IMSiDE  Across BC 4  Black women 5  Disabled women 6  Eaton's workers 7  El Salvador 9  Nairobi 10  Adivasi women 14  International shorts 15  Supplement  Women Race and Class 16  Recreation 18  Battered women 19  Politics of organizing 20  Working class in women's movement— 21  Native women      22  Visual arts 23  Working class literature 25  Arts  Speaking Our Peace    26  Jane Rule 27  West Word. 28  Birth Project 29  Folk Festival 30  Nancy White 32  A Little Night Reading  33  Fear into Anger 34  Mothering 35  Letters 36  Bulletin Board 37  Kinesis welcomes volunteers to work on all  aspects of the paper. Call us at 873-5925.  Our next story meetings are September 4,  7:30 and October 2, 7:30 at the VSW offices,  400A West 5th. All women welcome (even if  you don't have any experience).  PRODUCTION THIS ISSUE: Kim Irving,  Leather Harris, Wendy Solloway, Colleen  Tillmyn, Adriana Acconci, Noreen, Libby  Barlow, Angela Wanzcura, Helene Wistozki,  Maura Volante, Rosemary Rupps, Barb  Kuhne, Patty Gibson, Nicky Hood, Cy-thea  Sand, Karen Hill, Sweet Pea, Aletta, Isis.  SUPPLEMENT CO-ORDINATORS: Cy-thea  Sand and Isis  EDITORIAL GROUP: Libby Barlow, Jan DeGrass,  Kim Irving, Emma Kivisild (editor), Barbara Kuhne,  Sharon Knapp, Janie Newton-Moss, Cy-Thea Sand,  Connie Smith, Isis (production co-ordinator),  Michele Wollstonecroft, Leather Harris.  EDITORIAL BOARD: Carol Bierenga, Jan DeGrass,  Patty Gibson, Punam Khosla, Emma Kivisild,  Michele Wollstonecroft.  CIRCULATION/DISTRIBUTION: Judy Rose, Joey  Schibild, Vicky Donaldson, Margaret McHugh, Cy-  Thea Sand, Cat L'Hirondell, Kim Irving, Angela  Wanzcura, Spike Harris,  ADVERTISING: Jill Pollack, Emma Kivisild,  Heather Harris, Vicky Donaldson.  KINESIS is published ten times a year by  Vancouver Status of Women. Its objectives are to  enhance understanding about the changing  position of women in society and work actively  towards achieving social change.  Views expressed in Kinesis are those of the  writer and do not necessarily reflect VSW policy.  All unsigned material is the responsibility of the  Kinesis editorial group.  I CORRESPONDENCE: Kinesis, Vancouver Status  E of Women, 400 A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C.  V5Y1J8.  MEMBERSHIP in Vancouver Status of Women is  $23/year (or what you can afford). This includes a  subscription to Kinesis. Individual subscriptions  to Kinesis are $15/year.  SUBMISSIONS are welcome. We reserve the  right to edit, and submission does not guarantee  publication.  Typesetting and camera work by  Baseline Type & Graphics Cooperative.  Kl N ESIS is a member of the Canadian Periodical  VSW: looking  back over '84-'85  As we prepare for our next year of operation, VSW would like to thank the '84-85  Board of Directors for their committment.  This last June at our Annual General Meeting VSW members voted in six new Board  Members: Lisa Hebert, Esther Shannon,  Heather Harris, Nancy Keough, Nora Janitis  and Jeannie Lochrie. They join the remaining Board Members: Barb Findlay, Gail  Meredith and Ellen Hamer.  We look forward to working with the new  Board of Directors. We would like to say  goodbye and thanks to Susan O'Donnell and  Vicky Donaldson, who have completed their  Board terms. Both have contributed an outstanding amount of work and time to VSW.  ;4-85 we recognize it  dation and re-defin-  result of losing  the spring of '84,  were cut and office  We presently receive  from the Secretary of  City Hall providing  a total of four salaried positions, and  short term grants from the Canada  Employment Centre. Despite funding threats,  researching and organizing within the  community on such issues as Family Law,  Human Rights, Prostitution and Poverty are  high priorities for VSW.  Some other VSW services are: feminist  lawyer referrals, telephone and drop-in  referrals, networking women with the  womens' community, advocacy counselling on  a variety of issues, research assistance  and public education forums. We also have  re-defined our Resource Centre. Our years  of information and history have been put  into one room which is available to the  public during our regular office hours.  This is by no means all. At any given  time VSW is responding to those issues  raised by women, the media and government. (For further information on VSW see  our brochure, available in most women's  centres).  For a full report on the past years work  at VSW write or call for our AGM report.  Looking back over '£  as a year of consolj  ition for VSW. As a  Provincial funds in  two staff positions  hours were reduced,  funds for operation  State and Vancouver  On our cover, Helena Gutteridge  by Sharon Knapp  Helena Gutteridge, pictured on this month's  cover, was a working class feminist, organizer, journalist, socialist politician,  worker, and farmer. Born in Great Britain  in 1879 or 1880, where she was an active  suffragette, she emigrated to BC in her  early 20's.  Shortly thereafter she founded the BC  Women's Suffrage League because the  existing Political Equality League was  too conservative and middle class.  mMmr  'fgSSr^  Within two years of her arrival she was  organizing women laundry workers, garment  workers and others.  In 1914 she was the first woman to sit on  the Vancouver Trades and Labour Coucil  executive. She often faced bitter opposition from male colleagues on the VTLC  who believed that woman suffrage issues  should be dropped, and that minimum wage  laws for women would degrade men's wages.  Helena Gutteridge was the reporter on  women's labour issues in the Labour  Gazette  from 1913-21. She also helped  found the Women's Employment League  which aided women with meal tickets,  groceries, job registration and emergency  funds.  From 1921-32 she withdrew from politics  to become a poultry farmer in the Fraser  Valley and later worked in a canning  factory. In 1937 she was elected as Vancouver's first Alderwoman and focussed  much of her energy assisting low cost  housing.  After being defeated as a CCF candidate  in Point Grey she became the welfare  officer of the Slocan Japanese Internment  Camp. When the war ended she returned to  Vancouver and remained active in politics  until her death in 1960.  As an activist Helena Gutteridge distinguished herself by her depth of committment ,to a variety of social causes  throughout her life.  KINESIS IS AVAILABLE AT:  VANCOUVER AND AREA:  Agora Food Co-op  Ariel Books -  Beckvromans  East End Food Co-op  English Bay Books  La Quena Coffee House  Little Sisters  Mall Book Bazaar -y"   : ~  Manhattan Books  McLeods Books  North Shore Women'sCentre  Octopus East and West        >^-" J"  Peregrine Books  Press Gang      '-'".;'-'*-.-  Reach Clinic  Simon FraserStuden Society Bookstore  Simon Fraser University Bookstore  Spartacus Books  UBC Bookstore  Vancouver Women's Bookstore  Vanguard Books  Women's Health Collective  Women's Resource Centre  IN B.C.:  Chetwynd Women's Resource Centre  Everywoman's Books. Victoria  Honey Books, Maple Ridge  NDP Bookstore, Gibson's Landing  Nelson Women'sCentre  Pt. Coquitlam Women'sCentre  Quesnel Women's Resource Centre  Montreal  A ndrogyny Bookstore  Librairie Alternative  Sherbrooke  BiblairieQGCLtee.  Winnipeg  Dominion News and Gifts  Liberation Books  Thunder Bay  Northern Women's Bookstore  Thunder Bay Co-op Books  Ottawa  South Surrey/White Rock Women'sPlace Globe Mags and Cigars  Terrace Women's Resource Centre MagsandFags  Unemployed A ction Centre, Nanaimo       Octopus Books  IN CANADA:  Halifax  AtlanticNews  Red Herring Co-op Books  Ottawa Women's Bookstore  Edmonton  Aspen Books  Common Woman Hooks  Toronto  AASSmokeShop  Book City  Book World  DECBookslore  Lichlman'sNewsd Books  Longhouse Book Shop  Pages  SCMBookroom  The Book Cellar  Toronto Women's Bookstore  World's Biggest Bookstore  York University Bookstore'  INU.S.A/:  Chosen Books, Detroit, Mich. '  ■I.C.I. -A Woman'sPlace, Oakland, Ca.  It's A bout Time, Seattle, Wash.  Old Wives Tales, San Francisco. Ca.  Room of One's Own, Madison, Wise.  NEW ZEALAND  Broadsheet, A ukland  Women's Bookshop, Chrislchurch Kinesis September'85 3  ACROSSBC  Catholic feminists  fighting for choice  by Heather Conn  While the Pope preaches "pelvic morality" and pro-choice  nuns face blacklisting, thousands of Catholic feminists are  fighting within the Church to  change its stand on abortion,  says a leading theologian.  Marjorie Maguire, co-founder  of the U.S. group Catholics  for Choice, claims that all  Catholics who disagree with  the Pope's anti-abortion stand  have an obligation to speak  out against him. The Pope can  be wrong on any issue and every  Catholic-has the right to  disagree with him without causing a personal moral conflict,  she says. In fact, polls show  that 50 percent of the Catholic  public is pro-choice, even  though the whole church hierarchy opposes abortion, she  adds. "itfv^*  "Many people think that Catholics believe the Pope is infallible every time he opens his  mouth to speak, that he cannot  make a mistake and therefore  Catholics have to follow him,"  she said during a June interview at Vancouver's Co-op Radio.  "But that is mistaken. The  Pope can't just decide out of  the blue that something's going  to be an infallible teaching.  It has to be something that  has always been believed in  the Church.  "I do have a tremendous number  of ties to the Church, but  there's a great deal that I  disagree with. I believe that  women should not have to be  told they are evil persons  simply because they feel that  an abortion choice is necessary for them."  By trying to influence legislation to outlaw abortion, the  Pope and Catholic bishops are  wasting their authority and  removing women's legal rights,  charges Maguire. They're condemning abortion as a sin of  homicide even though it is '  mentioned nowhere in the Bible  and Christian teaching contains  no definition of beginning of  personhood.  Personhood is a philosophical  value judgement that can't be  defined by biology, according  to this religious scholar.  In her view, the basis of personhood is being a member of  the human community. When a  woman bonds with a "human  organism" and agrees to bring  it to birth, that consent  makes it a person, thinks  Maguire. Before that: "It's  a biological living,reality  of the human species, but it's  Maguire and other Catholic  feminists are actively confronting the Church's anti-abortion  stand. For example, last October, she and her husband Daniel placed a pro-choice advertisement in The New York Times  entitled "Catholic Statement  on Pluralism and Abortion",  signed by 24 nuns. Consequently,  the Vatican told these nuns  they'd be removed from their  religious orders if they didn't  retract the statement. But so  far, none have given in, and  none have been removed from  the Church. In addition, most  women who want to be ordained  as priests are saying they'll  refuse ordination in the present church structure until  the entire clerical culture  is transformed.  "I think that feminists will  have a major impact on the  Church," said Maguire. "That  is the major thing that I.  think the hierarchy of the  Church has to face in the future - the place of women. Women are leaving the Catholic  Church today and when women  leave, they take the next  generation with them. I think  the male leaders realize this."  This year's theme for gay pride in Vancouver was "Where the Rainbow Begins." The above  photos are scenes from the parade.   ERIKA encourages women  by Gerre A. Galvin  ERIKA (Everywomen's Right In  Kollective Action), is a  Canada Works Project operating  out of the Downtown Eastside  Women's Centre. Since February  1985 ERIKA has encouraged  women's self-help activities  in a collective environment.  The Downtown Eastside Women's  Centre provides important  services and acts as a refuge  for more than 800 to 1200  women who walk through its  doors every month. In an area  where 80 percent of the residents are men, there are very  few services available to women  and the 17 year old centre  provides that support.  The Centre's survival was  questionable when the Province  cut funding in 1984. At a public  meeting held in October of  that year people decided to  keep the centre open.  In response Donna Lee (now  ERIKA's Project Manager) wrote  the ERIKA proposal and secured  Vancouver Lesbian Connection Opens New Centre  The Vancouver Lesbian Connection (VLC) is opening the  city's first and only lesbian  centre September 5 at 876  Commercial Drive.  "Our main goal is to get lesbian groups in one centre,"  says Sage de Belle, one of the  original organizers. This will  facilitate information exchange, support, and create  a focal point for the lesbian  community."We're really excited.  We've been working for a year  and a half doing the (VLC  benefit)dances, supporting  other groups, working out our  basis of unity" she says.  As the plan becomes reality  more and more groups and in  dividuals are becoming involved. "It's amazing how much  support we're getting," says  de Belle. "There's a lot of  ideas, a lot of people who have  approached us."  The Lesbian Information Line  has donated 25 percent of  their total budget to pay for  VLC phone lines for the next  year. Stepping Out of Line  plans to conduct lesbianism  workshops. Lesbian artwork as  well as women's buttons and t-  shirts will be on display and  for sale. The centre will  house a branch of the gay  community centre's gay and  lesbian library.  Most of the centre's funding  has come from the VLC women's  dances, and recently some pri  vate donations. Women can help  pay for 50 new wooden chairs  by paying $10 to have their  names carved on the back of a  chair. VLC is also seeking  other funding sources.  Although the centre is not yet  accessible to the disabled,  VLC is committed to making it  accessible as soon as possible,  "hopefully by October" says de  Belle.  Centre functions have the same  policy as VLC dances in terms  of accessibility and childcare,  she says.  The Vancouver Lesbian Centre  opens Thursday September 5:  from 4 to 6 pm mixed;   7:30 to  10:30, women only,  entertainment at 8:00.  federal funding for one year.  Donna Lee based her proposal  on getting women to work in a  "project collective" to produce  funding for the centre. The  three main objectives of the  project are:  •Training and personal development in a collective work environment for employees, who  are women from the local community with pf.ev3.ous involvenient ■  in the centre.  oResearch and develop outlines  for two businesses to meet  needs of the local community,  employ women in a collective  environment and obtain funding  for the centre. Suggestions to  date include a restaurant food  co-op and a cottage industry.  •Create a Business Women's  Support Group to encourage information exchange and support  amongst businesswomen.  An added bonus of the project  is the increasing awareness of  feminist issues and language  by the researcher/writers Lori  Gabrielson, Madge Skewchuk  and Lila Archie.  "Through the training program  and facilitation of workshops  in the centre, it has helped  to demystify the concepts of  collectivity and feminism,  making feminism more palatable  for myself and the other women  at the centre", said Lori  Gabrielson.  Madge Skewchuk, a Native woman  who had previously been involved with the women's centre,  was a "bit skeptical" at first  about the project. But through  her own development and research she now feels that the  project "just might have a  chance of coming true."  At the end of the project ERIKA  will present two business proposals to a public meeting and  a board meeting of the Downtown Eastside Women's Centre,  where they will decide which  proposal will "come true." 4 Kinesis September'85  ACROSS CANADA  Conferences discuss gay & lesbian issues, history  The seventh annual International Gay Association conference,  "Smashing Borders - Opening  Spaces" and "Sex and the State",  an international lesbian arid gay  history conference ran concurrently in Toronto this July.  The IGA conference drew over  500 lesbians and gays from  all over the world to discuss  such issues as moral imperialism, international gay rights,  and international solidarity.  Wenche Lowzow, a former Conservative Member of Parliament  from Norway, spoke on a panel  about international gay rights.  Lowzow was thrown out of the  Conservative party in 1984,  five years after she first came  out and when the party no  longer needed the votes she  collected.  She urged support for New  Zealand's lesbians and gays, who  are being attacked by the religious right. "If we don't help  New Zealand, homosexuals are  risking the fate of the Jews  during Hitler," she warned.  Lowzow's statement reflects a  theme common to both conferences: the comparison between  repression in the pre-Hitler  years and now.  IGA Conference organizers established travel subsidies to  encourage delegates from Central  and South America to attend. However, resolutions condemning US  intervention in Nicaragua and  supporting people's struggles  in Nicaragua, Guatemala and El  Salvador were rejected at the  plenary. Delegates did endorse  a qualified resolution to  "support the struggles of the  third world for national liberation, if those movements supported lesbian and gay liberation  and the right to self-determination."  "Sex and the State", the lesbian and gay history conference, attracted 300 people to  a variety of workshops including an oral herstory of prostitution; B.C. lesbians and  gays at the turn of the century; and burdache, cross-  dressing in native communities.  All third world women and women  of colour workshops were  scheduled on the same day,  instead of being integrated  throughout the conference,  bringing charges of racism  against conference organizers.  Lateness was also a big  problem. For instance, the  Latina Lesbian workshop was  poorly attended because it  Midwives continued from p. 1  prove them to have shown a  "wanton and reckless disregard  for,life."  "The charges are right off the  wall," says Bearss. "As a midwife you attend someone with  devotion, not with the idea  of.killing them."  In a similar case in Halifax  in 1983 three women were  charged with criminal negligence causing bodily harm  but the case did not proceed  past the preliminary hearing.  The home labour they were  attending had apparently been  normal, but the baby had  problems breathing.  After being rushed to the hospital it lived on a respirator for six months. When  life support systems were re- '  moved the baby died and the  midwives were charged, but  the case did not proceed due  to the insufficent evidence.  In Ontario last October a baby  died after an apparently normal labour at home. An inquest was held at which the  three attending midwives were  thoroughly grilled on obscure medical data. However,  no sign of wrongdoing was  proven and charges were never  laid.  The four counts of practicing  medicine without a licence, two  held jointly and a further two  involving Lemay alone, will not  be heard until the charges of  criminal negligence are dealt  with.  Under the BC Medical Act only  physicians may practice midwifery. "If we win," says  Bearss, "midwifery will have  been decriminalized in BC."  Otherwise Sullivan and Lemay  face fines.  "At this point," says Bearss,  "We've been concentrating on  getting the news out and getting the defence fund going."  The Sullivan-Lemay Defence  Fund Group is now raising  money to cover the anticipated $25,000 in legal fee  costs.  The group is soliciting donations and organizing fund  raising activities including  a Salmon Barbeque at New  Brighton Park (north of the  PNE grounds) on September 8  from 1 pm until 7 pm, and a  dance at the Commodore, as well  Maternal Health News  is publishing a special edition on  this case.  Sullivan - Lemay  Legal Action Fund  Oti July 12,  1985, two of BC's  practicing midwives were charged  with criminal negligence and  practicing medicine without a  license.    The Maternal Health  Society and the Homebirth Support  Group are working together to  raise funds to cover the midwives'  legal'ñ†fees. Your financial support  is crucial!-    Please make cheques  payable to:  "hdaternal Health Society"  IK) Dox 46563, Stn G,  Vancouver,'BC,: Canada  V6R 4C8:  ran late and was  scheduled  against a big  strategy session.  Said Kandace Kerr,   a local  historian who attended  the conference,   "The main problem  was the conference didn't  connect with the real  world.   It was isolated from  the IGA conference - not  making the connections and  not reaching out beyond the  academic community."  Quebec women's centres  face funding cuts  Quebec's 96 women's centres are  in danger of closing down if  adequate, permanent funds are  not soon secured. Delegates  representing 76 women's centres  gathered for the founding convention of "L'R des cenjtres  de femmes" (L'R) in Montreal  this June to establish one  recognized voice with which  to address funding agencies,  specifically Quebec's Ministry  of Social Affairs.  To date, women's centres have  been operating with the help  of a shifting and often threadbare patchwork of federal,  provincial and municipal funding, volunteers and charitable  donations. But with the federal  government's intention to move  job creation schemes, into  private industry, paid women's  centre workers now face the-  possibility of having their  salaries withdrawn and centre  volunteers are increasingly  having to be put to work researching and re-organizing  existing financial sources.  Centre staffers and organizers  lament the fact that much of  their and energy still goes  into the unceasing struggle  for funding while their real  goals, women's autonomy and  well-being, receive only what  time and energy is left.  L'R has presently collectively  lodged 42 demands for provincial government Social Affairs  Ministry subsidies for the year  1985-86. Last year, the Ministry of Social Affairs awarded grants ranging from $10-  15,000 to fifteen women's  centres. As a minimum, L'R  would like to see the Quebec  government assume its social  responsibilities toward the  women of the province by  guaranteeing each centre's  annual rent plus an annual  salary for at least one full-  time staffer. The 42 demands  come to a total of $1 million,  one fifth of that awarded to  Quebec's shelters for battered  women.  -Broadsides  Mt. Pleasant continued from p. 1  government injunction to force  prostitutes from a designated  area. A similar injunction  forced many of these women from  the West End over one year ago.  Other residents expressed concern that such an injunction  would not deal with the crime  rate in Mt. Pleasant and would  only push prostitutes into  another neighbourhood. One  woman suggested legalizing  prostitution within specially  designated houses where they  would "get health care and  pay income tax".  "I talk to the girls and they  are human," she said. "I would  like to see them taken care of,  (laughing) maybe on Whistler  Mountain, in the business sector."  The provincial government has  said it will not act on an  injunction until debate on Bill  C-49 resumes. Parliament sits  in mid^August.  As of press time  Kinesis has  learned that Vancouver City  Council is asking Attorney-  General Brian Smith for an  injunction to outlaw street  prostitution in Mt.  Pleasant.  The injunction would be similar to one which caused  prostitutes to move to Mt.  Pleasant in the first place  by forcing them out of the  city 's West End.  ISO   MORTHERW   AVE  VANCOUVER, B.C.  669-7523 Kinesis September 'i  White Women's Movement  Keeps Black Women Out  by Ruth L. Harding  Black women's participation in the women's  movement has been fraught with political  and moral difficulties since the 19th  Century. From the perspective of Black  women, the women's movement is based on  the ideologies of white women and as such  does little to encompass or acknowledge  the life experiences of Black women. Until  white women acknowledge their racism and  stop hiding it with token "Black" activities and presence the problem will remain.  The struggle and differences that exist  between Black and white women in the women' i  movement is no recent phenomenon. Since  the days of the abolitionists and suffre-  gists the voice of Black women has had  to roar mightily before it would even be  heard as a whisper by white women.  Many white women argue that their allegiance  with Black women and their opposition to  racism can be clearly seen by their historical involvement in the abolitionist movement. This argument is misleading. The  abolitionist movement did not have as its  base any opposition to racism. The movement  was founded on christian moral ethics that  were against slavery and never intended to  oppose racism or seek equality for Black  men and women as one of its platforms.  Indeed, as the chant'for reform was heard  across America, white women became fearful  that Black men would rise above them. When,  white women activists petitioned for the  Rosa Parks, American Activist  vote, their platform was one ot white  racist supremacy. Elizabeth Cady-Stanton,  in the forefront of the women's movement  and one of its most outspoken activists  argued for enfranchizement from a racist  If Saxon men have legislated thus  for their own mothers,  wives and  daughters,  what can we hope for at  the hands of Chinese,  Indians and  Africans?... I protest against the  enfranchisement of another man of any  race or clime until the daughters  of Jefferson,  Hancock,  and Adams are  crowned with their rights.1  That white men could dream of operating  from a sexist and political position and  consider offering enfranchisement to  Black men before white women was a betrayal  to the order of white supremacy. It was  more than clear that the righteous  attitude of white women activists was  limited in its scope.  Susan B. Anthony, as an individual, was  anti-racist and in her active position  within the women's movement could have  accomplished much in the furthering of  anti-racist sentiment in the women's  movement. Instead she subdued her own  .strong feelings for the benefit of the  suffrage movement. Whilst Anthony admired  Frederick Douglass and praised him for  being the first man to champion rights  for women, when his blackness became an  issue he was conveniently put aside. In  a conversation with Ida B. Wells, Anthony  referred to a visit to the south that  she had taken with the intent to recruit  white women for the suffragist movement.  She said:  In our conventions...he was the honoured  guest who sat on our platform and spoke  at our gatherings.   But when the...  Suffrage Assosiation went to Atlanta,  Georgia,  knowing the feeling of the  South with regard to Negro participation in equality with whites,  I myself  asked Mr. Douglass not to come.  I  did not want anything to get in the  .   way of bringing the southern white  woman into our suffrage association.2  Nineteenth Century white women reformers  often cite the presence of Black women at  their conventions as proof of their  allegiance with Black women. Sojourner  Truth is the most common example given to  support their anti-racist sentiment but  in actuality on every occasion that Truth  When white women activists  petitioned for the vote, their  platform was one of white  supremacy.  spoke white women protested. The general  feeling amongst white women activists  seems to have been an approval of literate  active Black women within the women's  movement but not as an active part of  the white women's movement. White women  were all in favour of Black women forming  their own distinct movement again substantiating the differences white women  put between them.  That Black women were seen as lesser beings by both white men and white  a well documented fact. On the social  ladder Black women have always been  placed last. On the slave farms Black  women worked side by side with Black men.  Work was not gender divided; both Black  men and women were treated as beasts of  burden. Black women were whiped and beaten as regularly as Black men.  Over 2,000 Black men were lynched in  a 10 year period from 1889-99.  Some  women were also lynched. 3  Pregnant Black women were whipped without  any thought and the only hesitation was  in the digging of a hole deep enough for  their pregnant bellies to lie in. Black  women were seen as the sole property of  their slave owners and were subjected to  rape by them and male members of their  families. Black women were used as breeders;  the more children they had the greater  the number of slaves owned by the master.  In many instances Black women would terminate births rather than bear another child  only to have it taken away from them and  sold at the earliest opportunity.  Against this sombre background, white  women saw Black women as a threat.  After the first World War women entered  the labour force in increasing numbers.  White women had been focusing their  attention on the rights of women to enter  the labour force and to work in a wider  range of occupations than had previously  been available to them. They believed  that this was a major step for women to  increase economic independence but it was  obviously only white women for whom these  rights were necessary. When more and more  Black women entered the industrial labour  force once again white women demanded  segregation.  White women employed by the federal  government insisted that they be  segregated from Black women.  In many  work situations separate work rooms,  washrooms,  and showers were installed  so that white women would not have to  work or wash alongside Black women.  The  same argument white women club members  used to explain their exclusion of Black  women was presented by white women  workers,  who claimed Black women were  immoral,   licentious,  and insolent.  They  further argued that they needed the  protection of segregation so that they  would not catch   'negro' diseases.1*  Black women were paid considerably less  than white women for work that white  women refused to undertake because it was  too menial, difficult, strenuous or poorly  paid. Once again the Black woman was seen  as being less of a woman and as such more  than capable of undertaking the work white  women refused to do.  Racism continues to thrive today for many  different reasons. From historical times  to the present white women writing about  various life experiences are talking  exclusively about and for white women.  Articles, books, and talks on the subject  of women's experience relate solely to  white women. Books and works concerning  Black women have to clearly state in the  title that Black women are the topic  otherwise" publishers would refuse to  accept the title on the grounds that it  would be misleading. That this is undeniably racist.and needs to be rectified  appears not to be a concern of white women  activists.  > Racist-sexist use of 'women' as a synonym  for white women is not challenged by  them as it serves two purposes:  First,  it allows them to proclaim  white men world oppressors while making  it appear linguistically that no alliance exists between white women and  white men based on shared racial imperialism.  Second it makes it possible  for white women to act as if alliances  exist between themselves and non-white  women in our society, and by so doing  they deflect attention away from their  classicism and racism.^  The women's movement has many strong arguments against pornography and the topic  of debate at these present times concerns  the advantages and disadvantages of censorship. Very few articles on pornography  address the issue of racism. The subtle  symbology of Black women portrays them as  faeces, curled on floors at the feet of a  white man, smiling while being gang raped  by white men, and in positions of bondage  again under the images of white men. The  devaluation of Black women clearly did  not cease after slavery.  Black women continue to be devalued in  other oppressive ways. Many white women  have argued that the broad subject of  pornography is the main issue yet Black  women acknowledge that the subject  racism is one of the few arguments against  pornography used by white women. Once again  Black women's arguments must be voiced by  Black women alone.  Many white women in the women's movement  acknowledge their racism and in their   Black Women continued on page 13 6 Kinesis September'85  A New Day DAWNing for Disabled  by Joan Meister  Thirty percent of all Inuit children have  hearing impairments.* A quadriplegic woman  can be sterilized without her consent or  that of her husband. Young disabled women  have twice the likelihood of becoming victims of incest as do non-disabled women.  And, the resources of the women's movement  are just as inaccessible to disabled women  in the rest of the country as they are in  Vancouver.  I acquired these and other sometimes startling pieces of information among a group  of other disabled women at an Ottawa gathering in June. The exchange of information,  identification of issues and resulting plans  for actions all coalesced in the formation i  of the Disabled Women's Network DAWN.  Sponsored by the Secretary of State Women's  Program and the Disabled Person's Secretariat,  17 disabled women from across the country  gathered to discuss current issues.  These women were selected by an ad hoc steering committee of disabled women in conjunction with Vera Wall, Women's Program representative. The steering committee had two  main concerns: cross-disability representation and networking and organizational skills.  Seven major categories of -disabilities were  considered: mobility, hearing and vision impaired, learning, psychiatrically/emotion-  ally , developmentally and mentally disabled^  and invisible disabilities.  In the end, each major disability group was '  represented with the exception of the developmentally disabled. And judging. f^^^^Se'.-. ■■'.  results of the three day event, our. colLec-  tive organizational abilities were clearly  demonstrated. We did a great^jpta^of work.  On Thursday we were welcom^^^ptyse Blan-  chard, Director of the Secretary of State  Women's Program, and Merji|||§#<'Chartier-  Gauvin, Executive Direcj@|jj||fc the Status of  Disabled Persons Secret$$$S!b.-  These federal  government representafc^f§|§fexpressed a sincere interest in our t||jjJ|||vours, and a beneficial and mutual exchaage of information  took place. Facilita-tif^Enacqueline Pelle-  tier, led us in somepKiB't and amusing exercises to help us getlln^uiow each other,  followed by wine and|pi||§iese-.  By Friday morning, women were more than  ready to begin work-f^pgijlhitially may have  been somewhat overwhelmed by the proposed  agenda, but its scope,afie^tainly provided us  with a sense of the.r^^^:ical importance of  what we were about to■flfl|ij|.  We were starting from Ijllppxh. Few of us  knew each other and eve^^fewer knew much  about the specific prob^^^^hich each of  us encountered as a resu'^^^fc-our varied  disabilities or as a resu1|||j§^j|. our regional  origins. It was commonly t^^^K00^ that at  the same time as we were "refil^^ntatives",  none of us had been elected by anyone and we  did not feel very representative of anyone  but ourselves.  The first item on our agenda was information  sharing. During this session we learned that  our initial basis of unity was our status  as disabled women. Beyond this there were  many variations in perspective. Some women  were feminists; some were socialists; some  lesbians; some straight.  Some women saw a unified and heterogeneous  disabled movement to be of primary importance; some saw the formation of a disabled  women's organization to be a priority. Others  described a vision of the latter being created  from within the framework of the former and  still others saw an organization of disabled  women as imperative and necessarily autonomous. Clearly, there was much to be done  As is often the case with women, the process  of identifying our concerns was as interesting as the resulting issues which we identified. Our list of concerns was long and  comprehensive if not concise and well-shaped.  After considerable discussion, we focussed  on six major categories encompassing all of  the'initial material. These broad topics  included: accessibility to the women's movement and to the services for women; violence  against women with disabilities; affirmative  action; assertiveness, awareness and self-  image; sexuality (choice, homophobia, reproductive rights) and parenting and child  care. We were not surprised that the issues  of concern to disabled women parallel those  of concern to non-disabled women. '  If we can't get there or pee there  or hear it or see it or  understand it, then we can't  benefit from it.  We are, however, faced with added complications . AccessibiJ-j^^a^^^^ably one of  the key issues since so many solutions to  problems hinge on-it..-.-If-"we can*fc get. there  or pee there" or°"hear it or see i"t"-or under-  ,  Stand it, then we can't benefit from it.  While we reaL^^^^at most women's activities are underfunded, we resent the low  priority assigned to making women's movement events^^^^J^teirces accessible. Few  if any rape^^^^^^battered women's, detox,  birth contrHlortion, child abuse or  counselling||||||tres are accessible. Women's  bookstores,||||stings and daycare facilities  are often; ii^^ftssible as well.  Violence aga^K women with disabilities 'is  part of a nai|||ty±cious circle whereby  disability "I^^S"to "sexual assault and/or  battering ah||||||ese lead to disabilities.  Raped and Ka^Bed women are still put in  mental insti^Bons, frequently developing  drug depende||||||3.  Often disabl^^B^men are not married and live  with their^^^^pLes. We may not be physically abused but fflay;fafe*e&K>ti0»ally abused.  We are made to feel a burden or are forced  . to rem^H' chilarenV^  Pornc^Kphic magazines perpetuate the sick  •notiojflithat violating or abusing disab!|||lpB  and- |||§nerable women is a sexual turn-<^g *  The l|||iality discussion group providejlls  with sflby focuses: the importance of wm  emotio|||| aspect of sexual relationshjlp;  the mell||||s false image of the perfejjlf  woman co^^te with the perfect bojjlpthe'  myth of t^^^tersexed or asexuaJUjjplabled  woman; the feminine mystique je^Sfe-b is defined by a tradifii&eal, beterosexual marriage complete with^c^^^Sen and job; or,  the difficujlty^of the sexual partner who  is the prSffi^^iC^-J^^MI^r"re1io'gHizing  the disabled partner'||||exuality.  , It was no surprise to learn from the group  tj&iscussing awareness and self-image, that,-,^^  we disabled women have a poor self-image  and lack assertiveness skills. We also lack  visible role models-and support. And, we  are possibly one of>the most underemployed  groups around. If women are at the bottom  of the wage-earning heap, where does that  leave us? Speaking of jobs, what about  parenting? Imagine not being able to hear,  see, or even catch the children.  By Saturday afternoon, we were ready to  ask "What can we do about it?" Some specific solutions included approaches such as  establishing and enforcing policies on  sexual assault in institutions; lobbying  for better training of counsellors and  professionals; promoting community expertise by electing disabled women to boards,  councils and government positions; and,  learning more about our own bodies. This  partial list will no doubt grow proportionately as DAWN grows.  The growth of DAWN is one of our immediate  tasks. We have established a Modem Committee, via the Amazon Network, a feminist  computer bulletin board. The Committee will  also apply for funding to hire a coordinator, organize our communications and  consider a fall convention.  Individually, we will return to our regions  to organize with disabled women locally.  As well we are contacting local women's  groups and services to explore their willingness to involve women with disabilities.  We also want to solicit funds for researching disabled womens' issues, and set up  forums for women with disabilities. ..-|g|||||||i  On Sunday morning, we concluded our conference with a talk from a representative  from the National Action Committee on the  Status of Women(NAC). Debbie Hughes-Geffrion  and Grace Loney from the Canadian Legal  Advocacy Information and Research  Association of the Disabled (CLAIR) also  spoke. NAC is interested in greater representation from women with disabilities and  we are considering whether or not to join.  CLAIR provided information on the Canadian  Charter of Rights and Freedoms.  With this presentation, we were inspired  to encourage one of our members to pursue  legal recourse to her unwanted and unauthorized hysterectomy. We realize that we must  learn more about the law.  The conference ended the way these things  do•°"^^^^^ exhausted; we had planes to  catch^^^^&)f us wrote a media release  announcli^||||fer formation. Before we scattered, we empowered the Modem Committee to  act on beh3|j|||l|the group. We hugged and  staggered, ofT||jjtt; as tired as I felt,  I was aware o^^^pingle of excitement. We'd  done it and we iSHpl going to continue to  do it and soon MJ||peds of us would be  doing it - rising up.  *"How?" you say? ^^B^.d I. In cold climates  ear infections are^S^mon. Untreated ear  infections can lea'«|p|. permanent hearing  impairment.  POSTSCRIPT:  A number of excitin^smients have already  been inspired by th^ffiference in Ottawa  that formed DAWN:    J  •The Nova Scotia DAl^^xk begun,  drawn  up a set of "Goal^^dMd received province-  wide coverage in■^^Pbronicle-Herald.  mPEI*I)AWN met for J||§|first time on July  W^^^d had a liv^^mnd informative  *: meeting.  ^^bario DAWN wi^^mpld its first meeting  in September a§^^.~DAWN representative  will speak at«'^^0men 's conference in  the fall.  •Saskatchewa^^^N will hold its first  meeting o^^^f^mber 10th.  0BC DAWN.jUm have a province-wide meeting  in son^^^Kon with a Disabled People and  the L^^^^iference on September 27-29 in  Vanaouver.  ijj^^^'deral government is subsidizing us  S<? that four DAWN members will attend the  'wJ0€sabled Persons International Second  World Congress in the Bahamas,  Sept 18-22.  HOW TO CONTACT DAWN:  BC: Joan Meister (604) 254-8586, Jillian  Ridington(604) 738-0395  Alta: Irene Feika (403) 464-1861  Sask: Pat Danforth (306) 949-0337  Man: Paula Keirstead (204) 943-2092, Elizabeth Semkiw (204) 589-0035  Ont: Donna Hicks (613) 829-3809, Joanne  Doucette (416) 466 2834, Pat Israel (416)  691-8965,  Que: Maria Barile (514) 725-4125, Marie  Blanche Remillare (514) 524 8915  NB: Marie St-Germain (506) 764-5592  NS: Margaret Hiltz (902) 422-2283  PEI: Susan Buchanan (902) 566-3165  Nfld: Fran Dinn (709) 579-6212  NWT: Barbara Smith (403) 873-6426  Li - Kinesis September'85 7  LABOUR  Eaton's Workers Left Out in the Cold  STKiKZ&bS If/irrf S^tnzT Szi+ovT  by Jackie Ainsworth, Pat Davitt and Jean Rands  From last December to May, many women in  Vancouver participated in the boycott  Eaton's campaign in support of the strike  at six Ontario stores. After almost six  months on the picket line, the Eaton's  workers returned to work with a settlement  that merely put into writing the practices  Eaton's had followed for years which led  to the union drive in the first place.  Workers had gone on strike to win dignity  and respect at work.   They sought  improvements in sick leave and wages,  and senior-  After almost six months on the  picket line, the Eaton's workers  returned to work with a  settlement that merely put into  writing the practices Eaton's had  followed for years which led to  the union drive in the first place.  ity protection in layoffs (for details see  February and April issues of Kinesis).  Strikers knew the fight wouldn't be easy.  An early leaflet says, "We are engaged  in an epic struggle that will determine  the working conditions of hundreds of  thousands of retail workers for years to   j  come." j  , The strike was defeated in spite of the  courage of the Eaton's workers who took  on one of the most intransigently anti-    '  union employers in the country, in spite   o  of the strength of part-time workers who  exploded the myth that part-time workers  are unorganizable, in spite of the growing  solidarity of other unions and the women's  movement and the growing strength of the  consumer boycott. ;  It's important to discuss what went wrong.  <  Jackie Ainsworth, who had been active in  Women Supporting the Eaton's Strike in  Vancouver, recently visited Toronto and  talked to strikers in the Shoppers World  shopping centre Eaton's store and to  women who were active in the Ontario boycott campaign.  The beginning of Negotiations  Workers at the six stores joined the union,  in spring 1984. Negotiations began in April  and that month there was a meeting for  union members at the Shoppers World store.  The union business agent told them that  at certain points negotiations would be  very secretive, that that's the usual  format, arid the bargaining committee would  be sworn to secrecy. He asked members to  respect this and not to ask questions of  their co-workers on the committee.  Two part-time and three full-time employees  were elected to the union negotiating  committee. From April to November they  attended only four negotiating sessions  with Eaton's. There were no union meetings  to hear reports on negotiations. This was  hard on people at work. They wondered  what the problems were, why there weren't  more negotiating meetings, generally what  was going on!  Before the strike each store was negotiating separately. The first time bargaining  committee reps from all six stores got  together was at the end of October. At  this secret meeting, the possibility of  strike was raised. The business agent  stressed that this was not to be discussed  with any other union members in case  Eaton's found out.  The next union meeting for the Shoppers  World store was in November when the strike  vote was taken. There never was a general  meeting for union members from all six  stores. This made it impossible for people  to exchange experiences and ideas and to  encourage and support each other.  The Strike  The strike started at the end of November  1984. At the Shoppers World store, strikers  picketed six days a week, four hours a  day (there were three shifts each day) .  Most people on the picket line were part-  time workers (there were 31 full time employees in the unit and about 100 part-  time) . "We were really proud of ourselves  and our store - we never had any trouble  staffing our picket line." Few customers  crossed their line.  At first the strike pay was $50 per week.  It was raised to $60 after two weeks, then  to $70 in January. Full-time and part-  time workers got the same strike pay and  did the same picket line shifts.  Strikers attended a conference of Organized  Working Women and spoke at boycott activities around Ontario. In March, two strikers  went on a national tour. They spoke at  meetings and on radio and television.  The tour helped spark boycott activities  across the country.  By April 1985 the Shoppers World picket  line was still solid. At this point business  agents raised the problem that strikers  could lose their jobs if the strike didn't  end before the end of May. Ontario labour  law only guarantees that strikers keep their  employee status for the first six months  they are on strike.  Strikers were particularly worried about  full-time workers. Some thought full-time  workers should go back to work to save  their jobs while the part-time workers'  bargaining unit should stay on strike  and keep the picket line up. Then they  could have kept the consumer boycott  going. This might not have been a sensible  strategy, but it was an alternative - and  an alternative that was never discussed  in a meeting.  Union business agents, of course, knew  about Ontario labour law from the strike's  beginning. They knew that Eaton's also  knew, and there was every reason to believe  the company would hold out for the six  months. But there was never any discussion  with the strikers about the six-month  deadline and how they should deal with it.  The boycott campaign had just received a  big boost in late April and early May with  the Catholic bishops and the United Church  coming out in favour of the strikers  when suddenly May 7 there was a settlement.  The strike was over, having won nothing.  The International President ratified the  contract and the union membership was  not allowed to vote on it.  The Way the Strike Was Organized Made it  Impossible for the Strikers to Make Decisions  The back-to-work agreement (the way the  strike would be ended) was negotiated by  business agents and was kept secret from  all strikers, including the bargaining  committee reps. It allowed scabs who  worked during the strike to continue working their regular hours for the first  two weeks. Management would begin to integrate strikers into the schedule after -  that. (Some strikers were still not back  at work two months later).  Because the strike started during  the Christmas rush, many strikers  were seasonal workers. They did  not get their jobs back. "And the  strikers' 1985 vacation entitlement was reduced proportionate to  the time they were on strike.  At a subsequent Shoppers World  store union meeting business  agents refused to tell members  what was in the contract and the  back-to-work agreement they had  negotiated. Strikers were told  the meeting's only purpose was to  find out how many strikers planned  to return to work. The strikers  asked, "Surely you can tell us  something  about what's in the  contract?" The reply was "No, we  can't."  There was no discussion of the  law. No discussion of the boycott  No discussion of union strategy.  And because of the secrecy and  the lack of meetings, it was impossible for any striker to assess  the strength of the strike as a  whole.  Was it true that people were anxious to  get back to work? Were people prepared to  give the consumer boycott a chance to  'Ģtake hold and hope it would give them  bargaining power to win their jobs back  through negotiations? No one could possibly  know; there wasn't enough contact between  one store and another.   There was no discussion of the  law. No discussion of the  boycott.  Strikers might have decided to admit  defeat and accept this contract in order  to save their jobs and go on to fight  another day. But they were deprived of  their right to make this decision. An  inspiring struggle by working women and  men to gain more control and dignity in  their working lives ended with the strikers  having no control over their own strike.  Eaton's continued on next page 8 Kinesis September'85  LABOUR  Eaton's from previous page  The Aftermath  In some stores strikers are in danger of  being out-numbered by scabs, especially  since strikers who were seasonal workers  did not get their jobs back. The fact  that the strike didn't bring any improvements in wages or conditions will make it  hard for union members to convince scabs  and new employees they should support the  union when Eaton's begins its expected  decertification campaigns.  However, most strikers are still working at  Eaton's and better contracts have now been  signed at Simpsons and at Eaton's in  Manitoba (see story this page) . Hopefully  AUCE 8 organizes at Alpha  department store workers will be strong  enough within the union to prevent this  kind of sellout from ever happening again.  In November a new department store workers'  local will be formed within Retail Wholesale Department Store union in Ontario.  In a period when most working women are  quietly watching our real wages decline  and working conditions worsen, the courage  of the Eaton's strikers was an inspiration.  Let's not lose the benefit of this important experience because we shy away from  criticizing union leadership and strategies.  The organization of women workers will  only happen if we women workers assess,  criticize, learn from and ultimately control our own struggles.  by Michele Valiquette  After five months of difficult bargaining,  the members of the Association of University and College Employees (AUCE) Local 8  have ratified a first collective agreement  at Alpha College, a Vancouver private  school. Although labour relations have been  stormy at the College over the past year,  the Union is confident that the new agreement will provide a solid basis for improving working and learning conditions.  Negotiated provisions include a union shop,  strong language on racial and sexual harassment, full seniority rights, 100 per  cent medical coverage, sick leave and paid  time off for a variety of domestic emergencies. The Union and the College also  agreed to an immediate three percent wage  increase with a six month wage reopener.  The thirty clerical workers, teachers and  dormitory staff did not win easily. Their  struggle began late last year when already  poor working conditions deteriorated still  further. Prompted by increasingly heavy  workloads, low wages, a lack of supplies,  arbitrary discipline and frequent changes  im terms of employment, several teachers  wrote to the College administration outlining grievances and calling for consultation and dialogue.  College directors responded by firing  three of the group. At this point the  fight back began in earnest. Employees  contacted AUCE organizers and within days  a full unionization drive was underway.  Just two weeks later, despite very real  threats to their jobs, the majority of the  bargaining unit had signed Union cards.  But AUCE 8's difficulties did not end  there. When the application for certification was filed and the drive went public,  College directors began to harass and intimidate employees in a series of individual interviews.  An unfair labour practice complaint by the  Union led to a six day hearing at the  Labour Relations Board early in the new  year. Finally, on January 23 Vice Chair  Bryan Williams granted the Union automatic  certification. The order was made under a  rarely used provision of the Labour Code  allowing certification without a vote in  cases of severe employer interference  during an organizing drive.  Since certification members of AUCE 8 have  tackled fundamental issues ranging from  regular payment of wages to Union participation in the College decision making process. In many areas they have made sub  stantial gains. Their readiness to take  part in swift and often innovative job  action has been instrumental in securing  basic rights and has no doubt hastened the  conclusion of the first agreement.  The drive to organize Local 8 marks AUCEs  first involvement with workers in private  sector education. Our experience at Alpha  has made us acutely aware of the great  potential for abuse when education is in  the hands of entrepeneurs. In the resulting profit squeeze tuition is pushed up  and wages are forced down. Workers, students, the quality of education and of  working life all suffer.  Yet, the Socreds continue to slash public  education funding and open the way for  their friends in the private sector. Only  by organizing those workers already affected by privatization and by halting any  further attempts to privatize can we maintain and improve rights of educational  workers and standards of education in BC.  Eaton's Workers  What Did They Get?  •Wages: No increase. Part-time sales  staff hourly wages range from $4.50/hr  (seasonal) to $7.30/hr for a section head  with 4,000 hours seniority.  •Grievance Procedure: an employee who has  a complaint must discuss it with the store  manager before  calling in a shop steward.  Stewards have to handle union business  on their own time rather than during working hours. No right to grieve classification and reclassification.  •Seniority Provisions: "virtually meaningless," as Wilfred List said in the Globe  and Mail.  •Benefits: the minimum required by Ontario  labour standards laws covering non-union  workers.  •Vacations: No improvement. Full-time  workers get three weeks after five years.  •Sick Leave: Worse than past practice was.  A worker who is off sick must leave a  phone number with their manager where  they can be reached at any time. They  can be required to produce a medical  certificate at any time.  •Part-time: Short-term part-timers and  seasonal workers get more hours than long-  term part-timers because they're cheaper.  Part-timers who work 24 or more hours  per week are entitled to benefits except  when called in for Christmas relief or  TransCanada Sales. Then they do not  qualify for benefits even if they work  the 24 hours.  New Department Store Contracts Are Better  Workers at five Simpsons stores in the  ' Toronto area ratified first union contracts covering about 1000 full-time  and part-time sales staff and office  workers. The 31-month agreements provide  for wage increases of 4 percent in 1986  and 4 percent in 1987. Wages for sales  people now range from $5.54 to $7.38 per  hour. At their ratification meeting  Simpsons workers gave a standing ovation  in recognition of the contribution the  Eaton's strikers made to their fight.  The Manitoba Labour Relations Board recently imposed a first collective agreement  on Eaton's Brandon store. It provides  for wage increases of 10 to 20 percent  (75 cents to $1.58 per hour). Wages had  averaged $5.25 per hour.  See the next issue of Kinesis for an  article about the boycott campaign.  Ly  INA DENNEKAMP  Piano Technician  • Piano and Harpsichord  Tuning  • Repairs and  Reconditioning  • Appraisals  A/NT'NG  BBNO'  ^T/ONS  • COMMERCIAL  • RESIDENTIAL  • INTERIOR  • DRYWALL REPAIR  LEIGH THOMSON  251-6516  cotteetive  LESBIAN  INFORMATION LINE  Need Information?  Want to Talk?  Contact LI.L.(604) 875-6963  Thurs. & Sun. 7-10 p.m.  or write 400A W. 5th Ave.  B.C.'s only unionized travel agency.  ID  TRAVEL UNLIMITED  ELLEN FRANK  E.HASTINGS STREET,  THE  \ftNCOUVER  OUTDOOR  CLUB  FORWOMEN  ORGANIZED AND RUN BY WOMEN  LEARN NEW SKILLS  For more  information,  Phone:  Dee-875-9021  Jill-732-5607 Kinesis September'85 9  INTERNATIONAL  El Salvador  Women refusing to be silenced  by Christine Hayes  The National Association of Salvadorean Edu- I  cators (ANDES) held their 19th Congress in  June. The theme of this year's congress was  "Education for Peace in El Salvador." I was  one of 45 international delegates who  attended.  As an elementary school teacher from Vancouver I was shocked by the horrendous conditions facing students and teachers in El  Salvador.  I spoke with a little girl who worked as a  servant for a wealthy family. She told me  that she had been up since 4:30 that morning  making tortillas. Her teacher said the girl  has difficulty concentrating in school because she is severely malnourished and has  many problems at home.  The majority of teachers have not received  salaries since February. Doctors refuse to  treat teachers and their families because  the government will not reimburse them for  their services.  One teacher told me, in tears, how her five  month old daughter died in April because she  wasn't able to find a doctor who would care  for her.  Of the six schools I visited, only one received any supplies from the Ministry of  Education; six sheets of paper and one box  of chalk for the entire school.  I also had the opportunity to make contact  with groups and individuals involved in the  struggle for human rights in El Salvador.  Offices of the Human Rights Commission and  the Mothers of the Disappeared were both  ransacked by government forces the night  before I visited them. Testimonies, photographs, records of human rights abuses and  other documents, along with $10,000 were  stolen. The money was part of the $30,000  Kennedy Award presented to the Mothers  Committee for their outstanding work in defending human rights.  One woman told us why she works with the  Mothers of the Disappeared. "My son was  captured early one morning by the armed  forces, I tried to follow them but they  beay me up. I went to look for him in funeral homes, cemeteries, and in the ditches.  In one ditch I went through 32 bodies and  ten of them were decapitated. Last month  (May 85) they killed my 13 year old son. In  all, eight of my children have disappeared.  I tell you this not because I want pity but  because the world must know of the situation  here for the Salvadorean people. They must  know what the Duarte Government, backed by  the Reagan Administration, is doing."  The strength and courage of this woman and  many others I met like her makes it clear  that personal sacrifices are everyday oc-  for Salvadoreans.  I was also able to visit Illop'ongo Women'  Prison. The women in this prison demonstrate  the very real commitment and participation  of Salvadorean women in their struggle.  Maria, one of the prisoners, was tortured  by the National Guard. The Guard discovered  that she was giving food to members of the  revolutionary FMLN (Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front). They captured her,  raped her repeatedly, burned her with acid  and cut off her right leg.  Maria said, "If this is what I must do for  the freedom and justice of all Salvadorean  people, then it is only a small sacrifice."  Torture is not an isolated occurrence but  rather a systematic approach by the U.S.-  backed regime to silence the Salvadorean  AMES Anniversary Celebration  by Salem  The government of El Salvador is waging  war against the Salvadorean people who,  with a definite will to survive, are building their own egalitarian society.  In the zones of popular control, women are  very involved. Women work in education,  sanitation, agriculture and stock farming,  self-defense, daycare, artisan workshops  and developing Popular Powers (accountable  local governments). Thousands of these  women are feminists and members of AMES,  the Women's Association of El Salvador.  AMES was founded six years ago this September.  In the government controlled capital city  of San Salvador, AMES must work clandestinely, fearing government reprisals. Women don't identify themselves as AMES  members, and they cannot hold public meetings. In San Salvador, as in most places  radical women's organisations are seen  as a direct threat to the preservation of  the status quo, and, the existing govern-  AMES members who have been forced to leave  their home country are working internationally to aid the struggle of their people.  In Nicaragua, an AMES daycare houses and  supports Salvadorean refugee children and  mothers. And an international support  group, Friends of AMES, is raising money  and educating people about the war in  El Salvador.  The Vancouver chapter of Friends of AMES is  sponsoring "A Celebration by Women Artists"  in recognition of the 6th anniversary of  AMES' formation. Everyone is welcome to  enjoy theatre, music, poetry, Salvadorean  food and beverages, and a raffle, on September 9th at 7:30, La Quena, 1111 Commercial Drive.  At present, approximately one-third of El  Salvador is under the control of the democratic and revolutionary forces of the  FMLN/FDR. Almost 500,000 Salvadoreans are  living in the FLMN/FDR liberated zones,  where life is run collectively and the  people elect representatives to plan production, defence, education, and other  matters.  The liberated zones are targets of the  Salvadorean and U.S. military. Aerial  bombings of white phosphorus and napalm  are a daily occurence for the civilian  population.  The bombs started exploding and everyone  was running.  The planes fly over all day  long. There is never any rest from the  bombings.  They have no pity.  If they see  a child they murder her.-Woman from a  refugee camp.  Canadian Minister of External Relations,  Monique Vezina was in El Salvador at the  same time I was. Vezina said Canada will  restore aid to the Duarte Government in the  form of 18 billion dollars in credit. Justifying the aid, she refers to a marginal  drop in death squad activity. However, she  does not include the increase in aerial  bombings which has forced 700,000 Salvadoreans to flee the country and has  created another 600,000 internal refugees.  Even if human right violations have decreased minimally, does Canada condone the  ones that are occurring?  As an international delegate, I was asked  by the body of the 19th Congress of ANDES  to "tell the story to every corner of the  world of this holocaust against the Salvadorean people, this murderous plan of destruction supported by the Reagan Administration, and now the Canadian Government,-  which leaves no one unscathed." However  terrible the conditions, and despite the  constant repression nagging their every  step, there exists a spirit which cannot  be tampered with by any form of military.  Christine Hayes will present a slideshow/  discussion Sept 15,   8:00 pm at La Quena,  till Commercial Dr. Everyone Welcome. 10 Kinesis September'85  Nairobi Conference ^  A DECADE OF1WOMEN  by Emma Kivisild  Nairobi, July 10, 1985  It is impossible to describe my feelings  this, the opening day of the Non-Govern  mental Organizations (NGO) Forum. Then  are so many women from so many differei  places and walks of life. As someone f:  Canada's largely white middle-class  eminist community, one thing does stai  out however; the international women's  lovement is primarily a movement of third  rorld women. I notice that women from  Jestern countries keep saying how good it  ieels to be in the midst of so many black  and brown faces.  This morning I woke up at six to get to  Keyatta Conference Centre on time.  hall's seating capacity is only 3,000;  13,000 women have registered. Sure enough,  the aisles are soon overflowing and thousands of women are forced to hear the  proceedings over loudspeakers in the plaza.  The opening address is given by Edda  Gachukia, head of the Kenya NGO Organizing  Committee, who stresses the significance  ;his conference being held in a Third  World country. "It is imperative that we  draw attention to the situation of millions  of women in Africa and other Third World  countries whose daily toil is directed  towards fulfillment of basic human needs,"  she says, "we must ask what can be done  to improve the lot of these women who con-  )ute to the wealth of all mankind (sic).  Unless this issue is addressed at the  Forum, all the other issues will sound  academic and trivial."  Dame Nita Barrow, convenor of Forum '85,  points out that at the mid-decade conference held in Copenhagen in 1980, "the  2mational political climate was much  less reactionary and confrontational than  it is today." Along with Dr. Gachukia,  she stresses that despite the predictable  differences and arguments that will arise  during the Forum, the most important  thing is the opportunity for dialogue.  (Later in the day, back at the University  of Nairobi where the Forum's proceedings  will take place, Dame Barrow orders  lesbians distributing leaflets on the  lawn to stop, saying that the distribution  of literature is not permitted. So much  for dialogue.)  The schedule for the next ten days is  totally overwhelming. Hundreds of workshops - 40 at any given time. Daily  ultural events throughout the city. A  film forum including 180 women's films.  A technology exhibit. A Peace Tent for  olution of differences, with an agenda j  luding the Middle-East, revolutionary  governments, and nuclear war. Already  signs are going up posting countless caucuses, impromptu workshops, self-defence  classes, and so on. When are we going to  have time to chat? Will it be possible  to 'dialogue' on an informal basis?  The Forum is not yet underway and already I  there is a major crisis. Every hotel,  motel, residence and hostel has been  double or triple booked.  The situation, we are told, is only  going to get worse when the government  representatives arrive for the UN Confer-j  ence which coincides with the Forum for  I Women not able  I to get into  conference s  j Kenyatta Centre  week. Not surprisingly government  representatives have priority over NGO  delegates when"it comes to hotel rooms.  It appears the plan is to send those NGO  women occupying desirable rooms packing  i as the officials ;  |the impact of the heightening struggle  the Botha regime is felt every-  J where.. ANC and SWAPO women are being  I encouraged and strengthened by the ovei  I whelming show of support from confer-  I ence participants.  I This show of support is an indication c  J something that sets Nairobi apart from  I Mexico City in 1975 and Copenhagen in 1980  the involvement of Third World women in  etting the agenda, and the leadership  roles taken up by Third World women durirtj  the Forum. Issues like imperialism, racism, migrants, refugees, are getting a  great deal of attention here. A coatition  of Third World women - (Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era) -  is presenting a workshop series on development. White western women have been, as  one delegate puts it, "very well behaved".  The biggest cont:  without a doubt,  sy in Nairobi is,  and Palestinian  Already signs are going up posting countless  caucuses, impromptu workshops... when are we  going to have time to chat?j  In the afternoon, NGO delegates staying  at the Inter-Continental Hotel hold a  press conference. They announce their  intentions to stay in their rooms in  defiance of an order to leave so the  wife of Philippines President Marcos can  have two floors for her government delega-  By this time, several women have read a  paper from a U.S. rightwing think tank  recommeding the U.S. and Kenyan governments collaborate in order to 'contain'  NGO activity by restricting accommodation  in Nairobi. It's hard not to be suspicious.  In fact, in many ways the Forum's atmosphere breeds suspicion. Police from all  over the country have been called into  Nairobi for the event. They search every  bag, box and parcel entering the university grounds, and check every woman with a  metal detector. Police presence on the  lawns and the streets is ubiquitous.  Nonetheless many-women have been told not  to leave their hotels after nightfall.  And whereas the police were brought in for  the Forum, prostitutes, beggars and street  vendors have been removed from sight. Most  of these Kenyans will be incarcerated in  jails in and around Nairobi until we leave.  July 15 i  After four days of the Forum, threads  begin to emerge: issues that seem to bring  everyone together, as well as a few ongoing controversies.  For all the talk about "unnecessary poli-  ticization" of the agenda (the argument  that was supposed to keep apartheid, the  PLO and Central America off the schedule)  the most unifying bond her is an understanding that there must be support for  |women in liberation struggles, especially Black women fighting in South Africa.  :an National Congress (ANC) and  [SWAPO (Southwest African People's Organization, Namibia) workshops have  Ibeen overflowing, even after they have  Ibeen moved to larger rooms.  |T-shirts proclaim 'Free Albertian Sisubu'  (Buttons read 'Smash Apartheid'. Clearly,  %U^  India domestic workers and homemakers organizing  rights, the issues that caused major divisions in Mexico City and Copenhagen. The  Peace Tent dialogue and subsequent workshop here drew 500 women representing  every possible position. Although the  dialogues have been well mediated by  collaborative anti-Zionist Israelis and  Palestinian women, they have frequently  degenerated into shouting matches.  Forum '85, the conference's daily paper,  is swamped with letters to the editor.  Most Forum participants, it appears, are  supportive of the Palestinian struggle  for self-determination. But of course it  is difficult to imagine any real resolution of differences.  July 19  After dark, women gather around a stage  up on the University lawn, signing and  dancing to Kenyan drumming. Two giant  balloons, one red and one blue, float  je  the crowd, bounce off outstretched  hands, and then float into the lights.  closing cultural celebration is almost  over, and no woman here wants it to end.  | The political summary of Forum '85 happened during yesterdays lunch hour with an  1 improvized sound system and a table for a  I stage. The event was the "unauthorized"  I Unity rally; "unathorized" because the  I organizers absolved themselves of any  1 responsibility for rallies and demonstra-  |tions. In fact one group of women was  asked to remove their Forum badges if  I they intended to participate in the march.  continued next  page Kinesis September '85 11  But rallies have been happening anyway.  Women here have demonstrated against the  Marcos dictatorship in the Philippines,  U.S. intervention in Nicaragua, and apartheid. The Unity rally, spearheaced by  the U.S. based International Council of  African Women, heard speakers from Egypt,  India, the USSR, France, the U.S., Kenya,  mbia, Zimbabwe, Nicaragua, and Japan.  These women demanded an end to apartheid  and U.S. intervention and called for a  nuclear freeze as well as another World  Conference in five years. All speakers  essed the need for justice in the  Third World as an essential step toward  en's equality.  Andree McClachlan of the International  earch Council for Women of African  descent called for a World Conference of  African women, and a decade for women  dolour from 1990-2000. "There is no  doubt the predominance of Third World  Women has contributed largely to the  cess of this Forum," she said. "Black  American women will never be the same,  Kenyan women will never be the same. All  f us will never be the same."  n an interview with Forum   '85  U.S.  ctivist Angela Davis called the presence  f Afro-American women the most exciting  thing about the Forum. She said one of  their strongest statements was participating in organizing the Women's Coalition  for Nairobi, which circulated a petition  from progressive U.S. Women to be presented to the U.S. government delegation  headed by Maureen Reagan. Over a thousand  U.S. NGO delegates - more than half the  total in attendance - signed the paper,  a lengthy document outlining measures to  end all forms of racism, imperialism,  ism and militarization.  Black lesbians in turn were responsible  for making sure that document included  discussion of sexual orientation and  INTERNATIONAL  ^homophobia.'Third World lesbians at the  i were vocal and visible, refuting theH  |myth that lesbianism is one of the  oducts of decadent capitalist societies.!  I Despite legitimate fears prior to the  | conference that lesbians would be silenced|  removed, the presence of lesbian women  in Nairobi was very strong. After the  first day, lesbian literature returned  to the lawn when all the groups began ti  set up tables. It became the centre of  Third World lesbians at the  Forum were vocal and  visible, refuting the myth  that lesbianism is one of the  products of decadent  capitalist societies.  ^voiUTion  ri  One of the many banners greeting       Pho'° bv Emma Kivisild  women outside the forum  daily public education on lesbians and  lesbian lifestyles. Daily lesbian caucuses,  an afternoon of informal discussion, a  women's dance, a press conference and a  day of workshops, built networks and  established international lesbian organizing as something that won't disappear  after the Forum.  Upon reflection, Forum '85 was exciting,  educational and it facilitated valuable  international networks. But it was also  (frustrating. There were several glaring  ssions, among them any real discussion  indegenous people's issues, or the  lusion of disabled women on the plat-  | form at 'progressive' events like the  nity rally.  ! These were also organizational problems  that went beyond hassles of accommodation  - heavy handed political control by convenors and the government served to  increase the fragmentation of such a  mammoth and diverse event.  A good example of this was the film forum,  Most of. the videos and several films  didn't make it past the Kenyan censors,  and one, Leila and the wolves,  was confiscated just prior to screening. The   i  filmmaker and the outraged audience were  chastized by Dame Barrow for plans to  march in the streets in protest. "Unauthor  ized" again. Delegates were often treated  like children, left feeling powerless, and  told they were reorganizing the rest of  the Forum.  All this was combined with an agenda that  left little time for informal discussions  and included no events that everyone could  attend because of space limitations and  tight security. Why weren't there any  outdoor concerts or theatrical presentations before the closing celebrations?  What it added up to was an overal lack of  spirit at Forum '85. When there are so  many things that set us apart from each  other, this spirit is essential.  Women were not able to emerge from Forum  '85 with strategies or resolutions. What  we did achieve was building invaluable  networks, both regional and global. It is  these networks that will solidify our  gains - most importantly, the development  of a much more international and interracial focus for our movement.  IN SEARCH OF AFRICAN   PROSTITUTES  by Marie Arrington  My purpose attending the non-governmental  organisations (NGO) conference as a member  f the Alliance for the Safety of Prostitutes (ASP) was to liase with other women  rking for prostitutes rights. I wanted  contact prostitute women in Africa,  specifically Kenya, and to challenge those  myths put forward by "academic pimps" about  female sexual slavery.  I arrived in Nairobi July third. The first  item on my agenda was contacting street  prostitutes. Although prostitution in Kenya!  is illegal, women don't get arrested u:  s'they are unableto pay off the police.!  Making contact was relatively easy. After  telling women about the situation in Canada, they said they had been warned that  if they were still on the street at the  beginning of the conference they would  either be detained or shot. Many women  said they were going to Mombasa, a seaport city where many ships dock and the  tourist industry is booming.  When I asked about travelling into the  countryside I was told to go by train  with an escort because it wasn't safe.  Being stubborn by nature I immediately  went to the bus station and bought a  ticket to Mombasa and travelled alone.  I stopped by roadside markets, went  into villages, witnessed incredible  poverty and talked to many women in the      .*.u x.-1-u    u    ui_-i    \i_ji_  F    y i■    . wxth children who could nt leave) had been  countryside, without once being threatened,  detained. xhgy were rumored to be impri-  robbed or accosted. In fact, people were try- SQned on the military base outslde Qf  ing to feed me, people who couldn t afford to NairoM t0 keep the soldiers happy whlle  do so. The bus driver asked where I wanted   they ha(J th±s extra duty Qf keeplng NG0 an,  Upon my return to Nairobi I was unable to find any of the women  I had contacted earlier and the whole atmosphere of the city had  changed. Nairobi was getting ready for the women of the world.  to go and would have driven me there had I  known where I would stay..  I talked to several women, some of whom  I had met in Nairobi, some who were from  Mombasa and many who were from the rural  areas of Kenya. There are also women from  neighboring countries who come to Kenya  work. As in other third world countries |  there is a continuing migration of poor  women from the Kenyan countryside to urban I  reas.  Upon my return to Nairobi I was unable  to find any of the women I had contacted  earlier and the whole atmosphere of the  ;ity had changed. Nairobi was getting  ready for the women of the world. The  I police were out in full force, complete  [with machine guns. The army was there to  laid the police in keeping Kenyans in line.|  I Seventy-five percent of the prostitutes  (who didn't leave town (they were the ones I  women safe. The beggars, the disabled  (lepers, etc), the children of the  reets, the women and men hawkers who  brought their wares into town to sell,  were all removed from the streets. The  security was such in Nairobi that the  police were all over the campus, the  roadways, the hotels, the hallways outside the workshops and several were in  the line-ups. It was clear they were ready  act at anytime without the slightest  provocation. In the first week of the  conference a Kenyan woman, who had an  argument with a European woman about bein]  ripped off, was beaten by the police and  incarcerated for the night. Some American  j women attempted to get her released but t<  I no avail. While white women felt safer (1.  I African women were paying a price.  1 Many African women, when they knew who  j they could trust, had a lot to say about 12 Kinesis September'85  oppression of women in Africa, the  lack of freedom of speech, the lack of  opportunities, low pay for women and the  lack of recognition for women's work. As  one young prostitute said, "we carry the  country on our back, and they beat and  harass us."  The Kenyan government made rural womens'  work a focus of the conference. Women's  poverty was discussed daily, everywhere,  but there definitely was not unanimity  on how to solve it.  |"  • ^ "'■   •• *_[     1  Domestic worker who works for less  than $1 (Cdn)/month plus room and board  set up daily trips for  delegates to go to selected villages, but  some of us went to villages that weren't  on the list. I cannot describe the  poverty of women, the illness, the women  ith children, abandoned by men. Thpse women  rying to feed the children the best way  hey know how, living in less than huts.  This is a side of Kenya not many women saw.  Rural women in Kenya, as in many third  >rld countries, spend up to six hours  0 day just fetching water to meet their  family's daily requirements, as well as  raising the children, growing the family  food, making products to be sold at the  market, and often selling these products.  Children spend many hours in the field,  the girls more than the boys, learning at  an early age their role in the system.  Many women form the rural areas migrate  into Nairobi to prostitute themselves in  order to feed their children, many women  give their children to the missionaries  INTERNATIONAL  lover 500 signatures in three days, the  ■response on the whole was favourable wit  :'ew exceptions, such as the woman from  tada who said she was in favour of what  J the government did because after all they  I did it to protect us. What a price to pay  | for OUR safety!!!  I In the days following, I attended work-  [ shops about prostitution in other coun-  I tries, Okinawa Japan, India, Philippines,  [ Korea, and Latin America. In all workshops |  women said the same thing; prostitution is  terrible, it must be eliminated. When I  sked women from Okinawa "what was available for women if they wanted to quit  prostitution?" they replied "Nothing."-  The answer was the same in all the workshops,  "no alternatives". Without exception women  were prostitutes because of economic  necessity. When a Greek woman said they did  a study and that ehre were women in the  profession who came from wealthy families,  I asked if the study had determined if  the women had been abused at home. She  said yes, they had been. She advocated  a rehabilitation program for prostitutes,  to teach them self-esteem.  While some women from Europe and North  America said prostitutes should be taught  self-esteem and spirituality and that it  is better to be -poor than to be degraded  by prostitution, women from third world  countries were very clear that it is not  okay to starve with your children while  you were being righteous.  African women said they did not think  prostitution was a great way to survive but  the western nations were ripping off their  countries and the men coming to work in  those countries had no respect for the  women, cutlure or the land. Poverty,  exploitation and westernization has turned  so many women in Africa to prostitution.  pLg is ironic that the Kenyans who spoke  the most fluent english were the prostitutes.  A prostitute in Nairobi makes five shillings  for a blow job - 45 cents Canadian, and  20 shillings for a lay - $1.80 Canadian.  The average wage for a civil servant is  1500 shillings - $136.00 Canadian. A  I The police come in trucks and come into  I the bars and round up the women. They take  |you to prison and tell the court that you  ire on the street. It is easier to plead  lilty. If you have 200 shillings you can  | bribe the police, if you don't you go to  ail for two weeks to Lakata prison. This  s the worst time ever - since the conference."  While attending workshops and listening to  women talk about violence against women,  x tourism, trafficking and prostitution  became clearer to street workers and  women organizing on the streets that feminists and careerists the world over have  a lot to learn about solidarity, poverty  and starvation.  Women from Norway talked about how they  dressed up like prostitutes and stood on  street corners, painted tricks' cars an-  called their wives. They called this  "doing on the street study". Can anyone  imagine the hardship that single prostitute mothers experienced trying to work  and feed and clothe their children while  these academic pimps were cleaning up  the streets?  Poverty, exploitation and westernization have  turned so many women in Africa to prostitution.  It is ironic that the Kenyans who spoke the most  fluent English were the prostitutes.  they may be able to feed the younger ,  ones and not have them go hungry.  On July 16 at our workshop, "A Response  to Poverty: Prostitution in Third World  and Metropolitian Countries", a letter  tten by a prostitute in Nairobi was  brought to the attention of the partici-  patents. The letter contained information  about prostitutes being detained and the  plight of prostitutes in Kenya. Workshop  participants wanted to protest to the  government and ask that the women be  released and be allowed to return to the  streets.  A group from the workshop organized a  petition and copies of the letter were  circulated around the university. We had  to be careful because it is illegal in  Kenya to criticize the government and  none of us wanted to be imprisoned or  deported. We did not want to endanger  the women and we did not want it to be  seen that this kind of action was only  taken by a third world government.  The letter was printed in the Forum,   the  daily NGO newspaper and women came to the I  information table. We collected  domestic's wages are about 10 shillings  plus room and board, which is less than  $1.00 Canadian.  Many prostitutes subsidize local police  wages by payoffs. The women are able to  buy off their jail time for 200 shillings.  If women don't have money they are taken  to Lakata prison for up to two weeks.  The prison system runs on the old English  colonialist system. Women are awake at  5:00 a.m. and- dig in the soil all day.  While digging they have to carry a bucket  of shit on their head. If they spill it,  they are not allowed to wash. Every  evening they are beaten with a wire.  One young seventeen year old prostitute I  I met, the mother of three children, had  been working since she was ten. She said  I the when she is locked up her oldest  child takes care of the other two. There  1 is no one else to care for them and when  I she is released she has to hunt for her  | kids.  I When I asked what her biggest problems  I were she said "the police are the first  I problem, they lock us up until after the  (conference is over, then the pope comes.  The solidarity of hands  Listening to the international feminist  network against trafficking and female  sexual slavery at a workshop was similar  to listening to an indoctrination session  by the CIA. They all agreed that women  in the mentioned countries were poor, but  said that women are forced into prostitution by men kidnapping or selling them.  They never discussed parents selling their  children in order to feed the rest of  the family. They never told of the time  that western feminists came to Thailand  and discovered prostitutes in a brothel  and asked the women if they were kidnapped  The women said, "yes we were", the western  women then offered to help them escape.  The prostitutes asked "where to?" and were  told "back to your village." The prostitutes refused to go - saying "do you know  what we would be going back to? It is  easier to be a prostitute in a poor country than to try eke out a living on the  land and have babies every year as well."  Feminists did not talk about how many  women die: in childbirth; form starvation; form batterings by their husbands;  from overwork; from the use of depo-  provera and the coil which is the main  form of birth control. They did not say  how their organizing to stop sex tourism  has further put prostitute women in  danger by stopping men from going to othe:  countries. The women from those countries  have now resorted to immigrating illegally  to nations where they have no access to  medical facilities, legal recourse, any  form of bargaining power in the trade and  ire now wide open to ALL forms of violence  in a strange country.  | They did not talk about how the USA has  family planning aid to African coun-  I tries that allowed abortion. They did not  I talk about how South Africa has forced  en to be injected with depo-provera,  Itheir new form of genocide. They did not  I talk about neighboring countries to Kenya Kinesis September'85 13  and the millions of starving women and  children. This  is the most degrading part I  of any society, poverty, not prostitution. No., they talked about how prostitution has to be eliminated at all costs.  Not one offered any solutions.  When you see a well-dressed woman, whether|  from a western country or a third world  country, get up and say she really hurts  to see women suffer and then she agrees  that prostitute women should be further  punished, her credibility is shot all to  hell.  Without exception, not one of the fifteen  workshop panelists had anything concrete  to offer women. Panelists took up so much  time there was no time for audience participation. Those of us who did speak were  only able to do so because we demanded to  be heard.  African women from Kenya, Tanzania and  South Africa were extremely angry after  the workshop on trafficking. When an American woman asked the moderator if anyone  had talked to the Kenyan women, the moderator replied that she hadn't because she  was too busy. The American woman then  said, "shouldn't someone talk to the women  and tell them what is going on in their  country?"  The Kenyan women said that they knew what  was going on in their country, but the  multinationals come into the country and rip  them off so what else are they supposed to  do to feed their children? One Kenyan woman  stood up in one of the workshops and said,  "I want to tell our American sisters that  your men are creating havoc in our country."  We talked to women from Mexico, Bolivia,  Chile, Peru and other countries in Latin  America and South America. They all  told similar accounts of poverty, women  from the countryside, peasants going to  the urban areas to look for work and being  unable to find work other than being a  domestic.  A domestic is the next thing to a prostitute. You eventually end up on the street  anyway. The women are usually raped by the  man of the house, become pregnant, get  fired and then have to work as a prostitute  in order to support their child.  INTERNATIONAL  |0n the last day of the conference an older|  an, with false I.D. came to the univ-  lersity and asked to see me. She lives on  1 the Kenya/Uganda border and owns her own  se, which is very unusual in Kenya.  I Women don't as a rule own property, so she I  is accused of being a prostitute. She  also rents rooms to young women who work  as prostitutes. She is being harassed by  the police who are wanting to be paid off.  We talked about the lack of services  available for young women in Kenya. She  said some young girls start work as young  aight years old and many support their  mothers and grandmothers who have been  abandoned by their husbands. This woman  was under the misconception that women in  Canada didn't have to work as prostitutes,  that there wasn't such a thing as poverty  here, or racism. She also asked if we  could get the World Council fo Churches  to intercede for the prostitutes in Kenya.  Ibe involved in the fight to stamp out the  ■sex tourism industry: they called it "fe-  Imale sexual slavery". Imagine INTERPOL,  ■the highest police force in the world,  I working to keep women in line. And women  e actually saying that women's rights  I have made great progress in the past ten  m terrified by what is happening glob-  I ally to women. The careerists are getting  to the top on our backs. Women are getting  poorer throughout the world and are being  controlled more and more by the powers  that be. It is no accident that we are at  the bottom of the heap, as women, and it  is even less of an accident that women of  colour and poor women are paying the biggest price.  Prostitution is here to stay as long as  women do two-thirds of the world's work,  earn five percent of the wages and own one  percent of the assets. Poverty and prosti-  It is no accident that we are at the bottom of the  heap, as women, and it is even less of an accident  that women of colour and poor women are paying  the biggest price.  She said that the Kenyan woman has a clamp  on her mouth put there by the government.  The Canadian delegation to the UN conference  had, before I left Kenya, supported a  resolution asking that prostitutes be  restricted from crossing international  borders for the purposes of prostitution.  Well, already a woman who has a record for  prostitution is not able to immigrate to  this country, soon she will not be able to  even visit. Will other women be affected?  It will limit many women from coming to  this country. Already women of colour  cannot find a job here, even as a domestic,  if they have children. This resolution was  passed with concensus.  The other resolution being discussed when  I left Nairobi was the call for INTERPOL to  tution go hand in hand in the scheme of  things. To get rid of prostitution you  have to get rid of poverty.  What Kenyan authorities did to women during  this conference must be questioned. However, it is by no means a new way of controlling and harassing prostitutes. In  San Francisco at the Democratic convention  working women had to call for volunteer  lawyers to watch the police and their-  violent tactics.  It is no different or worse than what  Vancouver plans to do to prostitutes for  Expo 86. The politicians and residents of  this city are profiting from women working as prostitutes and now they want to  show the world that they can control  prostitutes (women). This is supposed to  make women feel safe?  Black Women continued from p. 5  defensiveness argue that they are making  changes within themselves to end their  racism. They send out a call to Black women  to join the women's movement and help these  changes take place. These same white  women refuse to educate men in matters of  feminism yet presume Black womeir-will  educate them in their racism. For many  Black women activists, the equality of  women with men is not their immediate concern. Black women acknowledge that it is  only through a loose 'bleedthrough' pro  cess that they will gain any degree of  benefit.  When white women campaign for equality  they are asking for equality with white  men. Any benefits that come to them will  eventually improve the lot of Black women,  but what of Black men? The freedom of Black  men is of equal importance to Black women  activists. What use is equality to the Black  women in South Africa, with whom do white  women wish them to be equal? Black South  African men?  The white women's movement does not champion the causes of men. Black women activists are interested in the freedom and  equality of Black men and women together  and it is only when this basic equality is  achieved that Black women can fight for  the equality of women. Black women do not  want equality with a Black man who is  denied the right to fulfill all aspects of  his existance. Until the white women's  movement acknowledges their selective  participation on matters of equality and  works towards encompassing the wants and  needs of Black women, they should not  stand in judgement of the lack in participation of a movement that Black women cannot identify with in any major area. Donna  Kate Rushin aptly portrays the sentiments  of many Black women in her poem 'The Bridge  I've had enough  I'm sick of seeing and touching  Both side of things  Sick of being the damn bridge for everybody  ...  Sick of being your insurance against  The isolation of your self-imposed limitations  Sick of being the crazy at your holiday  dinners  Sick of being the odd one at your  Sunday Brunches  Sick of being the sole Black friend to  34 individual white people  Find another connection to the rest of  the world  Find something else to make you legitimate  Find some other way to be political  and hip...  I'm sick of reminding you not to  Close off too tight for too long  I'm sick of mediating with your worse  self  On behalf of your better selves  I am sick  Of having to remind you  To breathe  Before you suffocate  Your own fool self  Forget it  Stretch or drown  Evolve or die...6  Classism and sexism as it affects white  women can be combatted through education,  social standing and economic position.  The added effect of racism makes every day  life for Black women a constant battle.  Never can we deny our position in a white  society. Should a white woman wish to do  so, she has the privilege to put her  energies into struggles in other parts of  the world. How ironic it would be if a  Black woman fought for freedom, equality,  and basic human rights in another land  when they are denied to her in her own  land.  When white women actively work towards  ending the racism that exists in the white  women's movement, Black women will be  ready to work side by side with white women  to obtain the equality of freedom for all  peoples regardless of race, colour, gender  or creed.  Footnotes:  1. Ain't I A Woman.  Bell Hooks.  2. Women,  Race and Class.  Angela Davis  3. You Can't Keep a Good Woman Down.  Alice  Walker.  4. Ain't I A Woman.  5. Ain't I A Woman.  6. This Bridge Called My Back. "The Bridge  Poem", by Donna Kate Rushin. ed. Cherrie  Moraga and Gloria Anzaldua.  Other References: Sister Outsider  by  Audre Lord and The Black Woman  by Toni  Cade. 14 Kinesis September'85  INTERNATIONAL  Adivasi Women Taking the Lead  This is the second in a two part article  on the Adivasi women in India. Part one  ("Kinesis July/Aug. '85) of this award  winning article by Saswati Ghosh details  the exploitation which these women are  dealing with. Reprinted from Calcutta's  Amrita Bazar Patrika.  Every action has a reaction and it is  heartening to see that the adivasi woman  is striking back. In Jharkhand women are  more skilled in using their bows and arro1  than the men. This tradition has made  them more militant as their record in all  the local movements bear out. They were  in the forefront of the 'Jangal Bachao'  movement, the biriworkers' movement, all  miners' movements, and are now spearheading  the social movements also.  The attitude towards struggle was well  brought out to us by Rain Kui, 40, wife  of Chari Gagrai of Kunsera village. Her  house was burned down by the police as  she took an active part in the forest movement. The police came on 23 April, 1983,  at about 8 a.m. At that time she was not  at home. She had gone to Kurjali for biri-  making. The S.D.O., D.F.O., and the Forest  -Ranger came with three police jeeps and  two trucks full of C.R.P., ransacked the  house and set fire to that house and another  She has been implicated in a dacoity and  murder case. No case under the Indian and  Forest Act has been registered, although  she had actually participated in the forest  movement.  We had an extensive discussion with her.  She sa"ld that they had launched the struggle  to take back the land which is justifiably  theirs and was taken away by the Government.  They are very clear that without their  active solidarity, their male relatives,  who first started the movement, cannot be  successful. Besides this, the adivasi .women  who go to the forest to work, have a particular wrath agains the forest authorities  from whom they always face sexual harassment.  She added, "After all, both men and women  here depend on the forest for their living.  We must defend our right over the forest."  She was very clear about the demands  specifically related to women. "We have  demanded equal pay for equal work with the  men.- Besides, women have no right over the  land, although they take equal part in  clearing the forest and cultivating the  land. We should be given the right over the  land." About the reaction of their menfolk,  she was very candid: "At first they did  hot like this demand. Now, some of them are  supporting it - most of them are indifferent ." The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha has taken  up this demand since 1980. She also pointed  out that women are particularly made targets  during police actions. Besides the usual  torture, they have to face sexual assault  and rape. But the point that must be commended is that the position of the women in the  1 struggle is almost on an equal footing  with the men's.  Indeed, in many places, adivasi women are  now taking the lead. In 1975, the Dalmias  declared a lock-out in a mica mine at  Chiriburu. The workers were picketing in  front of the mine. The owners came with  three police vans carrying women police,  the S.P. and new workers. The organisers  arranged the old workers on the hill top  with bows and arrows while in the front  row were female workers, also armed. The  S.P. wanted to talk to the leader, Purnendu  Majumdar. When he went to talk to them,  they arrested him and the police took up  position with their rifles. While the  organisers and the workers were apprehensive  that the police might open fire, the female  workers went forward. They surrounded the  police and rescued Majumdar.  In 1981, police raided the Baipi village  to arrest some leaders of the Mukti Morcha.  When the menfolk were still debating what  to do, the women came out with bows and  arrows and cordoned off the police contingent. When the police fired in the air, the  women responded with a string of arrows over  their heads. After about two hours the  police were compelled to retreat.  Another incident is quite recent. On 19  June 1983, the men and women of Bankali  village of Dumuria stopped contractors  from taking wood out of the forest - as  part of their 'Jangal Bachao  but they do not stop it either." At the  same time, she is apprehensive: "If we  say too much against the killing, they  will be ready to kill us too." They are  trying to organize women against this  also, apart from only economic demands,  such as equal pay for equal work.  The other woman we talked to was Josna of  the Singbhum General Employees Union. So  long, they have not raised any demand  specific to women except for equal pay  for equal work. She feels that it is  imperative to organise women in an exclusive organisation. She said, "The menfolk  Women are more  skilled in using their  bows and arrows than  the men. This tradition  has made them more  militant as the record  in all the local  movements bear out.  The officer-in-charge of the local police  station came with his force. They wanted  to enter by force the house of Shankar  Chandra Hembram, a Mukti Morcha leader,  to arrest him. He was not at home. His  mother and daughter, with bows and arrows,  stopped the police from entering their  house. When the police arrested Madhu  Mardi, the women of that village surrounded  the police and rescued him. Even after  the threat of opening fire, they stood  their ground. So the police had to go  empty-handed.  When we met Laro Jonko, perhaps the only  full-time adivasi woman activist of the  region, she said, "To solve the problems  exclusive to women, we have formed a Mahila  Samaj." Her statements exploded the myth  of the relative freedom of the adivasi  woman. She confirmed that women are relatively independent when moving in and  around the village, economic circumstances  having made it so. In the case of the  large scale migration of labourers as  construction and other workers, it is  mostly the women who migrate.-  There, as well as in the forests, in the  mines, in the houses of the 'Babus', the  women face sexual harassment. But they  cannot report it to the community,  because the women themselves will be blamed  and thrown out of the tribe. If somehow  the village comes to know about it, she  would not be allowed to cook, take water  from the same source or eat in the same  kitchen with others, even in her parents'  house. She will be allowed to do only  outside work, such as sweeping the courtyard, cleaning utensils or pounding the  rice.  Laro and their Mahila Samaj are going  from village to village telling people  that these raped women should not be  treated as outcasts, but things are yet  to change. And or course there is the  property angle.  The other problem, as mentioned earlier,  is that of land and the atrocities on  women (with-killing etc.) Women, old or  young, will be blamed for any mishap in  the village and killed as witches. "Men  do the killing. Women do not join in,  here do almost nothing, except ploughing.  So the burden on the women is rather  heavy." She feels that as their work  increases outside the home, it will be  easier to bring home the exploitation to  them.  As yet she is a bit confused about how to  start such an organisation and which  demands to bring into focus. She faces  some distinct problems. First, the  adivasi women do not have time to organise  a movement because of their heavy burden  of work. Second, male domination is very  strong and entrenched. The women she has  talked to often found such an idea  'shocking' and almost every time went to  take permission from their menfolk for  joining such an organisation.  Laro, however, refuses to be a pessimist.  She says, "We are fighting for a Garibi  Raj. Right now, we are demanding a  separate Jharkand State. But that would not  end the misery of the poor. If women have  to keep quiet as a poor man continues  to beat his wife, that would not be the  Raj of poor women. All these atrocities  on women, the exploitation of women, the  greater oppression of women will have to  end."  " Vancouver Womens Bookstore  'WA/R    MON--SAT- Ham-5:30pm  phone 684-0523  315 Cambie St., Vancouver V6B 2N4  1st fkt rfertrjf Month '■ /Q^ofF au-fries/  ^epl.J: Z&Qfc fegukrficXipN'  £fcL5: 2CPcff j^Afet ±r\2arvj  ' Mail orders welcome.  Wild West is ai  all-women collective,  selling bulk organic  produce, yogurt, and  juices, for the health of  you and your family.  For a free catalog, call  or write:  WILD WEST ORGANIC  HARVEST CO-OP  2471 SIMPSON RD. RICHMOND BC V6X2R2 D (604)276-2< Kinesis September'85 15  INTERNATIONAL  Creating   Choices  by Patricia Donohue  "Creating Choices Through Feminist Education" was the theme  of the 7th National Women's  Studies Association Conference  in Seattle, June 19-23. Conference coordinators welcomed  over 500 women in Wednesday  evening's opening session. "A  Celebration of Women" followed  with music from the Seattle  Women's Ensemble and poetry  readings from Judy Grahn and  Paula Gunn Allen.  During Thursday morning's  plenary three speakers from the  USA and one from Ontario spoke  on "Work, Race, and Class:  Making the Links in Theory and  Practice". The four women  shared a common reference point  women's studies is not just the  academic arm of the feminist  movement. It must be coupled  with actions in and learning  from the larger community.  The three and one half days  were filled by 244 workshops  including the role of women in  struggles for justice in Central America, prostitution consciousness and feminist writing  in French and English Canada.  Nine caucuses including Jewish  women, librarians, women of  colour and lesbians met each  day planning NWSA policy and  special projects for the  association,  Saturday's plenary session,  "Common Causes: Uncommon Coalitions" highlighted the conference. Organizer/editor of  Learning Our Way, Charlotte  Bunch discussed "divisive re-  ctions", among feminists.  Barbara Smith, Kitchen Table  Press editor, spoke of the anger  she felt at being asked once  again as a black woman to  speak about racism. Author of  Look Me in the Eye: Old Women,  Aging and-Ageism,  Barbara MacDonald, delivered a powerful  statement on ageism within  the women's movement and Merle  Woo, UC-Berkeley, praised campus  actions against South African  apartheid and advocated continued civil disobedience.  While many of the workshop  speakers read directly from  their academic papers, these  four women spoke passionately  from experience.  Coordinators are already looking for ideas, research, and art  (in all forms) for next year's  conference. If you have a proposal or would like more information, write to: Jean Rice  and Paula Gray, Office of  Women's Studies, University  of Illinois at Urbana-Cham-  paign, 411 Gregory Hall, 810  South Wright, Urbana, Illinois,  U.S.A. 61801.  Japanese women protest  Cultural Minister's rape jokes  One day Mr. Shumon Miura decided, "I don't want to be  treated by women as just a  harmless little old man."  So Miura became an avid jogger, swimmer, and cyclist,  saying, "It would be shameful  for a gentleman to rape a  woman but it is also shameful  for a man not to have the  physical strength to rape a  woman."  Shumon Miura is the Director-  General of Cultural Affairs  in Japan.  Japanese women are demanding  Miura's resignation due to  his remarks condoning and  trivializing rape, published  in the magazines City Runner \  (Dec. 1984) and Say  (May 1985).  "Rapists should choose to  attack unchaste women as  their victims," he said.  "These women would probably  take such an incident as  lightly as tumbling down in a  puddle...she may have been  slightly physically harmed  Zimbabwe Women's A ction  Group challenges views on rape  Customary law regards rape as  seduction, not as a violent  crime. This, according to the  Zimbabwe Women's Action Group,  is responsible for the fact  that many rapes go unreported.  Recorded figures indicate that  rape is becoming one of the  Kuwaiti women want to vote  Kuwaiti women have renewed a  call for voting rights in the  only Persian Gulf Arab nation  with an elected Parliament,  but the few men allowed to  vote are resisting the idea.  Kuwait is to hold elections  for the National Assembly Wednesday, and local newspapers  reported today that several  prominent women, including a  member of the royal family,  have renewed demands for political rights.  Only Kuwaiti citizens are  allowed to vote. The majority  of the inhabitants of Kuwait  are 'temporary' workers and  therefore have no political  rights.  A poll of 1,856 men eligible  to vote showed 58 percent opposed electoral rights for  women and only 27 percent were  in favor. The poll was conducted by the Arabic daily Al  Anbaa and Kuwait University.  -Win News  commonest crimes against  women in Zimbabwe. The practical difficulties of reporting  and proving a case of rape  are immense, compounded by  attitudes which seek to lay  the blame on the women themselves .  The group has challenged these  and other sexist practices/  attitudes and recommends that  counselling centres be established in rural areas, nurses  and staff at local clinics be  trained to perform medical  examinations, that women  police officers be trained to  handle rape cases, stiffer  - sentences are given to offenders, that more women should sit  as assessors in rape cases,  and finally that the public be  educated out of habitually  placing the blame on the woman  by saying 'She asked for it'.  —Outwrite  but mentally there is no damage  In fact, she will take it as  a compliment to her attractiveness."  Miura describes a world where  women just can't win. In his  view, women who react to rape  with feelings of humiliation  or even a desire to commit  suicide do so because they are  not freed from such "old  fashioned morals" as chastity.  At the same time, however,  Miura contends that "the fault  for causing the rape also  lies with the rape victim."  Calling the values of today's  Japanese women "loose",  Miura comments, "Pictures of  young women who reveal their  breasts, lift their skirts,  and show their panties sell  well in weekly magazines,"  and that such women are not  exceptional. Miura feels that  such women and those who go  about unescorted at night incite men to become rapists in  spite of their fear of the  law.  Confronted by Dietwoman Terumi  Kasuya, Miura tried to brush  the whole affair aside as a  joke. Finally, when pressed  by Dietman Hideo Yasunaga, he  admitted that he shouldn't  make such jokes, although he  never actually apologized.  In response to protests by  the Tokyo Rape Crisis Centre,  Miura sent a postcard saying  that while he should not make  such remarks in his official  capacity, as a writer he is  entitled to say anything he  likes. This veiw was shared  by his superior, Minister of  Education, Culture and Science  Hikaru Matsunaga.  Those wishing to join the  protest may address their  letters and telegrams to Mr..  Hikaru Matsunaga, Minister  of Education, Culture and  Science, 3-2-2 Kasumigaseki,  Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 100, Japan,  and Prime Minister Yasuhiro  Nakasone, 2-3 Nagata-cho,  Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 100, Japan.  G amp  JOO ttvle  House  Gross-CounVrv   SV\\  Soec\a\  O^e  UDeeK   Wooro | Fvi\\ BocircSi  *°f\ For   Vuo       £>ooK  \  V\ow>    •  orA  y'  Downtown Eastsicle lumens Cetttrer  ZVf- tttam Street'Vancouver* ft.C. *6%l~&i60  W\o*l.~7kur$i Wa.m~5ptn * Tvi&aty: \Oam~tOftri • Swr%.t 'fym^lopm  Ve eve <*. coLXectiVgr of M>ott\et\ worUt-nt) in ifie pwtrttawn.  Ewftbi&e, mincer 1970. 1*)er offer a, j>t\fe ylaac jov >wott\(rn to  Shayfc information. and idaoA , to fw»ld ^tor^iMops **& support yovp*,.  Com& 'Vifrtt u*/ i^fW *uWt our Hew$fefcfcer,  i  BECKWOMAM^S  StOREfRONT ART 3>TUDI0-&(fT SKoP  ' Helium Sallaoms  WOhAEH'^ 5//V16dL -fEVlELLZ  ffcEE LANCE ftR? WofcK-  _ANVr»INL<- MADg IM CLAY-£VEH/otiH [M6RI  rtoi-rM  • • THEATRE * •  For the best in Foreign Films  and Independent Quality Films  Non-Sexist, Coffee Bar, Crying Room for parents  with small children  16th and ARBUTUS STREET  Phone 738-6311  $2.99 on Tuesday $4 Students with valid cards 16 Kinesis September '8!  What's Class Got To Do With It?  by Cy-Thea Sand  Class as an issue in the women's movement  lives a fertile but somewhat covert existence. Working class women I spoke to  about the supplement expressed frustration  and rage about the topic which most feel  is under-analyzed and misunderstood by  many feminists. Classism is an ideological  buzz word for some; a daily reality for  many of us. Class issues are often explained simply as involving money or economics. Many women claim to be confused  about their class origins. Our supplement  intends to address a few of the concerns  the issue raises.  On one level class is about a group's access to education and power and the attitudes which foster our society's hierarchical structure. The sixties have been called  the great equalizer when the myth of equal  access festered and spread. For man, the  women's movement continued the illusion:  women's collective oppression erased-class  and race differences, differences in  health and mobility, differences in access  to education and the professions, our  varying attitudes towards upward and downward mobility. The silence and confusion  are slowly being dealt with but far too  seldom presented in a public forum.  Couples, support groups and friends talk  and argue about class but it is time to  move the discussion into the wide open  public spaces of debate and disagreement.  Only then will we begin  to recognize the  impact of class on our individual and collective attitudes, assumptions and behavior .  We are sorry that some contributors' work  is unavailable for this issue. Ironically  the material conditions of ill-health,  work commitments and housing crises precluded an excerpt from a dialogue between  three working class white women. An interview with working class women from outside  the women's movement fell through at the  last minute. We hope to publish this work  in future issues, of Kinesis.  Many women  who have a lot to say are bogged down  with domestic and wage labour responsibilities - a grim reminder of the historical silencing of working class women.  Experiencing Women, Race and Class, Personally  Angela Davis, with Sweet Honey in the Rock  by Kandace Kerr  The reason racism is a feminist issue is  easily explained by the inherent definition of feminism. Feminism is the political theory and practice to free all women:  women of colour, working class women, poor  women, physically challenged women, lesbians, old women, as well as white economically privileged heterosexual women. Anything less than this is not feminism, but  merely female self-aggrandizement.  Barbara Smith  This Bridge Called my Back  I grew up in a bigoted, conservative small  town where people who didn't fit in were  shut out, ignored and dealt with through  the gossip judiciary. When I left to go to  university very little changed. There I  entered a feminism that on many levels  was as bigoted and conservative as the  town I had left.  I knew no poor women at university - all  the women I met were either daughters of  rich parents, supported by civil servant  husbands, or well off enough that they  could afford to spend all their time in  school getting good marks and scholarships.  There were few women of colour at my university. ||||lllpil  My first lover at university was an East  Indian man. This relationship was such a  serious threat to the campus status quo  that our lockers were trashed and I was  cold shouldered by the few women I had  made friends with. I didn't last long at  university.  Those beginnings of conflict over class  and race have made me somewhat bitter and  angry. There are things I react to in the  women's movement that speak to my working  class background. I react against credentials, to the need to "belong" to an organization with an ideology all its own.  I react against the process junkies who  talk long and loud about power and format  and theory, while outside the meeting hall  women are being beaten. I react against  educated women who act dumb, who don't use  the privilege they have to help other women, to change things. I react against the  notion of political correctness, of one-  line visionaries, of stepping into line,  even though in a small community it's hard  not to fall into place. I learned at an  early age, through loneliness, the key to  belonging: you pretend. Pretend you understand, enjoy and belong. Pretty soon people  will see you as part of the scene. As a  working class woman I've pretended to belong to the women's movement for so long  now the pretense has been accepted. I've  pretended that I understood, that I shared  the same issues and cbrfcerns and methods  of doing things, even when they did not  speak to my past or my fears or concerns.  Women,  Race and Class.   By Angela Davis,  Mississauga: Random House, 1983.  I was born poor and will continue to live  in some form of poverty, much to the dismay of friends who presume that because  I'm literate I should know better. If  you're born poor or into the working class,  life doesn't change. Similarly if you're  born black, or asian or native Indian, or  physically challenged, the oppression, the  racism, don't fade with age. That's not  to say we all share the same  oppression:  but we do share oppression in general,  something that is an everyday fact of  life and not a once in a lifetime event.  I know that sometimes I don't recognize my  privilege as a white woman. I know that  often I am confused by priorities that are  mine as a white feminist but are not ours.  as women.  .The politics of the group I took refuge in  the white women's movement, often closes  me to areas I really want to work in, and  leads me into circuitous debates that are  exclusionary to my experience, or to that  of my mother, or other women I know. I  often feel frustrated,ilost, angry, con  fused and isolated. When I read Women,  Race and Class  by Angela Davis, my sense  of isolation began to dissolve.  Angela Davis was a childhood heroine of  mine. I had newspaper stories about her  taped to the wall beside my bed. I read  her autobiography in one non-stop sitting,  bursting into tears and shouting on the  bus (where I was at the time) when she  was found not guilty of charges in 1972.  More than anything else Angela Davis, like  a lot of the writings of other black and  Third World women, challenged me to rethink, to examine my racist roots and to  understand my privilege and my position  as a white woman. And to see similarities  between us that could be sources of %  strength and growth.  Women,' Race and Class  also comforted me in  ways that I have only now begun to understand. Davis examines very closely the  racist underpinnings of the organized  women's movement, as well as its class  nature. She begins with an inverting of  the traditional image of slave women.  While white (and some black) histories  talk only of the victimization of black  women, or of their erotic nature, Davis  uncovers incident after incident of strong  resistance: you know  there weren't just  one or two "great women", as most white  women's history is written, but that  struggle and resistance and strength are  commonplace to all black women. Struggle  and survival are a way of life.  Davis develops this legacy of strength,  and then contrasts it with the early days  of the women's suffrage movement in the  United States. Growing out of the anti-  slavery movement, the suffrage campaigns  When I read Women, Race and  Class by Angela Davis, my sense  of isolation began to dissolve.  of the 1880s - 1920s owed more to the  racist and classist nature of its members  than it did to the goal of achieving  equality for all people.  The emphasis on attaining the vote for  white women over supporting the right for  all people to vote engineered the racist  and privileged nature of suffrage. (I have  to admit here that my feelings about suffrage have changed radically over the past  few years. I am extremely critical of  the amount of energy being spent on seeking legislative change to attain a goal Kinesis September'85 17  that is essential to maintaining the  system's veneer of democracy, as opposed  to attacking those fundamentals that support exploitation and repression.)  Sojourner Truth exposed the racism and  classism ot  the new women's movement when,  at an 1851 women's convention in Akron,  Ohio she challenged those present. In the  midst of an audience of men and women hostile to blacks and to black women, she  informed them that not all women were  white, and that all women did not share  the comforts of the bourgeois lifestyle.  Davis documents the rise of racism as a  central theory of the suffrage movement.  Suffragette organizers allied themselves  openly with racists in order to secure  male political and business support for  their cause. When black women tried to organize suffrage groups they were refused  help or affiliation with the white women's  groups.  Davis does not stop at this treatment of  black women by the suffrage movement. She  goes on to detail the resistance of black  women like Ida B. Wells, Josephine St.  Pierre Ruffin, Victoria Mathew and Maritcha  Lyons, all of whom organized black women's  anti-lynching organizations. While white  women concerned themselves with buying into  the system, black women fought to keep  black men and women alive.  Most of these women had been banned from  white women's organizations, and were very  aware of the distinctions between their  clubs and those of their white counterparts.  Fannie Barrier Williams wrote that black  women realized the "the club movement  reaches into the sub-condition of the  entire is only one of the many  means for the social uplift of a race..."  Davis also details the relationship between  working women and the suffrage movement.  While the leaders of the movement acknowledged the need to recruit working class  women to their cause, they offered little  This path of racism came up again in the  second wave of American feminism. Davis  critiques a lack of white women's analysis  around rape, and specifically around racist  theories about rapists. She cites Susan  Brownmiller's book, Against Our Will,  as  being guilty of reviving the myth of the  black rapist. Herstorian Gerda Lerner  wrote "The myth of the black rapist of  white women is the twin of the myth of the  bad black woman - both designed to apoligize  for and facilitate the continued exploitation of black men and women."  Contrasted with the view of all the black  men as rapists, or the stereotyped poor  or black rapist, are accounts of the anti-  lynching work of black women. When groups  organized to prevent vigilante murders of, often on trumped up charges of  rape, sexual assault or sexual intent, white  women refused to participate in any way.  The same refusal, Davis writes, re-surfaced  in the 1970s. "(Brownmiller's)...refusal  to alert white women about the urgency of  combining a fierce challenge to racism  with the necessary battle against sexism is  an important plus for the forces of racism  today."  I was struck by the similarities between  black women and working class women. While  not wanting to declare us as one, or even  beginning to presume that our struggles  are the same, I think we are close together  on some economic, social and feminist issues if we take Smith's definition of femi-  Civil Rights Activist of the  in the way of solutions to the problems of  being poor. Equality, to working class women, translated as equality with their exploited and underpaid lovers, brothers,  husbands and fathers. Working women did not  raise the suffrage banner until mass unionization began and women argued that they  could use the ballot to force legislation  to protect working women from hazardous  working conditions.  For black women, who during the first  twenty years of this century comprised one  quarter of the female labour force in the  United States, this extension of the suffrage hand did not mean much. When the vote  had been gained, black women were often denied access to the ballot box. In Georgia,  the Ku Klux Klan prevented women from voting, and violence against black women and  children' brought injury and death. In the  ranks of the newly enfranchised white women's movement, however, there was little  cry of protest.  The final chapters of the book deal with  ra'cism and birth control, and reassessment  of wages for housework. Davis writes that  "argument advanced by birth control advocates have sometimes been based on blatantly racist premises." Birth control was used  as a means of poor population control, much  as it occurs today in the Third World:  White (read American) morals imposed on  other countries' values and society. Davis  cites Margaret Sanger, an early birth control activist, who became openly racist  once she severed her ties with the Socialist party. She concludes that "...what was  demanded as a 'right' for the privileged  bacame to be interpreted as a 'duty' for  the poor."  Women,  Race and Class  ends with a re-evaluation of the Wages for Housework movement.  There weren't just  one or two "great  women", but that  struggle and  resistance are  commonplace to all  black women.  Davis sees socialization of housework and  subsidization of public child care having  "explosive revolutionary potential."  Reading the book was a validation of a number of sentiments I had been feeling and  a number of questions I had been sorting  out not only as a herstorian but also as a  working class woman questioning her involvement in a largely middle class movement. I found parallels between the  white women's priorities then and now,  reading the co-opting of goals and strategies and the playing off of one group of  women against the other. Baring its class  nature for all to see, the current bourgeois women's movement is so interested in  state policy, state control and getting  "into power" that it has lost any claim to  a truly feminist definition. Liberation  for some of the women in the world isn't  liberation - it's Barbara Smith's self-  aggrandizement .  In a movement filled with  intellectuals and academics, I  find myself restricted by their  language, the language of the  left and of discussion and  analysis.  We are not well paid for our labour, if at  all. We don't have a lot of choices in  terms of what we do. We have strong family  cultures, that to some extent shape our  lives as adults and shapes the work we do.  We share distinct cultures of survival and  struggle, and we build on those cultures  to strengthen our resolve to continue  fighting. On some levels we share a similar cynicism about political organizing,  realizing that politics are not a single  issue but personal and everyday and connected to everything we do in our lives.  Often in a movement filled with intellectuals and academics, with women who have  read and understand a lot of left political theory, I find myself restricted by  their language, the language of the left  and of discussion and analysis. I am not  too interested in political theory devised  by men, pertaining to a male perspective  on the world. Nor in the strictures-.of  their language. Somewhere between the  verbiage of Marxism and the woman-as-a-  class line of women like Andrea Dworkin,  there is a feminist definition of class  that is rooted in the personal, that is  based on experience and not in words I  can't understand. A definition that is not  rigid and static. Rosario Morales understands:  This society this incredible way  of living divides us by class by colour.  It says we are individual and alone  and don't you forget it.  It says the  only way out of our doom of our sex  our class our race is some individual gift and character and hard  work and then all we get all we ever  get is to change class or color or  sex to rise to bleach to masculinize...  Class and color don't define people or  politics. But the system, and often the  left and often the women's movement, find  them handy tools in dealing with us. You  either conform, or you don't belong.  Women,  Race and Class  showed me the background to, and the nakedness of, my racism  in connection to organized feminism. It  also gave me a heritage of co-existence,  of struggle that bKack and some working  class women have shared in the past. It is  a co-existence that will not come again  without major shakeups in the white women's  movement, without a change in attitude and  understanding and reality.  Merle Woo, an Asian American writer and  activist writes "If you feel you don't  have to fight for me, don't have  to speak out against capitalism, the exploitation of human and natural resources,  then you in your silence, your inability  to make connections, are siding with  a system that will eventually get you,  after it has gotten me."  I'm more concerned about fighting apartheid, about welfare rights and fighting  Angela DaYlS continued on p. 24 18 Kinesis September'85  Growing Up With  by Sally Shamai  Anxiety ran  through i  as the  asive  voice on the other end of the phone  asked me to write this article on recreation and class. My immediate response  was no, the relationship was too obvious,  the article would be redundant. What more  was there to say than "money"? If you  have it, you have access to a wider  arena of possibilities than if you don't  have it.  Permission to Play  t inside me and the  : other end of the  : the relationship  icreation is not so  But the little voi<  coaxing voice on tl  phone both knew th;  between class and i  simple. How class background affects  choices in recreational activity is much  more complex than mere access to money,  just as there are more obvious and  subtle components than money in how gender,  race, age, ability and marital status  affect our choices in recreational activity.  I define recreation as the activities  chooses to participate in during the  one  Though my mother was a single, working  mother, she somehow found the time and obviously had the money to expose her four  daughters (all within six years of each  other in age) to many recreational activities.  She placed -a lot of value in us having free  time and using it creatively. Certain recreational acitivities were such a large  part of my upbringing that they are an  inherent part of my adult life.  My mother tried to make available anything  we expressed an interest in. She also exposed us to many things that we loudly expressed no interest in, insisting that  we try many things before we ruled them out  as possibilities.  We took downhill ski lessons at an early  age and skiing vacations took us around  Southern Ontario, parts of the U.S. and  Quebec for many Christmas and Easter  vacations. Summertime would  Id enough. Before  small place'in cottage  hours away from responsibility; activities  which bring enjoyment, pleasure and relaxation. Time  is an obvious and major factor  in recreational choice. How much time away  from work and responsibility one has will  influence what is a relaxing or  activity. For example, the mere thought  of going on a day long hike may be totally  exhausting to a person who only has one day  off or a few hours off in a week, and is not  what she would choose to do in those precious hours.  But what if you have time and money? Is it  safe to say that your recreational choices  are less limited? I think not. This is the  part that becomes somewhat more complex. It  seems that when our minds turn to recreation  and leisure, our attitudes and values have  as much if not more bearing on our choices  than do time and money.  Have we been raised to see recreation as  part of our lives at all? Is it a luxury,  a right, a privilege, something we deserve  inherently or something we have to work  hard for in order to enjoy? Can we move  with ease in different recreational settings  or are they totally unfamiliar and intimidating to us so that we avoid them even  though we may have the time and money?  Our exposure to, attitudes about, and  familiarity with different recreational  activities and recreation in general  addresses a large part of what class has  to do with recreation. It is not the purpose of this article to delineate recreational activities by class; there are  hundreds of papers in the halls of academia  that do just that. There are also papers  that debate at length whether recreation  itself is a middle class phenomenon. Rather,  I will explore from an unscientific and  personal basis how it seems to me that class  background affects our recreational choices  as adults.  country in Ontario. At camp I was instilled  with a love for the outdoors and summer  camp skills such as swimming, canoeing,  horseback riding, tennis, arts and crafts,  pottery, theatre arts and the social skills  that are an integral part of being away  from home for one or two months with other  children and adults.  In the city (Toronto) we often went on picnics to local conservation areas, and were  strongly encouraged to visit museums and  galleries and to take different music  lessons. I once expressed an interest in  building things (I probably pestered my  mother for months) and she had a little  work bench installed in the basement for  one of my birthdays. Another part of the  basement was turned into a make-shift  workshop for a sister's candle-making, and  later a music room for another sister's  band!  a fairly large part o:  ational life. We were  By way of personal hi  explain. I am a woman  tory let me further  from privilege.  Entertaxning was  my mother's recn  trained to be adorable little hostesses  and were exposed to many little social  ,nuances of entertaining at an early age.  Without droning on about all the fun  things I did as a child, I am trying to  illustrate the fact that those childhood  experiences have definitely influenced  my life as an adult in terms of my recreational choices. I have as a result,  a certain confidence and ease with a  variety of activities. Due to this confidence I seldom hesitate to learn new  skills. My particular interests are outdoor based, (I guess I never did want to  leave summer camp) whereas my sisters  have all taken different paths with  their leisure time pursuits.  However, our common experience as children from privilege has given us all a  confidence, ease and expectation with  recreational activity. We have also come  to value recreational time and have all  a bit of a compulsion not to waste- it  but to use it well.  Like many people from privilege, my  younger years were fairly shelterd and  I have made many assumptions about how  every one else spends their leisure time.  I have been learning that my relative  emotional freedom with recreation is not  that of many people from working class  backgrounds.  I remember a conversation with a close  friend a few years ago that illustrates  this point. I had been cross-country skiing for five years at that time and had  developed my skills to the point of teaching the activity; it was definitely a part  of my life. My friend commented that she  would really like to do more cross-countr>  skiing. I knew that she and her lover  both had the necessary equipment, clothing and a vehicle to get them to the  mountain. I also was fully aware that  Cypress Bowl was only a 20 minute drive  from Vancouver and they both seemed to  have the time to go skiing. I rather  flippantly asked, "Well, why don't you  'Ģ  do it more often?" She looked at me like  I had just spoken another language.  It was then that we began to discuss  what an afternoon of cross-country skiing meant for us and how differently  we both experienced it. For her, it was  a major mental/emotional outing. She  would plan it ahead of time and be  anxious about the conditions, the weather,  her physical skill and stamina, what to  wear, etc.  It was a very intimidating prospect for  which she had to emotionally prepare.  Whereas for me, jumping- in the car for a  day of skiing is almost as much a part of  my life as eating or sleeping. The things  she expressed anxiety about really surprised me until I understood that they  made perfect sense from her experience as  a working class woman in the world, as  much as my casual attitude made sense  from my experience as a woman from the  middle-upper class.  For me, jumping in the car for  a day of skiing is almost as  much a part of my life as  eating or sleeping.  Since then, I have spoken to many more  people from a variety of backgrounds and  their experiences with respect to recreational activity correlate fairly well with  that of my friend and mine. Most of these  people have had the time and the money  to undertake a variety of recreational  activities. Those from working class  backgrounds tended not to, or to do them  with great emotional expenditure. Those  from the more privileged classes were  casual and at ease with their recreational  choices.  I could cite examples of people whose  experiences are different, but I know  that my class privilege has greatly  influenced my attitudes and experiences  towards these same things and that, I  think, is what class has to do with it. Battered Women of Different Classes  Draw on Different Strengths  by Ajax Quinby and Jan Lancaster  Munroe House is a second stage transition  house for battered women and children.  Residents come from transition houses  across the province and stay here, in  their own one bedroom apartments, for  approximately six months. During this  time, the staff continue the support and  counselling that was started in the transition house.  When discussing women and class within  this context it is first and foremost  important to remember that wife battering  exists and happens in all socio-economic  classes and in all ethnic communities.  It is not just working class women or  Native Indian women who get beaten.  However, the class of women who use transition houses are often less skilled,  poorer women who have little knowledge  of available resources. Women of this  class are much more likely to use social  services as they are unable, either financially or socially, to utilise other  methods of extricating themselves from the  battering situation.  Middle class women with access to money or  with some social skills are more likely  not to use a transition house and find  other resources or go it alone. For example they may find their own lawyers. In  a transition house it is often middle  class women who phone for telephone counselling but refuse to move into the house.  The openness of different women to feminist  ideas depends a lot on their educational  level. Those who have graduated from high  school and who come predominately from  families with lower middle class status  and values are much more open to new ideas  and concepts. Because they also are not  afraid of books or reading they are more  likely to borrow books either from the  office or a library, and start questioning  the status quo. They want to understand  why they were battered. What is wrong with  him?  Less educated women feel more threatened  and identify much more with the mothering  role. They see themselves as less capable  and ineffective and put more energy into  being mothers and seeing mothering as their  only skill. Because the education system  has failed them and labelled them "stupid"  they are subsequently reluctant to upgrade  their education. Even King Edward Campus,  with its excellent staff and facilities  cannot replace self-esteem and the basic  confidence essential to learning.  Some of the important skills we try and  impart to residents are what we label  "middle class skills". These include the  ability to talk to a social worker, a lawyer  or a doctor - to have the confidence to  ask questions. We impress our residents  that they have the right to ask, to know,  to demand. We do not say this is how you  should be but that the development of  these skills is necessary in order to survive in a technological, urban environment.  Women who have left unemployed husbands and who may have been on social  assistance for some time find themselves with more money and feel more  in control of their finances, even  if this is only social assistance -  hardly a large income! This, combined  with a lack of violence and some control over their lives make it much  less  likely they will return to their  husbands.  In a transition house it is  often middle class women  who phone for telephone  counselling but refuse to  move into the house.  However, a woman living with a wage earner  (who didn't drink the money) finds life on  welfare with two or three children very  difficult; she is aware of how little she  can give materially to her children compared to what they had when living with her  husband. It becomes more difficult for  her to rationalize the separation. If this  is combined with pressure from the children, she can feel pushed into returning.  The slogan that all "mothers are one man  away from welfare" reflects very strongly  in this situation and a woman and her  children lose much status by leaving the  home and the violence. Often she feels  doubly ashamed and this makes leaving for  good so much more difficult. She is not  only a battered wife but she is a single •  parent on welfare. Additionally, class  values learned in childhood can further  pressure her.  Another factor we have noticed is that  class overrides ethnicity. The more educated East Indian women, for instance,  who come from families with high status  in their towns or villages in India, have  the same attitudes and problems in adjusting to life on welfare, as white Canadian  women from a similar class background. We  tend to make the mistake of assuming that  women of colour all understand each other  or have similar attitudes when in fact the  class of origin seems to have greater impact on their attitudes and their lives.  They are more likely to want to upgrade  their skills or english levels, and seem  by Colette French  _ iger store  •a  kiaspace  parking in the rear  we're on a bus  route  'come TO OUR  GRAND OPENING  & MUCH MORE!  to have a better ability to budget the minimal money given each month by the Ministry  of Human Resources.  As workers it is important that we acknowledge that our class background greatly,  affects our attitudes to life and to  others. It is essential that we understand  and accept what our own values are. All  class values are relative and therefore  we can look at them as chance coincidences of birth, not absolutes. We should  not be ashamed of our class background and,  if we are middle class, try to hide it  because it will show through. The hiding  creates a false image that makes the work  less effective and if we try to hide or  feel ashamed of our attitudes they will  show without us being aware of them.  Honesty about our past and present lives  is not only extremely helpful and beneficial but makes the worker more "human"  to the resident who might otherwise see  us only as powerful, strong staff persons  who have no problems. Sharing is an essential factor in that all-encompassing concept  of offering "counselling and support".  Another important skill as workers is to  be able to provide a 'translation' service  from professional middle class English to  plain English. Often lawyers, court workers  and social workers who are very familiar  with legal concepts confuse women and a  vital role for us is to help women by  paraphrasing into simple, non-threatening  language.  This is not the definitive piece on class  and battered women based on our  observations working with over one hundred  families over a five year period. We are  privileged to work in a second stage house  which gives us more time to get to know  the women and children we work with. ) Kinesis September  Kinesis September '85 21  \>te«*._pft ot Pe  €^>ot*  AV^et  VJO  ,*S***G  ^LjJ^^' The belief  ^^^ ideas alon  by Sara Diamond  As women, class divides us and class unites  , forming a line that defines access to  ucation, work experience, expectations,  and family structure. As feminists, we have  often hoped the oppression and interests  of all women will overshadow class differences. But class describes as deep a set  of divisions as does gender. Today, as in  the gast, we need to understand how class  creates a basis for consciousness and activity when we set feminist goals.  In this article I want to point out some  ways in which class served as a dividing  point for earlier women's struggles. My  goal is not to provide an argument for division, but rather an argument for careful  attention to this problem.  Class describes a group's economic position, its relationship to producing wealth  and its degree of control over that work.  Class consciousness is a result of the  interaction of learned ideas and the experience of our individual positions in  society on an ongoing day-to-day basis.  Conflict between what we have been taught  to believe and our experience can lead to  a change in our consciousness.  Before looking at history, it's nece  to clarify terminology. In capitalis  fmtim  ssary  fctV"  ciety, the bourgeoisie controls the means  to create wealth: the factories, banks,  and support services by which money is  made and the workforce is kept educated  and healthy. The bourgeoisie sees reform  as a way of incorporating dissent and sustaining the status quo, and political  change as a product of the work of a few  specialized people, or of an uncontrolled  and dangerous mass.  The middle class, or "petit-bourgeoisie",  does not control the means of production,  but works as independent professionals, as  managers or as owners of small businesses.  Middle class political concepts reflect  both bourgeois and working class influence:  that "consciousness raising" or  s alone can change society outside of  political struggle or changes in conditions, that individuals make history apart  from social movements, and feelings of  cynicism or paternalism about people in  general are common threads in middle class  political ideology. Yet the middle class  has also been concerned with the quality  of life and the value of cultural expression and intellectual thought.  The working class has no real control over  economic and political processes. While  there are many layers of skill and occupational variety within this class neither  male nor female workers control the conditions or products of their work, be they  wood chips or social services. Working  class organization has occurred on a mass  scale, with concern for equality and control over work processes and decisionmaking as central goals. Working class organization in important historical periods  has challenged capitalism, posing the possibility of a new democratic social order.  Women of all classes share a common bond  of responsibility for the household but  women also experience their lives and  interests in class-divided terms. If we  look through history we see that although  temporary alliances have proven effective  between women of different classes they  often break down when bourgeois or even  middle class women experience or perceive  their interests as different from working  class women.  In the early period of working class organization in BC, strategies varied from  legislative reform to militant strike  action. As the workers' movement became  more organized and the franchise extended,  working people chose to use elected representatives and legislative action to better their position. The legal reform strategy was on one hand a statement that  working people had a right to protection  against exploitation, and on the other, a  I belief that capitalism could be reformed  if labour was elected.  When Vancouver's Trades and Labour Council  sought submissions for the Royal Commission  oh Labour Conditions in BC in 1914, they  did not approach their union and working  class sisters, but rather educated middle  class members of the local Council of Women: the unions bowed to middle class  women's presumed superior knowledge and  authority as moral reformers. On a more  pragmatic level, the union movement was.  solidifying an alliance with a layer of  society that had access to the political  process.  This reliance on the Council of Women undermined the development of a Minimum Wage  demand based on economic need and labour.  $$?&■  ..^civists such as Helena Gutteridge were  ignored in favour of the bourgeois women.  Middle class women set the necessary mini-  for working women at $7.50/week. After  reconsideration, they dropped this wage to  $5.00, just half of the figure that women  workers determined necessary for survival.  Although retail trainees worked sixty-  hour weeks, the Council felt they did not  deserve a living wage as they were "just  learning" a trade. Labour women noted the  potential inflation of dress prices was  likely of greater concern to the Council  than helping their working class sisters  win decent wages.  Society women failed to comment altogether  on domestic work, which was the major  female occupation at the turn of the century. In this instance these women were  not simply aligned with their ruling  I.  class husbands, they were themselves  actual employers. In later domestic organizing campaigns in the 1930s and 1940s,  unionists would again meet a stone wall  of indifference on the part of middle  Middle class women and conservative union  -men tended to agree on the issues and strategies they they considered a priority  for working class women. In particular,  women's reproductive health and morality  figured largely in motivating and defining  ^Preforms. Middle class women c;  for female Factory Inspectors  a correct moral climate in the factory.  Women unionists expressed cynicism towards  factory inspection, preferring organization and strong union contract as cures  for sexual harrassment, low wages and  poor conditions. Even the priorities for  inspectors were in conflict, with union  women wanting safety protection and middle  class reformers wanting properly separated  washroom facilities.  The more conservative union leaders, because of their own sexism, did not consider working class women's needs as £  class issue but rather as a gender issue.  Women were seen as needing government protection against their employers, as innocent victims unable to express their own  concerns. Organizing women into unions was  not a priority.  Yet working class women enthusiastically  joined unions when given the opportunity.  In the 1880s, the Ontario Knights of  Labour boasted a ten per cent female  membership. (Women's workforce involvement was about ten per cent.)  The BC Minimum Wage Board held hearings  in 1918 on the low wages of retail clerks.  These were spirited, overflowing meetings.  At one of these meetings, Mrs. Ralph Smith  the first woman to sit on a Provincial  Legislature in Canada, argued the importance of minimum standards, so that "young  and innocent feet" would not "go astray".  She was concerned that girls living at home  be able to compensate their families.  Minimum Wage Board head Mrs. Helen Gill  cautioned the impatient working class audience that "no government could go ahead of  public opinion." The meeting erupted, as  working women's fathers and the women themselves rose to their feet denouncing government inaction. Roars of approval greeted a  unionist who shouted the only way to move a  government was to "put a club to them."  ■ society institutionalized the nuclear family in the twentieth century. While  unity existed on such issues as equal pay,  childcare and job training, strategies and  frameworks for these demands were not always  During the Depression, women in working  class communities organized self-help groups,  block committees, hunger marches, sit-ins  at the City Relief and tin-canning for unemployed men. Middle class women's organizations such as the YWCA sponsored domestic  referral services that sent women out to  work for a pittance, and advised women on  how to survive on a minimal diet of tea and  bread.  Not all  king class women share the same  of view. Women in the labour force and  in the home have disagreed, particu-  The KOL, .  supported  al union central,  ind fought Canada':  pay i  tional strike over this  the 1883 telegraphers' strike, the Knights  demanded parity between men and women  performing the same work. Commenting on  the women's militancy, the union stated,  "the women are the best men that we have."  Spencer's Department Store  Women stated that the Minimum Wage could  not support even one person, let alone the  many widowed, divorced, single support  parent or deserted women trying to support  families. The meeting ended with a call for  equal pay for women and men and a demand  that there be union representation on the  Board.  In this instance, the interests of working  class women and men aligned. Fathers needed  their daughters' incomes augmented so they  supported the strengthening of union organization.  Conflicts between working class and middle  class or bourgeois women did not end as  Middle class women's  organizations advised women on  how to survive on a minimal diet  of tea and bread.   larly on the right to hold an outside job:  But the organized expression of working  class women at the end of the war - the  Women's Auxiliary Movement, the Housewives'  Leage and union women's groups - all supported the principle of equal pay and women's  right to remain in the labour force. It was  the bourgeois women's organizations such as  the Conservative Party women's caucus which  campaigned to send women back to the home.  These historical examples show the danger of  ignoring class differences, particularly  when these differences are expressed in an  organized way. Economic class divides us as  feminists and forces us to make choices.  Middle class women often share concerns with  working class women, such as violence, unequal opportunity and so on, but there are  times when the alliances can only occur if  middle class and bourgeois women consciously  choose to abandon their economic interests  to align with working class women.  For working class women, that working class  men may betray their class interests to defend their male privileges and that bourgeois women may defend their economic privilege poses as much of a challenge today as.  it did at the turn of the century.  Working Class Identity  DO WE NEED  TO SWITCH  TRACKS?  Cy-thea and Dorrie in conversation  by Dorrie Brannock  I deliberately specify in this  article that I am talking about  white working class women because  I think the experience of working  class women of colour although  similar in some ways, is very  different in others. This article  is full of opinions and presumptions. They are all mine. I hope  you will read and comment.  White working class women who  have worked and organized women's  oppression in North America's  organized women's movement are a  minority. This article is for and  about that minority of which I am  proud to be a member.  My belief is that the element of  the working class who become political and organize around their  oppression have quite a few simi-t-  lar traits. These traits are what  enable us to say there is something wrong with the way we are  treated and the way we are defined. They enable us to get angry and to say to the powers that  be, "we want better treatment and  we will define who we are, so  take your treatment and your definitions and shove it.'"  Unfortunately when we first start  standing up for ourselves, our  families and those we grew up with  are often the first ones who think  we are too big for ourselves.  They are the first line of resistance when we try to break the  hold the system has on us. It takes a person with a very strong personality to hold  on to their own perceptions and opinions  when family, friends, teachers, etc. are  telling you that you are full of hot air  and that you should keep your mouth shut  and learn something.  I think it's time to re-evaluate.  The traits that served us well are  now hindering us.  When we first begin to see how class  limits our potential and opportunities  we are often living in a world that  offers no support for our clarity of vision. If we want to hold onto our vision  and find a path that offers more clarity  there is not going to be a collective of  working class sisters and brothers to walk  that path with us. When we walk down that  path we do so as individuals, most often  with anger, righteousness, frustration and  a feeling of isolation; with the attitude  of "I don't care what anyone says, I know  what I know."  Our first act in fighting our oppression  is an individual act. For most of us it  takes a long time to meet people who validate our perceptions. We have many years  and many battles to fight alone and in  doing so we often become very individualistic.  So what kinds of characteristics do we  need to walk that path alone? We need to  be strong, opinionated, stubborn, intelligent and defensive. We need to be able  to stand alone and we need a willingness  to fight for what we think is possible.  For most of us these traits have served  us well. They have enabled us to move  towards having more control over our  lives, stripping ourselves of the mytns,  lies and fantasies that were there to  control us.  Now I come to the reason I am writing this  article. I think it's time to re-evaluate.  I think the traits that served us well  are now hindering us. They are over-de-  veioped from constant use. They are in-  stamatic. They have control over us, not  us over them. We are far too individualistic. We needed to be. Now I think we  have to be more cooperative. I think our  individualism stops us from working together. We don't act, plan or define ourselves as a group and we don't use the  collective power that we could use. We  are forever isolated, working on things  that are being defined and organized by  middle class women. We feel like outsiders  and are often frustrated. Yet we have never  consistently worked together.  What we have done for ourselves as individuals we now need to do for ourselves  collectively. We need to articulate and  define who we are, what we want and how  we can go about getting it.  What are some of the steps we need to take?  •We need to look at what parts of the  stereotyping of the working class are true?  What parts are false? How much do these  stereotypes operate within us, collectively  and individually?  •What do we do that strengthens the system's hold on us?  Switching Tracks continued p. 24 22 Kinesis September'85  C3  a  o  ©  Urn  CM  by Lee Maracle  Until March 1982, feminism, indeed womanhood itself, was meaningless to me. Racist  ideology defined womanhood for the colonized as non-existent, therefore, neither  the woman question nor the (bourgeois)  European rebel's response - feminism/  women's liberation - held any meaning  to me.  [ I apologize now to Robert Mendoza who,  J watching a video with me in San Francisco  for International Women's Year on March  8th, 1975, was personally offended by my  I denial of my womanliness.  [ Robert, you had to watch, shamefaced and  full of rage while this traitor blurted  jj into a microphone in front of a multitude  "of native and non-native women that it  I mattered not that I happened to be a woman.  I Let me tell you, that it matters a great  deal to me now.  Your words from Maine - Pasmaguaddy - echo  their hurt in my ears still; "It was such  I a great video, a great presentation...don't  you think that you could have taken responsibility for being a woman and inspired our  sisters just a little with the fact that  this incisive understanding that you have  acquired was due, at least in part, to  the fact that you are a native womanl"  Before 1968, we were "wards of the government, children in the eyes of the law."  We objected and became henceforth PEOPLE.  Born of our objections were the Native  Question, the Native Land Claims Question,  Native people's self-determination, etc.  Crippled, colonized, I responded as a person - without sexuality. Native women do  not even like the word and even now it  burns my black back. We have been the object of sexual release for white males  whose appetites were too gross for their  own delicate women.  How could I resist the reduction of women  to sex objects when I had not been considered sexually desirable even as an  object?  In 1982 I woke up and realized that J am  woman! Not the woman on the billboard for  whom physical work is shaming and demeaning  and for whom nothingness and physical oblivion are idyllic, but woman for whom mobility, muscular movement, physical prowess was equal to the sensuous pleasure of  being alive. The dead alone do nothing.  I want not sameness by equal relations with  men. I want to look across the table in  my own living room and see in the brown  eyes of the man who shares my life the  beauty of my own reflection.  The horror of colonized woman is the absence of beauty, the negation of sexuality.  Undesirable, non-sensuous beings that somehow never go away. We are the females of  the species. Our wombs bear fruit but are  not sweet.  Sexual intercourse is not marked by the  traditional patriarchal dominant/submissive tenderness but by a physical release  from the pressure and pain of colonialism  - mutual rape. Sex becomes one of the  horrors of enslavement driving us to celibacy. The greater our intellectual paralysis the more sex is required the more  celibacy is desired. Incongruous.  Yes,  but so are paralysis and i  Our life is lived out schizophrenically.  Our community desires liberation/emancipation; the greater the desire the more  surely we leap like lemmings into the  abyss of alcoholism, violence and suicide.  We are standing at the precipice of  national destruction.  We kid ourselves as women that'traditionally we were this or that way. Reality is  hard to fight. How often have we stood  in a circle, the only female native, and  seen our contribution go unacknowledged?  We are the majority of the members of almost every native organization at the  lowest hierarchical level. We are the least |  articulate, the least heard, and never the  leaders. We have been erased from the black-,  boards of our own lives. Kinesis September'85 23  ! Images PltrtrayAnalysis  Joy Zemel Long,  Woman Waiting  /F(1977)Oilon  Canvas 18"x 25"  by Jill Pollack  No work of art is merely an exemplification of class. However, by virtue of the  way in which an idea is handled, a class  analysis is present. In some instances,  it is subtle; in others overt. There are  artists who have/had an ongoing intere  in a particular class and their work  depicts that concern. But for others  the issue of class (positive, negative or indifferent) is inherent  in the work. I am interested in  extrapolating the presence of a clas  analysis in four artists' work -  Joy Zemel Long, Lorraine Oades,  Michele Wollstonecroft and Ingrid  Yuille - in order to better understand how it affects their individual sensibility and their vision  of the world represented in their ar  I have chosen, at random, one work  by each artist to discuss in terms  of its class analysis. None of the  pieces were made with the overt intention of examining class yet upon  closer inspection, I believe that  they all illustrate important aspects  of the presence of definable classes in  North American culture.  Gornick share the same perception: women  have been relegated to their own class  status and it is outside of the ruling  class, outside (in many instances) of  even each other.  Lorraine Oades  From a series of chalk drawings entitled,  Surviving the Fire (1984), this piece  illustrates an economic and emotional  class analysis which, again, is neither  particularly positive or hopeful. A person  stands alone in a barely furnished room  An uncovered light bulb hangs down, the  walls are unadorned. The scene could be  any hotel or rooming house in a low-rent  area. It is an overt representation of a  lower (economically - poor) class existence  It is a bare-minimum existence, one outside  of mainstream society. We*are acceptable  to the degree of our ability to consume.  The more diminished that capacity, the more  we are peceived as being worthless by the  ciety  Joy Zemel Long  As do many of her paintings, Woman Waiting  (1977) shows a faceless woman situated  within a marginal setting. It is a strong  statement about the class of women. The  woman sitting on the bed oould be any  woman - by virtue of not having defined  facial features there is a universal  connection to and an identification with  all women. She is alone, waiting. Her  situation is ambiguous and the narrative  is open-ended.  A woman alone carries a lot of implications'.-  Is she alone by choice? Who or what is  she waiting for? Is she 'helpless' in her  waiting? How does she feel about herself  and her situation?  She is passive in her waiting and she is  isolated not only within the painting but  in her own life. We are all familiar with  the truths of women not taking an active  role in the world, of not defining themselves by themselves but through others  (partners, children, etc.). Woman Waiting  depicts an archetype, albeit an equivocally  negative one, which sums up both internally-  accepted and externally-slotted perceptions  of women. This painting presents an analysis  around the class of women which crosses  racial, religious and economic boundaries.  As Vivian Gornick wrote in her essay,  "Woman As Outsider","I am not real to the  culture that has spawned me and made use  of me. I am only a collection of myths.  I am an existential stand-in. The idea  of  me is real - the temptress, the goddess,  the child, the mother - but I  am not real.'  (in Woman in Sexist Society:  Studies in  Power and Powerlessness.   ed. by Vivian  Gornick and Barbara K. Moran, Basic Books  Inc., 1971, p. 144). Both Zemel Long and  Lorraine Oades, from Surviving the Fire (1984) chalk drawing, 18"x24"  As Zemel Long painted a woman alone and  passive, so too did Oades draw a man alone,  arms at his side, just being, not participating. He is an observer, looking out a  small window, His expression is blank  (a connection to Zemel Long's faceless  woman). The artist has purposely situated  a figure in a drab environment to indicate  the quality of feeling inherent in a life  governed by economic struggle. Oades is  speaking about the emotional implications  Wollstonecroft has  portrayed the chairs as  likeable, inviting. They  seem approachable, slightly  whimsical and deceptively  solid.  blood on the moon. And neither will give  the whole picture.  I want to find images  that will be charged with meaning and sentiment,   that will ask a question and elicit a  feeli..g at the same time.   The language of  art and the language of politics are  insufficient without one another.  They must  both be subsumed in the charged image,  the  image that appeals to the. thoughts and  emotions,   to the whole person...:  (Robin Endres "Notes Towards An Androgynous  Theatre" in Fireweed:  Women in Performance,  Issue 7, Summer 1980, p. 12-13.)  Michele Wollstonecroft  Chairs In.Their Natural Habitat (1983) is a  series of black and white and colour  photographs taken in Green and in Vancouver.  Wollstonecroft has imbued the chairs with  personalities, each one dealing with a  particular character type in a particular  situation.  This print was shot in Greece. The chairs  surround a table in a tourist setting,  at one of those 'quaint' places which cater  to the more affluent soaking up the 'atmosphere. ' A bit run-down, the scene denotes a  sense of history co-existing with the present  The chairs appear to be involved in a  conversation, somewhat casually, and there  is an abandoned dog leash still wrapped  around one table leg. Empty glasses and  an ashtray adorn a cracked table. The floor  tiles are littered with dirt, matches and  scuff marks. The area appears well-used.  This image depicts and typifies two classes  interacting. There is evidence of a working  class presence (those that served the  people) and a leisure/middle class (those  that were served). It speaks of the.invisibility of the working class and their  dependence upon the leisure/middle class.  The servers are only noticed by the customers  when there is a departure from the expected  otherwise they are not real, only functionally important. To the customers at leisure  the server is part of the environment.  Yet at the same time, Wollstonecroft  has portrayed the chairs as likeable  inviting. They seem approachable, slightly  whimsical and deceptively solid. Although  socially unequal, the class presence is  Michele Wollstonecroft, from Chairs in Their  Natural Habitat series (1983-), black and white  silver print, 8"xl0"  of poverty at the same time as depicting  poverty. As well as being a literal interpretation, the drawing can be seen as a  metaphorical one. It evokes a sense of  futility - which can be felt by anyone of  any economic class or gender at any time.  It also presents a portrayal of that to  which we do not want to aspire.  Oades' class analysis focussed on how that  definition affects the day-to-day reality  of someone's life. As with much art, it  allows us (the viewers) the opportunity  to vicariously experience and better understand how someone feels - which is certainly  a first step towards the elimination of  class prejudice.  I can say: Sexist,  class-divided capitalism  damages all of us.  Or I can say:  There is  : depicted in an adversarial way.  appears mutually beneficial.  I am drawn into this image. I like this  image. But when I consider all that it  implies, I begin to see the depth of  Wollstonecroft's analysis. There is an  element in class distinction that is  mutually satisfying. Both give, both take.  In this case, the customer gives money and  receives a beverage; the server gets money  and gives a product. Each according to  their place in the interaction and each  Images continued next page 24 Kinesis September'85  Images continued from previous page  It is a physical manifestation of  a class analysis laid bare.  Ingrid Yuille, detail Somebody's Well-Known Secret  (1985), photo-murals and found objects. Room-size  installation   according to their needs from the interaction. Interdependence, taken for  granted.  It is a somewhat chilling thought to  acknowledge that at the same time as  perpetuating an unequal social/financial  system, the structure of society needs it  in order to continue. I see, in this  photograph, the dilemma of living in a  world where economics determine lifestyle,  lifechoices and amount/type of life options.  Because of its form and associations,  the  chair is a rich source of information -  abstract structure, figurative references,  and symbolic connotations.  First of all,  chairs have a clarity of form in theur  use of vertical, horizontal,  and sometimes curved lines. Secondly, chairs are  anthropomorphic in character, being  bilaterally symmetrical and having legs,  arms, a back, and a seat. Moreover,  the symbolism of the chair is varied.  Intimately associated throughout history  with human activities and rituals,  they stand as symbols of civilization,  having literally and metaphorically  both elevated and separated human beings  from the earth. The range of associations  with chairs is as various as the sources  and styles of the object inself: a seat  of authority and power, a sign of profession or status, or an artifact of a  particular   time or culture.  (Mary Jane Jacob, in her curatorial  essay on Margaret Wharton, Museum of  Contemporary Art, Chicago, 1981).  Ingrid Yuille  Somebody's Well-Known Secret (1985) is a  site-specific photographic installation  which explores an abandoned squatters'  site from under the Burrard Street  Bridge. It is comprised of large black and  white photo-murals and found objects (such  as pots, shoes, toys, clothing, etc.). It  is an overt representation of the outsider  -socially, economically, emotionally. It  depicts the lives of the poverty-ridden;  those ineligivle even for social assistance due to lack of a permanent residence.  Yuille, had to walk a fine line between  exploiting the squatters and respecting  them. She chose to inject herself into  their situation, becoming the sole human  presence, by photogramming herself onto  the murals. She became the squatter and  the subject. By keeping their identity  hidden, Yuille allowed the fact of the  squatter's condition to override the  specifics of their individual lives. She  exposed herself (literally and metaphorically) and protected them.  The result is a strong connection between  the concept of woman-as-a-squatter-in-  society and that of being forced economically to live under a bridge in an  abandoned shack. The links speak of living  on the edge, homelessness and a lack of  consumer power. It is a physical manifestation of a class analysis laid bare.  It points out undeniably the consequences  of falling economically from society's  grace. It warns us of one potential  path to be avoided at the same time as  presenting the squatter as an emotional  state forced on many women.  Somebody's Well-Known Secret is the culmination of an analysis around displaced  persons. By Yuille's definition, women  and men without money share a similar  fate. The artist does not offer her  solution, only society's. The denouement  of the installation is a seventeen foot-  long mural of a bulldozer razing the site,  with a photogramme of a woman watching.  Money is power in societal terms. Yuille  is saying that without money, usually  we are helpless.  "Walk. Run. Cycle. Play. Enjoy. Invest."  (from a B.C. government billboard at  the edge of Expo site, Vancouver, circa  1985).  w  RICHMOND  E   ~ M  sHe  OVN.  u ■+■ s  R    ■  CENTER  E  Coordinator: Donna Hruda  #315-3631 No. 3 Rd., Richmond  V6X 3A8 270-6182  Open Monday-Friday 10-4 pm  Anne E. Davies, M.A.  Counselling & Therapy  fey    • women's issues  J\      • sexuality  J>       • relationships  • families  Wf  -)           • groups  --v.           Vancouver appointments  my)          available Thursdays  531-8555  210-1548 Johnston Road  White Rock, B.C. V4B3Z8  Angela Davis continued from p. 17  reproductive abuses than I am in increased  job opportunities in corporations that  exploit and destroy both people and the  earth, or in being included in the  Charter of Rights.  It depends on our priorities: white privi- •  lege or fundamental change. For white  women, it means fundamental change not  only within the context of a greater political goal, but within ourselves and the  ways we operate. I'm hardly so naive as to  suggest that this be a manifesto, or even  a missive to feminists I know. But I do  know myself, and know that what is important to me is- to change myself and my relationships with the people I know and love  and work with and want to work with.  A heritage of racism, of co-opting one's  goals to a class-based privilege preservation - the "legacy" of white women's  liberation? Davis' book is not easy reading, especially for feminists who like  their politics non-controversial, non-  threatening and homogenized. But in that  "legacy" we can see the mistakes white  middle class women have often made. It's  not useful enough just to feel the guilt.  We need to learn the lessons of the past,  to not glorify the excesses of privilege,  but to understand the mistakes that have  been made.  Too often, it seems, the focus is theory,  and we forget that the practice has been  tried before. Knowing our past helps make  the present more successful and creates a  future of equality, of freedom and of  strength and support. It challenges us to  rethink our strategies and to search to  include and embrace, not to tokenize and  marginalize. Whether we rise to that challenge honestly or not is no longer a matter  of convenience or privilege.  Switching Tracks continued from p. 21  •What do we do that makes it hard for us  to work together?  oWhat ways do we strengthen the middle  class women's movement at the expense of  working class women?  We need to be able to go public with our  strengths and weaknesses. It will be hard  because some of what we say will be used  against us. Like most oppressed groups we  protect ourselves by only wanting to talk  about our positive side; our negative  points are off limits. This is not surprising since those who don't hold the  power are constantly defined by those that  do, in a negative way. However unless we  do open ourselves up to discussion there  will be parts- of ourselves that we will  never own. These parts, parts that we  feel ashamed of, are often the parts that  need to be dealt with in order for us  to identify with each other and with our  background.  We need to do for ourselves as working  class women what the women's movement has  done for middle class women. While most  women in North America have made some gains  as a result of the women's movement, the  movement speaks more directly and deeply  to the lives of middle class women. It  has given them a common ground from which  to form a strong identity. As working class  women we need a common ground. The stereotyped image of working class women has  altered little, if at all, over the last  twenty years. It is an image most of us  can't relate to. We have no collective  identity and consequently no collective  direction.  Let me give you an example of what I'm  talking about. As the women's movement  developed,lesbians realized that their  wants and needs were going to be lost under  the banner of women, so they organized  under the banner of lesbianism. In doing  so they created a lesbian identity, out of  which has come political action and a rich  culture of films, plays, writing and  -songs. This culture that is still developing gives lesbians an image that is far  different from the image held by mainstream  society. Besides providing a positive  image for lesbians the lesbian movement  offers a starting place for any lesbian  who wishes to work on lesbian issues.  Like most oppressed groups we  protect ourselves by only wanting  to talk about our positive side.  What kinds of alternatives are available  to the working class woman if she realizes  she is being oppressed? Where can she go  to find support for her struggles? Who  speaks to her needs? Working class women's  lives and struggles are not only invisible  in history, they are invisible right now.  Although we are present as individuals in  the women's movement and other progressive movements, we are invisible as a  group. If we don't work together to make  ourselves and our needs visible, nobody  else is going to do it for us.  The working class women who have continued to be active in progressive movements  have contributed a lot to these movements. We are a very versatile and resourceful group of women. If we could just let  down our defenses and start to look at how  we could work together and dream together  we could get a sense of who we are collectively. It would be a good start towards  creating politics and culture that speak  to our needs. Kinesis September'85 25  Reading Working Class  by Cy-Thea Sand  Working class literature is not taught in  Canadian universities. When I asked around  about courses relevant to my concerns I  was told that general Canadian fiction is  taught and some courses do study the immigrant experience. I was therefore more than  pleased to meet Pam Annas at a National  Women's Studies Association meeting a few  years ago. Pam self-identifies as a working  class academic and she teaches a course in  working class literature at the University  of Massachusetts/Boston, and has done so  since 1979. She was happy to be able to  tell me that one of her students' favorite  books is Sharon Riis'" The True Story Of  Ida Johnson,  which was published by Toronto's Women's Press in 1976.  In November 1984 Pam published an article  in Sojourner  in which she asks:  What is working-class literature? Is it  literature written by the working class  about the working class for the working  class? Is it literature by working-class  writers no matter what subject? Is it  literature by writers from other class  backgrounds who are radicals committed  to the cause of'the working class? Is  it writing by people who are neither  working-class nor radical-but who are  writing stuff that is read- by the working  class?  Pam's course focuses mainly on works by  working class writers on the working class  experience. Her reading list includes  Anzia Yezierska's Bread Givers,   Ann Petry's  The Street,  Harriet Arnow's The Dollmaker,  Yonnondio  by Tillie Olsen, Paule Marshall's  Brown Girl,  Brownstones,   Toni Morrison's  The Bluest Eye  and The Common Woman Poems  by Judy Grahn.  The course also examines classics like  Jude The Obscure  by Thomas Hardy and Upton  Sinclair's The Jungle,  and "documentaries  such as 'Union Maids' and 'Rosie The Riveter ',.. .feature films including King  Vidor's 1930's Utopia 'Our Daily Bread',  Fritz Lang's disturbing and fantastical  silent movie 'Metropolis', and Vittorio  de Sica's gorgeous and heartbreaking film  about an Italian woman factory worker,  'A Brief Vacation'.  In my random reading over the past while I  have discovered or re-read books which could  form the basis of a similar course specifically designed to explore the Canadian  working class experience. I will refer only  to the ones I have read recently and remind  the reader that there are many many blanks  to be filled in.  The first is Irene Baird's Heritage.   Set  in Vancouver, it is about the young men of  the thirties who travelled the country by  rail looking for work and who demonstrated  and organized against the economic conditions of the day. I would also include  Gabrielle Roy's novels, especially The Tin  Flute  and The Cashier.   The Cashier  is one  of the most vivid dramatizations of the  corrosive impact of wage labour.  Adelle Wiseman's Crackpot  takes us-^^fc  Winnipeg during the thirties and to the  Jewish immigrant experience, especially_  as it impacts on a young, fat, Jewish  are no longer exactly workers - !  diction which upset Stevenson but seems  to leave Petrobenko unperturbed.  Birdsell's Metis characters are intriguing,  Lois Simmie concentrates on the small town  complexities of Saskatchewan. David Fennario  was born and raised in the Montreal working  Ethel Wilson  Alice Munro  woman named Hoda. Hoda has got to be one  of the more unforgettable female characters in Canadian literature. Mordecai Rich-  ler's The Street  is one among many of his  novels which explores Montreal's ethnic  working classes, while Alice Munro characters reflect a rural working class population.  I am thinking especially of Munro's Who Do  You Think You Are?  and The Lives Of Girls  And Women.  Helen Petrobenko's fiction, the short stories  of Sandra Birdsell and Lois Simmie and  David Fennario's plays all originate on the  wrong side of the tracks. Helen Petrobenko  is one of the few white writers I have  heard self-identify as working class who  has maintained this identity after publishing books.  In her introduction to Sharon Stevenson's  collection of poetry - Gold Earrings -  Robin Endres argues that writers who continue to wage labour to buy time to write  Ariel  Books  10 am to 6 pm Monday to Saturday  OPEN SUNDAYS  1 pm to 5 pm  **&  2766 W. 4th Ave.  733-3511  class district of.Verdun, which is at the  heart ofTVis work. His memories of pre-  Eame days,are powerfully portrayed in Blue  Mondays,   published by Black Rock Creations  ,Vibft'l^erdun, from whence he "stole, begged  and mined" an education (to borrow a Marge  : Piercy phrase.)  Sharon Riis' classic novel about the friendship between a poor white woman and a Nati1  Indian lesbian - The True Story Of Ida Johnson -  would be studied and enjoyed as well  as Riis' short stories and radio plays.  Other works I would include in the course  are: Claire Mowatt's The Outport People  which exposes, however subtly at times,  the class system in a Newfoundland outport;  Ethel Wilson's The Swamp Angel  and Constance  Beresford Howe's The Book Of Eve  because  they both concern female characters whose  economic choices determine their libe'ration  . from tradition and the poetry of Sharon  Stevenson and Dorothy Livesay.  In the non-fiction category I would look  at Paul Cappon's collection of Marxist  literary criticism, In Our Own House,  Tom Wayman'Sj Inside Job: Essays on the  New Work Writing,  Silenced by Makeda  Silvera, a collection of oral histories  of Black domestic workers in Toronto, and  Carol Talbot's Growing Up Black In Canada.  I would also like to feature the music  of women like Rita MacNeil and Arlene  Mantle and to design a segment of the  course devoted to Quebecoise history and  literature.  A Canadian writer recently commented to a  CBC broadcaster that the world is divided  into those who have read Proust and those  who have not. She plans to move to the  former group while holidaying in France this  summer. But I think the globe is more  accurately packaged into those who can and  cannot read or write; the latest American  stats indicate that 60 million adults are  illiterate; 16 percent white, 44 percent  Blacks, 56 percent Hispanics.  Afro-Americans were ordered by law not to  learn to read or write and as a Black  father says to his bright, young daughter  in Alice Childress' novel, A Short Walk,  "they use ta cut off our ears". Any course  in class literary consciousness must begin  here - with the politics of learning - who  gets to write what for whom, who commands  cultural authority at whose expense, whose 8  experience is considered worthy of analy||||  cal study.  We have to understand the perimeters of  our world in order to survive and "change  them. In The True Story Of ^Z$a'$tikn$m[ \ '-'■'[  Lucy George understood "as a small child  ...the inherent limitations of her own  circumstance. She was f emale*/pbor -and vf_  Indian in a male»^jiaterial, white world."  Traditions and devolutions are buried  beneath such wisdom. 26 Kinesis September'85  t. )'■ -.'»:■■ iirrr"i'p;\!^if.'^''."\)rj|Ci;  ARTS  Our elder's voices  singing out for peace  E".  by Dorothy Kidd  Speaking Our Peace  is a talky. It has none  of the glamour of a Vietnam action flick,  none of the troubling excitement of a  traditional anti-war film. No big bangs  or pops, not even any monster-film shots  of orbing nuclear reactors waiting to  blow up. The feel of this film is consistent with the feminist perspective of  Studio D, the women's unit of the National  Film Board. It is an emotional film.  The emotion comes from listening to women  and cjiildren speak. There are lots of  chances to cry, to feel the shock and  horror of a world war that has never ended. A fighter pilot from the siege of  Leningrad in the 40's tells of risking  her life to ferry starving children out  of danger. A Micronesian public health  researcher, Darlene Keju tells of her  own fight with cancer caused by nuclear  testing in the South Pacific in the 50's.  And a little boy living on a radioactive  dump in Scarborough Ontario asks how long  it's going to be before he gets lung  cancer.  Terri Nash, co-director with Bonnie Sherr  Klein feels that this emotion is one of the  unique characteristics of all Studio D  films. "We validate emotional information  in a way that is not done in the media.  We.say that emotion is valid and it's  as appropriate a response as everything  else. There are things we really should  be emotional about and, if you're not, as  Helen Caldicott says in If You Love This  Planet,  perhaps you should see a psychiatrist."  Terri Nash directed If You Love This  '  Planet.  Speaking Our Peace  grew from  talking with Bonnie Sherr Klein, Not  A Love Story  director, about furthering  the ideas of both films. They wanted to  make an international film that looked  at the relationship between peace and  other women's issues. They decided to  We validate emotional information  media. We say that emotion is valid  as everything else.  concentrate on Canada, for as Nash says,  "Women here represent all women in the  world. We have the same sort of problems."  It was a difficult choice she says. "There  are so many spectacular women in this  country. We wanted a variety of women in  different fields. We wanted women outside the political structure so we filmed  in Greenham Common...We wanted women  inside the political structure so we  talked to Marion Dewar, Ottawa mayor and  mover behind the first municipal referendum on global disarmament".  They picked scientist Dr. Rosalie Bertell,  a Roman Catholic nun and expert on the  effects of low-level radiation. And they  wanted someone to talk about the relationship between militarism and third world  poverty and repression, so they chose  Solanges Vincent, political and economic  analyst from Montreal.  There is a sameness in the selection.  Three of the featured women together founded the Voice of Women/Les Voix des Femmes  in the late 50's. They are Vincent,  Toronto physicist Dr. Ursula Franklin and  Halifax activist Muriel Duckworth. Duckworth and Mayor Dewar are both active  in the New Democratic Party; Dewar is  now the national president. They are  almost all older. Explains Nash, "We  knew there were a lot of older women  who had worked in this area for all of  their lives and we had an enormous respect for them. They just hadn't been  listened to and we felt it was time to  redress that".  The film celebrates their hard work,  their intelligence and their wisdom. It's  a pleasure to watch Muriel Duckworth  lobby the Halifax mayor with confidence  and charm and listen as she tells us,  "The more decision-making is made around  our dining room tables or in our kitchens  or our town councils, the better it is.  It's the people with no  ■^'JHPK'Vi  extraordinary power who  I  will reconstitute the    k  world, if it is going    %    -■" agi-   *  In response she gets the party line, but  you also hear of the Soviet people's  great fear of war. You see pictures of  ordinary Soviet citizens in the marketplaces and on the street. In a wonderful  montage of children in playgrounds, the  myth of our official enemy literally  dissolves and you can't tell whether  you're in Moscow or Toronto.  "The battlefield has changed", says  Terri Nash. "The good guys are no longer  defined by uniform. It's a different concept of the enemy. We don't need an external enemy anymore. We've done it to  Its concept of female responsibility  sounds too familiar.  ourselves and we all have to take responsibility for it."  The film presents a new concept of war  and of the enemy, but its concept of  female responsibility sounds too familiar.  The boys get scolded for playing with  their war toys and the girls, like mother,  get to clean up and take on everyone's  troubles. Meanwhile missing are stories of  women negotiating for peace, and taking  up arms in South Africa, Nicaragua the  Phillipines, and ... Instead the filmmakers chose to speak to Canadians who  are feeling the effects of the arms race  in their own backyards. Terry Nash and Bonnie Klein  i be :  ved.  I listened to Dr. Ursula  Franklin with great  respect as she spoke of  making peace a way of  life. It is she who articulates the film's philosophy of compromise  and non-violence: "militarism (is) a symptom of  a much larger form of  social organization  (that) to me signifies  the threat system. Mili-  "^SsBBJ  tarism, when you forget  I  about the hardware, is  a way of saying, 'Do  what I say, or else'.  And to me the essence of ||jj  feminism and women's    wHat^*-J  experience is that it integrates i  versity, enhances cooperation and  respects differences."  This perspective resounds in the scenes  of a trip to the Soviet Union. One of  in a way that is not done in the  and it's as appropriate a response  the youngest of the women featured,  Kathleen Wallace-Deering of Project  Ploughshares in Vancouver, talkes to a  Soviet woman official. "I don't want to'  get into who has more missiles, but  both sides (the Warsaw Pact and NATO)  are building up armaments on the grounds  that we need them for defense; yet  what we've seen throughout history is  that whenever there is military build-up,  it ends in war."  "Even if you don't care about Micronesia,"  says Nash, "you do care about yourself,  and you do care about your own kids and  your backyard is too close to ignore.  I think it's really going to cause social  change at the grassroots level. The politicians are just going to have to listen  to people, and people are going to have  to realize we dan't leave it up to the  politicians."  Speaking Our Peace  continues the tradition of public education of Studio D and  the NFB. It begs several important  questions about class differences, women  and violence, and women and the peace  movement. The film also ignores many of  the emotions which need venting: our  feelings of numbness, powerlessness and  anger. But Speaking Our Peace  does  present us with some alternative voices,  the voices of some of our elders who sing  out for patience and hope for the long  haul. Kinesis September'85 27  ARTS  by Eve Abrams  This year, Naiad Press published two more  Jane Rule collections. A Hot-Eyed Moderate  contains 47 short essays, many from her  regular column in The Body Politic.   The  book not only contains essays on gay  issues, but also reflections on writing,  painting, and on various people towards  whom Rule feels affection.  A Hot-Eyed Moderate.   By Jane Rule. 242-pgs.  Tallahassee (Florida): Naiad Press, 1985.  The title is well-chosen: it expresses both  her sense of urgency - as she pleads for  tolerance and co-operation in domestic and  in political affairs - and her refusal to  jump on anyone's bandwagon. The tone of  each piece reveals an author comfortable  with herself, one whose relative freedom  from defensiveness affords her a clear  perspective.  Although her range is broad, Rule has some  favourite topics which she is inclined to  rehash too often: society's Victorian  mortification of the flesh, the relationship  between plot and morality in fiction, the  value of such virtues as trust and courage.  Several essays do not differ much in  thought from the ones in Outlander  (1981).  In that earlier work, "Sexuality in  Literature" seems to serve as a template  for both "The Practice of Writing" and  "Morality in Literature" in this recent  collection; similarly, "Grandmothers" is  echoed in the new volume by a piece  called "Extended Care".  Other essays do not parrot the ones in  Outlander, but instead provide eloquent  substantiation. In Outlander's "Stumps",  she writes of the importance of living  amidst a melange of ideologies and lifestyles, using her community on Galiano  Island as an example of such a microcosm.  Jane  Rule  Preaches  Tolerance  lonely dignity of an older writer who  enjoyed only one real spate of popularity.  Because Rule expresses her opinions unequivocally, most readers will find  some grounds for contention. I, for one,  take issue with the notion that "the long  tradition.of fiction with a central character around whom all others must find  their secondary places...promotes an egotism that is positively boring." ("The  Practice of Writing"). Each of us plays  the lead part in our own life, whether  we are egotistical or not, and others,  from lovers to acquaintances, are arranged  in a "hierarchy" determined by their  degree of importance to us. And in fact,  the same is true of much of Rule's fiction.  On the other hand, Rule's egalitarian  sentiment does prevail in other ways,  allowing her to embrace a larger number of  concerns than many writers bother with:  children, the elderly, the disabled, the  She writes of the importance of living amidst a melange of  ideologies and lifestyles, using her community of Galiano  Island as an example of such a macrocosm.  Correspondingly in A Hot-Eyed Moderate,  an essay called "Integration" expresses  an idea crucial to Rule: that separatist  movements - and lesbian separatism in  particular here - will ultimately be self-  defeating. "In short, we have to teach  men to stop being separatists, not embrace  their mistake for ourselves."  In "Seventh Waves", she talks about how  frequently American feminist writers  are controlled like puppets by what amounts  to a women's movement industry,   an industry  that is often presided over by male  publishers of large firms. Rule warns  against trying to categorize and control  our Canadian women writers:  It is not a question of whether  Margaret Atwood or Elizabeth Brewster  are feminists but whether the women 's  movement is confident enough to claim  their power without reducing it to any  sort of political correctness.  Again, this is an application of the ideas  in the Outlander  essay, "With All Due  Respect", in which Rule describes the  petty factionalism she encountered while  hosting a women's studies seminar. Here,  she concludes: "We must all finally speak  for ourselves."  One section of 4 Hot-Eyed Moderate  is  headed "Profiles and Recollections". It  includes several profiles on visual artists, and descriptions of their work:  Judith Lodge, John Korner, Elisabeth Hopkins. But the essay which stands out the  most for me is a profile of the forgotten  Scottish novelist March Cost. Rule conveys  humourously the idealism of a young  writer (herself as a graduate student),  and balances this with the majestic yet  AIDS patient, the bewildered relatives of  gay people who are coming out.  Moreover, if she does sometimes wax  homiletic about necessary virtues, she at  least scrupulously practises what she  preaches: courage, perseverance, and  tolerance - and it seems that the greatest  of these, for Jane Rule, is tolerance.  Of the 21 stories in the Inland Passage  collection, the most definite thing that  can be said is that they are an uneven  bunch. A great many are, to my mind, mediocre, while only about half-a-dozen demand  much attention and reflection.  Inland Passage.  By Jane Rule. 273 pgs.  Tallahassee (Florida): Naiad Press, 1985.  Although Rule's dialogue is often realistic  (and realism is, after all, one of her  aims), and although her characters are  often deftly conceived, her backgrounds  are too stark. She does not nourish her  characters with enough environmental  description, either natural or psychological. As a result, they seem flatter than  they really are.  That Rule does not lack the ability to  provide important detail is obvious from  her recollection pieces in A Hot-Eyed  Moderate.  For instance, "A Profile"  contains an excellent description of a  woman who takes her environment with her  when she travels: "Everything about March  Cost was so grand, histrionic and generous  that most adults fell under her spell,  amiably taking up the roles in her life  which she assigned them."  With the exception of the title story,  "Dulce", "A Migrant Christmas" and a few  others, the characters in Inland Passage  don't interact with their surroundings  enough; they seem, rather, to operate in  "Dulce", the first and longest story in  the volume, centres on a character who  does  live in an environment about as  complicated as life itself. That is, she  affects and is affected in complex and  plausible ways. A shy, intelligent young  woman, more inclined to let her life live  her than the other way around, she finds  herself in a series of unsatisfactory  relationships, each worse than the one  before. She therefore learns independence  the hard way.  In fact, she feels she has been more of  a muse than a solid being to those around  her, and that she has more or less taken  up each version of femininity assigned her.  At the same time, her ability to reflect  that this is so shows she has learned-  and grown.  "Inland Passage", set on a cruise ship,  has much detail of physical environment,  both natural setting and animal life. But  the two women who fall in love in three  days have slender psychological frameworks  to bolster their new relationship. Showing each other pictures of their children  is not enough.  More simply, there is not enough time  for them to develop a deep relationship,  no matter how many consecutive hours  they spend talking in the coffee shop. As  a result, the story amounts to no more  than what one critic (Mary Biggs, in  The Women's Review of Books)  calls "a  routine shipboard romance...enhanced by  better-than-routine writing."  What saves Rule from shipwreck is her  characterization. This one-sentence  paragraph from "A Good Kid in a Troubled  World" shows how quickly and effectively  she can build character:  Cornelia had known a great many interesting people,  even some talented and  responsible ones, but those who did not  become martyrs to conscience or to  politics,  tended to alcohol,  jail,  or  suicide.  She often achieves the same goal with her  dialogue, as in this exchange at the beginning of "The End of Summer", in which  a man has come to fix a woman's septic  tank:  "Your holiday's done you good," Judith  Thorburn said.  "Got her pumped out?" he asked,  ignoring  her civility in a way she didn 't mind.  He was a man who didn't like wasting  other people's money.  Good stories are interspersed with what I  I have dubbed Rule's "wishful thinking  stories." (Examples of this type from  Outlander  are "Home Movie" and "The Killer  Jane Rule continued p. 32 i Kinesis September'85  ARTS  Writer reflects own abused childhood  by Allison Acheson  Written in the early '50's, Mrs.  Donald  is Mary Keene's only published work. Arid  it is difficult to form a judgement on the  merits of only one piece of work.  Mrs.  Donald.   By Mary Keene. Chatto and  Windus: The Hogarth Press, London, 1983.  124pgs.  Mrs.  Donald  is the story of a mother and  her five children, one (Rose) in particular. Not merely another ruthless 'Mommie  Dearest' tale, it is written with deep  compassion, drawing the reader not only t<  the abused child, but to the mother-as-  victim as well. As a portrait of child  abuse it could work. The situation is a  common one: a mother is left on her own to  support and raise her family in poverty.  Mrs.  Donald  does raise the question of  the connection between poverty and child  abuse.  This book is a work of redemption for  Keene's past. Her own childhood closely  parallels that of her character Rose, and  in this we see a circle: Keene relating to  the positon of her mother through writing  Mrs.  Donald.  She is also writing about her relationship  with her own daughter, Alice, who in turn  writes of her mother and herself; "it was  not easy...there was some violence in it,  icale that appears in the  West Word  Writing Summer School/Retreat  by Gloria Greenfield  "Wonderful, wonderful, wonderful...You  might say it saved my writing life. Also  was an extraordinary exploration into  the personal growth and the founding of  a writing community for women. We are  all witches, in the best sense of the  word. The facilities were marvellous,  the setting inspiring and restful at the  same time. The instructors were well  chosen. Much appreciated the open sharing  non-authoritarian approach. Most useful  was fhe critical feedback and support,  the encouragement to transcend the limitations of inherited prose traditions.  "What I've seen and felt happening here  is terribly exciting and crucial to most  of us in terms of our writing and in  fostering a women's writing community  in Canada. I feel the ramifications of  the West Word experience will far exceed  the original expectations. My identity  as a writer had changed drastically.  The energy coming out of this place is  enormous.  I feel the ramifications of the  West Word experience will far  exceed the original expectations.  My identity as a writer has  changed drastically.  "One of the best things was hearing  other women's work...Every woman had a  distinct voice and wrote differently.  "The kind of dedicated instruction and  tender listening enabled us all to begin  to lose ourselves in our work, feel  lost in our own words and struggle to  listen to our voice and write. The process  doesn't happen unless the writer feels  safe and able to risk herself. The fact  that we were all women meant that we  could imagine ourselves speaking in large  groups and small groups - and speak.  The above are just a few "evaluation"  comments from participants of West Word,  the first writing summer school/retreat  for women in Canada. West Word took place  from August 4-18 at the Vancovuer School  of Theology on the UBC campus - held by  West Coast Women and Words.  Nineteen women, covering a broad geographic, age and class range participated.  Eight women studied poetry with Daphne  Marlatt and fiction with instructor Gail  Scott of Montreal. Three women were in  "retreat", i.e., they didn't join the  classes but had access to critiquing by  the instructors and to all other events:  a reading by playwright, Margaret Hollings-  worth; a reading by instructors Marlatt  and Scott; lecture/reading by poet Dorothy  Livesay; lecture by playwright Patricia  Ludwick; a questions/answers session with  Jane Rule.  As well, students prepared two evening  readings, one each of poetry and fiction.  I was able to take all these in, with the  exception of Livesay (couldn't neglect  my Women's Bookstore stint) and they were  all wonderfully stimulating. The quality  of the student readings was really impressive.  Each woman had a "room of her own". Aside  from classes from 9:30 to noon each day,  women were free to keep to their rooms  and write/think/mediate or go to the beach,  shopping, whatever. There was an instinctive respect for other's space. Spontaneous readings in rooms happened - it was  a really supportive, energizing ambience.  On Friday the 16th, following the conclusion of scheduled classes, we had a  pot luck dinner. Needless to say, it was  yummy! It was followed by a very moving  closing ritual - that included a round  by all of us about how/what we were feeling and a very beautiful spiritual ceremony introduced/led by one of the participants, affirming our care and love. And  then we boogied I  The foregoing has been a very personal  view. As a member of the planning committee and then staff I am still in a state  of awe by what took place. While I may  not have participated in intensive work-  shopping, I had ample opportunity to  interact with participants. We had a  suite which provided kitchen facilities  for those who preferred preparing some  of their own meals, space and time to  rap and an office where we could photocopy manuscripts. It was a real "high".  I'm convinced that a lasting network  emerged from West Word. As staff, it  was very gratifying to feel so much a  part of the caring and support that  emanated. And perhaps this is a good place  to say thanks to my co-staffers, Betsy  Warland and Brenda Kilpatrick. We made  quite a team, if I must say so myself.  And you will  be hearing about the 2nd  annual West Word Summer School/Retreat!!  but never, oi  book".  It was Alice who, two years after her  mother's death in 1981, assembled the papers  of her mother's book and had it printed.  I have mixed feelings about this book. One  has to crawl through an underbrush of words  to arrive at the story itself.  Mrs Donald  Mary Keene  r  The rhythm is uneven. Is this intentional?  for effect? The lack of cadence is disturbing. The story begins to flow and then there  is a passage such as "the last words  crashed defiantly, and her eyes, molten  with tears, leapt formidably. Tears splash-  ! ed on her hand..."  Permissable once per book for eyes to  "leap", for "belching clouds of sulphurous  brown" to be "pressing down upon her brain".  But when eyes are constantly "leaping" and  clouds "pressing down" I begin to feel somewhat bombarded.  Keene clutches her vocabulary tenaciously,  using words repeatedly. "Terrible", "wildly"  and "terrified" appear too often. Characters  are unduly terrified, or casting their eyes  about wildly. It's all quite terrible!  Too, she has a tendency to drag in characters of whom you know nothing, throwing  them randomly into the storyline. I found  this unsettling, suddenly to have to flip  back through the book, thinking I had missed something, doubting my abilities as  a perceptive reader.  Poetic prose is an art achieved by few. At  its height it is a reading of a highly  sensual nature, an almost drug-like experience. If a writer has not achieved this  level it is my sincere wish that she would  first master the are of 'straight' prose  writing before proceeding. I have never been  fond of melodrama. A concise, simple piece  of prose is quite enough, and if I want  poetic prose, I will reach for Elizabeth  Smart.  So often I find myself reading a book, not  so much for the story line, but for the  actual writing; which words were chosen and  how fchey were used to bring forth character  and situation making it visual. With Mrs.  Donald  the storyline itself carried me  through; the writing deterred me from my  line of thought and perception. Kinesis September'85 29  ARTS  Judy Chicago's Birth Project Lacking  by Jill Pollack  If men had babies,  we 'd have thousands  of crowning images.l  I liked the intention of the Birth Project.  The exhibition tried to deal with the  act of giving birth. While there are many  artists who have depicted pregnancy,  childraising, etc,2 there is a lack of  imagery which deals with the act of birth..  Because I want womens' experiences to be  given more validity and celebration, and  because I think that every subject is an  appropriate one in art-making, I am glad  that the Birth Project has been made and  glad that the Vancouver Museum hosted  it...but I do feel some ambivalence.  Why shouldn 't women who do needlework  have images that relate to them as women?3  Therein lies the dilemma. Technically,  the exhibition is strong. The variety and  quality of stitching styles and methods  is astounding. Carefully done and with  great skill, the pieces have been rendered  in such a way that one is hard pressed to  find better examples anywhere. And certainly ready-made needle work kits leave much  to be desired. But so do Chicago's designs.  There are derivative of Frida Kahlo  (specifically My Nurse and I).  This was  not acknowledged.4 On many levels, I find  this contrary to Chicago's philosophy: "I  am creating all the images, and that means*  that the source for them is my  imagination.5  (emphasis mine). She wanted to create a  forum for the stitchers' work to be dis-  played6 and she did. But I do not think she  intended it to be the overriding factor.  Frida Kahlo, My Nurse and 1,1937. Oil on sheet metal.  ll3/4x 133/4 (Collection: Dolores Olmedo, Mexico City)  Aside from their similarity to Kahlo, the  images lack depth of analysis. Birth (or  re-birth) is trivialized through cartoonlike designs and the inclusion of bees,  butterflies and spouting-liquid breasts  and mountains. Whereas before much imagery  has been seen as phallic, here it is predominantly breast-defined. Chicago has  substituted one for the other in an attempt  to create a woman-sensitive universal  iconography. Surely we have gone past  being represented solely by our physicality.  An exhibition dealing with birth will  necessarily focus on a woman's body. But it  has been depicted in such an unreal way  (to act as a metaphor?) that it appears  unreal. I did not empathize or identify  with the imagery, save one cut-but piece,  Swaddled Figure.  I discovered...that my designs lent themselves very naturally to needlework translation. 8  Birth Tear by Judy Chicago. Executed by Jane Thompson, embroidery floss on silk  Perhaps one reason that the imagery is  unsuccessful is the way in which it has  been seemingly forced from one approach to  another. There is no evidence of the  differences between batik, quilting, embroidery, weaving, etc. in terms of the  treatment of the image. The weaving is  flat, the quilting has depth.  While Chicago's 'woman' works better when  depicted more three-dimensionally, it falls  down when it is a surface (flat) work.  She started this project soon after the  Dinner Party (I believe it was during the  beginnings of the exhibition's tour). She  had just spent an intensive period of time  on a sculptural piece and maybe she was  having difficulty shifting from three-  dimensions to two-dimensions. Not only do  I feel that the pieces lack depth of  analysis but they also lack a strong  aesthetic sensibility.  What I am trying to do in the exhibition  of Birth Project art is to present each-  piece with establish a  more universal context for the birth  experience.9  This show did include a lot of information  on the people involved (although more so at  the two Bellingham sites) and the processes  involved. Again, the intention is laudable.  But the actuality of the inclusion of this  information served a different purpose. Each  final piece was surrounded by various  examples and writings of its creation.  In every instance, we can see the part  before the whole (or vice versa). It takes  a particular kind of viewing/perception to  see a work of art and another to read or  to look at process pieces. It was interesting on a theoretical level but cumbersome  on a viewing level. It obscured respect  for the final piece. And again, each section  of the show was plugged into a formula  that worked only sporadically.  If you had to experience everything before  you painted it there wouldn't ever have  been a single picture of the crucifixion.^  Either predicting or responding to negative  criticisms that she has never given birth,  Judy Chicago also touched on the religious  metaphors in the exhibition. Birth calls to  mind emotional/physical/intellectual/  spiritual awakening; discovery and/or rediscovery; reclamation of roots; and cycles  of life. She has incorporated exultant  images and sweeping gestures but like her  over-use of the breast imagery, the spiritual aspects of the exhibition appear to be  stereotypically male Christian iconography  which is inserted either with androgynous  figures or with cartoons of women.  If her thesis had been that birth (in all  its meanings) is defined by the patriarchy,  and that like many Northwest Coast Indian  traditions, humour arises when one word or  image is changed, then it might have made  more sense and carried more impact. But  her underlying theme is original creation,  not re-creation.  Needlework,   like the women who did it'and  do it, needs to be taken out of its context  and regarded with respect.H  I wholeheartedly agree. I think we all  agree. That is why I am confused and feel  ambivalent towards the show as a whole.  I do not object to the process but the way  in which it is incorporated into the exhibition. I applaud the diversity and quality  of the stitchery but I am disappointed with  the imagery.  I see the act of birth as an important and  valid subject for consideration in art but  I want to see more depth and a more serious  analysis. I like the intentions of the  Birth Project but feel that they have not  been successfully presented in the work  itself.  Judy Chicago is eminently quotable. She is  an amazing organizer and an important force  both in the art world and the larger feminist community I feel that I owe her a lot,  but for me it is the stitchers who have  made the most significant contribution to  the Birth Project.  Footnotes :  1 Quotes by Judy Chicago from a press  release, Vancouver Museum, June 27, 1985.  2 including among others, Mary Cassatt,  Alice Neel, Frida Kahlo, Suzanne Valadon,  Joy Zemel Long, etc.  3 op cit.  4 Frida Kahlo was included in The Dinner  Party so it can be assumed that Chicago  is aware not only of her but her paintings  5 op. cit.  6 op. cit.  "7 this is not a denigration of cartooning,  rather it is a comment upon the simplistic analysis which Chicago has overlayed  supposed-archetypal woman giving  birth.  8 op. cit.  9 op. cit.  10 op. cit.  11 op. cit. ARTS  Folk Festival Inspires  workshops and wasn't distracted by hunger,   hearing it. When she sings with Leon Ross-  kids, appointments, and old friends I haven't elson and Roy Bailey, the songs are as  seen in ages. This is a sketch of what      meaningful but the pretty , harmonized sound  sank in, what remains with me. obscures the ideas somewhat.  Angela Brown  by Maura Volante  In between interviewing, painting faces and  enjoying the company of friends, I attended  some workshops and main stage events at  this year's Vancouver Folk Festival. It  would be impossible to review the whole  festival, even if I did nothing but attend  The experience of witnessing performances  by people I've been following for years is  like running into old friends. This year I  even spoke with some of these old friends.  Frankie Armstrong was a singer of traditional songs from the British Isles in the  early seventies. Though she still sings  the old songs, particularly ones telling  women's stories, she has branched out into  various forms of contemporary material.  Whether she's singing of women regaining  our power, saving the earth" from "the  blinding flash of light" or oppression of  the poor, every song is packed with meaning.  Frankie's use of the clearly enunciated  folk style, especially unaccompanied, makes  the meaning so obvious we can't avoid  Coming Out On Stage  by Ivy Scott  Kate Clinton won thousands of female  admirers at this year's folk fest with her  irreverent and frankly lesbian wit. One  of the few humourists at the music festival, her several performances snapped  listeners out of the mellow daze engendered by large amounts of folk music.  Her humour is refreshing, dealing with  subjects that come from female experience;  her repressive Catholic upbringing, the  Other comedians are sometimes  surprised that I can be funny  without laughing at someone.  etiquette of "feminine protection", and the  lack of a women-positive expression for  female genitalia (or "down there").  She thinks "reality" would be an appropriate name for "down there," explaining that  we already know the importance of not  "losing touch with reality".  "And my father thinks I don't face reality  ...," she said shaking her head.  It's exhilarating to hear a performer talk  about being a lesbian to an audience of  several thousand. But, after more than  four years in the comedy business, is it  still hard to "come out of the closet"  on stage?  "It's harder not  to come out," says  Clinton. And part of the intent of her  acts is to "encourage women to have a  strong, bold feeling about themselves."  Clinton says she used to make a distinction  between her straight and lesbian material,  but doesn't any longer. "It all comes from  a lesbain perspective," she said.  She sees humour as a revolutionary tool  and says that women's oppression will end  through "the celebration of women's culture."  A former high school teacher, Clinton got  her start in comedy during a class she  took while on leave of absence from her  job. She'd written a serious essay about  humour in the women's movement when a  friend encouraged her to make the essay  funny. So she invited "about 150 close  friends" to a local club and turned her  class presentation into her debut as a  comedian.  Although she writes her material for  women-only audiences, it also goes over  well in mixed gatherings like the folk  fest. "Feminism is inclusive and the  audiences reflect that," she said.  I've heard, though, that some of her male  collegues at the workshop squirmed a little  when she told the audience that she's  going to start calling sexist men "pee-pee-  heads". vg^'^f^S  Clinton's message is delivered solely by  her humour, it isn't backed up by the  explanatory rhetoric employed by feminist  comics like Robin Tyler. It's also amusing  without being at someone else's expense.  "Other comedians are sometimes surprised  that I can be funny without laughing at  someone," she said.  Clinton says that while Joan Rivers'  style of humour is what is rewarded in  this culture, her own success shows  there's an alternative.  She often performs at colleges in the  States where "there's a lot of campus  rest these days. I believe it's part of  . their liberal education to see a lesbian  feminist comedian" she said.  Following such a well-received first  appearance in Vancouver, we hope to see  Kate Clinton in town again. In the meantime, she has recorded two albums,  Making Light  and Making- Waves,  and a  third is due to be released very soon.  Next month we'll print a conversation I  had with Frankie.  The Wildflower Dance Brigade is also a  familiar group to me, though I knew it as  the Wallflower Order.  Ronnie Gilbert took the final  place with the assurance of a  clan mother.  This year I caught as much as I could of  Wildflower's performances, amazed at the  exuberance and sense of openness the women  can-maintain on such tiny stages and in  such heat. Here again, as with Frankie, the  meanings of the pieces are unavoidably  clear, covering such topics as police surveillance, racism, Latin American struggles  and the changing lives of children.  One of their pieces featured Laurel Near  singing/signing "And Then I Cried." This  song, told from the viewpoint of a child  having a hard transitional time, got me  crying.  When the whole brigade came out as under-  I cover cops in suits and walkie-talkies I  was chilled even as I laughed at the slapstick parody of macho men-tality. I was  glad to see that they were allowed briefly  on the mainstage Sunday night (they hadn't  been scheduled for it) and had a chance to  stretch out in a piece calling for NO  INTERVENTION in Latin America.  This year's festival focused on Latin  American music, and though Sara Gonzales  (from Cuba) unfortunately did not make it,  there were many women from this region  represented. Sabia, once an all woman band,  is now mixed but still places a strong  emphasis on songs of women.  The "Hidden From History" workshop included  Linda Allen, Frankie Armstrong, Kate Clinton, Rosalie Sorrels, Judy Small and Ronnie  Gilbert. These women worked well together  singing and telling stories of women's  lives that have been excluded from history  books.  Black presence was disappointingly small  at this year's festival, so I was lucky to  catch Katie Webster and Angela Brown at the  Blues workshop Sunday afternoon. Though  Margaret Roadknight, Teresa Trull and  Barbara Higbie did lively numbers as well,  the stage belonged to the two Black women ;,  who showed everyone what the blues can sound  like. By the end, everybody was up and  jumping.  The crowd jumped even higher that night when  Ferron performed in front of her regular  band with Barbara Higbie sitting in on  fiddle and keyboards. Barbara was superb  on those characteristically dramatic fiddle  runs that go so well with Ferron's intense  lyrics. Ferron herself was pouring it all  out, more comfortable and dynamic in her  voice and movement than I've ever seen her.  It could have been a show-stopper, but  after a little comic relief from Riders in  the Sky, Ronnie Gilbert came on, taking the  final place with the assurance of a clan  mother. She easily filled the stage, interpreting with theatrical expressiveness a  wide variety of songs dealing with personal  and social change.  Things got a little mushy at the end, with  a stageful of swaying performers and festival personnel singing "Goodnight Irene."  I, as a sentimental old folkie, found it  somehow an appropriate closing ritual. Kinesis September'85 31  ARTS  NATURALLY  MOVING     1  by Maura Volante  This year the Folk Festival took a giant  step in bringing a dance company to a  primarily musical event, introducing a  whole new audience (and exciting anew an  old one) to political dance. In conversation with Krissy Keefer and Nina Fichter  of the Wildflower Dance Brigade, I found  that they were as pleased to participate  in the festival, a type of event they  say is rare in the States, as we were to  take in their vibrant and uncompromising  performances.  Krissy is one of the founding members of  Wallflower Order, out of which Wildflower  emerged. I asked her how Wallflower got  started.  Krissy:  Wallflower Order got together in  1975 in Eugene, Oregon. There were four  of us originally who wanted to get together mainly to challenge each other and  work together around technique and making  dances out of our own personal lives.  We made a commitment to each other for  the summer to work for three hours every  day and then to do a performance at the  We did a performance which was very  successful and we also had the opportunity a couple of months later to work with  Holly Near. She brought us up to Seattle  with her. Doing that concert gave us a  bigger perspective on what we were  doing, more of a political perspect:  Everybody has a natural  way to move, that is  interesting.  Nina:  We call it an art  and politics workshop,  and we try to teach the  methods that we choreograph. It's a three wee!  intensive workshop. We  also teach day workshop  when we're on tour, but  each year in the summer  we teach a three week  workshop where people  come from all over. We  teach technique and choreograpy classes and  we have study groups. We try to get people  to learn how to put their own political  sentiments into their theatre and dance and  performance.  So are you dealing with a lot of people  who are not dancers?  Krissy:   Yeah, it's about half and half -  people who've had a lot of training and  then a lot of people who are artists in  other fields but for whatever reasons what  to take our workshop to grow in a certain  area, like theatre people who want movement awareness. And there are people who've  never had anything and just want a chance  to perform and work with other women.  How do you deal with the fact that the  dance world is not usually concerned with  presenting a political message? It may be  just my projection but it seems to me that  the dance world is not very politically  oriented.  Nina Fichter and Krissy Keefer  seeing that what we were doing was really  needed in terms of an artistic political  dance company, that there was a need for  that, that people responded with incredible enthusiasm. So we decided that we  would stay together and make it into  something and that's what happened.  Maura: Maybe you could go over the chronology of performing as Wallflower and  how Wildflower came to be.  Krissy:  Wallflower was together for nine  and a half years and the collective  members that were involved with the organization in 1984 were unable to get  along for the last two years. We had  been working together for two years, the  people that had the split, and there  were five of us who couldn't continue working together, so we divided into two companies. We made an agreement that we could  each use "Wallflower Order presents" for  a year and a half, to get the new companies  established, and after a year and a half,  Wallflower is not supposed to be used any-  What's the name of the other company?  Nina:  Crow's Feet.  J understand that you do workshops, too.  What kinds of things do you cover in the  workshops?  Krissy: I think you're right, that it's  not very politically oriented, but more  and more we run into dancers who have a  political consciousness. The general tone  of everything, not just dance but everything, is right wing. Dance is, I think,  more so that way because people spend so  much time studying.  It's a very narcissistic type of art form  where you spend a lot of time looking at  yourself and people become very self-  absorbed and don't want to make any kind of  sacrifice for anything outside of their  own career 'cause they've worked so hard  to get to their level of technique. So  few dancers make it and there are so few  opportunities for dancers to perform,  they just fight to hold on to what's the  status quo.  It's unfortunate because dance is a really  powerful form to express so many different  things. There's not enough of it anyway,  political dance.  Nina:  There's more now than there was five  or ten years ago. It's true of all the  arts. Political art is becoming more  accepted and more needed and I think it's  a reflection of the social times and  whether that will keep growing or diminish  is a relection also of what happens in the  politic  What do you think of the issue of a dancer  having a certain type of body?  Krissy:  One of the primary ideals that  Wallflower put out from the very beginning  and revelled in was the fact that a few  of the dancers had very Strong, stocky  bodies and that is not the norm for a  ballet dancer. I think an image of the  ballet dancer developed in the past 30  years with Balanchine, actually. He orchestrated a lot the way women were supposed  to look, which was 5'7", 105 lbs, small  heads, broad shoulders, pierced ears, and  a dancer is an instrument, not a thinking  being. It's really set the tone in the  dance world.  Even women who were thin but short were  not accepted. It just became this one way  you were supposed to look. It's corrupt  that young girls are starving themselves  in order to dance! We fight that. We.give  a lot of women who don't have traditional  body types support to be who they are.  That 's something I run up against.  I  never considered the possibility of training to be a dancer when I was young  because I was fat.  And now I would love to  be a dancer but I'll never be at the level  of skill of someone who started when she  was very young.  But at the same time I'm  willing to try using dance in my work, along  with singing and theatre.   What do you  think about the possibilities of people 'ñ†  who are not ever going to reach a high  level of technique using dance  ^n their  work?  Nina:   I think it's great. There's room  for all different levels, and I think  theatre with movement in it is a lot more  exciting than theatre without movement.  Like, dance with theatre in it is a lot  more exciting than dance without it. The  more forms that can be integrated the more  the senses can be aroused. It wouldn't  be the same as a group that's focussed  on dance technique, but it's great, I  love it.  Krissy:   I think everybody has a natural  way to move. Everybody has some way to  move that's interesting. It's a matter of  finding what you do well and expanding on  it. Like, for us to go out there and try  to do sixteen pirrouhettes and land in  fifth position - we can't do that. You  have to know what your limits are. So if  somebody finds out what their own natural  thing is and develops that, then that's  fantastic, but if they try and do something  that's way outside their technical bounds,  it looks ludicrous. We just need to be  honest with each other.  So I thing that there is a way for everybody to move, but you just have to find  what your avenue is that you can develop,  given the limitations of age or weight or  stretch or strength or injury or whatever.  You can find something. Everybody can find  that way of moving for themselves. 32 Kinesis September'85  ARTS  by Tory Tanner  Nancy White calls herself the bitch goddess  of the North and the voice of liberal  guilt because "if you don't invent a  phrase to describe yourself then the people  who book you or write about you will call  you something else that you probably won't  like."  Though her self-penned titles may be appropriate she is also a thoughtful, intelligent  writer, quick-witted satirist and powerful  singer.  Nancy used to write for CBC Radio's Sunday  Morning show (winning three ACTRAs in the  process), dishing out a couple of topical  songs each week. She set satirical lyrics  pertaining to Trudeau's step down, Turner's  bum patting and the Tory campaign, to music.  This Canadian humour proved to be so popular she released a cassette of songs, What  Should I Wear to the Revolution?  Also included on her tape are tunes about  the Pope's visit, exercise shows, and my  favorite entitled, "Thirty Years a Princess." The latter deals with the birth of  Prince William and the fact that Princess  Anne is pushed another notch down the line  for the ascension to the throne.  It is this biting sense of humour regarding  "life", unequalled by any other writer,  which kept me laughing over lunch while we  chatted about everything from world peace  to household hints!  Politics influence many of Nancy's songs  though she feels the name "political satirist" is a little strong for her and she  would be very surprised if anyone was  actually offended by what she wrote about  them.  "I think that by the time a person becomes  a federal politician, that person has the  thickest skin in the world. Political cartoons are often really cruel in that they  make fun of the way people look. I could  never do that. I might say the word chin in  a song though (laughs)...but I never would  have said it about Joe Clark."  Nancy once sat near Trudeau on a plane and  was amazed that everyone virtually ignored  him, whereas our current prime minister  makes you want to "slap him on the back and  say how's it going." I asked her if she  thought the Mulroneys would instill a new  patriotism in Canadians to which she gushed  like an eager star struck fan, "That Mila's  so darn cute and those bangs! Pregnant...  name Mila's baby, your magazine could run  a contest!"  NANCY  WHITE  I was beginning to wonder if Nancy was ever  serious for more than thirty seconds when  our conversation changed pace and we talked  about Nicaragua, her involvement with PAND  (Performing Artists for Nuclear Disarmament)  and feminism.  "I'm not a terribly active feminist but I  can never believe it when on talk shows,  public women will react negatively, 'Np,  I'm not a feminist,' it just makes me  crazy! I don't see how you can be a woman  and not be a feminist."  Reading an article in the Toronto Star  about the contestants for Miss Teen Canada,  Nancy was shocked by the young women's reactions to feminism. Most answered "no" to  the question "Are you a feminist?" and one  said, "No I believe all men and women  should be equal."  Obviously, Nancy said, there are some big  misconceptions of what feminism is all  about among highschool age women. She feels  that feminism is "about equality and social  justice. One of the best things (about the  women's movement) is that it gets women together and gets us to really appreciate each  Other and celebrate each other."-  Thoughtful insights such as these are found  in many of Nancy's songs. Musically her work  is simplistic but her carefully chosen  lyrics are stimulating and.humorous.  When I asked Nancy about her writing style  she blithely commented that she is a lazy  writer and one of her favorite things to  read is the household hints in Saturday's  Toronto Star.  "It's the first thing I read! First I read  the household hints, then entertainment,  lifestyles and finally the heavy news."  Nancy is taking a break from the music  festival scene this summer and likely will  not be performing again until fall.  "Next fall I'm going to do a concert with the  Hamilton Philharmonic.. .dat ta da da yes', a  symphony orchestra." And then with mock  seriousness, "60 musicians'. That will be  festive! But can you imagine thanking them  all by name?"  Vomer* Njskf-At John Btrty  Jane Rule continued from p. 27  Dyke and the Lady".) These stories are  overly stage-managed, forcing the characters into happy but illogical resolutions.  Not to say that stories should never work  out happily; but characters need background,  and often time, to solve their dilemmas.  For this reason, a novel like Desert of  the Heart  is somewhat more convincing ,  than a story like "The Real World" in  the latest volume, in which a chain df  fortunate events defies laws of probability,  making the title seem more cryptic than  Rule's stories do reflect her concern with  integration, as expressed in A Hot^Eyed  Moderate.   The emphasis is shared among  female and male characters, homosexual,  heterosexual, and those whose sexuality  is undefined. Children get good portraits,  and so do elderly people. There are  serious stories and satirical ones (the  latter including "Seaweed and Song" and  "Blessed are the Dead", two of my favourites) . But the stories would be more  successful as a whole if Rule stopped  bullying her plots and undernourishing her  characters with scant psychological and  environmental frameworks.  by Donna Marie Gurr  Women 's night at John Barley 's has just  celebrated its second anniversary. Donna-  Marie Gurr is one of the original organizers.  My roommate Tammy and I went to see The  Moral Lepers and No Special Effects one  fateful Monday at J.B.'s The bands were  great and the place was packed, mostly with  women. We were having a great time when we  met two women, Shannon and Cat, on the  dance floor. The four of us agreed that  events like this for women were few and far  between, and we decided to organize and  work at a weeklv women's night. We approached  the bar's management and were given the  green light for Tuesdays.  Our goal was to have a relaxed atmosphere  where we could present live entertainment  by women and for women. Originally four of  us were involved with arranging the entertainment and publicity.  We opened Tuesday, July 12, 1983 with Bo  Conlan and Jesse Arens performing for their  first time together. We didn't get a full  house, but hoped that word would spread.  Unless women supported us, we knew we would  not be able to continue.  That first summer we had such acts as Juba  Jam, Jazz with Moreganna Kelly and friends  and the Moral Lepers. We knew the Moral  Lepers would be a big night for us, so we  almost died when someone set off the sprinkler system the night before and completely  flooded the bar. Only by working all night  and all day Tuesday was our night saved. It  was one of the best and busiest nights we've  seen, with the Industrial Waste Banned  playing their first gig opening for the  .Lepers.  At the end of the first year I was the only  one of the original four still working at  Barley's, but the main thing is that the  night we wanted for women is still going  strong.. The experience has enabled me to  meet a lot of new people and make some great  friends. If you haven't been to women's  night yet, grab a friend and check it out  some Tuesday. You can play pool, dance up a  storm, or just socialize a bit. Chances are,  you'll meet some new friends.  #1;  m  Womanvision -  Coming Out-  Women's music, art and  issues have their place  on our airwaves every week.  Mon. 7:30 to 8:30 pm  Tues. 9:30 to 10:30 am  Feminist current  affairs and arts  Thurs. 7:3o to 8:30 pm  Gay and Lesbian  perspectives  The Lesbian Show -     Thurs. 8:30 to 9:30 pm  B.C.'s only lesbian  radio  Fri. 7:30 to 8:30 pm &  10:00 to 11:00 am  Music by women  artists  Rubymusic -  CO-OP RADIO        D@2o^7 rjfta  We're also on cable in many locations throughout B.C.  Call us for a free programme guide 684-8494 A little  night reading  by Cy-Thea Sand  The Beans of Egypt, Maine.   By Carolyn  Chute, 215 pg. New York: Ticknor &  Fields. 1985.  Linden Hills. By Gloria Naylor. 305 pgs.  Markam, Ontario: Thomas Allen & Son Ltd.  1985.  Love Medicine.   By Louise Erdrich. 275 pg.  New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. 1984.  Each of these recent novels share a narrative concern with the geography of character: the acting out of psychic, individual dramas within a fixed environment. In  Chute's novel, place is defined by a poverty ridden fate which predetermines her  protagonist's movement; Linden Hills  is  an upper class Black arena of history,  politics and cultural identity; Erdich's  North Dakota Chippewa Indians are defined  by the literal encampment of a reservation.  Each novelist's set of characters can be  appreciated by his or her response to  their environment - whether the novelist  has her characters simply live in it,  tangle with it or escape it, place as a  central metaphor in our lives is wholly  rendered.  Of the three works, Linden Hills ;'is the  most overtly philosophical. Lester and  Willie act as the two key players, and  their bantering back and forth about  poetry, education, and gender relations  underscores the essential intellectual  nature of this work. Love Medicine  and  The Beans of Egypt,  Maine  tend to just  tell it like it is and leave the political  messages out of the dialogue but vibrating  through the books' images and sensations.  All three novelists have a wonderful talent  for creating characters who, loveable or  not, impress with the depth of their human-  ness. One other common feature to these  novels is their essential sense of community  between characters. From the affluence of  Linden Hills  to the deprivation of a small  town in Maine to the square footage of a  reservation, the reader is asked to enter  a society  of people.  The artistic vision of Naylor, Erdrich and  Chute is communal ,in spirit - individual  uniqueness is an expression of collective  history rather than in opposition to it.  The parameters of race and economic oppression are brillantly presented in these  three works through the rise and fall of  their people. The three books read together  help to shake down the monolithicity and  sterility of the overstated American dream.  A Breath of Air.   By Dorothee Letessier  Translated by Matthew Ward. 115 pgs.  Markham, Ontario: Penguin Books, 1985.  Sick, tired and bored with her life as a  factory worker, mother and wife, Maryvonne  leaves a note for her husband and walks out  of her former life. The breath of fresh  air lasts but a couple of days during which  Maryvonne's rage and despair are manifested through fantasy.  Reality keeps interfering though, and in  this short novel, the frustrations and  hopelessness of having to do a mechanical,  thoughtless job, nurture a husband and a  son, and be solely responsible for domestic  work are condensed and dramatized.  The work's first half is much stronger  artistically than the second, especially  when Letessier describes the chronic  fatigue of Maryvonne and the beaurocratic  indifference to her health that she suffers  and indeed shares with most industrial  workers.  Letessier's language is defiantly crisp  for her heroine who unsuccessfully struggles  against the conditions of her life: "Daydreaming is forbidden. Forgetting about the  factory is forbidden. I end up with  bronchitis and cough up my repentence."  The novel's ending is as uncomfortable for  the reader as working life is for Maryvonne  and her co-workers.  Darkness.  By Bharati Mukherjee. 199pgs.  Markham, Ontario: Penguin Books, 1985.  This first collection of short stories by  novelist Bharati Mukerjee, an Indo-Canadian  now living in the United States, is composed of tales of "broken identities and  discarded languages, and the will to bond  oneself to a new community, against the  ever present fear of failure and betrayal."  I quote Mukherjee from her brief introduction in which she discusses the racism  she experienced in Canada and the psychic,  imaginative transformation she has been  through:  instead of seeing my Indianness as a  fragile identity to be preserved  against obliteration (or worse,  a  "visible" disfigurement to be hidden),  I see it now as a set of fluid identities to be celebrated...Indianness is  now a metaphor,  a particular way of  partially comprehending the world.  I read "Angela" the first story in this  series in Mother Jones  magazine. It concerns a young girl, adopted from Dakha,  Bangladesh by an American family, who must  adjust to her change of circumstance  through the lens of a nightmarish childhood. "The world according to Hsu" and  "Isolated Incidents", both winners of  literary awards, startle and impress with  a controlled passion which delineates the  geography of racism. One is set on an  island off the coast of Africa, the other  in Toronto.  In her introduction Mukherjee says that  during the years she spent in Canada (1966  -1980) she discovered "that the country  is hostile to its citizens who had been  born in hot, moist continents like Asia;  that the country proudly boasts of its  opposition to the whole concept of  cultural assimilation". Mukherjee explores  this perception in her stories as well as  the limitations specific to Indian  women within the family, within sexual relations, in relation to each other and in  a society which prejudges on ethnic and  racial assumptions.  The writing is skilled and masterful: one  gets the impression that a torrent of  rage worries her pen as she quiets the  frightened, angry voices of her characters  into art.  Kinesis September'85 33  Black Feminist Criticism: Perspectives on  Black Women Writers. By Barbara Christian.  260 pgs. New York: Pergamon Press. 1985.  One of the unique features of this collection is Christian's introduction in  which she answers her young daughter's  question as to why she reads so much (the  reader can picture this young girl impatient for her mother's undivided attention).  Christian's informal style sets a welcoming tone which enhances this serious work  of criticism.  In her book Christian answers her daughter's  questions about the essential meaning of  literature and the value of informed  reading: "We can't even hear what she's  saying or how meaningful it is" if we don't  appreciate a novelist's form or what an  artist is attempting to do with her  vision, Christian explains. The fact that  Christian makes the task of reading  critically seem so important, so basic to  understanding history and human culture,  and at the same time so adventurous and  exciting, marks this work as valuable and  enduring.  Keep this book alongside your list of must  read fiction or beside your women's  history texts. Student or beach reader  Black Feminist Criticism  is for you - a  clear, well-written exploration of the  works of Toni Morrison, Alice Walker,  Paule Marshall, Gloria Naylor and Gwendolyn  Brooks. As well it includes shorter references to the work of Audre Lorde, Ntozake  Shange and Buchi Emecheta. Christian's  historical essays on the images of Black  Women in Afro-American literature and on  African Women writers are also highlights.  From Mammies To Militants,  Black American Literature. By Trudier  Harris. 203 pgs. Philadelphia: Temple  University Press. 1982.  Starting with Alice Childress' contention  that "domestic workers have done a awful  lot of good things in this country besides  clean up people's houses...We've taken  care of our brothers and fathers and husbands when the factory gates and office  desks and pretty near everything else  was closed to them;" Trudier Harris  traces the personalities and politics  of Black domestic workers through Afro-  American literature dating from 1901 to  1970.  This is a fascinating study which reads  more like a novel than a work of thematic  literary criticism. Harris begins with the  powerless image of servants of colour  and weaves a potent document of the social,  cultural and political lives of Black  women.  Her thesis is that domestic workers can .  be traced through and characterized into  three groups: the mammy who identified  with whites to the detriment of her own  people, the moderate who acquiesced to  white supremacy for the sake of her  family's survival but who retains her  Black indentity, and the militant who is  enraged by the inequities which oppress  her and who, in the literature at least,  kept the white mistress in her place and  in some cases even killed her.  Harris augments her literary analysis of  the role of Black domestics with interviews with several Black women who are  currently working or have worked in the  homes of white people. She incorporates  their stories into her discussion, mainly  to confirm what the various writers have  dramatized. The result is a satisfying,  informative look at these women, at the  literature which features maids as prominent characters, and a celebration of  the guts and spirit which ensured their  survival against horrifying odds.   Night Reading continued p. 36 34 Kinesis September'85  COMMENTARY  Moving through fear into anger  by Cathy Sullivan:  By way of introduction, I moved to Vancouver four years ago from the Far East (the  Maritimes). One of the attractions for me  here was the reputed presence of a visible,  active feminist community. Upon arrival,  my eyes did indeed feast upon the plethora  of events, workshops, social, educational  and cultural gatherings. I was thrilled,  anticipating that I could link up with  the feminist community and overcome the  sense of isolation and sometimes despair  that had swept over me in the Maritimes.  Living one's lifestyle according to feminist values and principles is not the norm  there. Neither is it here, but there is  acceptance and the recognizable presence  of the women's community. The presence is  much more visible here, and the sheer  numbers are a source of strength and  inspiration.  I have made many attempts to get involved  with the 'community'. I joined the groups.  I attended the workshops, Classes, forums,  etc. I went to the dances. Somehow I  never seemed to feel a part of the movement. I attributed my feelings to newness,  a sense of inferiority (Maritime feminist  experience just didn't seem to be 'the  same' or as important as B.C., especially  Vancouver experience), my sensitivity  about the 'class' issue (growing up  middle class in the Maritimes is not the  same experience as growing up middle class  in Vancouver), and my lack of contacts  or friends here.  As time passed, I became more perplexed  about the situation. I was consciously  living my life according to feminist  principles, I felt open to new ideas and  new people, plus I definitely wanted to  meet other feminists and to become involved in the common struggle.  My emotions about this situation as it  persisted for the past four years ranged  from self-pity to anger. As I was working  in a-mainstream job where I experienced  alienation and isolation because of my  values, my need for a support/political  network was very strong. I was actively  struggling to make change on my own in an  impossible job setting.  The movement is not  accessible to those of us  who aren't established  here, who by virtue of  race or class don't perceive a  place for ourselves in the  established women's community.  Over time, it has become obvious that  there are "stars" in the women's community here. There is a definite hierarchy  in terms of importance and value. I don't  mean to suggest that these women are  personally responsible for the status that  they have assumed, but I do believe that  they have responsibility for a solution  to this situation as stardom is in direct  contradiction to basic feminist principles.  Leadership yes, but not stardom where there  seems to be an assumption that the rest  of us (the plebs) don't know as much or  our contribution would not be as meaningful. I feel that the women's movement in  this city is exclusive and at times  elitist. The movement is not accessible  to those of us who aren't established  here, who may be intimidated by the knowledgeable others, or those of us who by  virtue of race or class don't perceive a  place for ourselves in the established  women's community.  Now to get back to my original intention  here. For the past year, I have basically  resigned myself to non-involvement in  the formal women's movement. I had a  number of negative experiences with feminist organizations that left a sour  taste in my mouth after they resorted  to mainstream practices of 'favoritism'  and 'hidden agendas'. I thought it best  just to stay away, but I did sorely miss  ttou^ fair lute p«wcr  fEflWSTS flPlii m III '  MEmMb  the contact with women where I felt safe  to express my values, principles and  analysis.  Great! I saw the posters advertising the  "Through Fear Into Power" workshop on  Commercial Drive during the first week of  June. I had certainly recognized the need  for discussion about the Right. Now, there  would be a formal opportunity for me to  meet with other women to examine ideology  and to develop strategy. There was something about that poster - "Through Fear  Into Power" - that caught my attention.  The images spoke to me of strength and  solidarity. I swallowed my past resolve  not to try again and registered myself.  On June 8, 1985, I put in a solo appearance at the Brittania cafeteria. I stress  "solo" because I did not know anyone personally in the cafeteria. There were  many women in attendance. I recognized  many women (some of the aforementioned  stars), and also women who have a visible  presence in the East End community. I  chose a seat, and furtively looked around.  I was pleased with the attendance,  especially given the political climate  of this province.  The workshop began (late) when the first  speaker presented the overview address  "Defining the Right". She prefaced her  remarks by noting that three-quarters of  the audience were personal friends. Great!  It certainly must be reassuring to know  where your audience stands. Unfortunately,  I immediately felt labelled (I'll take  responsibility for this) as part of the  one-quarter minority who were not a part  of the larger group.  The day progressed without much incident.  No one spoke to me, I also spoke to no one.  My sense of isolation and alienation  returned in full force. Perhaps it was the  hierarchical arrangement of desks and  chairs, perhaps it was the absence of  small workshops for discussion purposes,  or perhaps it was the observation that  most women there knew each other prior to  their attendance at the forum. In fact,  there was a large amount of social inter  action, many women seemed to have personal  relationships with each other besides  their commonality in terms of a desire  to discuss right wing strategies.  I soon had the sense that the forum was  not reaching anyone outside of the established women's movement. The non-acknowledgment of class and race has been a  consistent observation I have made of  similar forums in the past. Several  speakers mentioned "class", but it was  obvious that the forum had not attracted  women who were not a part of the white  middle class Vancouver women's movement.  I did not return to the forum on Sunday as  I had other committments. I am not sure  that I would have in any case. Again, I  felt burned by another encounter with  the women's community. I don't fit in,  I am not sure that I want to, and no  one seems to care that I (and I feel  certain that there are others) don't have  a place nor feel comfortable in these  groups.  I realize that my comments are not necessarily constructive. I have taken time  to put my feelings on paper as I feel  that there is a big problem here. I don't  have the answers, I only know that I  have a clear idea of the questions that  need to be asked. I feel that the women's  movement has to be accountable to women  in the community.  There are splits in the women's community  beyond the feminist/right wing debate.  The issues of class/hierarchy/race divide  human beings from each other to serve  the interests of capitalism. It is disturbing to see women use these same  tools amongst ourselves.  I feel myself moving beyond fear and into t  anger. My anger has the potential to  become part of collective power, but at  this point, I do not perceive an outlet  for my energies.  Don't misunderstand me, I don't want  someone to offer me a membership card. I  just need to know that the movement is  open to new ideas, feedback and struggle.  Then, the discussion can start about  solidarity with our sisters, and the feminist movement can truly grow.  The Alexander  Technique  Discover your potential for easy, graceful  movement. Change habits which cause pain  and tension. Move with flexibility and ease in  daily activities, work, performing arts, and  sports.  JULIA BRANDRETH (604) 224-7062  Socialist ^ Etudes  Studies At Socialistes  Critical Perspectives on the Constitution  Contributors:  DiSCUSSion Section: Julian Sher on the NEP  Price: $16.95 retail or from the publisher:  Society for Socialist Studies, 471 University College,  University of Manitoba, Winnipeg R3T 2M8 Kinesis September '85 35  COMMENTARY  Mother Claims Respect and a living wage  by Anne Miles  It happened in a transition house volunteers training session. We trainees were  asked to form four different groups,  according to the type of feminist each  of us personally felt she was. The groups  were: those unsure whether or not they  were feminists, those who considered themselves moderate feminists, those who felt  they were radical feminists, and some  fourth grouping that I cannot now recall.  I prepared to step over to the "moderate  feminist" side of the room - until the  woman instructing us defined "radical"  as meaning "from the root". Radical feminists, she explained, feel that a fundamental change must come about in our culture befdre women can be considered equal ,*£  that it cannot happen within the structures?  of our present society. This definition;£.';:..  could relate to! , -  My previous idea of a "radical" f em in is$'. ••:••'.'  was an extremist who toed the current  feminist party line to the Nth degree. In ''  the years since I became a mother, I was  made to feel (both by myself and by many  of my sister feminists) that I somehow  wasn't a "real feminist" because I took  great pleasure in caring for my children  myself and because my choice (when I've  made a carefully considered choice) is  to be home with them, rather than to work  in an outside job.  I'd had trouble with my intense mothering  feelings because they contradicted the feminist doctrines I previously espoused -  one of which was the idea that work outside the home was the only  road to autonomy for women. It seemed obvious. If one  stayed home, to care for children, then  one was financially dependent on a man  (and thus had only as much freedom as he  •allowed one to have) or on the state  (which meant living in poverty and being  stigmatized by society).  It took me years to decide that  yes, nurturing her own  children is a woman's  birthright, and that this should  not come into conflict with her  right to economic  independence.  It took me years to decide that yes, nur-  tering her own children is a woman's  birthright, and that this should not come  into conflict with her right to economic  independence. In short, society should  pay  the mother who chooses to stay home  and raise that society's children.  Now, if anything involves a change "from  the root" putting that  idea into practise.;;.::  certainly does! ■.'_  I proudly stepped over to the radical  ;" "  feminist side of the room. So did my  housemate of the time, a woman who had '•  borne ten children and had been put 'doWsi "  by the occasional so-called feminist '£&£;.'•'..;  having done so. Oddly enough, we were- £fve.  only trainees in the group who chose: •£&  consider ourselves radical.    *"  It has been my sad experience that? fSf^jf:\'r'!  feminists do not consider wages fttf;"m'&j«.7- .-.,  therwork a serious proposition. J£ i:Si.'1i&%  only right wing women like Grace;;;Jfc.®&*:fcny  (responsible for having mothers evf kabies  over six months old reclassifxiSnAs  "employable" welfare recipients and then  hounding them to find jobs) but also feminists like Judy Erola who in a Chatelaine  interview claimed to be against  wages for housework and who wanted to do  away with the spousal tax exemption on  the grounds that it only benefits men  "and wealthy ones at that^.'*-'Balderdash!  I claimed the spousal/.exemp-fcion when I  supported my husband gfl4 <#tild on an  office-worker's wages-v^^fttjaband claimed  it when he was *^$&^&££v3»ijfghly $1000  a month (1978-8^ij.'-'i^f:;.Sa^efitS> no sick  pay) while I jit^0'^^^'i'£W»Wt^^t I  daughter. It is''i^:§8&j^^-^i^y(*!^i -  who is being forced $^^fcitf&£^''ttt;W*k J  outside the home, whe-fctfeF $&6 W8Wfc« %#  or not. It is she who leavgs- i&f fiitii.4  in someone else's sometimes ■■;it^$Q0}&$&.-£s  care, not to pursue some fasciha^i^V- >v '  profession, but to work in an offic-e- *£  factory, keeping the machinery of capifc^-fe-  ist patriarchy in good running order. ''•"'*%  The only meaningful work I've done has  been my writing, volunteer work, and caring for my own children. I have never made  a living from any of this except for the  welfare I collect as a single mother of  two young children, something I refuse to  be ashamed of. All the paid work I've done  has been alienated labour. I take exception to those feminists who tell me that  I can only be fulfilled by a job outside |  the home, and that although childcare  workers should be honoured and treated as  skilled professionals, mothering one's  own children is far too boring and demeaning for a true feminist to waste her  time at it!  I have insisted on making the choice to  stay home, and I'm thankful that I've at  least been allowed to enjoy my children's  babyhood - seventeen months with my  daughter before guilt over not being a  real feminist drove me back to the office  and, so far, two and a half years as a  single parent with my son. In those two  and a half years I've revelled in motherhood, starting with a home birth with only  women present.  I slept with my baby and nursed him until  ^• (simultaneously, as it hap-  .K:p*ae^:;.\Wsj;«;;*.ea.d:y-tQ be more independent  oj? egtdh. -otltex. Jt jh&s- h&ert  ideal. I've  b&ea lucky* fto-w J cja.n even consider  ::.\TW^li;tes:.:0Vt;S>td.'9::.:tJ}e;;.:home as a possibility  ;;.-:iaEJ:.:tJie:.:q;e^a*:|.ve:i3?"near future. Frozen  wejfcf;&3pe rAte-Sf however, may soon make it  . txtpp^sxklki for women to make the choice I  4fet and st Lil live in any degree of com-  "'. j&itjt.';. I want to preserve that choice for  al'J. low income women.  •:: T do not put down standard feminist solutions to the very real oppression that  mothers suffer. These solutions may work  for some women. It's just that they are  not for me. Feminists tell me that skilled  daycare personnel can care for my children  as well as I can. I beg to differ. I believe that, as a mother who loves them and  enjoys the job of mothering (it's main  appeal for me is that it is more organic  and flexible than a 9:00 to 5:00 routine)  I can do a better job of caring for these  particular two children than can any daycare worker.  Some people claim that fathers can do as  good a job of childcare as can mothers,  and that dad should stay home with the  kids and give Mum a chance to prove herself in that "real" world out there. Hmm  ...well, maybe some dads do as well, or  better, than some mums. I believe, however that (if mothers aren't brow-beaten  into the idea that almost everyone knows  better than they do how to care for their  children) there is a special relationship  between mother and child, at least during  infancy, that even a loving father is  hard put to duplicate.  I'm all for role-switching if the mother,  as well as the father, wants to do it. I  did it mainly because my husband wanted  to! To prove I really was a feminist, I  felt I must give him a chance to experience the nurturing of a small child. I  believed he had as much right to this as  I had. This is something I no longer believe. Men still have the upper hand in  this society, and until women are equal  in every other way, I'm unwilling to talk  about a man's "right" to be primary  caretaker.  I am reminded of the process of unionization at one office where I worked. When  the union organizer came to speak to us he  told us the first thing you do when you  write up your contract is to include any  previous privileges the company may have  given you so that you aren't losing  anything! Unfortunately> the patriarchal  system ensures the m&its/Jtemale relationship is a labour/manag.e^e^teone rather  than a partnership.     5     .  -a,  A third feminist solution- $G "-the- burden of  motherhood is something callest ^share-  mothering'.' in which a child fta# two or  more women who act as mothers. Again, this  may work for some people, bui-::£$se idea offends me personally because ftiSimplies that  there is nothing special aboutSfteing my  children's "one and only" mothey. To me it  has the same flavour as the idea of a husband with multiple wives! Exchanging childcare, spelling each other off, childless  women (or men) getting involved as surrogate aunts and uncles, all sound like fine  ideas to me. But I, and only I, am their  mother!  Most feminists see good, affordable daycare  as a realistic goal, but they will tell you  that some sort of guaranteed income for mothers so that we may choose to stay home  without children is something that is  either unattainable or must be left until  more "important" rights are gained.  For all the women who are trapped, economically, by bad marriages, as well as for |  those mothers, married or single, who work  at dehumanizing jobs outside the home only  to come home to their housewife/mother shift  on evenings and weekends - for whom good  daycare is not the whole solution - we need  to put more energy into a guaranteed income  for motherwork.  Of course "they" don't want to give it to  us. Are they likely to give low income women quality daycare, either? If the government were to provide subsidized daycare on  a large scale would it be the kind of care  every child deserves? Or would it more likely be used as a reason to tell a mother she  no longer has an "excuse" to stay home,  even with a young baby?  1  don't believe that one goal is more "realistic than the other. Let's fight for both 36 Kinesis September '85  I  LETTERS  Ask the Street Women  What They Need  Kinesis:  We, the Alliance for the Safety of Prostitutes, are writing in reply to the article,  "Creating Alternatives in a Hostile World"  and "Christian Feminists Seek Women's Shelter" (July/August '85).  In May we read in the local paper a quote  by a member of the feminist community who  works at a second stage emergency shelter  for women, "It is unfair to mix ordinary  women in shelters with street women and  drunks and drug addicts". Then in June we  read in Kinesis  that some women want to  build a shelter just  for street women,  and in the downtown area. Now we read in  the latest Kinesis  where other women have  gotten into the act and want the churches  to also join the scheme of things!!  Jancis Andrews says, "the dispossessed and  the rejected, the people Christ loved  best". Ms. Andrews would have a difficult  time convincing the street people that they  were loved by anyone at this point. In  every article it is suggested that street  women be one more time separated from the  mainstream. No one has made a concrete  move toward integrating street women. Why  are we always being separated from other  women? We don't need saving, we need what  all women need, decent and affordable  housing, money, jobs, food to cook and a  way out of the everlasting circle of poverty.  For Ms. Azrael to say that street women  have no home base is just not true. What  does she think we do at night, fold up  in a suitcase in the gutter? We don't need  'Ģ another institution, we don't need cooking  lessons, we don't need to learn basket  weaving, we don't need to learn to pray,  we've been doing that all our lives.  We don't believe a house, a hotel or whatever will work. The women in Japan set up  an emergency house for street women and  prostitutes, who wanted some place to run  to. In the past six months they have not  had any women come to the shelter. They  think it will take time, but if you are  not -offering alternatives to the street,  it defeats the purpose. Just as men and  women go to religious services - to get  fed in the downtown eastside, so will  women come to your shelter.  Our questions are many, but available  space is small. What will happen to the  Night Reading continued from p. 33  With The Power Of Each Breath, A Disabled  Women's Anthology.   354 pgs.   Pittsburgh,  San Francisco:  Cleis Press.  1985.  when it hurt!  susan hansell  The activist nature of this excellent  book can best be expressed by a short excerpt from Anne Finger's essay, "Claiming  all of our Bodies":  Most discussions of disability begin  with a laundry list of disabling conditions. Disability, we are told, does  not just mean being in a wheelchair.  It also includes a variety of conditions,  both invisible and visible.  These include being deaf or blind,  having a  heart condition, being developmentally  disabled or being  "mentally ill".. While  this is necessary to an understanding  of disability,  thinking about disability  only in medical or quasi-medical terms  limits our understanding: disability is  largely a social construct.  This is not a theoretical tract though.  Women speak out in a language hard  earned from years of isolation. This  anthology connects disabled women who  want to work to change their conditions  and heightens awareness in those of us  who still privatize health and mobility  'issues.  There is also an impressive economic/  class analysis to health and disability  in this collection, divided into eight  sections dealing with such topics as  parenting, sexuality, surviving the  system, family life and problems and friendship .  There is no accolade powerful enough to  praise the women in this anthology for their  courage. The politics of health often  feels like a last frontier to me. Many  progressive people still relegate matters  of health to traditional medical models.  The writing varies in style and sophis-  tion, another admirable feature. Carol  Schmidt's piece on fat oppression is one  of the best I have read on the subject;  Anne Finger's short story "Like the Hully-  Gully But Not So Slow" is wonderfully  written and very funny; Anita L. Pace's  description of agoraphobia is horrific  and unforgettable. My list could go on  but suffice it to say that With The Power  Of Each Breath joins the growing list of  anthologies inspired by the women's movement which blow the lids off ignorance  -and complacency. Please read this one and  buy it for a friend.  ++++++  Resources For A Feminist Research RFR/DRF  OISE. 252 Bloor Street West. Toronto, Ont.  Canada M5S 1V6. Vol. 14 No. 1 March 1985.  "Women And Disability". Frances Rooney,  Editor.  The relationship between the women's movement and the disability rights movement is  uneasy at best, hostile at worst. I am  impressed with this attempt by feminist  academics to help ease the schism by  gathering together articles which detail  the specific oppression of disabled women.  For able-bodied women this issue will not  be easy to read; for those of us who fall  somewhere on the continuum of mild to  severely disabled this collection will  hopefully ease the pain of isolation and  raging loneliness.  Frances Rooney has done a fine job of  getting women to write about wheelchairs,  accessibility, m.s., chronic pelvic inflammatory disease, dyslexia, and chronic pain.  She was personally deeply moved by this  editorial task, as I was as a reader.  Some articles raise our consciousness  through humour as in Joan Meister's "Letter  to My Sister: There was only one place to  pee between here and Nelson"; others with  the horror of the facts: The New Internationalist  estimates that each year, 250,000  children lose their eye sight  because of a lack of vitamin  . A. - something that could be  prevented if they were provided an adequate diet"  (Sheila Nopper), and Joanne  Rancis' article on Native  women and disability breaks  even louder silences.  A section on works in progress,  an extensive bibliography, a  list of resources and of periodicals which publish work  of interest to the disabled  are all listed. I highly recommend this volume to schools,  libraries, doctor's offices  and consciousness raising  groups.  children of the women coming to the shelter? Will an advocate be available for  women, to intercede with the police,  social services, the legal system, landlords, male friends and enemies, the medical profession, and other women?  What kind of relationship does Vancouver  Women's Shelter Society.envision with the  police and the justice system? Are police  to have access to the facility? The women  from VWSS have already solicited support  from the director of prisons. We are distrustful of anyone who solicits support  or permission from the system. Our experience is that the system does not work for  street people, especially women.  We understand completely what Aleta meant  by "the people that feels like home to me."  It is obvious that what is important to  Ms. Azrael and other white middle class  women, is not to street women.  Even run-down hotels and the rooms which  many others would not live in are home to  many of the people in the downtown east-  side. I personally have lived in many  suites, houses and apartments when my children were small, which I considered my home.  But I also moved, and often against my  will and in a hurry. I did not find peace  and rest, renewal or rejuvenation, not  because of what I had to do to survive,  but because I was always wary of my straight  neighbors, racism and nosy social workers.  This is what street women still face today.  The meaningful and fundamental change that  needs to be made is money  to survive. An  end to our poverty and hopelessness. That  will not be accomplished by well meaning,  well fed, white middle class women who only  know about our lives by observation and  hanging out in bars, who are able to return  to their own homes out of the area.  Though they may live in voluntary poverty,  they really haven't any idea what our lives  consist of. If they did, that article would  certainly contain different words and VWSS  would have a different agenda.  We are very aware that women's needs aren't  being met. We also don't agree that the  proposal will meet the needs of street  women. Have the women from VWSS had a community forum outside of the bars and asked  the community members what they need? How  about a meeting with the women of the  community first artd then a meeting with  the whole community? Then you can honestly  say what support you have within that  setting.  We don't propose that we have all the answers, we don't even have all the questions.  We do know we are realistic about what is  feasible, and better for us than what is  offered. Don't talk about women and what  is wrong, talk about why they are out there  and what they want, so they can change their  own lives without the rhetoric and academic  garbage.  We don't ever say we speak for women on  the street. We know that given half the  chance they are very capable of speaking  for themselves. Have you given them a  chanc e ? continued next page  OREGON SUMMED  Marcia Meyer  SCORPIO RECORDS  MALL)  BLACK SWAN RECORDS  BANYAN BOOKS  LITTLE SISTERS  YOUR HUMBLE SERVANT Kinesis September'85 37  LETTERS/BULLETIN BOARD  We have heard feminists say for.years that  mothering is a learned skill. Well, young  street mothers need to learn life skills.  MHR is not doing their job, they are trying  to apprehend babies every day.  Mothers on the street, who are drug addicts  have no place to go to get clean and have  their children with them. If they put their  kids in care, it is usually extremely  difficult to regain custody. How about a  house for women, where they can take their  children to live with them for the duration  of the withdrawal and re-entry into society?  We think these ideas are more concrete for  what we as street women need to make our  lives more liveable and productive.  Marie Arrington, Alliance for the Safety  of Prostitutes.  Kinesis breaks  down isolation  Kinesis:  I am writing to Kinesis  for the first  time to thank all of you who work so hard  to bring Kinesis  to the many of us  outside the mainland. Your recent issue  regarding Mothering was most timely and  has triggered many thoughts of my own on  the subject.  I am the mother of two children, and due  to problems of conflicting-expectations of  middle class suburbia and radical feminism,  am living without them for the first time.  It was my choice to leave my children  (7 and 2 yrs) living with their father,  who is a good parent, for an indefinite  period of time while I gain work skills.  I am in the process of resolving aspects  of childcare, visiting routines and  related issues. My major area of concern  is the lack of support and the sense of  confusion portrayed by friends, family and  feminists when I talk of my situation and  the decisions I have made. Yes, I am  supported for leaving a restrictive marriage but as soon as I make it clear that  I chose to leave my children as well, no  one knows how to react, support me or even  discuss the matter!  I feel a terrible sense of wrongdoing in  that no matter how hard we try to change  our actions and thoughts in order to live  BOOK  ,'    AND ART  EMPORIUM  WINNERS OF  "BEST OVERALL ENTRY"  Gav/Lesbian Pride Parade  usiness Booth  Gay Fest  Vancouver Gay/Lesbian  Community Centre's  Jusiness Award 1985  $2.00 OFF LESBIAN NUNS:  Breaking the Silence  With this ad for the month  of September '85  PHONE: (604) 669-1753  1221 THURLOWST., VANCOUVER, B.C. V6E 1X4  up to our political expectations of ourselves, no one knows how to accept a  mother, even a feminist mother, who  willingly leaves her children.  I feel it imperative that we discuss the  issue of mothers who leave in order to dispell the traditional myths and to provide  both information for options and support  for mothers like myslef.  I have tried to explain clearly my reasoning for leaving the children in their  stable and healthy environment' and have  also made clear my thoughts on parenting  in general. I get raised eyebrows or withdrawal when I explain my belief that even  though I birthed these children, love  them dearly and miss them, I do not believe  this either entitles me or forces me to be  their sole caretaker in perpetuity. If we  are ever to make the necessary changes in  our society, we must be able to dispel  myths concerning women and mothering.  So I am asking Kinesis  and all women who  read it to focus their attention to this  issue. We need to share our views, our  experiences and our solutions in order to  develop an even clearer analysis of mothering, to educate ourselves and to support  each other. Any women interested in sharing info, or experiences with me can contact me at R.R. #2, Freeland Ave. Smithers,  B.C. VOJ 2NQ.  Again, Kinesis,  thank you for the various  articles (well written'.) of different  aspects of mothering. LAFMAPAG"S "Share-  mothering" is most useful to me in finding viable'childcare alternatives.  Hopefully there will be the opportunity  for you to offer mothers who leave both  information and support in upcoming  issues.  Thank you, Stephanie Smart.  Open letter to  Toronto bookstore  Open Letter to the Toronto Women's  Bookstore Board of Directors:  It has come to our attention that a permanent fulltime staff is leaving the  bookstore and that the staff has a  proposal before you to replace the position with a woman of colour.  We support such a move and feel confident  that it will be met with enthusiasm from  all progressive quarters.  Too often we focus on the large issues  of racism in abstraction and ignore our own  points of power and where we can and must  effect change to reflect our committment  to struggle against it.  As visible supporters of the bookstore,  and as part of the community which defines  it, and which it serves, we look forward  to its continued progress and success.  In Solidarity, Lillian Allen,  Makeda Silvera.  Impressed  by Kinesis  I am always impressed with the quality  of writing and content in your newspaper.  The July/August issue is no exception.  You ar<  In sisi  truly a life-line for me.  arhood,  Louise Rolinglu  Letters to the editor should be received by the'lSth of the  preceding month for publication, and should be no longer  than 500 words. We reserve the right to edit for clarity,  space, and libel. Writers will be notified about letters concerning their articles and can choose to reply in the issue in  which the letter appears. Editor's notes will be limited to  clarification only. In the event that numerous letters on any  one article or issue are received, we reserve the right to  publish a representative sampling of the opinions expressed.  EVENTS  COMING TOGETHER:  A WOMEN'S SEXUALITY CONFERENCE  October 4, 5 & 6,1985  Toronto, Ontario  An opportunity for women to explore, discuss,  challenge our sexuality from a feminist perspective.  Keynote Speakers:  CONNIE CLEMENT, Feminist Health Activist  SUSAN G. COLE, Writer  JO ANN LOULAN, author of Lesbian Sex  Plus 30 stimulating workshops  Information and Registration:  Side by Side  Box 85, 275 King Street East,  Toronto, Ontario M5A 1K2  •VEILINGS;A SERIES OF PAINTINGS AND ASSEM-  blages about identity, aspects of sexuality and painful social realities by  Jill P. Opening Sept 17th at 8 pm until  Sept. 28 at N(0N) Commercial Gallery, 101  Commercial Drive.  •THE HOME BIRTH SUPPORT GROUP is holding  our first annual salmon barbeque and  family festival: includes live entertainment, face painting, clowns, etc. On Sun.  Sept 8th from 1 - 7 pm at New Brighton  Park (north foot of Windermere). Tix $2,  $6, call 324-7764 or 299-0080. Proceeds  to the Lemay & Sullivan legal fund.  •LA QUENA PRESENTS MARCIA MEYER, at La Quena  Coffee House, 1111 Commercial Drive, Fri.  Sept 6, 1985, 8:30 pm. Admission: $2  cover charge (at the door) For info,  call 986-2826.  •YOU'RE INVITED TO A PROTEST RALLY at the  Court House building for two of Vancouver's practising midwives who have been  charged with criminal negligence and prac  tising medicine without a license. They  begin preliminary hearings at 11 am on  Oct 21, 1985 at 220 Main St. All the  charges have been pressed by the College  of Physicians and Surgeons working with  the police.  •THE VANCOUVER MUSEUM presents THE BIRTH  PROJECT June 28 - Sept 15, 1985. This exhibit is a panoramic series of needleworked  paintings and drawings by Judy Chicago, on  the theme of birth and creation. Gallery  orientation and reception - Tuesday, Sept  10th, 4 pm. Refreshments and admission to  the exhibit are included. $5. Advance registration is required. Call Audree Metcalfe at 736-4431, 1100 Chestnut St,  Vancouver, B.C. V6J 3J9.  •KATHIE FALK: RETROSPECTIVE - The first major  retrospective of the work o.f Vancouver  artist Kathie Falk, documenting her activity over the past 25 years. Over 120 works  in addition to large scale environments  and video and film performance pieces.  Sept 7 - Nov 11, 1985 at the Vancouver Art  Gallery. EMILY CARR GALLERY - Drawings and  paintings from our unrivalled Permanent  Collection of works by B.C. artist Emily  Carr (1871 - 1945) are on view on the main  floor in the. Emily Carr Gallery. CHILDREN'S  GALLERY - featuring a changing selection  of works from our Permanent Collection,  for children.  •JUDITH TINKL - QUILTS is presented by the  Cartwright Gallery, 1411 Cartwright St,  Sept 5 to Oct 27 at Granville Island.  Ph. 687-8288.  •THIRD ANNUAL MATERNAL HEALTH FAIR, Monday,  Oct. 14th, 1985 at the Hellenic Centre of  Vancouver, 4500 Arbutus St.  11 am to  4:30 pm. Admission is $1, free for children and Society members. For further  info call 261-5851. pi  38 Kinesis September'85  BULLETIN BOARD  •NICARAGUA: AFTER THE TRIUMPH. New VAG  Photo/ Essay Exhibition gives an account  of daily life in Nicaragua. Opens Aug 16  - Nov. 11 at the Vancouver Art Gallery.  •A TWO-PART LECTURE SERIES ON NICARAGUA'is  being offered as an adjunct to the photo/  essay exhibition Nicaragua: After the  Triumph. Part 1: noon to 1 pm, Tues, Sept.  17, and Part 2, Sept 24. Both lectures  take place in Meeting Room No.3, Fourth  Floor in the Gallery Annex. Admission is  $2 per lecture.  •WOMEN FIGHT BACK to end violence against  women. Fri. Sept. 13 "Night Without  Fear" (film) at Women in Focus, 456 W  Broadway, 7:30, women only. Childcare  by request. Take Back the Night March  Fri. Sept. 20 at 7:30, meet at Van.  Art Gallery, 750 Hornby St. Organized  by Rape Relief, call 872-8212 for info.  •CELEBRATION BY WOMEN ARTISTS for the 6th  anniversary of the founding of AMES (Salvadorean Women's Association): music,  poetry, Salvadorean food, raffle draw,  beverages, at La Quena, 1111 Commercial  Dr. on Sept 9th 7:30 - 11 pm. $2 unemployed, $4 employed. All welcome.  •LESBIANISM AND FEMINISM: Explore the personal and theoretical links in a weekend  workshop. A safe place for all women to .  share experiences, to develop strategies,  to explore fears, to grow and change. A  weekend workshop to be run every 5-6  weeks, starting Sept 28/29. Call 685-§Z61  or 873-5804 between 5 and 7 pm. Childcare subsidies available if needed.  •TAKE BACK THE NIGHT DANCE, Friday, Sept  SUBMISSIONS  •I AM ONE OF THE CO-AUTHORS OF Stepping  of Line, a book on Lesbianism/Feminisi  and I am presently writing a book abo  rural lesbians in B.C., how it was be  fore the women's/lesbian/gay movement  what changes have occured, how we sur-  •CALGARY SWAC presei  conference, Nov 1  exhibition by womi  Call 262-1873 for  Women's Action Coi  a women's sexuality  2, 1985. Erotic Art  submissions welcome,  re info. Status of  ttee.  d support.  s from various  ilarities and  in confidence,  vive, what do we do whe  I want to include storl  women to explore our sii  differences. Write to m  Yvonne Johnson, 62A Sycamore St., San  Francisco, CA, 94110, (415) 626-5488, or  c/o Rural Lesbians, PO Box 1242, Vernon,  BC, V1T 6N6(Takes longer to reach me.)  •CALL FOR PAPERS, DOCUMENTS, POETRY, SHORT  FICTION for new book: Feminism and Peace:  Canadian Women 1910 - 1985. Deadline for  submissions is Nov. 30, 1985. Janice Williamson, 36 Columbus Ave., Toronto, Ont.  M6R 2S2 416-526-0578.  •SHORT STORIES WANTED: for an anthology of  short stories by. Black Women living in  Canada. Please contact editors Dionne  Brand and Makeda Silvera immediately at  P.O. Box 217 Station E Toronto, Ont,  M6H 4E2. The book is to be published by  the Women's Press in spring 86.  1985  Fraser St. Wheelcha  and jion-smoking spai  care (10 pm shuttle  $4 - $6 at Little S  Women's Booksto:  Building.  Capri Hall, 3965  accessible, smoking  ces, off-site child-  from dance). Tix  isters, Octopus East,  Benefit for Lesbian  CONFERENCES  •DISABLED PEOPLE AND THE LAW, a conference  for anyone concerned about the legal  rights of people with disabilities (social workers, educators, consumers, advocates and professionals working in the  legal system). Sept 27, 28, 29, 1985.  Public Address 6:00 pm - 8:00 pm, followed by a wine and cheese gathering.  At the Justice Institute of British  Columbia, 4180 West 4th, Vancouver, B.C.  Presented by the West Coast Legal Resource  Association-for the Disabled and the  B.C. Coalition of the Disabled  GROUPS  •SUPPORT GROUP FOR WOMEN. The Support, Education and Prevention of Sexual Assault  (SEPSA) group is pleased to announce the  formation of a support group for women  who experienced sexual assault in their  childhood. Meetings will begin Tuesday,  Sept 10 and will continue for 12 weeks.  For more info call SEPSA: 734-9471.  •INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY 1986 organizing  meetings. Tuesdays Sept 10th and 24th.  Brittania Centre, 7 pm. This is our 10th  year. Come help us organize for our most  exciting year! Attention Artists: IWD  86 will be asking for submissions for  our 1986 poster. Watch for details or  contact IWD 86 at #1 - 603 Powell St.  •CONSCIOUSNESS-RAISING/STUDY GROUP, for  women of all ages. A group for women who  want to develop an understanding of feminist issues. Topics discussed include:  fiction, assertiveness, racism, sexuality,  reproductive rights and more. Call VSW  at 873-1427 to register or for further  information. Group starts Tues, Oct 1st  and runs for 16 weeks. Pre-register by  Sept 26..No fee. Childcare subsidized.  Limited to 12 participants.  •JEWISH LESBIAN-GROUP HAS ROOM FOR 4 NEW  members. We have been meeting for 2^  years as a discussion and support group.  We are how changing our focus which we  envision to include political discus§ipn  and action on issues that affect us as  Jewish women, as well as continuing with  feminist celebration of Jewish holidays.  Please phone Tova at 873-8511 (weekdays  only).  AtCCEC  Your Money Works  In Your Community  "CCEC works for community development.  We offer reduced interest loans to our membi  cooperative, housing and advocacy  CCEC Credit Union:  Keeping your money in your community.  OCTOPUS  BOOKS  INIXPINSIVf QUALITY BOOKS  HARD TO GIT ART, SOCIAl t  UTERARY MAGAZINES  876-2123  Friday 1 to 7 pm.  33 East Broadway  CCEC Credit Union  CAROL  WRIGHT  DESIGNER + BUILDER  TELEPHONE: 876-9788  Preferred Areas of Practice  Family Law  Employment Law  Commercial Law  Civil & Criminal Litigation  Languages Spoken—  German & English  free Initial Consultation  687-0545  1200-1055 West Georgia St.  Vancouver, B.C. V6B 2P4  UPRISING  BREADS  BAKEQY  Vancouver's Best  Wholegrain Breads  1697 VENABLES ST.  VANCOUVER, BC  V5L2H1 (604)254-5635  Spartacus Books  311 West Hastings Street  Vancouver, B.C.  688-6138  ANARCHISM • FEMINISM  SOCIALISM • THIRD WORLD  PRISONS • LABOUR HISTORY  ART • LITERATURE Kinesis September'85 39  BULLETIN BOARD  MISCELLANEOUS  •IN CELEBRATION OF CANADIAN WOMEN:  Poetry  and Short Stories by and about Canadian .  Women,     edited by Greta Hofmann Nemiroff.  This anthology of poetry and short stories will be organized according to the  themes listed: growing up female: childhood and adolescence, the body and sexuality, education, romantic love, women  and men, women and women, women and work:  unpaid and paid, women in the family,  mothers, aging, transcendence: women's  art and spirituality, women-power. Writers are asked to contribute their works,  indicating which categories they consider  appropriate for them. Deadline for submissions is Oct 1, 1985. Flease send submissions to Greta Hofmann Nemiroff, Director, The New School, Dawson College,  485 McGill St., Montreal, Quebec, H2Y 2H4  •WOMEN WHO USED TO WRITE FOR The Radical  Reviewer please call Cy-Thea Sand about  reviewing for Kinesis,  875-1543.  •PHOTOGRAPHERS - AMATEUR AND PROFESSIONAL:  Do you have any photographs of women in  their middle years, 40 - 60? We are producing a book about menopause and need  black and white photographs of women  alone or in groups, in private or public settings. There will be a cash reward for photographs chosen. All photos  will be returned. Be sure to write your  name on the back of each print. Please  submit to Judith Crawley by Sept 30,  1985, c/o Montreal Health Press, Inc,  PO Box 1000, Station La Cite, Montreal,  Quebec, Canada, H2W 2N1. Phone (514)  272-5441.  •GIRLS CAN: A BLUEPRINT FOR THE FUTURE is  a twenty minute video presentation produced by Victoria Women in Trades. The  video and accompanying fifteen page  booklet are designed to encourage young  women in Junior High School to consider careers in trades, technologies and  sciences - areas where women are under-  represented in the Canadian work force.  Contact Heather Gibson, Victoria Women  in Trades PO Box 6422 Station C, Victoria, BC, V8P 5M3 for more info.  CLASSES/WORKSHOPS  •PATRIARCHY & FEMINISM: OLD VIEWS & NEW  VISIONS, Women's Studies! 116 offered by  VCC, Mondays, Sept 9 - Dec 16 at the  Vancouver Vocational Institute 250 W.  Pender St and Wednesdays ;Sept 11 - Dec 11  6:30 - 9:30 pm at the Langara Campus,  100 W 49th Ave. For more info: 324-  5221, 324-5222, 324-5223, 324-5405.  •FACING YOUR FAT: A WORKSHOP APPROACH to  compulsive eating - obesity, bulimia  and anorexia nervosa by Sandy Friedman, M.A., Doris Maranda, M.A. Fall  workshop dates: weekend of Sept 20-22.  Follow-up evenings: Sept 25, Oct 2,  30. To register or for more info call  731—8752 of 736-7180.  •POWERLIFTING WORKSHOP WITH WENDY SPERLING,  Canadian champion, 3rd in World Championship. Workshop includes 2 hour lecture  and 2 hour practical. Participants should  have basic knowledge of weight training.  Sat, Sept 21 9 am - 1 pm at Mt. Pleasant  Community Centre, pre-register by Sat  Sept 14, $6.50 non-mem. $5 mem. Open to  women and men.  M ""-                                  CFRO 102.7 F.M.  * RUBYMUSIC  Connie S  this iss  'in Kines  rrrith 's column will not appa  ue. Rubymusic returns next m  is.  \ in  ■mth,  •WOMEN DEVELOPING ECONOMIC COMMUNITY. There  will be a workshop on women's co-operative enterprises, theoretical and practical, at Kits Hall, 7th & Vine, in Vancouver, on Wednesday, Sept 18 at 7:30  pm. Fore more ino, please call Melanie  Conn at WomenSkills, 430-0450 or 736-0935.  •CREATING YOUR CAREER is a 4 week course  directed towards women seeking entry or  reentry into the work force or for those  who wish to confirm or discover new occupational goals. Applications, call Horizon College, 736-2922.  JOBS  •PLAYWRIGHT AND DIRECTOR NEEDED. Women's  Voices: A Vancouver Mosaic, the centennial project of the West Coast Women and  Words Society will culminate in a full-  length play in June 1986. We need a playwright and director. Remuneration will be  on a fee for service basis. Application  deadline: Sept. 20/85. For further information call or write to Women's Voices:  A Vancouver Mosaic, Box 65563,, Station F,  Van., B.C., V5N 5K5. Phone (604) 872-8014  CLASSIFIED  •DESPERATELY SEEKING PARTNERS to share Salt  Spring character home. Completely beautifully furnished. Sauna. Sunny, private,  near ocean. Call Phyllis, 254-6527, if  you need to get away from the city on a  parttime basis.  •BEAUTIFUL COUNTRY RETREAT HOME FOR RENT  Oct 1/85 near Parksville. 2br, wood-  heated, $250/month. If interested contact  Shelagh at 734-5047.  •HEALTH COLLECTIVE. Do you want to know more  about your own health and work with other  women learning about theirs? The Women's  Health Collective is starting a volunteer  training program in late September. If  you are interested please call 682-1633  at these times: Tues 11 - 2:30, Wed 2:30  - 6, Thurs 6-9.  •FEMALE RESEARCHER WANTS TO HEAR FROM WOMEN  who have been sexually abused by their  physicians. Absolutely confidential. PO  Box 4600, Vancouver V6B 4A2, or call  732-9306.  •COMMUNITY SOUND SERVICES: Complete three-  way P.A. plus operators and truck, available at socialist rates. Phone Communique, 253-6222.  •WOMEN & SELF-ESTEEM WORKSHOP Sept 21-22.  Couples' sexuality workshop Sept 27-Oct  1. Pre-orgasmic women's group begins Oct  7 - Nov 7. Indiv. appts now available in  Vancouver Thursdays. Attention Vancouver  Island women: "A Place in the Garden" is  a sexuality workshop for women Oct 4-6  (residential); Preorgasmic Women's Group  begins Nov 9. Both events at Westholme BC  Info and registration to Anne Davies,  MA, Counselling and Therapy, 210, 1548  Johnston Rd, White Rock, BC, V4B 3Z8.  (604) 531-8555.  •ABORTION STORIES WANTED. The Childbirth by  Choice Trust, a pro-choice educational  organization, is compiling women's stories  about their experiences with ellegal a-  bortions. We intend to publish these stories and are particularly interested in  recording the personal history of older  women. Have you or someone close to you  had an illegal abortion? Have you had experience with ellegal abortion in your  professional capacity? If you are willing  to write or tape your story or to be  interviewed, please write to: Leslie  Pearl, Childbirth by Choice Trust,  40 St. Clair Ave. E, Suite 310, TO,  Ontario, M4T 1M9, or call (416) 961-  1507. Confidentiality-will be absolutely respected.  •WANTED: WOMAN TO SHARE COOPERATIVELY-RUN  home with 2 other women and child. Starting Oct 1. Children welcome. Rent negotiable. Phone 874-1968.  •EARTHSONG PHOTO CALENDAR 1986: Twelve full-  color photographs by noted Vancouver  Island photographer Judy Heron, celebrating the everyday beauty and harmony of  life on the West Coast. Calendars are  18" x 11", folded, saddle stitched and  drilled. Each month is set out in block  format providing ample space for writing  in engagements. Photos are 5" x 7", printed on high quality stock, suitable for  framing. Retail price: $11.95, p&h 10%.  Order from: Earthsong Calendar 1986, 1000  Foul Bay Road, Victoria BC, V8S 4J1. 7%  sales tax for BC residents only.  •LEADING WOMEN'S GROUPS: a course designed  to train women to deliver, in their communities, a series of workshops on feelings, stress, assertiveness. Will cover  basic group leading and counselling  skills in addition to teaching the course  content. Participants are expected to have  already attended several courses. Principal group leaders experience and counselling skills are an advantage. Limited to  12. Oct 5, 6, 19 at 9:30-4:30. 3 sessions  for $85. Princess Margaret Sr Sec School,  12870-72 Ave, Surrey BC. Also CAPER EXPLORATIONS FOR WOMEN: for women wishing  to enter or re-enter the workforce. Will  cover skill awareness, job search techniques, personal goal setting, occupational resources, labour market trends, community resources, career assessment  CHOICES. Class limit of 15. 12 sessions  Tues & Thurs starting Sept 24 at 7 - 9:  30 pm. $20.  •EMILY'S PLACE! WOMEN'S CREEKSIDE CABINS,  camping and workshop space 4 miles west  of Parksville. Cabin $10 per woman per  day. Camping - $3 per woman per day. Workshop rates available. The Emily's Place  Society directs fees to the project's  growth. Reservations: 248-5410.  •A HEART FOR A HOME: young non-smoking woman  practising N.S.C. buddhist, apprentice  healer and closet performer who is trying  hard to change wishes to share beautiful  healing environment with positive people,  by Oct 1. I can afford $200. Prefer Cambie.  Main St. area. Contact Angela at 733-8833,  early mornings or early evening.   W^^xL  1986 KINESIS WALL CALENDAR  VSW/Kinesis will publish its first wall calendar featuring  photographs of local women's groups. Limited supply will  be available. Advance orders are now being accepted. Send  $8.75 plus $1.00 for shipping in cheque or money order to:  Kinesis Wall Calendar, 400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver,  B.C. V5Y 1J8. Include your name, address &  The place for your car's Fall tune-up  aW2aiAm.Maxma:BC.VSYmCuimbi   (604)879-7323  REPAIRS. ACCESSORIES. MACHINING  . FOR ALL MAKES  Alice Macpherson  ISflPOfcflS  C   O-O   P     B-  L   J  WATCH FOR  MUSHROOM 'FEST  AT ISADORA'S!    I  GRANVILLE ISLAND  681-8816 Missed out on any  copies of Kinesis?j  We have copies going back to  1978 which we are now  making available to our  readers at the low price of  $1.50 (includes postage and  handling.)  Write now for your back issues! Please specify supplement (if applicable), month and year.  j   £l  Back Issues include  Healing Nov. '83  Parents and kids Dec/Jan. '83-84  Women in the labour movement Feb. '84  International March '84  Women and the arts April '84  Body image May '84  Budget U June'84  (no supplement rural women,  Peruvian domestics Sept.'84  Education Oct. '84  Women in the media Nov. '84  Racism Dec/Jan. '84-85  Rural women Feb. '85  International March '85  Disabled women April'85  Mothering May '85  (no supp.) street women,  militarism and porn June'85  Women and music July/Aug.'84  Published 10 times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8  □ VSW Membership-$23 (or what you can afford)  — Includes Kinesis subscription  □ Kinesis subscription only - $15  □ Institutions - $40 □ Sustainers - $75  □ Bill me D  Here's my cheque  □ New □   Renewal  □ Gift subscription for a friend  Name    Don't miss an issi  of KINESIS -  your subscription  about to expire?  CHECK YOUR  ADDRESS LABEL  FOR YOUR EXPIRY DATE.


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