Kinesis Nov 1, 1986

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 November 1986  $1.75  News About Women That's Not In The Dailies  MIDWIVES •   REALWOMEN   •  ELECTIONS   •   ABORTION  GHINA   | WOMEN AND THE CHARTER  • LOUISE ROSE  SALTWATER CITY Kinesis welcomes vdlOri-  teers to work on all aspects of the paper. Call us  at 873-5925. Our next  story 'meetings are: Wed.,  Nov. 5 and Wed. Dec. 3  Sfs|ffp|lt 7.30 pm at the  ^W/?#fices, 400A West  SpjIljIjB. All women wel-  tsf^llpeven if you don't '  ^pp|||riy experience.  ^^feCTION THIS ISSUE; J_isa Hebert, -Ann ■>  Doyle, Marsha -Arbour,  Noreen Howes, Aletta,  Esther Shannon.-.Sharjbn  Hounsell, Lynda Blair,  Alisa'' McDonald, .-.Ists,-/  Nancy Pollak, Jody Mc-  Murray, Elizabeth Shefrin,  Ernrna;Kivisild1,Sonia Marino,, 'Periny -Goldsmith,  jSusan ~ Lash Penny  ThorHpS'Qn,.* Faith Jones,  Jean McGregor Lucy Ma-  reira, Alex Maas, Meredith  Bolton "  COVER: Sprigs of Parsley  by Sky Lee; watercolour,  pastel and graphite. The  work portrays two sisters.  ^^^^p-formerly worked  %t,fylakara. as a layout  ip8IK-5SlL-  BACK COVER: Design by  Efta: \  EDITORIAL BOARD: Esther Shannon, Isis, Lisa  Hebert, Kim Irving, Emma  Irjltpfraf; Maura Volante,  Noreen Howes, Sharon  -Hounsell-.-./  ^^&ATION AND DISTRIBUTION Vicky Doff-  aldsoaAQajyf'H irondelle,  Meredith ^Bofton  ADVERTISING: Vicky  Donaldson, Jill Pollack,  OFFICE: Vicky Donaldson, Gail Meredith.  Kinesis is published 10  times a year by the Vancouver Status of Women.  Its objectives are to be a  non-sectarian feminist  voice for women and to  work actively for social  change, specifically by  combatting sexism, racism, homophobia and  imperialism.  Views expressed in Kinesis are those of the writer  and do not necessarily  reflect VSW policy. All  unsigned material is the  responsibility of the Kinesis Editorial Board.  CORRESPONDENCE: Kinesis, Vancouver Status  of Women, 400A West  5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C.  V5Y1J8.  SUBSCRIPTIONS: Individual subscriptions to Kinesis are $17.50 per year  or what you can afford.  Membership in the Vancouver Status of Women  is $25.50 (or what you  can afford), includes subscription to Kinesis.  SUBMISSIONS are welcome. We reserve the  right to edit. Submission  does not guarantee publication.  KINESIS is a member of  the Canadian Periodicals  Publishers Association.  Typesetting and camera  work by Baseline Type  and Graphics Cooperative.  Laser Printing by Docusoft.  Second class mail #6426.  /tf£MS /Wfflf&liT  Gloria LeMay and Mary Sullivan  face up to three years imprisonment for practising midwifery.  P9-3 j  Louise Rose talks to Lynda Blair  about her music, her life and her  politics, pg. 22  INSIDE  Two British Columbians, Jane Evans and Lenna Jones, report  on their three week women's tour of China's Anhui Province,  pg. 12  I  K Won  Midwives await sentencing 3  Lesbians win spousal benefits 3  CCCA rallies for abortion clinic 4  Realwomen lambast Conservatives 4  PLUS: Elections: Civic: Why you should go to the polls by  Colleen Tillmyn Provincial: Stop making excuses and start organizing by Margaret Birrell, Abortion law faces crucial test.  ^  na: Canadian women's tour inspires new understanding  . Lenna Jones and Jane Evans  Women and the Charter  It's 1986. Aren't we equal yet?  by Megan Ellis and Barbara Findlay  Marriage defined for whose convenience by Teresa Stowe  Sexual Assault: New laws, new Charter; same old story  by Megan Ellis  Now you see us, now you don't by Himani Banerjee  Joolz: The truth as I see it by Marrianne van Loon  Saltwater City by Corinne A. Lee  Louise Rose by Lynda Blair  16  16  17  19  20  21  22  /BF#fctf/gf.  Movement Matters  No Name Column  Nora D. Randall 18  Periodicals in Review  Wendy Frost and  Michelle Valiquette        23  A Little Night Reading  Cy-thea Sand 24  Letters 25  Bulletin Board     26 & 27  Dyment 27  KINESIS '86 November 1 r  MOVEMENT MATTERS  Movement Matters is designed to  be a network of news, updates and  information of special interest to the  women's movement. Submissions to  Movement Matters should be no more  than 500 words, typed, double-spaced  on 8 | X U paper. Submissions may be  edited for length. Deadline is the 18th  of the month preceding publication.  International  Women's Day  To date, the following groups are represented on the International Women's  Day 1987 Committee: IWD. B.C. Federation of Labour. Women's Rights Committee. India Mahila Association, Congress  of Canadian Women. We will be contributing to Kinesis on a regular basis to  keep you informed of our plans for 1987.  The next IWD 1987 meeting will be  held on Wednesday. November 12, 7:30  p.m. The address of our meeting is  1460 Kamloops Street, Vancouver. If you  don't have the time to attend meetings,  but do want to help in some way. please  call Onni at 324-5467.  BC Lesbians and  Gays to meet  Breaking Barriers is the theme, for  the 1987 B.C. Regional Gay and Lesbian  Conference which will be held over the  May long weekend at the University of  British Columbia. In order to get more  public input and a wider scope of peo  ple and groups involved, the planning  committee has developed a questionnaire  which seeks information on the following  areas:        ||| . ^  Have you previously attended the conference: what are the two most important  issues facing gays and lesbians as individuals or as a community today: list five  possible workshops you or your group  would be interested in and indicate what  style of workshop you would prefer (i.e.  lecture, experiental. skill development);  what workshops would you or your group  be able to offer: are you interested in  workshops planned for and facilitated by  women, men or mixed; any suggestions  for keynote speakers; ideas for promoting the conference in your community; do  you have time to volunteer at the conference; any other ideas and suggestions.  Responses can be sent to The Conference Planning Committee, c/o VGLCC,  P.O. Box 2259. M.P.O.. Vancouver. B.C..  V6B 3W2 or the Vancouver Lesbian Connection. 876 Commercial Drive, Vancouver. B.C.  Motherpeace  goingpn trial  Eight women arrested last August at  the Nanoose weapons testing range will  be going to trial early in the new year. A  plea of not guilty was entered at the October 2 preliminary hearing in Parksville  and the trial was set for 9:30 a.m. on January 15 and 16,1987.  The eight women were part of the  "Motherpeace Action", and were arrested on August 3. 1986 when they  rowed ashore on Winchelsea Island to  hold a symbolic picnic. The island  houses the main computer complex for  the test range and is off-limits to the  public. The women were charged with  trespassing under Defence Establishment  Regulations and face a maximum of  twelve months imprisonment or $1,000  fine. The trial will take place in Provincial Court in Parksville.  For information or for donations to  court related costs write: Nanoose  Conversion Campaign. 225285 Prideaux  Street. Nanaimo, B.C. V9R 2N2.  NAC meeting  slated this month  The "National Action Committee on the  Status of Women (NAC) is holding an executive meeting in Vancouver in conjunction with a regional conference on Women and the Economy. The conference  will be held November 21-23 at Douglas College in New Westminster.  The conference will open on Friday  evening with a wine and cheese reception  at Douglas and organizers have invited  Barbara McDougall, Minister Responsible for the Status of Women, to address  the conference.  Saturday sessions start off with a  panel discussion, moderated by Jean  Swanson, which will give an overview  of economic issues from the perspective of women.  Afternoon workshops include: Native  women and the economy, immigrant women and the economy, the economics  of housework, women in resource-based  towns towns, government economic policies and women in the waged labour  force.  The registration fee is $45 for the entire conference, which includes meals;  $25, Saturday with banquet and $15 for  the Saturday program only. If you're a  student, senior or unemployed the Satur  day program is $5. Application has been  made to government for travel and accommodation subsidy but is not yet confirmed. If you or your group need a bursary, please note this in your registration  Childcare is available but pre-registration  is necessary. For information on workshops and subsidies or to register cal  (604) 430-0450 or write: Conference Coordinator, 4340 Carson Street, Burnaby  B.C. V5J 2X9  Apologies  Kinesis apologises to the following  Iwhose bylines were left off their articles in  the October issue: Andrea Lowe for Press  Gang—politics in print; Gina Evankovich  and Maggie Roddan for Lesbians organising in Vancouver. Also, apologies to Helen Krayenhoff whose design work on the  Press Gang article was not credited.  In the article, Bisexuality: sexual definition or political identity, the following  [paragraph was attributed to Wendy Frost  instead of Johanna Qiiakenbush.  "A major difference in my relationships  with men and women is the amount that  we do together, especially at home. When  I was with a woman there were so many  things we would do—going through the  closet to get dressed up to go out for the  [evening, gossiping, cooking together. It  s to happen more easily in more of  a cooperative way. In relationships with  there's been more of a male role of  protection around the house. I never had  that feeling with women, except that we  uld be safe together."  In Megan Ellis' September article, Prostitution and men: Is the demand for sex  or power, the sentence that reads, "It is  through the appropriation and characterisation of our sexuality that we are defined  as other men, as less than men, and as de-  lerving of the treatment meted out to us."  The sentence should have read" ... other  than men ..." instead of other  2 I^INESIS   November '86 //////////////////////^^^^^  /////////////////////^^^^^  ACROSS  B.C.  Midwives await sentence  by Maura Volante  "I feel like I'm recovering  from a caesarian!" said Gloria LeMay. Drawing a parallel  between the legal  systems, what LeMay and her  partner Mary Sullivan are recovering from is a five-month  trial on charges of criminal negligence in connection with the  death of baby Voth in May,  1985. Their ordeal ended on  October 9th, 1986 with a conviction by County Court Judge  Jane Godfrey. In her summation, Judge Godfrey stated:  "I am satisfied that they both  failed to have and use reasonable knowledge, skill and care  and, in doing so, caused the  death of this child."  The two midwives will be  sentenced on December 4, and  although earlier assessments  discounted the possibility of a  prison term, in light of the  trial proceedings the women  are preparing for the possibility  of being jailed for up to three  years.  The trial of Gloria LeMay  and Mary Sullivan arose out  of the death of the baby being  born to Jewel Voth, on May 8,  Jewel Voth was originally  planning a hospital birth, seeing Mary Sullivan for parental  education and then contracting with her for assistance as  a labour coach in hospital. In  late April, a few weeks before the birth, Voth told Sullivan she was unhappy with  the hospital birth plan and  wanted to give birth at home.  In Voth's testimony it was revealed that up until the beginning of labour she was keeping  her options open about delivering at home or in hospital.  She was telling her doctor it  would happen in hospital and  her midwife that it would happen at home.  The first stage of labour (cervical dilation) began at 11 pm,  May 7, continuing throughout  the night, with Sullivan and  the back up midwife, Gloria  LeMay in attendance. Though  there has been dispute, between the crown and the defense, as to the exact time of  the beginning of second stage  (pushing), it was finally agreed  to have started around 9:30  am, May 8. Voth's labour continued with gentle pushing until around noon, when Sullivan  urged her to push harder to de  liver the baby. From that point  labour progressed more rapidly  until the head emerged at two  pm.  At this point, in a normal  birth, the next contraction rotates the shoulders allowing the  body to be born. This contraction didn't happen. The mid-  wives tried various manoeuvres to manually rotate the  shoulders and thereby get the  baby out, none of which was  successful. Paramedics were  called, assisting the midwives  in the home without success,  and finally Voth was transported to St. Paul's Hospital. It was generally agreed  that by the time Voth arrived  at the hospital, the baby was  dead. It is also clear that  something had happened to rotate the shoulders, because the  intern who successfully delivered the baby used a standard technique which would  not have worked if the baby  were still in a transverse position. The crown argued that  whatever change occurred happened in the parent's home  (thereby leaving the onus on  the midwives) while the defense maintained that whatever happened, took place in  transport or at the hospital.  The diagnosis of the condition which prevented the birth  Mary Sullivan and Gloria Lemay.  of baby Voth was the subject of much argument at the  trial. Originally diagnosed, by  the midwives, as shoulder dys-  toxia, it became apparent at  the trial that this condition can  be defined in different ways.  The midwives' diagnosis would  be accurate if shoulder dys-  toxia is defined as difficulty in  delivering the shoulders, a literal translation of its name.  Witnesses for the crown preferred the more narrow definition of dystoxia as a condition in which one shoulder is  wedged behind the pubic bone,  which was not the case in this  instance.  A possible explanation, put  forward by the defense, was  that a constriction ring (a  ring of uterine tissue which  can form at any stage of  labour) formed and prevented  further   progress.       Evidence  for this theory included testimony from LeMay that when  she reached her hands into the  birth canal, her fingers encountered a 'vice-like grip' of uterine tissue at the level of the  baby's chest. Also, after the  delivery the baby was noted to  have blanched or whitening of  tissue from the nipples to the  navel.  Jewel Voth's psychological  state was a key defense argument at the trial. Voth was interviewed by Dr. David Cheek,  an expert on psychological factors in childbirth and a witness  for the defense. Cheek testified  that Voth had feelings of panic  two minutes before the bjrth  when she feared that the baby  couldn't breath. In his testimony Cheek said that such fear  can cause a woman to unconsciously stop her labour.  Please see Midwives page 7.  Lesbians win spousal benefits  Stop 24 Hour Video  by Esther Shannon soal » to remove a11 such stores  from Vancouver."  Vancouver   feminists    have       Some of the videos that or_  launched a boycott and weekly   ganizer8 find particularly ob-  picket to protest the openmg of  jectionable are ones which in-  anew video outlet on Commer-   volve ^est.    Taboo Two and  cial Drive ui east Vancouver.   M /n  The Famil    ^ botll  The store, known as 24 Hour   available at 24 Hour Video",    -  Video, is owned by the Red Hot   gaid stainsby, "and both pro-    that were already available to  Video Corporation, a business   mote fo^t* heterosexual couples.  Protest organizers say they When Zook first applied to  have written to city hall seek- the school board last year for  ing information on 24 Hour Clough's coverage, she was re-  Video's business licence. They  also intend to appear before  sponsibility for which was sub-   «* co,unc,il1 *° argue that the  sequently laid at the door of   8*ore shoul<? be closed because  by Noreen Howes  " For Krin Zook and Annette  | Clough a trip to the den-  fc tist, cavities or not, is a vic-  cq tory. Zook, an alternate ed-  <o ucation teacher with the Van-  § couver School Board, has re-  "^ cently won spousal health ben-  .o efits for Clough, her lover of  o seven years.  »• The Vancouver Municipal  and Regional Employees Union (VMREU) which represents Zook, has successfully negotiated benefits for gay and  lesbian clerical and support  staff employed by the Vancouver School Board. Equality provisions included with  the benefit package give same  sex partners access to medical,  dental and other entitlement,  such as compassionate leave,  that was the focus of feminist  protest in 1983 because it carried an extensive selection of  pornographic videos. Red Hot  was eventually the target of a  number of fire bombings, re  jected on the grounds that the  insurance company refused to  insure same-sex couples. On  further investigation, however,  Zook discovered that the company processing school board  claims, C.U.&C. Health Services Society, had no such  discriminatory regulations and  would, in fact, honour any request for same-sex coverage  from any group or contract  holder. Zook immediately filed  a grievance with VMREU and  asked the union to include in  its contract demands a clause  that provides access to benefits  for the spouses of lesbian and  gay employees.  She was astonished to see  how easy it was to win support.  "I used to do all the organizing  on my own", she said. "It was  great to go to a union meeting  and find other people so willing  to work with me."  The same sex benefits were  soon won through negotiations  An"n   Hansen   and   Julie   Bel- of community opposition to a  mas, members of the so-called 24 hour operation.   Plans are  Squamish Five. ako underway to alert B.C.'s  new Video Classification Board  According to the protest or- to  the  *yPe  of pornography  ganizers twenty percent of 24 available at the outlet; videos  Hour Video's selection is por- which organizers say are illegal  nography and the store pro- m B.C.  motes   itself   as   having   the       Public meetings to organize.  best  porn  selection  in  town, against £4 Hour Video are held  Spokesperson Elf Stainsby said every Thursday at 7:30 pm at  that  the  protest's  goal is to Britannia Community Centre,  "Remove that store from Com- in Room L-7. For more infor-  mercial Drive and the larger mation call £51-7000.  Local paper born again  Welcome to the new Kinesisl  What can we say? Pretty  spiffy, eh? It's been several  months in the works, and there  are still a lot of kinks to get out  of the production process. But,  all modesty aside, we think  it's been worth every drop of  sweat.  Of course all of this is the result of a collective process. Everyone has put in their two bits  (just ask the Design Commit  tee). But some of us have been,  how do you put it, more collective than others? The following women deserve special  thanks for all the work they  have put into making this happen: Marsha Arbour, Penny  Goldsmith, Ann Doyle, Noreen  Howes, Nancy Pollak, Isis, and  Esther Shannon. Thanks also  go to Peter Jacobson at Docu-  soft for his helpfulness. And  anyone else we missed.  with the school board. Zook  attributes the success partly to  the left-leaning Committee of  Progressive Electors (COPE)  which control all nine seats  on Vancouver School Board.  "The union had good people and then there's the progressive attitude of the COPE  trustees", she said.  Gudrun Landolf, staff representative for VMREU claims  that there has been a general move within the union  to win same-sex spousal coverage in all collective agreements. At the Vancouver Community College, for instance,  the coverage was won two years  ago. It was difficult to negotiate, partly because no gay  or lesbian couples came forward, as in Zook's case. More  recently, the Langara College  Students Union has won same-  sex benefits; once again negotiated by the VMREU. "Coverage wasn't difficult to achieve  here," said Landolf "because  another employer had already  accepted this."  Gay activist David Carrellj  who sits on the B.C. Federation  of Labour human rights committee said: "AH these things  are possible if gays are persistent in demanding that then-  leadership push for these benefits." He hails the recent VMREU advances as a giant step  forward. "It's not just symbolic. It means that your employer and your union are accepting a non-stereotype verr  sion of gay people as human be-  KJNES1S '.86. November 3 r  Across B.C.  AIDSforum  fights panic  right. Norma Scarborough, Dr. Nikki Colodny, Caroline Egan and Ingrid Pacey.  Abortion  CCCA rallies for clinic  by Esther Shannon  Caroline Egan, a member of  the Ontario Coalition of Abor-  Concerned Citizens for Cho- tion Clinks (0CAC) congratu-  ice on Abortion (CCCA) laun- lated CCCA on its decision to  ched their drive for a Van- work towaxds opening a Vancouver-based chnic with a ral- couver abortion clinic saying  h/ at Robson Square m mid- that it was now «0ur (OCAC)  October. turn to ^ve you support for the  CCCA president Norah Hut- first clinic in western Canada."  chinson told the audience of      Egan expiamed that the fun-    _  r^nnt •hundred.  Pj°ple  that damental   problem   with   the    to get rid of the present re-  According to Colodny, the  current abortion law estab-'  lishes a medical delivery system for abortion which is dangerous to women. "Section  251", she said "enforces bad  medicine."  For CCCA the main purpose  in establishing a free-standing  abortion clinic in Vancouver "is  CCCA is committed to open- current abortion law ^ that it  ing an abortion chnic in Van- makes abortion inaccessible to  couver withm the year despite women, in particular, she said,  pronouncements from Premier to forking class women, wo-  Bill Vander ZalrnTand forme* men of col women  Attorney General Brian Smith and rural women.»  thdt the province would lm-      " .,  mediately close  any abortion 5 ESan sai<* .tha* m order. '?  clinic   that   opened   in   B.C. be successful m fighting against  Section  251  of the  Criminal the current law the women's  movement has to unite with  trade union and anti-racist  movements, noting that the  Ontario Federation of Labour  is "one of the most vocal allies"  of Ontario's pro-choice movement.  Egan told the audience that  Code prohibits abortion except where a therapeutic abortion committee in an accredited hospital has found that  a woman's health or life is in  danger if the pregnancy is continued.  Hutchinson said that women iV  in B.C. can benefit in many the state has been successful  ways from the experiences of m characterizing the abortion  Ontario activists and their sue- "*?* " a. ^ht between two  cessful mobilization of support extremes with everyone else in  for abortion clinics. She urged tbe middle despite the fact  the audience to work in their *hat Polls, ,!how that there 1S  groups, organizations and work b.road Publlc support for the  places to form clinic support Sg *° According to  groups. Such groups could ?&an thei"e V on}V ,one e?"  build a strong grassroots coali- tT*TM and that » the antl"  tion and create a political cli- choice movement" a move-  mate that would make provin- ment.she said, which is "on the  cial government prosecutions TMttm* ed&e of a lareer "ght  of the clinic difficult; Hut_ TMng movement."  chinson said CCCA is con- Doctor Nikki Colodny, re-  vinced that the state cannot cently arrested in Toronto for  find a jury that will convict performing abortions at the  doctors for performing abor- Scott chnic, told the rally that  tions in free-standing clinics, she was convinced that "A  T , , . ., ,, clinic in Vancouver will break  In her remarks to the rally the back of the aborfcion Uw "  Norma Scarborough national She urged doctors "To step for-  president of the Canadian waxd and WQrk at fche ^rfc  Abortion Rights Action League ^ fchat «No . wffl con_  (CARAL), reviewed the is- yj t °s»  sues at stake in the recently iSllllls  concluded Supreme Court of '- Charges agamst Colodny  Canada appeal launched by bave been stayed by Ontario's  doctors Henry Morgentaler, Attorney General pending the  Leslie Smoling and Robert outcome of the Supreme Court  Scott. (See Kinesis this issue of Canada appeal,  page 9). According to Scarbor- Colodny said that despite  ough, governments are finding her arrest she has no regrets  it increasingly difficult to en- about her decision to work  force the abortion provisions of at the Scott clinic. "Seeing  the Criminal Code and there- daily—the women who come  fore the "most sensible thing to through the clinic has rein-  do is to open new clinics and forced in my mind that I made  push the law to the absolute the right decision", Colodny  limits." said.  strictive law." At the rally  CCCA spokespeople said that  they have been in contact with  doctors who are willing to work  at a clinic when it is established.  If you are interested in joining CCCA's efforts to open an  abortion clinic in Vancouver,  you can attend a CCCA meeting for more information. For  details on time and place call  876-99£0. You can also write  CCCA at P.O. Box £4617, Station C, Vancouver, B.C.  V5T  mm  AIDS is not a male, homosexual issue. What women  have in common with gay men:  is that "Sex is dangerous", and  that the same people who persecute gay men, also persecute  prostitutes." These are some  of the issues raised by Bet Cecil, as part of a panel discussing the impending referendum against AIDS patients in  the California, (the LaRouche  Initiative).  Peter Drucker, a U.S. anti-  LaRouche activist explained  that Californians will vote, on  November 4th, to determine if  AIDS should be included as  a communicable disease under  California state health regulations. Such legislation would  destroy the confidentaility of  potential and actual AIDS patients, create legal penalties for  anyone who exposes another  person to AIDS and fire AIDS  patients "if necessary".  Drucker said that mainstream political and medical  communities have agreed that  such action is not warranted.  He also said that the right wing  is using the AIDS issue in an  attempt to "roll-back" the gay  and lesbian, and women's liberation movments. He believes  that the right wing sees these  movements as the cause of  malaise in the traditional, nuclear family, and says the right  wants to cure this malaise by  eliminating the "cause", rather  than working through the current health crisis surrounding  AIDS.  Ken Smith, chairperson of  the Vancouver Gay and Lesbian Community Centre, brought the issue closer to home,  He noted that Surrey now  has a Christian Heritage Party,  whose stated agenda includes  putting gays and lesbians back  in the closet; that Canada'  new pornography bill "separates masterbation, and necrophilia by only a comma"; and  that British Columbia now has  a fundamentalist premier. On  the other hand, Smith pointed  out that the Canadian Bar  Association has said that the  quarantine of potential AIDS  patients is a "draconian measure" .  It was with the awareness  of a well-organized right wing  that Bet Cecil challenged approximately 70 people present  on Thursday night, to be clear  about the kind of world they  want to live in. She asserted  her vision of a world in which  people are free to do with their  bodies as they please. Cecil spoke of the need for concerned people to work together  in ways that are inclusive of  all people. She suggested that  an appropriate- place to start  would be an afternoon meeting  of various groups at this year's  1987 Gay and Lesbian Conference, to plan and co-ordinate  activities for the future.  Expo. provincial hangover  by June Patterson  Expo is over, but its legacy  lives on.  The $1.4 billion investment  in our midst went for a six  month party. And yet not  one permanent job has been  created as a result. Even  the Social Credit government's  advertisers couldn't find any  real business deals that have  been signed because of Expo.  Remember the advertisement  that said Expo is causing all  sorts of companies to sign lasting business contracts in B.C.?  Further investigation of the  three international companies  that were used as examples  proved the opposite. All three  said Expo had nothing to do  with their deals.  The provincial government  maintains that no taxpayers'  dollars have gone toward the  fair. That's   because   the  provincial revenue from B.C.  lotteries has and will continue  paying off the debt until 1989.  Sociologists have proven time  and again that lotteries are a  tax on the poor—those who  need money. Remember that  the Lotteries Fund used to give  a lot of support to B.C. charities. The Lotteries draw was  upped to twice weekly to raise  ,more revenue.  Even if the projected Expo  deficit of $ 311 million comes  down, the initial investment  still won't provide lasting stimulus to the B.C. economy.  U.B.C. economist Margaret  Slade said that it is hard to  imagine some form of government investment that would  bring in less return than Expo.  Any other type of government investment, such as a fish  plants, roads, education or social services, would have longer  spin-off effects in the economy,  she says.  There has been little accountability on the actual  Expo expenditures so far. The  minister responsible for Expo,  Claude Richmond, released  some figures late this summer  for the 1980 to 1985 period.  Single spaced pages and pages  list only the amounts and either the corporate or individual names. It is curious why  Shaughnessy Golf and Country Club was paid $11,046,  and   Mercedes   Benz   Canada  Inc. was paid $48,851 in the  1983/84 year. Think of all  the dinner that Someplace Else  Restaurant served for $4,046  in 1982/83, or $2,000 worth of  pizzas in the 1984/85 year from  Pizza 222 Inc. No explanation  for the payments will be provided.  The over 22 million turnstile ticks at the gates make  Expo look like a raging success. But the Expo Spirit is intimately connected with Social  Credit values and friends. The  government didn't hesitate to  support the projects that were  associated with Expo: Skytrain, the Fraser Bridge, B.C.  Place Stadium, the Coquihalla highway, Canada Harbour Place, and the special  economic zones, to name a  few. But we've paid in social service restraint since 1983.  Funny how the approximately  one million dollars for the Human Rights Commission and  Branch (that was cut in 1983)  was such an obstacle.  Expo struck a bitter blow to  the strength of the trade union  movement. Sweeping changes  to the  Labour Code divided  Realwomen  lambast the  Conservatives  by Nancy Pollak  'The vision of tomorrow of  Realwomen is a vision that  is taking Canada by storm.  We women are the backbone  of the nation. We are going  to take control and run this  country—we know what is important." With these words,  Gwen Landolt, Toronto-based  co-founder and lawyer for  Realwomen of Canada, greeted  her audience of 125 women, infants and men at the first Vancouver public meeting of Real-  women's B.C. chapter in mid-  October.  Landolt, the featured speaker of the evening, went on  to describe how Realwomen  grew out of a handful of wo-  l concerned about the disintegration of Canadian society. "We saw increases in divorce, in battered women, in  abortion. We saw alienated  teenagers and runaways." The  founders of Realwomen concluded that the basic problem  was that the family could no  longer cope with the pressures  of modern society. "We're becoming a nation of slackers,  the me-generation. As long as  I'm happy, I don't care about  the children and the husband."  Mrs. Landolt cautioned that  happiness based on such selfishness was elusive. "Happiness comes from commitment and obligations. Where  you find fulfillment is through  duty." For Realwomen, the key  to society's, well-being lies in  restoring family life, and then-  prescription is to guarantee women the option of staying home  to "do what we do best."  Throughout the evening,  Landolt was highly critical of,  the feminist movement and the  federal government. Stressing  that Realwomen is the true  voice of Canadian women, Landolt denounced the feminist  lobby for homemaker's pensions, advocating in its stead  a homemaker's tax credit.  The proper care of young  children is, according to Landolt, a central concern of Real-  women, and she attacked the  concept of universally available  daycare. "How can we let children know they are valued?"  Landolt asked. "Someone in  the home, the unconditional  love of an individual caregiver  for the first three years of life—  not institutional care or universal daycare."  "We've got to let the government know that the strength  of the nation is the strength  of the family. Feminists have  failed because they didn't understand that men and women  are equal but different, and  that we want a family life. We  are the nurturers. Most of us  have a maternal instinct and  there has been a failure to acknowledge this fact." Where  there is a genuine need for daycare, Landolt stated it should  be the best possible.  Realwomen of Canada have  a tough time. They have been  unable, so far, to squeeze any  dough out of the hopelessly  feminist Secretary of State; the  tories keep introducing anti-  family legislation; and they  were jilted by Webster! (Webster! had scheduled an interview with Gwen Landolt and  cancelled out at the last moment in order to highlight the  softwood tariff news. Or so he  said. When Realwomen flicked  on the tube, Webster was busy  chatting up Dr. Nikki Colodny,  unabashed abortionist. Precisely.)  But, given their analysis of  women's experience in Canadian society, their toughest  battle appears to be with reality. According to Gwen  Landolt, women in the 40's  and 50's were simple home-  makers who had all the time  they needed for their children  and husband. According to  Gwen Landolt, greed for material wealth and creeping selfishness are why women in the  80's are exhausting themselves  in their double role as workers and homemakers. Feminists encouraged this selfishness and are therefore responsible for family breakdown, for  child abuse, for pornography,  for battered women.  At a glance, the women  who attended the October  16th meeting were a cross-  section of white Canadian society: all ages were represented, with the majority being in their twenties and thirties. A number had small  babies. While Gwen Landolt  rather carefully steered clear of  invoking " Judeo-Christian values" in her formal presentation, many of the questioners  were evidently from right-wing  Christian backgrounds. There  were few men present and they  asked a wildly disproportionate number of questions. They  shouted at the feminists for  taking too many turns (one  each) at the microphone. The  whole room rumbled knowingly  'when a lesbian declared herself.  The leaders of Realwomen  encourage an at-home activism  in their membership. Write letters, they say. Not: run for  office, organize a resource centre, do public education. Write  letters. Against homosexuals,  against sexually explicit images, against no-fault divorce,  against choice on abortion.  The positive offering to the  membership is a sense of being part of something splendid  and powerful. "You're the advance guard, the pioneers for  a wonderful world. We speak  for the majority of Canadians,"  Gwen Landolt said. For women who are wives and mothers and workers in a society  that is, pardon the language,  patriarchal and capitalist, it  is encouraging to be reminded  that you are vital and important. As those women are.  As are the farmworkers of the  Fraser Valley, the prostitutes  on East Broadway, the single parent secretary in Nelson, the Moslem homemaker  in Burnaby, the native lesbian  teacher in Vanderhoof. But  then, they're not quite Real-  women.  Turning her attention to women's experience in the workforce, Landolt said, "The vast  majority of women are still  entering the traditional fields  such as nursing and teaching.  Why, with all the opportunities to enter the male fields, do  we still do it? Why? Because  we want to do what we do best  and we should be allowed to do  what we want to do. These  days, it's hard to hold our  heads up high if we are mothers and homemakers. In all this  rush  for  equality,   we've  lost  sight of what we are." Landolt  urged corporations to accommodate women's unique needs  in the marketplace and stated  that   Realwomen  wanted  im  proved benefits for part-time  workers and more job sharing.  When queried about specific  strategies around these issues,  she declined to offer any details.  Some of Landolt's harshest  disapproval was directed towards the federal government  for the 'no-fault' divorce legislation introduced earlier this  year. 'Heaven only knows why  they passed it,' she lamented.  "It only benefits accountants  and lawyers." Landolt charged  that the new law encourages  marital breakdown by making  divorce proceedings easier and  swifter. "Where is the commitment?" she asked. "Most  marriages of two normal people  can be made to work."   When  begins  the Expo site into over thirty  zones of Special Economic Importance. The Building Trades  were forced to work alongside non-union firms. Nonunion construction companies  have now gained a strong footing in the B.C. construction  industry. After the Building Trades fell, all hopes of a  province-wide participation in  Expo were dashed. Opposition became divided into sectors thereafter.  The Downtown Eastside  Residents Association put up  a valiant fight to try and  save their membership. An  estimated 790 primarily elderly people were evicted from  downtown hotels and rooming  houses to make room for the  more lucrative tourist dollar.  It is bittersweet news to hear  that hotels such as the Ambassador were only rented at forty  percent capacity. The Ambassador evicted fifty-five of their  long-term tenants.  Spiritually, British Columbians were represented by  the fundamentalist Pavilion of  Promise at Expo. It must be  a coincidence that Jimmy Pat-  IlEU-   The   provincial government is  Considering a. plan +b convert the  Expo Centre inte a permanent  Gum Dispenser.  Revenues generated  would go towards  amateur   health  and   education facilities   throughout  the   province.  tison carries the same evangelical stripe. It was too  expensive for the Inter-faith  coalition of B.C. churches:  Roman Catholic, Protestant,  Jewish,Eastern Orthodox, Hindu, Sikh, Buddist, Muslim and  Bahai; to afford a pavilion.  This month the wrecking  balls are demolishing the remains of Expo. The cost of  demolition is projected to be  about $30 million according to  Frank Dillon, the Vice President of Disposal with the B.C.  Place Corporation. The modules that housed the pavilions  will be demolished. They were  supposed to be transported to  communities throughout B.C.  But stress tests that were conducted after the modules were  constructed demonstrated that  the design would not support  snow. Participants are having to take sledge hammers:  to all their goods that don't  leave the country. The goods  entered the country without  paying the forty-seven percent  Canada Customs taxes, and  now that everything is used, it  is too expensive to ship or give  tons of items away.  B.C. Place officials want to  see the Expo site turned into a  construction site by the end of  the year. Then we will begin  paying for the cost of redevelopment.  marital difficulties arise, Real-  women advocated that tax deductible marriage counselling  be widely available.  The federal government was  also chastised for its apparent  intention to soften the anti-  pornography legislation introduced last term and slated  for re-introduction this session. Realwomen had been  pleased with the original wording which had proposed outlawing visual materials depicting virtually all sexual activities.  The tories were then lambasted for considering adding  sexual orientation to the federal human rights code. Landolt argued that, while homosexuals should have the  same rights as everyone else,  they should not be entitled to  have their lifestyle enshrined in  law. "Other grounds for (human rights) protection—*race.  colour, creed—are basic, unchangeable qualities," Landolt  asserted. Under such legislation, homosexuals would have  special privileges that would be  of grave consequences to heterosexual family life. Landolt  suggested that religious organizations, school boards and the  boy scouts would be forced to  hire homosexuals. Homosexuals and lesbians would also agitate for the right to marry and  adopt children. "Let them do  what they like privately, but  don't force it on the rest of us,"  Landolt said. "This doesn't  mean you don't like homosexuals."  Landolt's speech was followed by a question period in  which women and men echoed  her concerns about homosexuality and AIDS, and raised the  issue of discrimination against  religious education. Several  feminist women and a man  questioned Mrs. Landolt about  Realwomen's stance towards  gay people and its distortion  of feminist issues and Christianity. Landolt responded to these  criticisms by reiterating Real-  women's position on these matters, and finally accused the  'anxious homosexual  of undemocratic behaviour.  i__  \ KINESJS November. $6 ,  K]NES|S      'toj*?TM!^'5' SiSSmS^a^  Why you should go to the polls  by Colleen Tillmyn c**y council are elected through an 'at-  large' system which favours well—known  On November 15,  Vancouver voters and weaithy people? Or that being an  go to the polls to elect a new mayor and aiderman was meant to be a part-time  city council and anew school and parks job for those who ^^^y had other m.  board- comes?   (the present $22,000 per year  In this article  Colleen Tillmyn ex- salary does not include unemployment  amines some of the issues in the city or medical benefits).  Or that Vancou-  1. DEVELOPERS BENEFIT  What's wrong with a developer such as Gordon Campbell for mayor? There are  a number of things that council can do which directly benefit developers at the  expense of ordinary citizens.  • Council can rezone land to allow developers to build taller and denser buildings  and make higher profits.  • Council can build roads, sewers and freeways, making the developer's land more  valuable.  • Council can allow demolition of existing buildings without regulation so that a  developer can get rid of unwanted tenants and tear down 'unprofitable' heritage  buildings.  • Council can get out of the housing business and leave the provision of housing  solely in the hands of developers  • Council can cut taxes on developers' commercial and industrial properties and  raise taxes on single family homes.  • Council can cut services and social programs and lay off civic staff to lower the  taxes that developers have to pay on their land.  • Council can also push for a low-wage, non-union work force so more public  funds go into the developer's pocket.  From Campbell: The Record, Donald Gutstein  that well financed interest groups could  dominate council decision-making.  Well then, whose interests are being  served at city council right now? Fortunately many people and neighborhoods,  who have had no voice in civic politics, are beginning to be heard and their  needs are beginning to be responded to.  If we examine the question of municipal social service grants we can gain  some insight into the differing priorities of the three civic political parties:  COPE, (the Committee of Progressive  Electors); TEAM, (The Electors Action  Movement) and NPA, (the Non Partisan Association).  COPE has successfully fought for  budget increases that keep pace with  the-demand from community organizations for social service grants. In order  to increase the grant budget a majority of six votes out of a possible eleven  are needed. With four COPE aldermen, one Civic Independent alderman  and the mayor, also a Civic Independent member, an increase in the grants  budget was won during council's past  term. This, however, was only half  the battle. According to the Vancouver Charter, eight votes are required to  pass any grant requests. Therefore various combinations of TEAM and NPA  aldermen, which between them control  five votes, can prevent the necessary  eight vote majority.  This is what happened in July of this  year. Out of 16 civic grant appeals only  three were approved because TEAM  and NPA aldermen voted against them.  Two of the appeals that were rejected  included an $8,000 grant to the Vancouver Lesbian Society and a $5,000 grant  to Vancouver Rape Relief. Both grants  didn't gain approval because Aldermen  Brown, Ford, Campbell and Puil, of  TEAM and NPA, voted against them.  Now let's take a look at one of  the most important powers jthat city  council exercises: the ability to re-  zone land, and regulate and control its  use. COPE and the Civic Independent  members of council have been able to  The contrast in voting  patterns between the  various civic parties  emergesin land-use cases,  and in many other issues  as well.  council race including a look at the  voting record of former alderman Gordon Campbell, the Non Partisan Association (NPA) candidate for mayor.  The Committee of Progressive Elector's (COPE) focuses and initiatives  are also examined. COPE's candidate  for mayor is former alderman, Harry  Rankin.  The contest between Rankin and  Campbell is a classic face off between  COPE and the NPA, two parties with  very different perspectives.  According to NPA campaign literature the NPA is "dedicated to getting  provincial and federal politics out of  city hall". They are committed to taking "the politics out of city hall and  put(ting) good government first." Kinesis visited NPA headquarters to get material on NPA policies and directions  over the next two years. A campaign  worker told us "There's really nothing  on paper. If you want to know policies  you should go to his (Campbell's) meetings. "  According to COPE campaign literature, COPE stands for a "progressive  city that supports and encourages racial  and cultural diversity, a strong committment to peace, and equality and security from violence and discrimination  for women and minorities." COPE has  developed policies on a complete range  of civic issues, everything from jobs and  services, which they identify as their  first priority, to taxes, planning and  development, housing, civic democracy,  transit, social and community issues,  and peace. This information is available to anyone who calls or drops in at  COPE campaign headquarters.  Did you know that the ten aldermen  and  the  mayor  of Vancouver's  2. WOMEN'S ISSUES  Campbell opposed these issues:  • The retention of the Committee on Affirmative Action for Women in the Civic  Work force (April, 1985).  • A study on the feasibility of the City sponsoring a local transition house with  financial assistance from senior levels of government (August, 1985).  • The establishment of a ten-bed transition house for battered women and their  children to be operated by the City of Vancouver (January, 1986).  • A grant of $2,500 to the Vancouver Women in Focus Society towards its symposium and video exhibition: "Women on Art and Sex" (December, 1985)  From Campbell: The Record by Donald Gutstein  utilize this power by voting to buy land  and turn it over to non-profit groups  at a marked down value of 75 percent  on condition of a 60 year lease. This  encourages the development of social,  non-profit housing projects. The NPA  candidate for mayor, Gordon Campbell, and other NPA and TEAM aldermen, consistently vote against such  measures.  For example, Campbell: "Opposed  a lease and a grant of $336,000 to  the Four Sisters Housing Co-operative  which would have approximately 50  percent tenants whose only income was  GAIN (February, 1986)".  In another land-use issue, developers wanted to re-zone industrial land  so that they could build mega-markets.  Mega-markets, as the name implies,  need large tracts of land. Once  again the COPE and Civic Independent  members did not support this project  but Campbell did, and can be expected  to continue to do so. Campbell "Opposed a motion that council, as a matter of policy, not favour the rezoning of  industrial land to accommodate mega  markets (very large food stores)—th<  ver City Council is governed by the  Vancouver Charter?  Alderman Libbie Davies describes  the Vancouver Charter as "a creature  of the provincial government"; the very  term 'alderman' cannot be changed  without seeking an amendment to the  Charter through the government in  Victoria. B.C.'s municipalities have no  rights entrenched in the Canadian constitution either.  Changing the present 'at-large' voting system to a ward or 'area representation' process also requires making  amendments to the Charter, amendments which have been sought for years.  As it stands now the at-large system  effectively prevents the election of community leaders who have no money and  no city-wide public image. The at-  large system leads to less city council  accountability and accessibility to citizens. Having ten aldermen, with the  most votes city-wide, elected to council means that any area (especially poor  areas) or group (especially minorities)  could be entirely non-represented or  3. WOMEN AT CITY HALL  "We've had fairly positive experience with council. For the most part we've  been able to resolve our problems. Sometimes you feel that the bureaucracy at  city hall has its own agenda, but if we become frustrated, council has always been  there as a resource for us ... we help them to realize that what they do has an  impact on us as a neighbourhood. If you care enough, you don't give up."  Lynne Kent: Kits Point Residents' Association  "We have instituted an affordable dental scheme for seniors. Abuse and neglect  of seniors is also one of our concerns. We have been able to secure funding for  four Wellness co-ordinators who are attached to the Health department ... our  minutes are available and aldermen actually read them! ... City hall staff are absolutely wonderful; everyone is so accessible. I don't think there is any problem if  you have a reasonable request. I hope the atmosphere doesn't change."  Kay Stovold: Convener of the Sub-Committee on Health, part of the special council committee on seniors  "So far my experience has been very good. Because we're non-partisan and we  have needs ... the issue here is to meet the needs of the 50 women who come  through the door every day. We've avoided confrontation. We make it clear that  we will not be used as a political football, that these women's needs transcend then-  politics. So far it has worked. We wouldn't be here if it wasn't for city council."  Laurel Kimbley: Downtown Eastside Women's Centre  "When I started trying to figure out city hall I thought that you had to know  somebody. Now I know that it is possible to get on the phone and call the City  Clerk's office or an alderman—to ask for or express an opinion. You have to do  your homework. You have to lobby, and be a nag. It's worth it... I would characterize city council as accessible and responsive for the most part, especially COPE  and the Independents. The direct approach works."  Jan Barnsley: Women's House Saving Action  city would lose valuable industrial land  and give developers an unfair advantage over existing food retailers (October, 1985)".  For a more detailed explanation of  what developers, such as Campbell,  would be able to do it if they had more  " 6 KINESIS Novemb^t/86 %  In the past, some council  members have actively  discouraged community  representatives from  presenting their concerns.  people on their side elected to council  see Box 1.  The contrast in voting patterns between the various civic parties emerges  not only in specific land—use cases but  in many other issues as well.  Fair Wages  This policy says that if the city  Contracts out a job worth more than  $30,000 the workers on that job must  be given a fair wage, including benefits.  Campbell voted to eliminate this policy.  He preferred going with the lowest bid  with no guarantee of fair wages, much  less benefits, for the workers. This  kind of attitude would pave.the way for  the lowest bidders (usually non-union)  to complete a contract for slightly less  than a union bid, while at the same  time paying their workers poor wages  in order to reap large profits for themselves.  Maintaining Jobs and Services  The progressive members of council  decided not to institute massive layoffs during the provincial restraint program. In fact their view was that during such periods of crisis people rely  even more on such civic services as libraries, parks and community centres.  They successfully adopted a no-cutback and no lay-off policy which Campbell opposed. During the same period  they produced a balanced budget with  moderate tax increases.  Social Services  In the past, some council members  have actively discouraged community  representatives from presenting their  concerns to the city. COPE has worked  hard to encourage public input. Among  the many community initiatives that  have been opposed by Campbell are:  "The establishment of a task force to  4. HOW TO VOTE  Qualifications:  If a person is nineteen on election day, a Canadian citizen, and has lived continuously in Vancouver from January 1 to July 31 1986; or if you are nineteen on election day, a Canadian citizen and a registered owner of property as of July 31, 1986.  The voters list is now closed so if your name is not on it you cannot get on it.  However, you can register to vote by affidavit.  Affidavit Vote:  A person swears an oath that they are who they say they are. To prove this, bring  along two pieces of Identification, one with your name and signature on it and a  piece of I.D. with your current address on it (unpaid phone/cable bill).  Disabled:  If a person is disabled and can't use a polling station due to stairs, he or she can  ask the returning officer in the poll to bring the ballot box outside to him/her and  vote.  Can't Speak/Read English:  A person must take their own translator with them. A translator is not provided at  the polls. He or she will have to swear an oath of credibility regarding translation.  On Election Day:  There will be a special election machine this year. Don't forget to read the cards  carefully and mark both sides. If you want to try out the new machine, they are  located at Britannia Community Centre Information Desk and at Carnegie Centre, for demonstrations.  Moved:"  If you have moved since you registered, you must go back and vote at the old poll.  Need Help? Want To Know Where To Go?  Call the City voters' list: 873-7680 or 873-7681 or go to 2512 Yukon Street.  On Election Day Saturday, November IS:  Vote for all three slates, the mayor and the plebiscite. Mayor, one seat; Council,  ten seats; School Board, nine seats; Parks Board, seven seats.  In the plebiscite vote the city is seeking approval to go ahead with a capital plan  to finance major capital projects such as sewers, street works, park land purchases  and development, major repairs to recreation facilities, etc. The capital plan is  budgeted at $143.6 million and because the city will have to borrow $63.7 million  of this amount, voter approval is necessary.  examine the needs of and services provided to children in the city and to  make policy recommendations to council" (April, 1985) and the "establishment of a special Native Committee,  which was recommended by council's  Race Relations Committee to develop  initiatives specific to the concerns of  Native Indians in Vancouver" (October,  1985).  Other Issues  City Council does not have the power  to pass laws against racism but it can  include provisions against discrimination as a condition for obtaining various licenses.  As well, although it is only within  the federal jurisdiction to say Canada  doesn't want Star Wars, for example,  Libbie Davies points out that: "It is  our responsibility to educate for peace,  to organize and unite people, to be allies to the peace movement." The fruits  of this kind of activity were realized in  1983 with the declaration of Vancouver as a Nuclear Weapons Free Zone.  More specifically, council was able to  pass an amendment to the fire and zoning by-law making it illegal to transport, manufacture, distribute or store  nuclear weapons or their components in  Vancouver. Council also established a  special city council committee on peace.  Campbell voted no to the establishment  of such a committee. For information  on how Campbell voted on women's issues, take a look at Box 2.  As you can see thefe are members  of city council who are trying to represent the voice of 'ordinary people'. Because these progressive politicians make  up the largest voting block on council, they have been able to accomplish  many worthwhile tasks. However, there  is much more that has to be done  and more of these representatives are  needed in order for council to continue  its progressive work. Your vote does  matter.  Midwives from page 3  However, Judge Godfrey rejected the  defense argument of a psychologically  induced constriction ring. Dr. Pendleton, chief obstetrician at Grace Hospital and an expert witness for the crown,  theorized that such a condition would  be too painful to the mother to go unnoticed. The crown argued that labour  stopped because Voth was exhausted  from such a long second stage of labour.  This argument was countered by testimony from the woman's husband that  Jewel Voth was not exhausted, but doing well, prior to the halt in contractions.  Many experts were called in this  drawn-out trial, including Dr. Mars-  den Wagner, director of Maternal and  Child Health for the World Health  Organization (defense) and Phillippa  Lugtenburg, President of the International Midwifery Association (crown)  The judge had a difficult task in choosing which of the contradictory testimonies  to  accept.     In the end,   she  agreed with the prosecution arguments,  and made a statement which could have  far- -reaching implications for midwives  if not challenged. She held LeMay and  Sullivan to be negligent in not displaying the skill of a general practitioner,  citing that an intern was able to deliver  the baby within one minute of Voth's  arrival at the hospital.  LeMay and Sullivan have not yet decided whether to appeal the verdict. If  they do the judges ruling that negligence is established because the mid-  wives did not display the skills of a doctor could form grounds for an appeal.  The other appeal argument that  could be used is that a fetus is not. a  person. In her ruling Judge Godfrey  found that baby Voth was for the purposes of the charge, a person and also  found that the baby was born alive. An  appeal on this question would be based  on arguments that the baby was born  dead and therefore, was not a person in  the legal meaning of the term.  KINESIS  '86-November 7 ^SS^i^SSSJ^!^  Stop making excuses, and start organizing  by Margaret J. Priestly Birrell  There are two main lessons to be  gained from the Social Credit victory  in the provincial election: there was  a void in political leadership and social* activists must revamp their political strategies.  Three years ago the Social Credit  government introduced a severe restraint programme. Reaction was swift  from the community—Solidarity was  formed. However, that potentially powerful social movement was misled and  finally destroyed by a centralist self-  appointed leadership. The aftermath  at the grassroots level was confusion,  anger and cynicism. The silence was  deafening from the NDP leadership.  The Bennett government moved into  full gear with its Fraser Institute directed right-wing policies. After three  years of restraint, the polls showed  clearly that the electorate wanted no  more. It was clear that Bennett had  no programme for recovery and his personal leadership was strained with the  aura of hostility and negativism.  Bennett read the polls correctly and  got out. The people wanted positive leadership and a bright future—  Bennett was perceived as the architect  of the hard bad times.  Vander Zalm was clearly in tune with  the general political mood—in his party  and in the province. Change was desired through strong positive leadership. Vander Zalm jumped in and filled  the void. His successful upbeat leadership campaign was a taste of what was  coming.  The NDP totally missed the political signals (the Expo experience!).  It reacted by attacking Vander Zalm  personally. This strategy sharply focused the positive and negative campaigns and therefore defined the campaign theme as leadership.  Gerrymandering, hostile media coverage of Bob Skelly and style over substance have all been put forward as the  reasons for the NDP defeat.  The 1978 redistribution was an overt  act of gerrymandering with the extreme example in Vancouver Little  Mountain—Grade's finger. The latest  redistribution added a second member  to eleven existing ridings, ten of them  in traditional Social Credit areas. However, an electoral map, the latest census figures and a pocket calculator can  prove that the population growth has  been in many of the new suburban dual  ridings. It could also be argued that  the dual member ridings have over-  representation.  The political manoeuvering by Social Credit was actually giving two  members to the Cariboo and not to  Coquitlam-Moody. The NDP lost in  Burnaby Edmonds, Comox, Cowichan-  Malahat, Mackenzie and Nelson-Cres-  ton, all single member ridings, further weakening the gerrymandering argument.  In fact, Social Credit would have won  the election without the new seats. It  takes time to explain to the public the  specific ramification of dual versus single member ridings, of poplulation density versus geographic representation.  The political campaign around Social  Credit gerrymandering must happen  before an election is called, not on Election Day plus one.  The argument by experienced political operators that the media were hostile to Skelly is also late, weak and  naive.  Skelly, stumbling at his first campaign press conference was news—local,  provincial and national. The main media sources are financed and controlled  by corporations sympathetic to Social  Credit. It is not a neutral medium even  though it purports to be objective. It is  unrealistic for the NDP to expect a fair  deal—they never had one in the past.  Style was definitely a decisive factor  in the election. Vander Zalm was confident and positive. He sensed the mood  for change—a fresh start! He did not  debate or present a platform because he  did not have to. The public is cynical  about traditional politics and election  promises. His ads were simple and direct. Basically, "trust me because I'm  successful."  The Social Credit strategy was to  nominate well-known local civic politicians to give them a strong party base  vote and coat-tail on Vander Zalm's  popularity to fuel their percentage up  in the swing ridings. They knew they  had the numbers to win from the beginning, it was only a case of the margin of victory.  The NDP campaign was originally  geared at attacking Bennett and his  government. With Vander Zalm, this  strategy ran into difficulty. Their media campaign was negative and personalized. Initially, Skelly had a comprehensive policy statement per day. The  platform planks did not appreciatively  move potential supporters. Little or no  pre-election work had been done to educate the voters as to the long range  benefits of the NDP programmes.  A 60 second news clip on the local  news or a truncated analysis on the editorial pages usually left the impression  of "good ideas but how much do they  really cost?" With inadequate budget  breakdowns and analysis the result is  more often a hardening of the free enterprise vote for Social Credit. In addition, the soft NDP support starts to  move to the Liberals and Social Credit.  In the later part of the NDP campaign,  Skelly also switched to direct  personal attacks on Vander Zalm. This  strategy emphasized their difference in  style and leadership. It submerged the  records of the political parties and ignored the good and bad qualities of local candidates.  Vander Zalm moved fast and took  political public relations chances by intervening in management disputes and  barnstorming into NDP—held ridings.  His overall short-term strategy paid off.  With a slight shift in the percentage of  the popular vote large gains are made  in real numbers—seats.  The only areas of substance gleaned  from Vander Zalm's speeches is that he  is moving toward an American style of  government. He talked about giving  power back to the regions and municipalities in the form of country government. He stated his preference for the  referendum method of law making. He  views the bureaucracies as too powerful and would move rapidly to deregulation. As a populist he is not tied  do a rigid ideology. He gained fame for  himself and his coalition without and in  spite of the party apparatus.  The shift in political norms highlights the major problems facing social  and political activists. It shows the  weaknesses inherent in rigidly structured hierarchical political parties. Liberal and socialist social change balances  on a pivot of 28 days every three and  one-half years.  The consistent strategy offered to  issue-oriented activists of "wait until  we get elected" has been a dismal failure for both the NDP and community  groups. The strategy is also a reneging  of community leadership and a denial  of the urgency of the issue neglected.  Political strategies must change: to  building strong independent lobbying  forces; to developing powerful autonomous community groups; to designing well-thought out public awareness campaigns; to filling the political leadership void on the left with the  positive aspects of social and economic  change.  Margaret Birrell was a candidate in  the 1984 New Democratic Party leadership race which as won by current NDP  leader, Bob Skelly.  8 KINESIS November-*86— Across Canada  Supreme Court  Abortion law faces crucial test  by Esther Shannon  Three Canadian doctors  were in the Supreme Court of  Canada in October seeking a  ruling that may prove to be  historic for women's rights and  Canadian society generally.  Doctor Henry Morgentaler  and his colleagues, Doctors  Leslie Smoling and Robert  Scott, are challenging .an Ontario Court of Appeal ruling which overturned their  1984 acquittal on charges of  "procuring a miscarriage";  (abortion) charges which stemmed from their arrests at  Morgentaler's Toronto abortion clinic.  The doctors' appeal presents  Canada's highest court with a  number of complex and critical questions, including, ultimately, the fundamental issue  of where real power rests in  the Canadian state now that  the Charter of Rights and Freedoms is in effect. At issue  is Section 251 of the Criminal Code which prohibits abortion except where a therapeutic abortion committee in an  accredited hospital has found  that the woman's health or life  is in danger if the pregnancy is  continued.  The doctors asked the court  to provide a generous ruling of the Charter which will  Ontario  free them from further court  cases and invalidate the current abortion law. The state,  represented by the federal Department of Justice ^nd the  Ontario Attorney General's office, argued that Section 251  strikes the proper balance between protecting the potential life of the fetus and the  health of the pregnant woman.  Both lawyers argued that the  Supreme Court should uphold  the Ontario Court of Appeal  decision, and send the doctors  back to trial.  The October hearing marks  Morgentaler's second appearance before the Supreme Court  of Canada. In 1975 he appealed to the court when he  was being prosecuted for performing abortions in Quebec.  He lost the case when the court  found that Parliaments' policy  of regulating abortion was beyond legal challenge. At that  time his defence was based on  the Canadian Bill of Rights, a  piece of legislation which has  offered few real legal protections to Canadians.  This time the doctors' defence rests on the Charter of  Rights and Freedoms, specifically sections 2, 7 and 11 as  well as the validity of the defence of necessity in abortion  trials.  The Supreme Court does not  have to deal with all of the constitutional or legal -questions  put forward when making its  decision. In particular, it could  concern itself solely with the issue the defence has put forward  regarding the guarantees envisaged by Section 11 of the Charter, which lays out specific legal rights including: "the benefit of trial by jury."  Morris Manning, the doctors' lawyer argued at the appeal that protection against  double jeopardy (being tried  for the same offense twice)  is fundamental to Section 11.  That right, Manning said, is  diminished when the state appeals jury acquittals, regardless of "what 'legal' error may  have been made by the trial  jury". Manning said that allowing reviews of jury acquittals denies the benefit of trial  by jury and allows judges "to  second guess and usurp the  power of juries".  The question of a jury's right  to ignore the law was a critical aspect of the Court of Appeal's decision to overturn the  doctors' acquittal. The Court  of Appeal found that while juries have the right to ignore the  law, they must not be told, as  they were by the defence in the  doctor's trial, that they have  that right.     At the Supreme  Pay equity proposals flawed  The Ontario Government is  betraying women workers in  both the public and private  sectors when it comes to pay  equity, say women in the  province.  The criticism follows the impending implementation of Bill  105, dealing with public sector employees, and the leak  of a confidential government  document making recommendations for the private sector.  Bill 105 is "seriously flawed",  says Lucie Nicholson, Ontario  Division President of the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE). The bill, which  has passed second reading in  the legislature, applies to only  two percent of the province's  working women. It affects the  salaries of 24,000 female civil  servants, but ignores about  200,000 others who work for  municipalities, school boards  and hospitals, instead of being  employed directly by the government.  Workers in the private sector  fare no better, despite the initial impression created by 122  page report released by Attorney General Ian Scott in early  October. Scott, commenting  that "Business is going to have  to live with this law," said 1  at that time that the Ontario1:  r  Government would soon introduce legislation that would require private businesses to pay;  women the same wages as men  if their work was considered of  equal value.  These promises began to  sound   hollow   later   in   the  month, when news of the concrete proposal Scott was making to Cabinet colleagues was  leaked to a reporter. Legislation directed at the private  sector would, under Scott's  recommendations, exclude the  vast majority of businesses and  employees. Small businesses  with four or fewer employees,  for instance, who make up 68  percent of all private companies in Ontario, would be exempt from the legislation.  Employers would also not  have to match the wages paid  to workers in other industries,  but only match wages within  their own companies, j Only  branches within the same geographical region would have to  be matched, and the term geographical region has been left  open to interpretation.  The leaked document proposes that:  • companies with five to 49  employees would have until  1992 before they would have  to make any wage adjustments, a six year 'voluntary  compliance' period.  • employers with 50 or more  workers would have to start  their pay adjustments by the  beginning of 1991.  • employers in the broader  public sector would have to  start wage adjustments by  the beginning of 1990.  • part time workers would be  covered by the legislation,  but not casual employees  and students.  Thousands of child-care workers, librarians and other women will be excluded from the  legislation.  Court of Canada Manning was  subjected to intense questioning on the legality of telling a  jury that it could ignore the  law.  The other key issue for  the justices to consider is the  question of whether the abortion provisions in the Criminal Code violate the Charter.  Manning argued that Charter provisions which guarantee  "freedom of conscience and religion" (Section 2) and "the  right to life, liberty and the  security of the person* (Section 7) are violated by the current abortion law. Under Section 251, he told the court,  abortions are granted arbitrarily and are subject to geographic accessibility, with the  result that women have unequal access to the law.  In a tactic rarely permitted  in the country's most powerful  court, which is generally only  interested in purely legal arguments, Manning was allowed to  speak at length about the difficulty women face in acquiring  abortions. He contrasted Quebec, which has free-standing  abortion clinics (technically illegal), with the reality in other  provinces where abortions are  simply unavailable.  "The issue here is the denial  of access by law", said Manning. "It is the law which denies access*.  Manning also argued that  the "right to life is meaningless if it does not include the  right to control one's life", noting that reproductive freedom  is at the core of personal freedom."  One of the central aspects of  the doctors' defence has been  the use of the defence of necessity. The Ontario Court of  Appeal unanimously ruled that  the grounds for a defence of necessity were not fulfilled in the  doctor's case. The Supreme  Court has decided in previous  cases that the defence rests on  three issues which are "emergency", "no lawful way out"  and "proportionality" (i.e. that  the lesser of two evils had been  chosen). The doctors argued  that it was a valid defence because unequal access and the  delays caused by the therapeutic abortion committee process  mean that a woman's life is endangered. (For extensive discussion on the defence of necessity see Kinesis September,  1986).  Ontario crown counsel, Bonnie Wein, disputed the doctors' use of the defense of necessity. Wein argued that the  case will rise or fall on the right  to freedom of choice encompassed in the right to life, liberty and the security of the person. Wein, however, was subject to rigourous questioning  on the unequal access point.  Mister Justice Antonio Lamer  even speculated that the lack of  abortion facilities in some parts  of the country may "save the  defence of necessity".  While agreeing with Lamer  that   abortion   services   are  sometimes difficult to receive  Wein said that the delays faced  are no greater than those affecting other medical services.  The federal government's  lawyer, Edward Sojonky, argued at the hearing that the  abortion law must remain as it  is found in the Criminal Code  or fall completely. Sojonky rejected any of the compromises  the court had toyed with during the appeal, such as striking  down specific aspects of the law  while retaining others. According to Sojonky the protection  of the unborn is "really largely  what Section 251 is about."  In his rebuttal Manning  pointed out that the government was putting the court  in the position of having to  determine whether or not fetal rights are protected by the  Charter. He cited a previous  Saskatchewan case, fought by  anti-abortionist Joe Borowski,  in which Sojonky himself argued, on behalf of the federal  government, that the fetus had  no constitutional rights.  The Supreme Court is likely  to take up to 18 months to deliver a decision on the doctors  appeal. There are a number of  rulings the Court could make  including:  • striking the therapeutic  abortion committee provision from the current law  which would free the doctors but would also, according to several justices, make  abortion in Canada illegal as  that provision sets out the  only exception to the code'  outright prohibition on abortion.  • striking down the abortion  law entirely in which case the  doctors would be acquitted  and parliament would have  to pass a new law.  • finding, unequivocally, that  the defence of necessity is  not available to the doctors  which would mean a new  trial where they would not  be able to use their traditional defence.  • supporting defence arguments that a jury acquittal is  not open to appeal thereby  letting the doctors' original  acquittal stand.  Recent Toronto charges against doctors Morgentaler, Scott  and Nikki Colodny and prior  charges against Morgentale  Winnipeg have been stayed  pending the outcome of the  Supreme Court of Canada appeal. It's possible that, even if  the court ruled that the original acquittal should stand, the  stay on these charges could be  lifted and the doctors would be  back in court again. Clearly  Canada's abortion law is unworkable. Will it rest with  the Supreme Court of Canada,  instead of our elected politicians, to fashion a solution to  the issue of a woman's right to  choose.  KINESIS '86 November 9 -Back to grassroots, please  Across Canada  by Emma Kivisild  "Funds currently being used  for generalized reporting on  both the Forum '85 and the  Governmental Meeting (in Nairobi) could be put to better use  by women organizing within  their communities and constituencies on the specific priorities defined by their respective communities," concluded  the closing plenary of the Post  Nairobi Conference held in  Toronto in mid-October.  This conclusion forms part  of a resolution that generated  heated debate at that plenary,  after a weekend marked largely  by unfocussed discussion and  frustration for many participants.  The conference, sponsored  by Secretary of State Women's  Programs, brought together 90  women from across the country, almost all of whom attended the NGO Forum held in  Nairobi last year to mark the  end of the UN Decade for Women.  While women who had not  been to Nairobi were welcome  to attend, they were only allowed to participate in some of  the sessions. Women who had  been to Nairobi were to use the  weekend as a place to evaluate  the impact of the conference on  their work in Canada. They  would then discuss these conclusions with feminists who did  not go to Nairobi, but whose  work has obviously been affected by that gathering.  The conference opened, appropriately enough, with a  message from Glenda Simms,  President of the National Congress of Black Women. Simms  noted that there were essentially two delegations of women who went to Nairobi,  with very different experiences:  white women and non-white  women. She went on to note  that non-white women's experiences have been subsumed  since the conference.  Specifically, Simms pointed  out that the Congress' national  follow-up conference, at which  they had planned to develop  a two year plan of action incorporating the lessons learned  in Nairobi, had its funding denied at the last minute. Monies  went instead to the Toronto  meeting.  Racism was definitely a recurring theme in Toronto, coming up in the opening panel  on "What was learned in  Nairobi," the discussion on  strategies for future action,  and in resolutions presented  at the "Decision Making Plenary" there were calls for dialogue, and also for the recognition of racism as a cornerstone of many women's oppression, here and internationally.  Time set aside for Special Interest Caucuses yielded several  resolutions from the women  of colour, demanding among  other things that priority be  given to the inclusion of women  of colour and their issues in all  future post-Nairobi work, and  in future Canadian representations to international gatherings.  Other resolutions addressed  the concerns of lesbians, young'  women, women fighting imperialism, and francophone women. There was some controversy arising out of the francophone caucus, as French speaking women felt that they were  not being listened to, and that  many unilingual anglophone  participants were not even  bothering to wear their interpretation devices when French  was being spoken.  Most resolutions passed unanimously, but few of them  made specific demands, or necessitated a critical re-evaluation of the work of the Canadian  women's movement in light of  the NGO Forum, something  which had definitely been set  out as one of the conference's  aims. Several participants  noted that finding a basis of  unity simply on the grounds of  having been to the same conference is difficult at best. The  lack of such a basis resulted in  the watering down of any con-:  elusion the group could agree  Conference organizer Punam  Khosla articulated the frustration of many women in a resolution that noted the emphasis on generalized post-Nairobi  work in Canada, at the expense of funding and supporting the ongoing work of the  women's movement.    Arguing  that "the fundamental lesson  of Forum '85 has been recognition by women around the  world of the need to integrate  gender issue with both racial  and class considerations," the  resolution called for an end. to  such generalized work, and increased funding for grassroots  women's groups. Funding priorities should be for work by  non-white women, poor women, and women from migrant  and refugee communities, especially those establishing links  with their home countries. The  resolution also called for Status of Women Canada, which  presently publishes numerous  reports on the Nairobi conferences, to put that research and  publishing money into grassroots organizing efforts.  The debate on the resolution  exposed the fears of many women whose power base rests  in the established white women's movement. The resolution was called "unfair", "a  threat to the women's movement*, "frightening*, and "destructive*. But it passed, after  some amendment, bringing the  meeting to a close.  A report on the conference,  including resolutions, discussion and a contact list, will  soon be published by the Secretary of State Women's Programs, and will be available to  all Canadian women's groups.  Supreme Court  ruling should end  sterilization abuse  Nairobi, 1985. Canadian  events.  veto funding more post Nairobi  Mentally handicapped women won some control over  their bodies last month when  the Supreme Court of Canada  ruled unanimously that judges  should never authorize sterilization of the mentally handicapped for non-therape"utic  purposes.  The landmark ruling was  hailed as a victory by disabled  groups across the country. "We  see it as an affirmation at the  highest level that one of the  most important human rights  cannot be denied to a mentally  handicapped woman because  of her disability," said Wendy  Baker, vice-president of British Columbians for Mentally  Handicapped People. "We  don't see this as a decision  that either encourages or determines that all, or even any,  mentally handicapped women  will, or even should, choose to  have a family. But that decision should not be one that is  taken away from a woman."  "Women with all types of  disabilities have been sterilized  simply because it was more  convenient for the authorities,"  said Cathy McPherson of the  Coalition of Provincial Organizations for the Handicapped,  commenting on the decision.  Mentally handicapped people  were sterilized as a matter of  public policy up to the 1970's  in this country, and the Eugenics Board which administered  sterilization legislation in B.C.  was only repealed in 1973. Ontario declared a moratorium on  sterilization in 1978.  "Certainly there are a number of situations in particular  where mentally handicapped  young women in this province  have been sterilized without  their consent and sometimes  even without their knowledge,"  said Baker. "We are very hopeful that both the decision and  the public attention given to  the decision will help ensure  that those sorts of abuses don't  go on in the future."  Dr. Andre Blanchet of the  Canadian Association for Community-Living said non-therapeutic sterilizations were routine  in some large institutions as recently as two years ago. Though public trustees stopped the  practice as a result of the case  in the Supreme Court, several young women now living  in institutions had hysterectomies when they were thirteen  or fourteen, when they started  menstruating.The only reason  was the convenience of the staff  in the institutions, he said.  The Supreme Court ruling  applies specifically to the Eve  case, which has been in the  courts for eight years. Eve,  a 31 year old mentally handicapped woman from Prince  Edward Island, lived with her  mother until the age of 21,  when she was sent to another community to attend a  school for mentally handicapped adults. While there, she  met a man with whom she contemplated marriage. School  authorities succeeded in discouraging that relationship,  but Eve's mother was worried about the possibility of  her daughter getting pregnant.  She asked the Supreme Court  of Prince Edward Island to authorize sterilization.  The court would not authorize the operation, but an appeal court reversed the decision, and ordered a hysterectomy performed. That order  was stayed pending the federal  Supreme Court appeal, heard  last June, with the final 9-0 ruling coming down on October  23.  British Columbians for Mentally Handicapped People plans  a more detailed analysis of the  70 page decision in the coming  months.  Information for Across Canada  stories from: Canadian Human Rights Advocate, Rites,  Globe and Mail, Toronto  Star, Alberta Newsmagazine  for Women.  Domestic workers fight for job freedom  by Eunice Brooks  In Toronto domestic workers have no job freedom. An  employer can j make certain  an immigrant worker cannot  work anywhere else by refusing to write a letter of release.  There are some 16,000 domestic workers in Canada, nearly  half of whom work in Toronto.  Two women, Herminia Nel-  mida and Lie Khim Thoe recently quit their jobs as domestic workers. InterCede, a  Toronto organization working  on behalf of domestic workers, has appealed their cases to  Immigration.        In the inter  val the women, who have no  chance for paid work, are living with friends. Their previous salary was $470 plus room  and board. Now Thoe spends  time with patients at Toronto's  Grace Hospital and Nelmida  is volunteering to teach residents of Baycrest Centre how  to bowl.  A federal official says the  rule requiring a release will  be scrapped because it flouts  federal policy. Activist Judith Ramirez has been fighting to have the rule dropped  for over a year now. Immigration official Joseph Carelli  said his office ordered the prac  tice stopped, because domestic workers should have the  right to change jobs if they are  abused by their original employers, and this has been the  case in most of the work stoppages. Until now employers  had all the clout and used it.  Getting a work permit for  a new employer depends on  whether the domestic left her  job for a good cause. The onus  is on her to provide proof. Immigration is treating each case  as separate, and there are still  no guarantees just because a  rule has been changed.  Nelmida had only $300 when  she was told to leave the Wil-  lowdale home of her employer  near midnight of July 7. She  does not want to return to Indonesia. She would like to take  one of several jobs offered to  her here in Canada. Her employer has refused her a letter. Nelmida says her leaving was no fault of her own.  She was working thirteen hour  days, never allowed to have visitors in her room, banned from  using the family phone, and finally fired late at night.  Nelmida's permit to stay in  Canada runs out in March  1987. If she isn't working she  must leave.  10 l^fNESIS   November '86 ////////////////////^^^^^  ////////////////////^^^^  International  Still fighting  Big Mountain  relocation plans  The passage of the July  7/86 deadline for the relocation of 12,000 Navajo from  their lands in the 'Joint Use  Area' has not brought less  harassment of those "awaiting relocation". On July 25,  eleven Navajo Tribal Police  were stopped and disarmed by  the security patrol of the Big  Mountain encampment as they  drove their vehicles through at  11 p.m., headlights off, while  armed and dressed in camouflage and Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) Special Operations  Forces jumpsuits. The next  day, over fifty Navajo Police  and a BIA swat squad, supported by two helicopters, returned to the area, arresting  one Navajo man.  Due to the inflammatory  response of the Navajo Police and the possibility of FBI  confrontation, a twenty-four  hour campaign began August  1 to impede any potential  provocative activities by federal agents. The history of FBI  interaction with Indian people  warns of the need for preparation. As a result of this campaign, key Congresspeople put  pressure on the FBI and the  US attorney's office to work  with the Big Mountain Legal Defense/Offense Committee (BMLDOC) lawyers to ensure the safety of the people on  the land.  As well, an official complaint was filed in Washington on August 8 against the  Secretary of the Interior and  the BIA. The complaint concerns activities such as the incident above, as well as the  fencing of Navajo grazing areas, construction projects, diversion of water, low altitude  overflights of military aircraft,  and impoundment of Navajo  livestock. The result of these  operations is the destruction  of sacred shrines, ruins, burial  sites—nothing short of historical, cultural, archaeological  and religious desecrations. If  the complaint does not halt  these activities, the lawyers  will file a federal lawsuit seeking a court order to accomplish  this.  The BMLDOC is calling for  a moratorium on all funding  for relocation activities and is  asking Congress to adopt this  as an amendment pending people's hearings in the Joint Use  Area. A full repeal of relocation bill PL93-531 is the only  solution.  For more information on the  forced relocation of the Navajo  people, come to November 15  and 16 showings of Broken  Rainbow, a documentary on  the Navajo resistance to relocation. See Bulletin Board   this  Feminists divided on maternity leave  Women make up 45 percent  of the American work force.  Women in countries, such as  Canada, have won safeguards  to protect jobs when a leave is  taken for pregnancy. But, this  fall a Californian judge is going  to hear evidence from groups  such as the National Organization for Women (NOW),  American Civil Liberties Union  (ACLU), the League of Women Voters, and the National  Women's Political Caucus that  pregnancy rights do not necessarily protect women.  The focus of this attention  is a single parent, Lillian Garland, who took two and a half  months from her job to have a  child, and returned to find she  had been replaced.  "It never occurred to me  that I might lose my job", said  Garland, "just because I had  a child. I was in total shock.  I don't think a woman should  have to choose between having  a baby and having an income."  Garland is bringing a lawsuit  to challenge what, on the face  of it, is a blatant show of marketplace cruelty.  The case is called California  Federal Savings and Loan versus Guerra et al (Cal. Fed.)  The question to be answered  is: should women be equal to  men? It is a tense and unusual battle, because some of  America's strongest women's  groups are saying that pregnancy rights segregate women  and can prohibit them from  taking certain jobs.  Palestinian denied exit permit  by Eunice Brooks  The Israeli Immigration authorities have placed one woman, Siham Barghouti, in a position where-she must choose  between indefinite exile, away  from her life-work, or not being allowed to visit her husband in prison.  Siham Barghouti, is Deputy  Secretary of the Palestinian  Union of Women's Work Committees. She must have free  travel in and out of the country. Her husband, AH Abu Hi-  lal, was General Secretary of  the Workers' Unity Block trade  union federation before his arrest last year. He was deported  without any charges being laid  or a trial. He is forced to remain in Jordan.  Siham holds a Jordanian  passport, and there is no official restriction against her  crossing into Jordan, yet since  1980, she has been told she  may only have an exit permit  if she will stay away for a minimum of three years. Siham  was, in 1980, confined to remain within the borders of her  own town. A year later she was  caught going to a union meeting, arrested, charged, and  served two and a half years in  an Israeli prison for ignoring  the town arrest order. So now  she stays put, and petitions for  an exit permit.  Her work, as one of the  founding members of the eight  year old Palestinian Union of  Women's Work Committees,  is important. The Committee shelters 5,000 members  throughout occupied territories. The union is engaged in  social and political activities,  providing daycare, running literacy classes, supporting political prisoners, and organising  activities to raise funding.  Si  ham sees her role as helping  Palestinian women cope with  life under the occupation.  She says: "As a result of  the occupation, the confiscation of our lands and the incorporation of our economy  by Israel, many women have  been forced to work outside  the home, and I believe that  this is the first step toward  women taking a political role,  becoming active.* It is her  forthrightness that has the Israelis watching her now.  She married Ali in 1984 and  lived with him near Jerusalem  until his deportation. Neither  husband nor wife has been accused of any crime. They are  among many Palestinian residents in occupied territories  who are not allowed to travel.  Siham asks that women write  letters of protest in her behalf  to the Defense Minister in Tel  Aviv.  Group raises consciousness among Bangkok prostitutes  Empower, a feminist  ented group, has organized a  newsletter to circulate among  bar girls of Patpong, the notorious red light district of  Bangkok. It is a consciousness raising newsletter which  aims to help the women understand their position and demand their rights as workers.  Chantawipa Apisook, a  member of the Empower group,  said: "Once one feels good  about oneself and realises the  importance of one's contribution to the growth of the  company, the next step is to  redress certain unfair treatment. Then demands for more  favourable compensation will  naturally follow."  The newsletter has an interview section with people  from sex profession occupations. One is with the bar  maid, Sia.  Sia is a second generation  bar girl as her mother was one  before her. She had been working in Germany for three years  before she began to work in  Patpong. She is a commercial college graduate and has  therefore a good knowledge of  English which she shares with  others. She said: "My bar girl  friends often come to me to ask  me how to say this and that  in English. Then they mem-  prize it to speak with farangs  (Johns). I have studied more so  I have to act as an advisor."  Patpong bar girls have a  hard life. They have only,  two days off a month and get  fined one baht a minute for  late arrival. The Thai government encourages tourism and  the sex industry because there  are an estimated 700,000 prostitutes earning 200 baht average, bringing into the country  a cash flow of at least forty-two  million dollars.   According to Isabelle Pin-  zler, a lawyer for ACLU, "The  way the case came up was  that the employer challenged  a law that gave pregnant women back their jobs after" they  had babies. This policy discriminates, because if a man  is temporarily disabled, his job  does not have to be held. The  proper settlement should be to  extend the sick leave benefit to  men too. The law suit simply argues against protectionist legislation that does not extend across genders." This  puts the ACLU against maternity leave in this case.  The ALCU brief will say that  protectionist laws have barred  women from bartending, mining and other jobs. "Protectionist laws", says the brief  "reflect an ideology which values women most highly for  their childbearing and nurturing roles."  Sylvia Ann Hewlett, author  of A Lesser Life, which has  been called the protectionist's  bible, says that such special  benefits are imperative if we  are to be a society that values  children and nurturing. She  says that 117 countries have no  trouble accommodating child-  bearing aged women in the  workplace.  Hewlett says the feminist  movement has not fought for  benefits necessary to women.  Her vision of family life places  women in the role of caretaker.  She scorns equal rights for women in the cause of protection  and appears to think that women can not have equal rights  and protection!  NOW spokesperson Noreen  Connell says: "It's as if  the women's movement, not  Nixon, vetoed the Comprehensive Childcare Bill. Hewlett  blames the victim. She's dangerous when she says women  should stop fighting for equality."  So the fundamental question  is: should women be equal to  men and if so in what way?  However in the Cal Fed case  all. that will be discussed is  pregnancy protection and Lillian Garland, who stands to be  a single parent, without a job.  KINESIS  5 November 11 ~iS8S8SS§^  International  Someone remarked that life is a  movie' and as a visitor you see a snap- Day Care  shot. We caught a tiny glimpse of a  vast sub-continent. We were treated as  honoured guests, put up at the equivalents of the Hotel Vancouver or Hobday  Inn. (I am thankful that they did not  book us into the real Holiday Inns that  now operate in Beijing and Shanghai.)  by Lenna Jones  Jane Evans and I were members of a  ten woman delegation that spent three  weeks in  China in September of this  year.   The group included women from In Anhui Province, with its fifty mil-  different parts   of Canada  and   Que- Hon population,   the Women's Feder-  bec, engaged in many different kinds of ation has about 3,000 fun-time paid  work, including farming, law, journal- staff as weU as a vastly greater niim-  ism, child care and teaching. ber of volunteers.  Our group travelled  The  visit had been initiated by the around Anhui with two provincial staff  Women's  Federation   of  China's  An- members, including the Vice- Chair in  hui Province.     (An indication of the charge of education and pubHc informa-  sparseness of my previous knowledge of tlon-   Anhui is considered a poor and  China, as well as perhaps the ingrained backward part of China, and indeed the  thnocentrism of North American cul- standard of Hving is noticeably lower  ture, is that I had never heard of An- than around Beijing and Shanghai.  hui, even though it has a population of If there is one thing I am sure of after  fifty million-almost twice that of all of this three-week visit, it is that China's  Canada.)    The delegation was put to- size, diversity of cultures and differing  Women's tour inspires new understanding  gether, and the tour organized by the  Federation of Canada-China Friendship Associations.  stages of development make generahza-  tions impossible. Obviously even reaching conclusions about the role of the  Women's Federation in one province after a brief tour is hazardous, although  we became acquainted with some aspects of its work.  One important campaign of the Anhui Women's Federation is the establishment of day care centres. Until recently, aU day cares in the province  were operated by the Education Bureau of each locaHty—the equivalent to  our School Boards. Our hosts pointed  out that this had several disadvantages:  Any remarks, after such a brief and the number of day cares established de-  partial look are presumptuous. On the pended on the money each Education  other hand, we as Canadian women are Bureau chose to aUocate from its bud-  interested in what women in a very get for this purpose; Education Bu-  different country have achieved, what reaus generaUy employed trained teach-  their struggles are, and what their per- ers —a scarce resource—in the 'regular'  spective on the future is. Thus these school system, and employed untrained  observations  reflect  no  more  than  a   personnel in day cares; parents often  glance at a subject that calls for a lifetime of study.  had a long trip from home to day care  to work—by foot, on overcrowded bus,  or by bicycle; and there was usually  an inflexibiUty of operating hours which  prevented women from participating in  community activities or adult education, even from taking jobs which involved some travel or evening work. As  these problems unfolded, they sounded  quite familiar to those of us who have  struggled with analogous conditions.  To work  toward  overcoming  these  shortcomings, the women of Anhui have  made a number of changes during the  2 1980's.    In addition to the Education  o Bureaus, workplaces and mass organi-  "* zations such as the Women's Federate tion now finance and operate day care  i « centres.   Factories, especiaUy those in  H the textile industry and others employee ing large numbers of women, proudly  5 show off their day cares. The Women's  J» Federation itself operates a model day  ** care, with trained and enthusiastic personnel.  Women's interests in China are pri- A large coUege has been established  marily represented and promoted by to train day care teachers. Centres op-  the AU-China Women's Federation, erated by workplaces and the Women's  This organization's structure paraUels Federation are generally open for longer  that of the government, with national,    hours, and in some cases even provide  Our hostess and her family  provincial, prefecture, county, township, down to village offices. Its relationship to the government is, I would  say, similar to that of the Canadian  Labour Congress to the NDP or, for  that matter, the relationship between    schedules.  for overnight care if the parents are out  of town on business. The Women's Federation has initiated discussions with  some Education Bureaus to get them to  operate their day cares on more flexible  the Chamber of Commerce and the Social Credit Party. That is, while in  each case the two organizations do not  have identical interests and perspectives, they generaUy support each other  and assume a commonality of goals.  This close tie of the Women's Federation to the government has obvious advantages and disadvantages. The Federation can count on a large budget and  has an official voice in government decisions and actions. On the other hand,  while it can take on campaigns separate  from those of the government, it cannot  take on issues in opposition to government poHcies.  One township in Anhui Province informed us that they calculated twenty-  eight percent of the pre-school children in their area were enroUed in  day care, while another area reported  thirty-seven percent coverage. Still a  long way from meeting the need, but  the day care specialist in our delegation  compared these figures with the estimated fifteen percent of pre-school age  children of working mothers in Quebec  who can be accommodated in licensed  day cares. ~W>^i£M  Of course, as in most places, Granny  is the child care worker of last resort,  whether she Hkes it or not. Fortunately  for young parents, the retirement age  for women workers is fifty for blue collar workers and fifty-five for white collar workers, so retired women are often  pressed into this role.  Legal Support  Another major emphasis of the Anhui Women's Federation is to offer legal support. Most local Women's Federation offices hold 'legal cHnics' several  times a week. Women bring a variety  of problems.  A common problem is securing a  widow's inheritance. The new national  family law is a very progressive document. Among other provisions, it  states that aU a person's possessions  acquired after marriage are inherited,  upon his/her death, by the spouse.  However, in many cases, particularly  in the countryside, this legal right is  ignored. In virtually aU cases, the  woman has Hved with the husband's  family since marriage. Possession being  ninety percent of the law, the husband's  family is in a good position, upon his  death, to simply take aU his belong-  ings and let the widow fend for herself.  The Women's Federation serves as the  widow's advocate in such cases.  It appears that the Women's Federation attempts persuasion, then social  pressure, only going to the courts as a  last resort. One example given was how  they dealt with physicaUy abusive husbands in one particular township. First  a delegation of women would go and  talk with the husband—try to educate  him as they put it. If the beatings persisted, they might teU aU the family's  neighbours, who are asked to keep an  eye out and stop the husband if incidents reoccurred. This pubHc shame often has the desired effect. Next they  might go to his workplace and request  that he be discipHned there—perhaps  be suspended for a few days or lose his  status, as a model worker.  EventuaUy the Women's Federation  could charge the husband, even help the  wife secure a divorce, still seen as a step  only to be taken in the most extreme  circumstances.   by Jane Evans  It is not only the size of China and  the diversity of her culture that leads  to misapprehensions about the issues  involving women's equality, there are  also profound differences in emphasis  on what they—and we—see as the personal and as the political.  The family, as the basic social unit,  is all important and because the family is generaUy an extended one, there  is not the intensity of pressure on husband and wife to agree; they are simply two members of the family unit. At  marriage, a woman is expected to move  to her-husband's home and wiU become  a part of his work unit. Thus, a family with two girl children wUl eventually have no workers, and a famUy with  two boys wiU have four adult workers.  This can be critical for a rural household which depends on the number of  its workers for its income. Under the  old feudal system, female infanticide  was common and, experts feel, may exist even today in deeply rural areas.  The Women's Federation acknowledges that the struggle against feudal ideas of male superiority is far  from over. This struggle is reinforced  by Confucian ideals which demand the  subordination of women. China has,  in fact, see-sawed between the two  poles of women's equality for many  years. In the period which lasted weU  into the twentieth century, women were  completely without rights. In 1931,  new rules were formulated affirming the  rights of women but in the Marriage  Law of 1934, there was strong curtailment of women's rights to chUd custody, and freedoms of marriage and divorce were severely abridged.  From the time of liberation from the  NationaHst government of Chiang Kai  Shek in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party concentrated on the narrow  abuses of patriarchy such as female infanticide, concubinage, child marriage  and restrictions on the remarriage of  widows. After land reform in 1952,  the Party developed a new system, a  kind of patriarchal socialism in which  women did (theoreticaUy) less heavy  work which earned, of course, less work  points. They were also responsible for  home and child care. Judith Stacey, in  Patriarchy and Socialist Revolution i  China suggests that part of the opposition to the Cultural Revolution and  the Great Leap Forward was due to the  conspicuous attention to the advancement of women.  Since the great majority of the population lives in rural areas, the recent  changes in land management are significant to an understanding of the social  structure. Land reform was completed  throughout the country by the end  of 1952. Forty-seven mUlion hectares  owned by landlords and rich peasants  were distributed to 300 milHon landless peasants. In 1955 the movement  toward collectivisation began with this  movement, some feel rashly, being  greatly accelerated in 1958 during the  Great Leap Forward. Peasants who had  worked hard in a smaU co-op, where  they could see the advantage to themselves and the community, lost commitment and a sense of responsibiHty;  production levels began to fall. Work  points awarded often did not reflect actual work accomplished.  Beginning in 1979, the government of  Deng Xiao Ping introduced new policies  which seem, at present, to have made  The boys were in Reform  School for fighting, theft,  and truancy. The girls were  there for 'sexual problems'—  having many sexual  partners  a tremendous difference in the prosperity of the countryside. The Family ResponsibiHty System depends on a contract for production with the individual  household. Whatever they raise over  the contracted amount can be sold on  the open market, usuaUy for a higher  price than the quota. This has led to a  greater productivity and a higher level  of incentive, also to a higher standard  of Hving in rural areas. Unfortunately,  it would also appear inevitable that women wUl remain responsible for work in  the home as weU as in the fields, a double burden, and because work in the  home is not seen as productive, they  wiU suffer loss of power and influence  in decision-making.  . ■;.4|§|g|f  Workplace Issues  The Women's Federation in Anhui  also is active in struggHng for equality  for women in the workplace. Several  women used the phrase, 'equal pay for  work of equal value'. In exploring this,  however, it seemed they meant what  in the North American context we call  'equal pay for equal work'. If women at  a workplace are not being paid equally  as men for the same job, the Women's  Federation intervenes to get the woman  equal pay—which is guaranteed by law  but not always paid in practice.  Interestingly, although virtuaUy aU  non-farm workplaces are unionized not  once was the union spontaneously mentioned by our Chinese hosts as a source  of support to women in their particular struggles. When we asked whether  a woman might turn to the union in a  case of unfair treatment, they agreed  that she could do so, but was more  Hkely to get active support from the  Women's Federation. Again, many  Canadian union women could under-  stand this dUemma.   Working Relations in the Women's Federation  Some things transcend culture, or  perhaps represent the universal elements of women's culture. Observing  Mrs. Li (the Vice-Chair who took  us around) with women from all levels of the Anhui Women's Federation  and from different nooks and crannies  of the province, I reaHzed I could learn  a lot from her about political organizing. She knew most of the leading activists by name, could enquire knowl-  edgeably about their current projects,  and discussed their particular local situations with real interest. Mutual respect and affection were apparent.  Through the meetings, visits and  gatherings in which we participated,  we began to understand the An-'  hui women's working relationships and  styles. VirtuaUy all gatherings began  with a formal introduction. Tea was  served, the host organization's leader  gave a brief introduction, and the  leader of our delegation made a merci-  fuUy more brief reply.   After this for-  malized ceremony in which hierarchical relationships were strictly observed,  democracy, sometimes chaos, prevailed.  Those present appeared to speak freely  with seemingly no hesitation about disagreeing among themselves or offering  different points of view.  Lasting Impressions  I am left with the impression of a  country so poor it is hard for us to conceive of the life of the average woman,  and yet, a country which has achieved  an almost unbelievable improvement  in the average woman's life in less  than forty years. Our hosts in Anhui  Province appeared sincerely confident  that not only wiU China's women continue to improve their material circumstances, but also that they wiU soon  move beyond the present legal equality  to achieve true educational, technological, economic and political equality. I  can only wish them well and hope that  their optimism proves justified.  In Anhui province, with  its 50 million  population, the  Women's Federation  has about 3,000 full-  time paid staff and a  vastly greater number  of volunteers.  The politics of the Chinese family  One of the high points of our trip  through Anhui province was to visit the  house of a weU-to-do peasant for lunch.  Scenes of a lush and highly cultivated  countryside were in sharp contrast to  what we had read of the old days of  poverty and starvation due to drought  and flood. New houses are being built  everywhere, each with its individual  threshing floor in front, often covered  with drying rice or peanuts. There were  ducks and geese everywhere; pigs and  chickens wandering around attested to  the new wealth of the inhabitants. This  had not been achieved without tremendous labour. We saw no mechanization  except for an occasional truck transporting workers or budding materials.  The peasant's house is in a small  vaUey off the main road. When we  turn the corner we see the entire vUlage  turned out to greet us. They stand on  the hillside, waving, smUing, applauding, the children with flags, a tremendously moving moment. This is in fact  a feeling which recurs when we see how  happy people are to see us, the first wo-  . men's delegation to the province. Needless to say, we all suffer from feelings  of inadequacy to Hve up to these greetings. As we walk along a row of welcoming people, I smile at a smaU chUd  who bursts into tears.  On this day of hoHday in our honour, all we see- is the idylHc nature  of the valley. Everyone we see (not  just here but all through China) is weU  fed, healthy looking, and decently clad.  When we enter the house of the peasant, his wealth is apparent in the noise  of television, a ghetto blaster, and a  chiming clock, all speaking at once. We  sit down to a splendid feast. There are  many toasts and speeches and the rest  of the vfllage clusters around the door  watching us.  The host is asked about his life before liberation. He was miserable, he  repHes, no home, no land, no money.  He and his wife have, through hard  work, budt a good life for themselves  and their famuy. When asked if there  is anyone hungry in his viUage, he is  shocked. When we tell him that in  Canada there are homeless and hungry  people, he doesn't beheve us. How can  this be, when we are so far in advance  of China? When we assure him that it  he gives a grunt of disbelief and  changes the subject.  Under the responsibility system, women can earn their own money from the  produce they grow. One of the main  causes of divorce, we are told, is a lazy  and unproductive spouse. The great  majority of divorces are stUl sought by  women and since eighty percent of the  population is rural, most divorces disrupt the fabric of country life and can  make the process difficult for women.  An uncontested divorce generally  presents no problems, but if the husband is opposed, there can be enormous  difficulties and delays. Negotiations are  carried out, at the local level, by cadres  who are predominantly male, and tied  into the elaborate kinship systems of  the area. Since marriage is patrilocal,  the woman may often be an outsider.  The court, to which the case goes from  the local level, may be more impartial and concerned with the rights of  individual women, but often they simply rubber stamp the preliminary decision. This is an area in which the Wo  men's Federation offers help, but with  the national emphasis on the stability  of marriage, I felt that their counseUing  would urge the continuation of aU but  the worst marriages.  The divorce rate is three to four percent and, we are told, everyone gets  married. The old system of arranged  marriages is frowned upon but parental  influence is stUl strong. Canadians resident in Bejing teU us a story of a young  man of their acquaintance who took his  fiance home to his rural parents. They  put her through a series of tests and  ordered the breakup of the relationship  because they felt she was not strong  enough for farm life. Presumably, if  they found a suitable woman for him,  their influence would be equaUy effective in setting up a relationship.  Cohabitation without marriage is  against the social norms. Promiscuity is punished by both social and legal sanctions. A Reform School to  which we were taken had, as we do in  Canada, a ratio of seventy-five males  to twenty-five female offenders. The  boys were there for fighting, theft, and  truancy; the girls were there for 'sexual  problems'. When we asked the nature  of the sexual problems, we were told  this meant having many sexual partners. There foUowed a striking example of a gap in understanding. When we  asked if the boys with whom the girls  had sex were also punished, it seemed  impossible for them to answer the question. The reform school was not seen  as punishment but as re-education, and  we sensed that, from a pragmatic view,  since it was the girl who could add  to the population explosion, it was she  who needed the re-education.  Our interpreter, when asked what  she wants from marriage, says, that she  wants love and understanding, a man  she can talk to. She is twenty-three  and says she must marry by twenty-  five or be considered an old maid. Li  contrast with this is a doctor we met  when one of our members had a massage. She is forty, never married, and  fiercely independent. Both are typical Chinese women, with aU their contradictions, strengths and convictions.  Through them we have been in touch  with a new culture, a dynamic social  experiment.  How wiU women fare under a government dedicated to socialist principles^  WiU that government in which, at the  highest level, women are barely visible,  persist in its stated intention to make  women equal in aU spheres of life, political, economic, social and cultural? The  women we have met are confident and  we wiU watch their progress with interest and concern.  in  12 |£IN|5[S, November '8,6  KINESIS imp  AREIVT  We  The new Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms promises equality for women. This change  gives judge the power to examine laws and their  effects. Where a judge decides that a law violates the Charter all or part of may be  'struck down' or declared invalid. Laws may now  be struck down if they deny women (or other  groups) equal protection or equal benefit of the  law. gM^?^  The existence. of the Charter has meant that  lawyers and judges have begun to debate what  equality means, and that the outcome of that debate will have crucial consequences for much of  the work that feminists do—whether or not that  work is directly concerned with legal reform. The  following articles, written by Megan Ellis, Barbara Findlay, Allison Sawyer, and Teresa Stowe,  are an attempt to introduce the theories about  equality which underline the debate, and to examine the practical effects of those theories in three  areas of feminist work. In future issues, Kinesis will continue its coverage of Charter issues of  special interest to women. In December we will  carry an article on pensions and gay and lesbian  rights.  .•.•.•.•.•.•.•.•x-}.-:-:-x-:-L  by Megan Ellis and Barbara Findlay  If you imagined equahty, what would  it be like? What would the world be  like if everyone were equal?  If you had the power to pass a law  to guarantee that everyone had adequate housing, food, education, work  ... perhaps it would say that everyone  should have an equal share of society's  resources ... perhaps.  Guess what? Such a law has already  been passed in Canada. It is in fact part  of the Constitution. Section 15 of the  Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees that we are aU equal. It has been  in effect for over a year now. So, although you may not have noticed, we  are all equal now.  Section 15 says:  1. Every individual is equal before and  under the law and has the right to the  equal protection and equal benefit of  the law without discrimination and,  in particular, without discrimination  based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour, reUgion, sex, age, mental  or physical disabdity.  2. Subsection (1) does not preclude any  law, program or activity that has as  its object the amelioration of conditions of disadvantaged individuals or  groups including those that are disadvantaged because of race, national  or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex,  age or mental or physical disabdity.  Not quite what you expected? A certain lack of reference to the basics like  the right to eat, a right to housing? Not  to mention the glaring omission of protection against discrimination on the  basis of sexual orientation. That is because the notion of 'rights' embodied in  the Charter is grounded in the Hberal  view of what 'rights' are.  At a recent conference on equality  rights, Lloyd Axworthy, one of the Liberal architects of the Charter, explained  that what they had in mind when writing the Charter was 'equality of opportunity'. They did not intend to-  give people equal status, or resources:  equality of opportunity doesn't mean  very much when some people already  have more opportunities than others, in  particular those afforded by class, sex  and race.  Does that mean that we can ignore  the Charter of Rights, that its provisions about equality are irrelevant for  us? Can we leave the word fights to the  lawyers? Absolutely not.  Consider these questions:  • If men and women are supposed to  be equal to each other, and women  get maternity leave upon the birth of  a child, shouldn't men get paternity  leave in order to be equal?  • If women in Toronto can get a legal abortion, but women in P.E.I,  cannot, because there is no therapeutic abortion committee, are those  women equal?  • If women's income goes down after  divorce or separation and men's income goes up, is that equahty?  Canadian  feminists  have  not   paid  much attention to the question of defining equahty. This is understandable—  most of us thought it was about as relevant as science fiction and a lot less entertaining. However, since the Charter  came into effect judges and lawyers are  debating the question in great detail—  and to no one's surprise there are a lot  of different ideas about what 'equahty'  means. Whether we like it or not the  outcome of those debates is going to  have direct and possibly quite drastic  effects on our fives over the next few  years and perhaps forever after. Unless we put some effort into figuring out  what we mean by equahty, what equality means for us wUl be decided without us.  Like most things, definitions of equality depend on the pohtical goals of  those who are choosing to define it—  equahty like many other ideas can be  defined to legitimize the status quo or  to support change in a particular direction. This process is pohtical in  the sense that it deals with relations of  power, even though it is taking place  within a legal framework.  The Charter is a document crafted by  the state and the courts are the state-  appointed arbiters of conflict. In deciding what equahty means, judges wiU be  trying to address problems of discrimination, and to resolve conflicts, whUe  maintaining the basic framework, and  legitimacy, of the legal system.  CANADIAN  CHARTER OF RIGHTS  AND FREEDOMS  tniiii*imi  Up to now four main theories of  equality have been developed. Each is  rooted in and lending support to a particular set of assumptions about society and about the distribution of power  between men and women in society.  These four theories and their relation  to sex discrimination are:  The conservative view:  This theory would admit that whUe  men and women are equal in some fundamental sense, they are also 'naturally' different, and the differences justify a 'separate but equal' treatment  under the law. The result justifies  'apartheid' in the form of the segregation of women—keeping us in the home  fulfrlhng the tasks for which we are best  suited.  The hberal view:  Liberal theory advocates 'equahty of  opportunity'. A Hberal view of equality assumes that sex differences do not  matter, that men and women should  be treated as autonomous individuals.  However, traditional Hberalism also ignores the fact that men and women  have been treated differently and therefore fails to deal with the existing disadvantages experienced by women in trying to gain access to 'opportunity'.  The hberal feminist view:  This view, also known as the sex differences view, would grant equal treatment to those who are 'relevantly the  same' or are 'shndarly situated'. This  theory opposes discrimination where  there is no apparent reason why men  and women should be treated differently, but would aUow discrimination  where a difference between men and  women was defined as relevant. It assumes a 'list' of sex differences, divided into those which matter and  those which do not.1 The 'differences'  approached would support affirmative  action to redress the effects of past discrimination.  The 'inequality' approach:  This view starts from the assumption  that women are in fact disadvantaged  and would propose that a law be assessed according to whether it had the  effect of systematicaUy disadvantaging  women because they are women.2 This  approach would ignore the questions  of whether there are differences and if  so whether they are relevant and go  straight to the question of whether the  effect of the law is to perpetuate the  The hberal approach would also be  of no help to a woman in this situation.  WhUe liberals would maintain that employers should not refuse to hire someone because she is a woman, 'equahty of  opportunity' would only get a woman  through the door and, potentiaUy, up  the ladder of promotions. Traditional  liberalism would seek to ensure that  she, as long as she was an individual  (hke a man), would not suffer discrimination, but would not offer any provisions to take into account the impact,  on that individual, of being a woman  and a mother.  The liberal feminist approach stumbles when faced with a case where  women are clearly not 'simUarly situated' nor 'relevantly the same', as is  the case with pregnant women workers.  Those who take this approach would be  forced to admit that pregnant women  and men are not 'similarly situated' and  that the difference is relevant.  Some exponents of this view might  argue that pregnant women ought to  be treated no differently than other  temporarily disabled workers, but they  would be met with the argument that  excluding pregnant women from benefits is not sex discrimination but is a  recognition of a relevant biological difference. As one judge of the Supreme  Court of Canada put it, "Any inequality between the sexes in this area is not  created by legislation but by nature."3  Thus, using the differences approach  would provide some redress some of the  time, but it is not helpful in trying to  prevent the courts from invoking biological distinctions between women and  men to justify existing inequahties—  and continuing to claim that 'nature' is  on their side.  By contrast, the 'inequality approach' would start by asking, "What  is the effect of denying pregnant women  access to disability benefits?" The answer is, of course, that pregnant women  suffer a financial penalty for chUdbear-  ing. Pregnant women are not comparable to men, who do not give birth  to children and therefore do not suffer  the resulting loss of income. This approach would point to evidence which  shows that women bear a disproportionate cost of childbirth and mothering, both financially and in terms of employment. As a consequence, using this  theory would result in a finding that  a benefit plan which denies pregnancy  The 'inequality approach' would ask  "What  is the effect of denying pregnant  women access to disability benefits?"  be fought, we must also remember that  it is a forum for debate, a forum in  which ideas about women are discussed  and in which decisions about women  are made. The Charter has shifted a  whole area of debate from parliament to  the courts, where the lofty language of  'freedom' and 'equality' wiU now be dissected and applied to individual cases.  It is clear that those who drafted the  Charter did not have any fundamental 'revolutionary' changes in mind—  the use of the Charter wiU be subject  to 'reasonable limits' as defined by 'reasonable men'. However, we can expect  to see a shake—up in at least some areas of the law, and it looks as if 'the  woman question' wiU be one of those  areas.  If feminists start by demanding  recognition of existing sex discrimination, in aU its various guises, and  remember that old feminist maxim,  "Women who want to be like men lack  ambition", we wiU be much clearer  about what we are gaining and losing—  and we wUl be much less Hkely to be  fooled by something that walks like  equahty and talks Hke equahty, but is  in fact, the same old subordination in a  new (pin-striped) suit.  1 Scales, Ann C."The Emergence of  Feminist Jurisprudence: An Essay."  (unpublished, 1985).  ^MacKinnon, Catherine A.Sexual Ha-  | rassment of Working Women.     New  Haven: Yale University Press, 1979.  3Ritchie, J. t'nBHss v. A.G. for Canada  (1978) 9£ D.L.R.(Sd) 417; (1979) 1  S.C.R. 18S  negative consequences of discrimination  against women.  These theories draw important distinctions when they are apphed to is-  sues in real women's hves. Using the  example of discrimination against pregnant women, we can look at how the application of each of these four theories  might affect the outcome of a woman's  claim to disabdity benefits for her ma- j  ternity leave.  The   conservative   approach   would   |  provide no assistance to a woman attempting to chaUenge employment provisions  which   disadvantage   pregnant  women or mothers in the workplace.  Assuming these disadvantages are the   |  'natural' result of woman's biological  difference and an 'unnatural' attempt  to venture outside of their homes, this  approach would oppose interfering with  the forces of the free market and its use   I  of women as a cheap labour pool. Husbands, and not employers, are assumed  to be responsible for women who are   I  unable to work.  and maternity benefits contributes to  the systematic disadvantage of women  and is discrimination on the basis of  The 'inequality approach' has the  added advantage of focusing on what  actually happens to women in the real  world—what is the result of the legislation/program in question and what  effect does it have on women? This  part tends to get left out in discussions which focus on whether women  are 'the same' or 'comparable'. It is  crucial to raise the effects of sex discrimination and incorporate the reality  of women, so often rendered invisible by  abstract arguments about equality. It  assumes that we start with the understanding that women are subordinated  and requires that the mechanisms and  the consequences of that subordination  be examined.  While feminists recognize that the  court system is the only one of the  many arenas in which our battles may  CON  VEIN!  by Teresa Stowe  In the past, women who lived with  men but weren't married to them didn't  have legal status. Over the last decade,  governments and the courts have begun  to recognize this type of family unit,  known as 'a common-law relationship',  in certain areas of the law. In British  Columbia, some laws exphcitly recognize common-law relationships, but often special rules must be met before  they can enjoy the same rights and  obligations granted to married people.  Other provincial laws continue to ignore the existence of common-law relationships. Lesbian and gay families  have stiU not achieved equal legal recognition.  This discussion wiU provide a few examples in the areas of family and estate law to show how the heterosexual common-law spouse is treated differently from her married counterpart.  The impact of the Charter on these issues will also be examined.  Common law continued next page  ■_  14 KJNESIS November "86  KINESIS        se r ssssssmasas^^  LAW  Common Law from previous page.  Family Law  Married women have been tremendously assisted by the Family Relations  Act, 1978 (F.R.A.) which requires fam-  Uy property to be divided equaUy between the separating husband and wife  unless equal division would be unreasonable. The F.R.A. defines 'family  property' to include all assets, whether  they be household goods, cars, boats  or recreational vehicles, condominiums,  the spouses must rely on law which predates the feminist-inspired HberaUza*  tion of family law.  In order to get a fair share of the  property acquired during the period the  couple lived together the common-law  spouse must bring a costly Supreme  Court action. The net effect of this situation is that the law affecting property  division between common-law spouses  is more complicated, more costly and  more difficult to apply fairly.  The difficulties faced by common  law spouses primarily affect women.  cabins or land, as long as they were  used by any one or all of the family  for a 'family purpose'—whether they  were acquired before or after the marriage. A business asset may also become a famUy asset where the non-  owning spouse made a contribution toward the purchase of the property. The  Act specifically recognizes that a spouse  can contribute to the purchase of famUy property, including business property, by doing housework and chUdcare  which frees the other spouse for employment outside the home.  The F.R.A. sets out rules to guide  judges and lawyers through the problems that arise when married couples  separate and cannot agree on how to  divide their jointly acquired goods and  property. If the separating spouses cannot agree on an equal division of the  famUy property, they can bring then-  case before a Supreme Court judge.  The judge wUl decide whether a fifty-  fifty split is fair and if not, decide how  unequal the share should be according  to the guidelines under the F.R.A. Sim-  Uarly, a legaUy married person may apply to the Supreme Court to aUow her  to Hve alone or with her children in the  famUy home, even if the title is in the  husband's name only.  Even though it is now very common  for two people to hve together and to  contribute, directly or indirectly, to acquiring property, common-law spouses  are not protected by the F.R.A. when  it comes to division of property. On the  break-up of a common-law relationship  Anne E. Davies, M.A.  Counselling & Therapy  210-1548 Johnstdn Road  White Rock, B.C. V4B 3Z8  531-8555  The F.R.A. also makes a distinction  between legal and common-law spouses  who want to apply for maintenance  from their former spouses. A legal  spouse is entitled to make an application for maintenance for herself within  two years of divorce. A common- law  spouse is also entitled to maintenance  under the F.R.A., but the apphcation  must be made within one year from the  time the couple ceases Hving together.  As weU, in order to claim maintenance  under the F.R.A., the common-law  couple must have lived together for at  least two years before separation. A legal spouse can apply for maintenance  no matter how short the marriage.  Not surprisingly the difficulties faced  by common-law spouses primarily affect women who often find themselves  in the same roles, and with the same  responsibihties, as married women, but  without the same legal protections.  Estate law  If a legal spouse dies leaving a valid  wiU, the property forming the estate is  distributed as set out in the wiU. However, if the spouse dies, having made  a will, but with inadequate or no provision for the surviving legal spouse or  chUdren, the survivors may apply to  have the wiU changed (varied) within  six months of death. The common-law  spouse does not have this protection.  UntU very recently, the chUdren of  the common-law spouse also had no  legal right to apply for a variation of  a wiU. However, a recent legislative  amendment which eliminated the distinction between legitimate and iUegit-  imate chUdren now gives the chUdren  of a common-law relationship (but not  their mother) the right to apply to have  the wUl changed to make provision for  them.  If a person dies without having made  a valid wiU (dies 'intestate') the property wUl be distributed according to the  rules in the Estate. Administration Act.  Where there is no wUl a surviving legal  spouse has a statutory right to the deceased's estate. Where there are children of the marriage they are also entitled to a share of the estate; where there  are no chUdren of the marriage she is  entitled to the whole of the estate.  WhUe the same Act does recognize  the common-laW spouse, there is no  similar automatic right to a share of the  estate. She may apply to the court, and  a judge wiU decide whether she is entitled to a portion of the estate.  The courts will have to weigh  two competing state interests  in coming to a decision.  VANCOUVER WOMEN'S     BOOKSTORE  Hours: Monday-Saturday  ll:00-5:30pm  Ask about our new book club.  684-0523 315 Cambie Street        Vancouver, B.C. V6B 2N4  The Charter  Section 15 of the Charter may be  used to mount a chaUenge to provincial laws which draw the distinction between common-law and legal spouses.  The legal argument would be that the  common-law spouse is denied equal  protection and benefit of the law as  guaranteed by the equahty section (15)  on the basis of marital status.  Three issues would be raised:  1. It wiU have to be shown that the  common-law spouse is being discriminated against by the operation of  the law. What definition is to be  given to 'discrimination' in Section  15? A neutral definition would simply require that any classification of  persons is discriminatory. Alternatively, it may be necessary to show  that a particular group or individual is adversely affected by the challenged law. Applying either test, a  common-law spouse is discriminated  against if certain legal rights or remedies are denied simply on the basis  that the relationship is outside the legal sanction of marriage even though  it may have all the characteristics of  marriage. ^^^  2. It wiU be argued that the specified  grounds on which discrimination is  prohibited in Section 15 are open-  ended, that other prohibited categories of discrimination can be and  should be included. To successfully .  chaUenge a law which discriminates  on the basis of marital status it wUl  be necessary to persuade the court  that a person is guaranteed equality  without discrimination based on the  categories in section 15-or any other  category.  3. Section 1 of the Charter stipulates  that the rights and freedoms set out  in the charter are "subject only to  such reasonable limits prescribed by  law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society."  The Section has been aptly described  as the "tool with which the fragde  freedoms contained in the Charter  ... wiU be cultivated or nipped in the  bud."  The Supreme Court of Canada has  formulated a test for the purposes of  deciding what is a reasonable hmit on  a Charter right or freedom. In terms oi'  legislation which discriminates against  common-law spouses, the question to  be answered is whether the law reflects  a "pressing and substantial" objective  and if so, whether the means are ratio-  naUy connected to the objective.  The monogamous heterosexual famUy represents the primary economic  unit in a patriarchal system. Therefore, the State has a vested interest  in defining what constitutes a family  unit for the purposes of redistributing  property upon the death of a spouse or  the break-up of a marriage. This legislative objective, achieved through imposing special criteria or excluding the  common-law spouse may weU be upheld by the courts as 'reasonable'—in  spite of the discriminatory results.  We do not know how the courts will  apply the Charter to famUy and estate laws which make it difficult for  common-law spouses to enjoy 'equal  benefit and protection of the law'. We  do know that the courts will have to  weigh two competing state interests in  coming to a decision.  On one side is the patriarchal interest in maintaining the tradition of passing 'famUy property' according to the  father's wishes through the male line  within the legaUy sanctioned famUy.  On the other side is the modern-day interest in shifting the increasingly heavy  economic burden of support away from  the (welfare) state and back onto the  famUy while broadening the definition  of famUy to suit these purposes.  In upholding the first interest the  court would maintain the special rules  that discriminate against common-law  spouses. In upholding the second interest the courts would strike down these  special discriminatory rules in an attempt to increase women's access to  men's property and money.  16 KJNES1S November ;86 IMew  M  STORY  by Megan Ellis  In 1983, the Criminal Code provisions  concerning rape and indecent assault  were subject to a major overhaul. After more than ten years of education  and lobbying by the women's movement  the federal government passed Bill C-  127, abolishing the offenses of rape and  indecent assault, replacing them with  three new offenses of sexual assault, and  changing related rules of evidence. Although the changes were haded as a victory for feminists, many women saw the  amendments as watered down compromises which would faU to provide adequate protections for victims of sexual  assault.  As was expected, there have been  a number of problems as judges have  tried to apply the new sexual assault  law and to deal with the effects of the  Charter on this area of the law. Perhaps the most serious problems have  arisen in 1. attempting to define sexual assault, 2. applying the new rules  which restrict the use of the victim's  past sexual history, and 3. protections  for children. In each of these three areas, so-caUed 'equality' has been used  to further undermine the protections  for women and children that feminists  worked so hard to achieve.  Definitions of Sexual Assault  In part because of demands from  feminists, and in part to try to conform  to the equahty provisions of the Charter, the new offenses were described in  gender-neutral terms, making it legally  possible for both men and women to be  either victims or perpetrators of sexual assaults. This was supported by  most of the women's movement, who  believed it might result in women being given the same legal protection as  men. However, there was concern from  some groups that the offenses themselves were not defined, but were left  open for judges to interpret. As subsequent events have shown, these concerns had a reasonable basis.  Attempts by judges to grapple with  definitions of sexual assaults have been  rife with contradictions. Many judges  talk about the issues in a way which implies they are aware of feminists' concerns, and many use gender-neutral  language. However, their discussions of  the cases reveal the same sexist prejudices which those who had worked for  law reform had hoped to banish. Other  judges apply gender-neutrality with a  stunning blindness to reality.  The experience  Past Sexual History  The 1983 amendments also included  another attempt to limit questioning  the victim on her past sexual history.  But even hmited protections have been  challenged as limiting the accused the  right to a fair trial. Some courts have  said the protections are a 'reasonable  limit' on the right to a fair trial because of the prejudice experienced by  victims and the importance of encouraging women to report sexual assaults.  Yet one judge posed the question: 'Is  a girl who does not indulge herself outside of marriage or established relationship ever, as likely to have consented?'  and said that past sexual history could  not always be excluded even though it  might result in 'rank prejudice'  R. v. Oquatag (1985).  This approach was foUowed by Madame Justice McLaughlin in a B.C. Supreme Court case involving sexual acts  of a woman who has been raped  An example of the latter is the decision of the New Brunswick Court of Appeal in Chase v. R. (1984) a case where  a man grabbed the breasts of his fifteen  year old neighbor, and tried to grab  her genitals. The learned judges consulted various dictionaries before deciding that this was not 'sexual assault' because breasts were not sexual  organs. They suggested that as 'secondary sexual characteristic' might include a man's beard, the inclusion of  breasts might lead to absurd results.  This was categorization at its siUiest—  where in Canada can a man be arrested  for showing his beard in pubhc.  Fortunately many other courts have  refused to foUow the lead of their New  Brunswick brethren and have defined  a sexual assault as an 'assault on a  woman (as) woman, an assault on her  as a sexual being', R. v. Ramos (1984)  or as a term which includes 'an act  which is intended to degrade or demean  another person for sexual gratification',  R. v. Taylor (1985). The B.C. Court of  Appeal in R. v. Cook (1985) declined to  even try to formulate a definition, but  did propose a 'theory of imphed consent to an initial mild sexual touching,  if preceded by sufficient acquaintanceship', in other words they thought the  courts should get to determine when a  man knows a woman weU enough to  touch her, whether she has consented  to be touched or not. So, the question  of what a 'sexual assault' is, is far from  settled—and we can expect a range of  debate on where and by whom women  can be touched for some time to come.  courts have further whittled down these  remaining protections.  In Legallant Madame Justice McLaughlin decided that it was age discrimination to aUow the defence of consent to younger accused persons and  not those more than three years older—  this too was overturned by the Court  of Appeal who took notice of Parliament's intention to protect young persons from sexual exploitation by adults.  Some courts have struck down the section prohibiting sexual intercourse with  young girls on the basis that it does  not extend equal protection to young  boys. There is no denying that young  boys should be protected, but given  that young girls are much more likely  to be victims of sexual abuse, it is preposterous that they should be left without protection on the basis of an argument for equality.  The upshot of all this, is that courts  are faced with coming to terms with  the new criminal law of sexual assault—  and the new Charter which seeks to  prohibit sex discrimination and protect  the rights of the accused. Needless to  say, they don't bring in a whole new set  of re-educated judges to deal with this  task—cases are being decided with the  same old judges who presided over rape  trials in the past.  is not one of an autonomous  individual.  between a thirty-seven year old man  and a thirteen year old boy. R. v. Legallant (1985). This judge struck down  the protections against the use of past  sexual history on the basis that the  right to make a fuU defense to criminal  charges was more important than the  'potential embarrassment' of the victim. Her view was adopted by the Supreme Court of Ontario, but was recently overturned by the B.C. Court of  Appeal who decided that the protections enacted in 1983 'achieved a fair  balance' between the victim and the accused.  Protections for ChUdren and Young  People  There is much confusion in this area  of the law because the 1983 amendments were OriginaUy drafted on the assumption that protections for chUdren  were going to be changed at the same  time. However, members of parliament  could not agree on the changes to the  law relating to sexual abuse of children,  and decided to leave those provisions  for another day (they have not yet been  introduced). So the present Criminal  Code stiU has an offence which prohibits sexual intercourse with girls under fourteen and, to some extent girls  under sixteen, and a section which says  that consent to sexual assault by a person under age fourteen is not a defence  unless the accused is less than three  years older than the complainant. The  What is interesting is that new law  and gender-neutral language stUl, as  often as not, bring about the same  old results. Moreover, abstract ideas  of 'equahty' and 'discrimination' permit judges to pretend to ignore the fact  that it is men who are raping women  and young chUdren—that rape is the  epitome of sex discrimination. The so-  called gender neutrality has had the additional effect of making it more difficult to bring up this fact, to recognize  rape as violence by men against women,  as enforcing discrimination.  Sexual violence is about sex differences, it is about what it means to be a  woman in this society. The experience  of a woman who has been raped is not  one of an 'autonomous individual'—it  is precisely her autonomy which is undermined by the rapist. Nor can women  be said to be 'simUarly situated' or 'relevantly the same' (to men) when it  comes to sexual violence. We can only  describe what sexual violence is, and  what it means for all women, by situating it on the continuum of women's  oppression, as the most brutal form of  inequality in an unequal society. Neither the new sexual assault law nor the  Charter of Rights and Freedoms have  helped to make this experience of sexual violence heard in the courtroom.  «.  1  WSm  "CCEC invests in cooperation. We  feel comfortable knowing that our  money earns interest and meets  our principles."  Isadora's Cooperative Restaurant  CCEC Credit Union  33 East Broadway  Vancouver, B.C. V5T 1V4  Mon. &. Wed. llam-5pm.  Friday 1pm-7 pm  876-2123  KJNESIS  ....  '86 November 17. No Name Column  by Nora D. Randall  Most Americans who visit Vancouver are caUed tourists. This summer  I met an American woman who should  be a refugee. This woman, let's caU her  Ethel, came to visit her daughter, let's  caU her Amy. Amy has Hved in Vancouver for fifteen years but this is the  first time Ethel has come to visit. Ethel  hates to fly and since she lives three  thousand mUes away and her health  isn't that great, weU, it's a major production for her to come here and it took  her awhUe to actually do it. Of course  there were other factors in her decision. To really understand why Ethel  has come to visit Amy in Vancouver in  1986 we have to go back to the American midwest in the 1940's.  In the 1940's Ethel did something  quite unusual by graduating from a  women's coUege with a degree in economics, and she also did something  quite usual by marrying and raising a  family. For twenty years her life probably paraUeled the hves of many of the  Americans who come here as tourists.  Then her husband died and left her a  widow with two chUdren stUl in high  school. Ethel entered the job market.  So did Ethel's chUdren. Ethel has been  working the last fourteen years for the  employer, a large American department store chain. Ethel and her  forty year old economics degree in the  customer service department. Ethel  gets an the accounts that are so mixed  up no one can make head or taU of  them.  Ethel's kids are aU long gone. She  Hves alone and has supported herself  with help from the kids when they can  afford it. Last year Ethel discovered a  lump. It was cancerous and Ethel lost a  breast and three lymph nodes. The kids  raUied around the best they could from  two continents. Amy flew home and  fixed Ethel chicken soup and went with  her to the prothesis store and the first of  the chemotherapy appointments. Then  she had to come back to her kids and  her job in Vancouver. Ethel, on medical  sick leave from her job, went through  a course of chemotherapy and recuperation and then went back to work in  February.  In AprU the department store chain  she worked for was sold to another department store chain, both of which  were owned by the same multi-national^  corporation. Kind of a general port-  foHo clean up and a move to improve  their stores. Ethel and the other three  hundred plus-middle-age women in her  department were told that they would  have to start wearing dresses instead of  pant suits, even though they only deal  with the public over the phone. This  got Ethel's dander up because her back  hurts, which makes it impossible to puU  on pantyhose. Ethel wears knee high  nylons and pant suits, and so do most  of the women with whom she works.  A group of them got together and approached management about this directive. Management exempted them from  the dress code.  However, the next thing that happened was even more serious and  management—at least the management  in Ethel's department—was told that  their department was going to be closed  down and they would aU be laid off.  Accounts for the stores aU over the  United States were going to be handled by one computer someplace Hke  Texas. Ethel and her co-workers who  had spent the last twenty years dealing with frustrated customers over the  phone about their accounts, had trouble imagining just how a computer in  Texas was going to do what they did.  But nobody asked them, and it wasn't  reaUy the first question on their minds  when they heard the news. Their first  question was: 'What am I going to do?J  Ethel lost a lot of sleep because she  couldn't answer this question. She is  sixty-six years old, there's no question  of her finding another job. She was  working even though she could retire  because her medical plan was so much  better then medicare, and her wages  were better then her pension and she  didn't have that much else to fill her day  if she retired'. It's not hke she could just  stay home and take care of her house  and work in the garden since she Hves  in a rented apartment. And it's not like  she could travel, because she hates to,  and doesn't have the money to go anywhere.  Ethel is not weU off. Ethel, in her  fourteenth year as a troubleshooter in  the customer service department of one  of America's most famous department  stores, is making $4.85 an hour. Her  pension after fourteen years of work  comes to $68 a month. If she is laid off  she wUl lose her medical plan (a scary  prospect) a year after she has had a life  threatening Ulness and major surgery.  Ethel didn't know what to do. She  called up Amy and cried. Ethel hated  it; Amy was angry. Amy talked Ethel  into coming to Vancouver for a visit.  Her sister would send the money and  her brother would come along so Ethel  wouldn't have to fly alone. They aU  talked it over. It was beginning to  look Hke maybe it was time for Ethel  to move to Vancouver and Hve with  Amy, whUe her health was stUl okay.  No one could see how she could continue to Hve on her own if she lost her  CFRO  102.7 FM  WOMEN OF NOTE-Monday, 4 p.m.  Classical and Jazz music by women.  WOMAN VISION- Monday, 7:30 p.m., Tuesday, 9:30 p.m.  Feminist Public Affairs and Arts.  THE LESBIAN SHOW-Thursday, 8:30 p.m.  B.C.'s only lesbian radio programme.  RUBYMUSIC-Friday, 7:30 p.m., Friday, 10 a.m.  Music by women artists.  Write or call for a complimentary copy of  RADIO WAVES, the monthly program guide:  Vancouver Co-operative Radio, 337 Carrall St.,  Vancouver, B.C. V6B 2J4 684-8494  job, especiaUy if she got sick. The sister who Hved in England couldn't take  her because there was no place for her  to Hve. The brother who Hved in the  United States couldn't take her because  he didn't know how to care for her.  Amy called the immigration office and  a whole bunch of other government offices both American and Canadian to  see if it would be possible for her to take  Ethel.  Amy found out that Ethel could  come to Canada if her health is good,  which it isn't. Or if Amy is wUl-  ing to buy private medical insurance  for Ethel, which they cannot afford.  If Amy hires an immigration lawyer  to plead their case, it could cost her  $2,500, they may lose in which case  Ethel wouldn't be able to come. But  actuaUy I'm getting ahead of my story  because Amy didn't find out about al  this over night. It took her awhUe and  in the meantime she convinced Ethel to  come and visit Vancouver with an eye  to moving here.  Ethel wasn't up to seeing many people whUe she was here. She was shaken  from the flight and also looking around  with an eye to pulling up her sixty-  six years worth of roots and relocating here, far from her friends and her  memories. It was a possibility that kept  her quite preoccupied. When I met her  she seemed to be leaning away from the  idea. She said she couldn't do that to]  Amy. I said I thought Amy wouldn't  have asked her unless she thought it  would Work out. (Remember, this was  before any of us knew how helpful the  Canadian government was going to be.'  Anyway, we all sat around and had a  couple of beers and that's how I came  to know Ethel's story.  Ethel went back to the States and  back to her job because nobody knew  exactly when it would end. By the time  the company got around to announcing]  just exactly when would be the last day,  Ethel had put her back out and was onl  sick leave. By then she also knew aU the  comphcations that Amy had discovered  about her coming to Hve here.  I got a letter from Ethel the other  day. She caUed it her glad letter. She  said she was glad she finaUy got to  Vancouver and she was glad she finally  got to meet me and she was glad Amy  had such great friends and she was glac  about Amy's lifestyle and she said, even  Amy's trash bags are glad. Along with  the letter she sent cuppings about the  closing of the department store. These  were editorials and letters to the editor and feature articles with pictures  aU talking about what a great American institution that department store  was and how it should have been saved  PersonaUy, I think it should have been  prosecuted for criminal negligence anc  fraud. If you really want to see an example of a great American institution  worth saving look at Ethel.  CLAIRE  SIGNPAINTER  GRAPHIC TECHNICIAN  COMMUNICATING DESIGN  254 • 8892  18 KJNESIS November '86 /////////////«///MMy/>W//^^  RACISM  Now \bu See Us  Now you don't  On the visibility/invisibility  of South Asian women  Himani Banerjee is a poet who  teaches in the Social Sciences Department at York University in Toronto. At  The Heat Is On, a conference on women  and sexual imagery held in November  1985 in Vancouver, she spoke on imagery and image-making in a racist society, and their effects on South Asian  women.  Noting three things about available  images of South Asian women there are  very few, none are positive, some are  'absolutely petrifying and grotesque'.  Banerjee began by looking at the relationship between power and image-  making. She outlined three types of images, based on this analysis: images of  prescription and ascription, images of  description, and images of resistance.  Different groups in different places in  society create and control these images.  Some images tell people what to do, others describe what they do, or could do.  And she warned against arguing from  images to life, substituting images for  experience, 'because images do have a  way of falling into a coding system. So  they do say what they say, but while  they say what they say they often do  not say what else could be said.' And,  'images gain their life and meaning in  history, in the practice of our everyday  life. This is why it is the most desirable thing, I think, to argue from life to  the image, rather than from the image  to the Itfe.'  Banerjee then used this analysis of  the role of images as the basis of a more  detailed discussion of visibility. This is  where we pick up her talk. It is important to note that the word 'images' here  refers to sound images and mental images as well as those that we can see.  Banerjee's talk also incorporated poetry,  which is not reproduced here.  by Himani Banerjee  The social and historical organization of images of South Asian women,  and South Asian people in general,  must be understood from the relations  of domination that make us absent from  the general superstructure, and relegate  us a place at the lowest basement of social production, as an extension of the  work that we do or are supposed to do,  the machinery that we use, the shifts  that we work.  Denied a real presence in the social space, we're also rendered faceless. No great plethora of visual images exist about us or surrounds us, except the abundance of mental images  or racist stereotypes that can always be  summoned to create negative degrading  and exploitable images when necessary.  Generally visibility is not what is demanded of us, those who are the visible  minorities. And I am interested in this  issue of visibUity, because images are,  in our context, about visibility.  If you have a body, if you exist in  body, you are bound to be visible. Unless you are a spiritual presence, there  is no way one can be invisible. Can you,  who are white members of this community, think about yourselves as being visible people? Just try and think  about identifying yourselves as visible  people, and see how that feels. I think  it wUl feel utterly absurd. But yet this  absurdity has been tagged as an adjective to our name, and it is our official institutional description, 'visible minorities'.  What can this mean? What can they  have meant by using the word visible  for us. What imperatives are embedded  in the word 'visible'? If not that our  images abound aU over the place in visible surroundings, which they do not?  And I have a few guesses as to what  this means. And I think that we were  hitherto invisible, we had no real existence, in our Third World countries  and in our poverty slum and overpopulation, and that we gain a body, become somebody, in this promised land.  Could it be that is the only identity that we wiU ever be permitted to  have in Canada? And that Hke chUdren we should be seen and not heard  from? And that our visibUity is the  only proof of our existence? And that  we're supposed to be figures without  depth? Without a voice, a history,  needs or demands?  In that visibUity there is not only an  admonition of sUence but a threat. T  can see you' as the voice of a racist im  perialistic society, which also says 'so  keep in your >lace\ The supervisor can  say to the » man worker: 'you can't  hide from n I can see you. I am keeping my ear o the ground to catch the  faintest mu mur of you organizing.'  The woman employer says to the  black dome tic worker: 'I can see that  you are different from me and therefore  you can do work that I find too heavy  and obnoxious.'- The sexually driven  person can say to this woman: 'I can  see that you are a Paki woman and you  have a certain type of use for me.' Or  the cop saying: 'I know how to treat  the likes of you Paki bitches.' This is  as much as I can say for the benefits of  visibUity.  Throughout the process we are  standing in the third degree light of this  stream of stares you wiU see in our poetry, in writing by black people from  the States and our writing here. This  sort of Hght that streams out of stares  of contempt, of dismissal, or exoticized  tourism, and plain sadism. Against  the white wall of this Canadian society,  we ourselves actually want one hundred  percent invisibility in those times, we  do not want to be visible. It's not good  for us.  We see visibUity, then, not as a source  of second level visual images for us.  That is not even our problem, that we  are represented visually terribly badly.  But we see VisibUity as a device to create mental images, practical images, social images, in order to mark us out as  a group, selected for exploitation and  oppression.  overpopulation and occasional exoticism. The abundance of images that  do exist about us are products of primitive accumulation, of pUlage, plunder,  slavery and wage slavery. They're the  images of the mind of racism that have  been diffused into a commonsense status.  And can be caUed into action. That  well-aimed spit, that whistling beer  bottle, that hurled insult on the street,  are aU part of this commonsense world,  as much as the enforced absence from  intellectual and cultural production.  Most importantly, what must be remembered about us is that it is not  in the ads or commercials, or in, regular numbers of pornography magazines  that our basic commoditization occurs.  It is not ever at even that one removed  level, but actuaUy, physically, in our  own person, in our own everyday life.  When people themselves can be commanded to become images, to become  walking things, or sUent forms, decon-  textualized from their history, it is the  everyday practice that overdetermines  the images. And commands us to be  commodities. We are the commodity.  We do not have to have an image to be  commoditized.  The images, such as they are, do have  an effect on us, and the worst effect  they have is that they kiU not only what  is being designated as sexuality, but it  kUls aU of our relationships at times,  how we relate to the world.  However, we have to aUow this to  make us resist because wherever there  is oppression, there is an attempt to resist. Simply, not only to do politics on  We see visibility as a device to create  mental images, practical images, social  images, in order to mark us out as a group,  selected for exploitation and oppression.  Himani Banerjee  It has often been done in history, and  you know about that. You know how  groups have been singled out, and if  necessary, liquidated. The yellow star  of David, the red star for the communist, the pink triangle for the homosexual. The swastika painted on the  wall, or—on the wall—'Paki go home'.  These have been used to single out and  create this other to discipline and punish, to exploit and silence. So we are  conferred visibUity in order to signal invisibility in the interstices of the settler,  colonial, and imperialist state.  The images that do generaUy exist  about us in your media and in the newspapers and the subway advertisements  and so on are of poverty, dirt, squalor,  the street, but to survive the everyday  life. So people do try to remain active, open, and require that they become subjects of their own actions, and  not objects in and of this society. We  continuously struggle to gain, retain,  and affirm our subject status, which  means an authentic existence centered  in desire. And this authenticity we gain  by continuaUy engaging in a struggle  against commoditization, against imperialism of our everyday Hves, and world  imperialism.  And we do see that we're engaged  in a struggle against our own alienation. Alienation from ourselves and  from others—those who are not our oppressors or their accomphces.  I^INESIS '86 November 19 ARTS  Joolz: The truth as I see it  by Marrianne van Loon  Joolz was this year's surprise hit at  the Vancouver Folk Music Festival. I  first noticed her in the crowd, a woman  with long red hair—I mean florescent  red, not natural—and yards and yards  of black, beUy dancer skirt swirling  around her ankles as she walked. I wondered who she was, and later when I  saw her on stage, my question was answered.  Joolz is a performance poet from  England, a woman who has been typecast as everything from punk biker  to tattooed lady and connoisseur tea  drinker. But she is also a pohtical entertainer, who, in her own words, holds  up a picture of life in England. "I just  teU the truth as I see it." But listening  to Joolz is not intended to be passive.  She wants people to think and act on  what she is saying.  On stage she is dynamic, passionate,  and often very funny, in spite of the  heavy implications of much of her poetry. An obvious favorite, especially  with the women in the audience, she  was approachable and personable to interview. The foUowing interview as  done at the Folk Fest by Isis, with  Elaine Littmann.  Kinesis: You've been portrayed in  the media in typical, stereotyped ways.  They pick up on certain things ...  tatqos, ex-biker chick, even your love of  tea. How much of that image is of your  own creation?  Joolz: I don't know. I just teU them the  way I Hve. I was married to a Satan's  Slave, I enjoyed it very much, it was a  good time and I'm not ashamed of that.  I love my country,  Nowt to do with patriotism,  I love the land, my land,  My roots, my history  I stretch out my arms,  Shut my eyes and feel the earth, my  England ...  But then I wake to know  That them whose only loves are power  and money  Have built their missile silos here  Hell pits lined with rank on rank  Of grey and silent death,  Tunnelled in my land  Like maggots in the apple  From Jerusalem  People tend to pick up things that  are alien to them. Obviously, a lot of  people who come to interview you are  white middle class males. They find  the idea of roaring around on large motorcycles and drinking rather scary for  themselves, no less than for some other  person. So they think—this is horrifying, and they pick that out. Sure  they think I'm a freak and an oddity,  but on the whole I'd rather be a freak  and an oddity if they're what represents  real life. I don't pay much attention to  what people write about me. If you did,  you'd spend your whole life worrying  about it. AU that matters is the people  who come and Hsten to you speak and  they make up their own minds. The  audience is important, not the buUshit  that surrounds it.  Kinesis: But the media can also be a  way of furthering again what you have  to say.  Joolz: The biggest audience I ever had  was a quarter of a miUion. If I want  to say something I want to say it to  the largest number possible. I like doing smaU intimate gigs, but the whole  point of speaking in the first place is to  speak to as many people as possible.  Kinesis: h the Vancouver Folk Festival  a different audience than you are used  to playing to?  Joolz: Not really, because I play to a  broad spectrum of people. I play everything from art centres to gay discos,  rock arenas, stadiums, coffee houses,  everything you can think of. Sometimes  it's quite funny; for instance, say you're  playing Swindon town hall and that's  the one place in town and everybody  comes. You get punks next to grandmas, who are sitting next to bearded intellectuals and so on. Punks are making  noises with chip packets and nanas are  going 'just be quiet'. That's quite nice.  and I hung around with men, which was  not considered a very cool thing to do.  They tended to hold your appearance  against you.  AU I'm telling is the truth as I see  it, and if they don't Hke the truth as I  see it, then that's their tough shit. You  can't alter what you are and what you  say to suit somebody else. Or to make  it easier, or more convenient or more  pohticaUy correct, from their point of  view, because otherwise you could do  the same thing if you went to a fascist  meeting, taUor everything to what they  wanted.  Andy and Sue, God, I'm not  like them,  No, I mean they were stOne  junkies them,  The pair of 'em  I wasn't a bit surprised,  No-one was, they were just  pathetic.  I won't end up like that,  Dropping dead in some  stinking slum squat,  'Found hand in hand at the  bottom of the stairs.  That's what the papers said,  How sweet... yuk.  I could've done with that £5  they owed me an'all.  iiJfci&Qjn Seventeen  Kinesis: Are you surprised at how well  you are being received here?  Joolz:Do you want the modest answer  or the immodest answer? No, I think  my work is sufficiently good to warrant  it. On the other hand, they don't have  to Hsten. I'm very pleased. UsuaUy in  England if you do something very weU  they go out of their way to teU you it is  trashy.  Kinesis: Does your accent and style of  presentation reflect a particular class in  England?  Joolz: WeU, I'm a middle class girl and  aU middle class people are the same.  The bourgeoisie is the same the world  over. If I hadn't had a good education  I wouldn't be articulate enough to get  up there. I'm very grateful my parents  sent me to a good school. The running down of the education system in  England is one of the greatest crimes  of aU. Margaret Thatcher is creating  an uneducated or peasantry with whom  she can do anything she wants because  they're not educated enough to understand. The illiteracy levels in our country are enormous and growing at a huge  pace. I am what I am, a middle-class  girl trying to make a Hving.  Kinesis: A lot of your material has  feminist content. Are you a feminist?  Joolz: I think any sensible a  feminist, if you take feminist to mean  the equal of men. There's never been  any question about it in my mind.  There was this band in England caUed  the Au Pairs, and they had this wonderful song with a chorus "We're equal but  different" which I've always thought'  was a pretty good, short way of saying  it.  Kinesis: In another interview you said  a lot of feminists didn't like you. Why?  Joolz: They don't very much in England. EspeciaUy earlier on, when we  were into the punk rock years, they  didn't care for me that much because  I wore dresses and a lot of make—up  Kinesis: Poetry is not normally the  most accessible medium, and yet when  you're doing it it is very accessible.  Why do you think this is so?  'Joolz: I'm actually not very bright  (laughs) because I don't have a very  good vocabulary. I just write free verse.  I just write as I speak. And I work  very hard although sometimes it seems  loose, it's actuaUy very highly constructed and very highly disciplined because you have to convey ideas in two  minutes. I have to concentrate things  very carefuUy. Like Oxo stock cubes,  you put them in water and they come  up to two pints. It's rather Hke that.  Kinesis: There is somewhat of a movement to make poetry here populist  and accessible. Is that happening in  Britain?  Joolz: There was a movement which  came out of punk, to bring poetry back  to people. It started with a guy\called  John Cooper Clark who got up and  did things at rock concerts, about '77.  That spawned a generation of imitators, and one of the reasons people said  that I would never get on was because  I didn't sound hke John. People said,  ' 'you don't sound Hke him, you're not  very funny." I'm not a part of that  loose movement although when they  were desperate to have a girl on the biU,  so they would appear non-sexist, they  would call me up.  Kinesis: How long have you been doing  this?  Joolz: Six years this time. I started  when I was sixteen, and I stopped when  I got married, and I started up again  when I got unmarried. I don't think I'U  ever stop writing and reciting poetry.  Ever. Because it's what I am.  Kinesis: Have you published?  Joolz: I just put a book together which  wiU come out this fall. Mad, Bad and  Dangerous to Know I waited a long  time because I wanted it to be exactly  the sort of book I wanted to do. We also  have a single coming out by that name.  have a loose co-operative, of which the  band New Model Army is part. Because we have returned to the old religion, we are no longer Christians, we  operate on a coven system, a kind of  loose, tribal-like socialist group. Our  coven is caUed Red Sky.  Kinesis: Is it a collective?  Joolz: No, it's more Hke the mafia, a  famUy support group. Ultimately we  see the whole world as a tribe, the  whole of humanity. We beheve in Gaia,  theory which sees the world as  a self-regulating organism. Everything  on the earth is put there to serve a purpose, and when its purpose ceases, the  earth regulates it out. For instance, dinosaurs and the ice ages. This is largely  how we perceive the goddess, as a self-  regulating figure.  I never liked Christianity as a way  of spirituality at aU, and I studied up  on as many other religions as I could  find. They were aU completely male oriented. I thought this was really stupid,  it means we serve no purpose. My father was a druid briefly, but my mother  didn't have enough white sheets so he  couldn't keep that up for very long.  The druids in England aren't very serious. Well, they're very serious, but  they aren't very good.  A lot of aspects of magic and healing and things were associated with the  old religion, with matriarchal rehgions.  There are a lot of people who are very  disenchanted with the Christian view  where God sits in heaven with his brass  feet and his archangels, and you don't  have to bother about the earth and  what's on it because eventuaUy you're  going to be taken away from it all anyway. If armageddon comes tomorrow it  doesn't matter because Jesus is going to  come down in a white chariot and take  you away, which is obviously a load of  buUshit. We have to save the ezrtlfilf  we don't save the earth, then you can  beheve what you bloody weU want, but  there won't be an earth to beheve it on.  I can imagine sitting here (in Vancouver) and thinking it's so lovely and it's  going to be here Hke this for always and  always and always but in England most  of it is already gone. To be concerned  with the environment doesn't mean you  have to leg it out to the country and  grow your own veg, it's just a matter  of getting off your ass and writing that  letter, even if it's only writing that letter to your M.P., to the newspaper or  whatever.  Everyone knows that,  But they were so stupid  They'd buy Ajax if they  thought you could jack  it up ...  From Seventeen.  Kinesis: What do you see is the power  of what you're doing to change things?  Joolz: I've been given the gift to speak  on stage without dying of embarrassment. I just act as a spokesperson  for a lot of other people. Very often  the greatest compliment is when people  come up to you afterwards and say 'I've  thought that for years, but I've never  been able to speak it out, but you spoke  it out, that's exactly what I meant.' In  England I would say that I was holding up a mirror of that culture. Here I  would say I was holding up a picture.  There I hold up a mirror and say "Hi—  look, this is you, this is what is happening to your country."  Kinesis: Do you have any plans for the  future?  Joolz: I intend to be the most famous  poet in the world.  20 KJNESIS November '86 by Corinne A. lee  One hundred years of the hard work,  oppression and success of Vancouver's  Chinese people is the subject of Saltwater City (the Chinese name for Vancouver), an exhibition now showing at  the Chinese Cultural Centre. This remarkable display uses 3,000 square feet  of floor space, over 500 artifacts, photographs and documents borrowed from  local museums, associations and private  citizens, aU arranged into fifteen period  sets.  At the start of the exhibit you see  life-size photos of the first immigrants  arriving from China by steamboat.  Wearing queues or pigtails which symbolized subjugation in the Ming Dynasty, Chinese men traveUed to Canada  to work on the C.P.R. At your feet  you can see the 'iron chink', a piece of  machinery used to gut salmon, which  replaced many Chinese workers in the  salmon canning industry.  nished with a big wooden desk cluttered  with law books, photos and other paraphernalia.  An old wooden truck once used to de-  Hver fresh fruits and vegetables to famines and street merchants is surrounded  by murals of merchants and farmers.  Modernize TaUors is a tiny shop in  which an old sewing machine, simple  notions, tools and fabric were used for  designing and hand-sewing men's suits,  overalls and work clothes.  Off to the side are some children's  desks from a Chinese school. Shdes of  early Chinese families are shown on the  waU.  Luxuriant opera costumes, a wedding  gown, famUy portraits and antique furniture aU reflect a time in which opulence was enjoyed by the affluent few.  A famUy room set in the l$50's has  a Christmas tree, records on the floor;  the kitchen has mother and father ex-  Further along the exhibit, you can  look at a typical bachelor's room of  the late 1920's. A smaU, austere Hving  space, complete with a couple of too-  soft wiry beds, a few clothes thrown  over a chair, and a naked lightbulb suspended from the ceiling was a home  away from home for these men who had  to leave their families in China.  In another section you can see the ancient office of Won Alexander Cumyow  (Canada's   first-born   Chinese),   fur-  amining something over the stove. You  can almost smeU the turkey 'jook' soup.  The final section of the exhibit displays photos and notes on contemporary achievers in Vancouver's Chinese  community.  Of special interest are stories about  three women:  Susanne Yip Leung (1896-1985),  born in Vancouver, was the first Canadian woman to attend McGill University.   She received a B.Sc. .in 1921, a  Masters in 19££from Columbia University in New York, attended B.C. Normal School, and later went to China  to become the Commissioner to Investigate Education in Canada.  Anna Lam in the 19£0's applied to  become a student nurse at Vancouver  General Hospital and Royal Columbian  Hospital, but was finally rejected because she was Chinese. She was finally  accepted at Nanaimo Hospital, only because her father was a minister there.  She graduated from nursing in 1929. It  was touching to see that Ms Lam was  one of the official ribbon-cutters for the  opening ceremonies of Saltwater City  on October 2nd.  Lavina Lam, Anna's sister, was the  first Chinese graduate from B.C. Normal school as a teacher, but she was not  allowed to teach in the public schools.  These stories provide testimony to  the racist attitudes which prevailed in  Vancouver a century ago. The first Chinese immigrants (mostly men) arrived  in Victoria in 1858, having been forced  to leave their families behind because of  strong anti-Chinese sentiments in B.C.  These men worked on the railroad for  $1 a day whUe their white co-workers  earned $2.50. Consequently, the Chinese Hved in poverty, and many died  from disease and malnutrition. After  completion of the C.P.R. in 1886, a  Head Tax of $10 was imposed on each  Chinese entering Canada; this amount  was increased to $500 in 1904. The  Chinese were the only immigrant group  which had to pay such a tax.  Racial dissention increased in 1907  when violent race riots broke out in  Vancouver's Chinatown and Japan-  town, marked by window-smashing,  vandalism and other harassment. These  riots were inspired by speeches deliv-  ered by labour groups and anti-Chinese  leagues.  In 1923 anti-Chinese sentiment came  to a head when Canada passed the  Canadian Immigration (Exclusion) Act,  banning Chinese from entering Canada.  Many political leaders were outspoken  in their anti-Chinese attitudes.  White Canadian women were given  the vote after World War I in 1919, and  while Chinese men and boys were allowed to enlist in World War II to fight  for this country, they were not given the  right to vote.  The photo on this page  is that of Mary Thom (Delane), my  maternal grandmother, wearing a banner reading: 'Votes for Women'. Since  my famUy conveniently disclaims any  knowledge of the origin of the photo  and banner, I am left to surmise that  my gentle Po-Po, whom I watched  spending her life pampering and catering to the men in her family (husband,  two brothers and five sons), may once  have been a proud, determined suffragette in her pre-nuptial days. The  photo was taken circa 1907, and it is remarkable that Po-Po would have been  championing for the franchise of white  women, as Chinese men or women could  not vote. In fact, Chinese were physi-  caUy barred from polling stations.  During the 1930's and 1940's several Chinese women organizations were  formed, setting up rehef funds and helping during the Depression. The Chinese  contribution during war time (by enlistment and conscription) caused many  labour groups and others to lobby for a  repeal of the Exclusion Act, and consequently, in 1947, more Chinese were allowed to enter Canada, and they were  finaUy given the right to vote. FoUow-  ing enfranchisement, the Chinese were  then allowed to become lawyers, accountants and pharmacists.  Since 1947, many Chinese people  have become professionals and/or successes in their own endeavors. The  last panel of Saltwater City shows how  many women and men of contemporary  Chinese Society have made successful  careers in poHtics, law, broadcasting,  writing, etc. If you come down to the  exhibit, you may recognize a few familiar faces in this gaUery.  Saltwater City sends my imagination back to a time when my parents  and grandparents Hved and ultimately  survived in Vancouver, amidst all the  hardships. It also sends me forward in  time, knowing that there is a lot of unacknowledged, and yet untapped talent  and potential in today's Chinese people. The concept and final realization  of the Saltwater City exhibition is the  proud result of a lot of hard work put  forth by hundreds of staff, volunteers  and donors in Vancouver.  Saltwater City runs untU December  21, 1986, Wednesday to Sunday U:00  a.m. to 6:00 p.m. at the Chinese Cultural Centre, 50 East Pender Street in  Chinatown.  New this month at  Spartacus Books  • Working Women in South Africa  • In the Village; photos from Nicaragua  • Rebel Rock; politics of popular music  311 West Hastings Street  Vancouver, 688-6138  Mail orders welcome.  $12.95  $9.95  $13.50  NEED  INFORMATION?  WANT TO  TALK?  (604) 875-6963  Weds. & Sun. 7-10 pm  400A West 5th Ave.  Vancouver, B.C. Canada V5Y 1  Lesbian Information Line  program your  111  683-1610  683-2696  1501-925 West Georgia Street, Vancouver, B.C. V6C1R5  PIGEON  KINESIS '86 November'21 Louise Rose  Doing it because  it's important  ^  by Lynda Blair  Louise Rose plays the piano. She  plays jazz and does it well. Her fingers first touched the keys when she  was three years old. She soon studied  music formaUy in a Cathohc convent  because "they were the only ones who  would take kids my age." Louise's sister stiU lives with her mother in Norris-  town, Pennsylvania, in the same house  that the family shared. This sister is  now forty and twenty-three years ago  she chose to have two children and no  husband. She has a career with the  State of Pennsylvania and is currently  putting her two sons through University. So one sister stayed home, and is  strong, and prospers; the other^sister  travels. Wandering doesn't fit Louise's  character. She moves because she's going somewhere.  In addition to twenty-two years of  playing piano in clubs, Louise has been  many places and done many things.  She was a pohce officer in the city  of Philadelphia for "three years, ten  months, three days and six hours...and  that's the truth!" She attended Temple  University for undergraduate studies,  then Princeton, University of Pennsylvania and Harvard for graduate work.  For six years Louise was a minister  at Central Baptist Church, in Wayne,  Pennsylvania. She arrived in Canada  in 1973__as a sociology professor at  the University of Saskatchewan. Currently, Victoria is Louise's home. She is  presently in Vancouver, playing at the  Castle Pub. Lynda Blair talked with  Louise late one night, as Louise tidied  the stage. Then, the questions spilled  over into an early morning telephone  call.  my dress-up days—I'm talkin' dressed-  up! We were on our way to this 'society gig' at a wealthy country club—that  was what I did when I was young—we  were stuck in this traffic jam, and aU  of a sudden I heard someone scream,  "God, there's Delia Reese!" I realized  that I was the only black woman on the  bridge, so I signed Delia Reese autographs aU afternoon!  Kinesis: What was it like to be a police  officer?  Louise: WeH, I enjoyed the work. Getting wounded was not fun, and that's  what made me leave that job. I quit  when I started getting wounded.  Kinesis: What made you decide to become a minister?  Louise: I thought it was important to  do at the time. And it is very much a  part of my family. There are thirteen  ministers in my family ... there used  to be nineteen.  Kinesis: Why did you leave the parish?  Louise: Time, it was time to leave.  There were seven of us on staff, and we  aU decided to leave at the same time.  We thought that it was time to make a  change, and what happens in many organizations is that when new people arrive, power is? given to those who were  there before. It was a struggle to articulate that to the Board, who originally  felt abandoned.  It was a large white parish, and I  was the only black on staff. In fact,  I was hired because I was black, and  because I was a woman, and because  I led what they called 'an alternate  lifestyle'. I think it was quite impressive for a church in the early seventies  to make such a commitment. At first,  I realized that I was the only Black woman on the  bridge, so I signed Delia Reeseautographs all afternoon!  Kinesis: What kind of music do you  like to play best?  Louise: When I play for myself, I play  old standards, and I like to play a lot  of my own music. Basically, I play the  music I love.  Kinesis: Do you ever get a chance to  play your own music for other people?  Louise: Yes, in concert situations.  Kinesis:  How does your music reflect  your politics?  Louise: The music I do is largely non-  pohticaUy reflective. I play music because I luce it, and I try to be as careful as I can to do music that is not  racist, not classist, not sexist ... but,  because the music I have chosen to do  is mainstream jazz, there are some classist references, and I seek permission to  change those lyrics. I'm not always successful.  Kinesis:Do you ever play the same song  the same way twice?  Louise:    (laughter)  I don't know ...  probably not.  Kinesis: Have you had any really funny  experiences as a piano player?  Louise: Some funny, some bizarre.  Once I was in Ocean City, New Jersey, in a convertible, on a bridge into  the city. I was with a trombone player  named Bob McKinney, and that was in  some families left, but after a year or so  it was okay. It was a church that had  a high social consciousness, and was  socially-oriented. It still is. But what  has happened with many churches, in  Canada as well, is that they have swung  from the middle-left, to the middle-  right. It's difficult to imagine them doing many things now, that they did in  the mid-seventies.  I think I had an effective ministry.  Like any job, there were days when I  was frustrated, and days when I felt  hke beating the stew out of people. I  learned to play golf when I was at Central Baptist Church. I learned so I  could decapitate members of my Board.  Everytime I hit a golf baH, it was someone's head ... and then I'd go back to  the church and teU people how their  heads went flying!  Kinesis: What do you see as the value  of the church today?  Louise: Unsure. I'm unsure because  the church has been a major oppressor.  In fact, for women and minorities, it  has been the major oppressor. I'm increasingly uncomfortable with the way  you can cleverly take scripture and use  it the way you want to use it.  Kinesis: What about racism in your  life?  Louise: I could go on about that for  hours! When I emigrated to Canada, I  Louise Rose  received very clear messages from Immigration that I should enter through  Nova Scotia, because there are lots of  blacks there. When I asked the immigration officer if he was telhng me that  the system was racist, he said, "no".  Canada has not begun to deal with  its racism. More and more it's being called upon to do so by Native  Japanese, and by Jewish people. For  instance, in Canada, after the war, immigration pohcy for Jews was 'none is  too many'. There is a book by that  name which pertains to Jewish emigration to Montreal after the second world  war. Canada has a deeply entrenched  system of institutionalized racism, and  it's hard, damn near impossible, to deal  with. I think when you talk about  racism in Canada, you have to understand the animal that people are dealing with. Also, there are the comments  that people don't know are racist. It's  not okay to say, touching my arm, "but  you're okay Louise" and not accept  some other individual or group.  Kinesis: What do you think of the  women's movement's attempts to deal  with its own racism?  Louise: My experience is mainly with  the States. I think the women's movement is a white, middle-class phenomenon, with a Httle colour on the  fringes. That's a criticism and an  acknowledgement by minority women  that—"we can't do it for you." The  analogy is that lots of women are not  willing to liberate men.  There is so much alienation in our  society, from racism, to sexism, to  heterosexism, to religious oppression—  in one way or another we hurt each  other. Where do we begin to tend these  wounds? I always think in large terms.  We have to encounter each other one  to one. And we have to be willing to  do that ... and we have to be willing  to struggle. And that takes time. We  Hve in a society that is moving at the  speed of Hght, when it comes to technological advances, but people—change  is very slow. I mean, it's twenty-two  years since Rosa Parks sat in the back  of the bus, but people's hearts haven't  changed.  Kinesis: What continuity do you see in  your time as a police officer, as a minister, as a teacher and as a musician?  Louise: Everything I've done, I've done  because I thought it was important to  do at the time. So, I think there is  no thread, except that what I do, even  now, is ministry. I Hke meeting people where they are instead of where I'd  Hke them to be. I think there are a lot  more people doing good ministry in the  streets—not trying to convert people—  than in churches. I really think that's  what it's aU about.  Kinesis: So you have no problem doing  what you need to do at a given time,  and then moving on?  Louise: No, I like being on the move.  I Hke traveUing, but I don't do it as  .gracefully as I did when I was younger.  For the most part, I Hke meeting people. I stiU don't Hke jerks ... I know  that the jerks of the world are out there,  and I just wish, sometimes, they'd all  go into a room together and stay there.  I'm a lot less patient now than when I  was younger, and I think that's good. I  used to be too patient.  Kinesis: When you play, there is often  a strong sense of respect and connectedness among people in the audience.  How do you think this happens?  Louise: It's my heart that plays. If people can't understand that, there's not  too many chances left.  Kinesis: Are you happy?  Louise: OveraU? Yeah.  Kinesis: Why?  Louise: I know who I am, and I like  that.  The Louise Rose Trio, is playing at  the Castle Pub at 750 GranviUe Street,  from November 2-29 (excluding Nov.  20-22). Come hear some good jazz,  meet Louise, and hear laughter—it goes  with the show most nights!  22 KJjVESTS Novembe^86'L by Wendy Frost and Michelle Valliquette  hensive journals we've seen, both in  terms of the scope and variety of issues and geographical territory covered.  It's definitely not light reading—there  are no graphics (other than charts), for  example, and the writers are primarily 'experts' reporting the results of research on such topics as migrant workers, labour force participation, women  and technology, or women and development. But if you're looking for comparative statistics on maternity leave  in different countries or numbers of  hours spent daily performing domestic  One of the keenest pleasures and at  the same time, the greatest frustrations of producing this column Hes in  the sheer number of women's periodicals out there. We could spend weeks  poring over them all (and sometimes  have, but we can only.share a few at a.  time with you. For example, we don't  have the space to provide detailed descriptions of the many women's work  journals currently published. In our  last column, we highlighted several that  deal with specific occupations.    This  month, we'H move on to those that give    labour) or       d        legislation, this is  more general overviews of women's po-    j^ where        m find M  sition in the workforce and women s       ^ .  working conditions, often globaUy. Coverage includes women's access to  " ,, .   ..   ,     employment, training, improvements in  For references to other periodicals   WOrking conditions   and participation  that might be of interest, we urge read-    ^ trade unions and management. The  ers to consult the Index/Dnectory of   tatideB tend to be more factual than  Women's Media. The Directory ispub-    ^1^^ but would be an excellent  source of material for teachers, trade  unionists writing contract language, or  putting together educational packages,  etc. It would make a good addition to  a school or union Hbrary.   A brochure  listing other publications of the ILO on  's work is available from the ad-  paign for a Women's Bill of Rights  which 'speaks to the desires of working women and men for peace, equality and economic security.' Wree-View  covers both the content and context of  women's working hves.    Readers wiU  THE WREE-VIEW OF  VIVIEN  lished annually by the Women's Institute for the Freedom of the Press. The  1986 edition lists over 400 North American and international women's journals, as well as presses and publishers, women's bookstores, news services  and groups involved in art, graphics,  theatre   radio,  TV, video and cable, .d^MTMel^^eB^Sde1^^Iti  film and multi-media.    It can be ob-   ments of of th   issues     ^ed .  tamed for $10 U.S. from WIFP, 3306   the journaL   An index of years 1977-  TMoP1£f N.W.    Washington,  D.C.    19g3  the first geven of the     ^  20008. The Index/Guide is an invalu- Ucati ^ avaiiabie as weU for U.S.  able guide to what's what in the world $7 5fJ Women at Wofk ^ avaUable at  of women's publications Quick calk to the g F tj u.B.C. ^ Vancouver Pub-  the Vancouver PubHc Library, S.F.U. Uc Libraries or by subscription (U.S.  and U.B.C. revealed that none of them »■ ■ -«  carry it, so be sure to request it on your  next visit.  FOR RACIAL AND ECONOMIC EQUALITY  find articles on the specific conditions  and struggles of particular groups of  workers—Ohio farmworkers, for example, or Silicon VaUey workers—as well  as coverage of issues that affect all  women workers: childcare, education,  and soHdarity with women in other  countries. Anti-miHtarism and anti-  racism are a frequent focus of the journal. The paper is usually ten to twenty  pages long, and articles are short and  clear. An annual subscription to Wree-  View is U.S.$5.00, or the journal is included with membership in Wree (U.S.  $12.00). Write: Women for Racial  and Economic Equahty, 130 East 16th  Street, New York, N.Y. 10003.  articles often give detailed information  on health hazards—the June-August  1985 issue, for example, is a special  double issue on reproductive hazards  the workplace, and includes a chart of  reproductive effects of a range of toxic  chemicals, and a checklist of 'what your  doctor should be asking' questions for  a routine medical examination based  on the patient's working conditions and  possible reproductive hazards. Much of  the material is U.S.-focussed, especially  on legal questions, but beginning with  Volume 8 (upcoming), the newsletter  wiH become a quarterly, increase in size,  and feature more guest columnists from  around the world and expanded international coverage.  A valuable feature of WOHRC News  is the fact sheets on health and safety  hazards in particular occupations that  are regular inserts in the newsletter.  Readable and highly informative, these  cover a lot of ground in one page, each  providing descriptions of the most common problem areas in different jobs,  health and safety checklists, and tips  on prevention. The material we received from WOHRC included a package of about a dozen of these, covering occupations as diverse as office  workers, sewers and stitchers, artists,  meat wrappers and packers, and house-  WOHRC news  $14.50 per year) from Canada Branch,  International Labour Office, 75 Albert  Street, Suite 202, Ottawa, Ontario,  KIP 5E7. (Articles from Women at  Work may be reproduced without permission as long as the source is cited.)  Wree-View addresses concerns of  working and working class women from  a clear grassroots, activist perspective. The bi-monthly newspaper is  the voice of Women for Racial and  Women at Work is published twice Economic Equahty, the U.S. affiliate  a year in English and French editions of the Women's International Demo-  by the International Labour Office (a cratic Federation. WIDF is a global  U.N. affihate). It provides a global sur- network linking 117 women's organi-  vey of the conditions of women work- zations from U7 countries. In March  ers,  and is one of the most compre-    of this year,   Wree launched a cam-  WOMEN  AT WORK  Health and safety on the job has been  an important focus of working women's  organizing, and one in which access to  research and information is vital. The  Women's Occupational Health and Resource Centre, a national U.S. organization based at the School of PubHc Health at Columbia University in  New York, has done pioneering work in  women's health and safety issues. Then-  bi-monthly newsletter, WOHRC News,  is chock-fuH of up-to-date information  in the field. News reports cover labour  legislation, legal battles over workplace  hazards, campaigns around particular  issues, union struggles on health and  safety, and international news. Feature  hold technicians and custodians. This  newsletter would be a valuable resource  for women organizing in their unions  around health and safety issues, and for  all working women, unionized or not,  who need more information about the  hazards they're exposed to on the job,  and how to fight them.  Subscriptions are U.S.$12.00 per year  for individuals, U.S. $25.00 for institutions. Write to: Women's Occupational Health Resource Centre,  Columbia University School of PubHc  Health, 117 St. Johns Place, Brooklyn,  N.Y. 11217. Make cheques or money  orders payable to WOHRC Columbia  University.  WOMEN SPEAKING OUT  NOV/AVAIIABIE ON FILM AND VIDEO: RECENT RELEASES FROM THE NFB'S STUDIO D  New Release  Speaking of Nairobi*  Dir.: Tina Home 56 min. color (1986)  A thoughtful overview of the issues  dominating the international women's community as they were voiced  in Nairobi at Forum '85: A World  Meeting for Women, and a firsthand glimpse at the realities of life  for women in developing countries.  New Release  No Longer Silent*  Speaking Our Peace*  Dlr: Terri Nash 55 min. color (1985)  Featuring an impressive array of  female scientists, politicians and  activists, this engaging, highly acclaimed documentary looks at the  commitment of women, worldwide,  to end the nuclear arms race.  New Release  A Writer in the Nuclear Age:  A Conversation with  Margaret Laurence  Dir.: Terri Nash 9 min. color (1985)  "If peace is subversive, in God's  name, what is war?" asks Canadian  •author Margaret Laurence as she  speaks of her role as a writer and of  the importance of "ordinary" people in the stand against nuclear escalation.  New Release  Nuclear Addiction:  Dr. Rosalie Bertell on the Cost  of Deterrence*  Dir.: Terri Nash   19 min.   color   (1986)  Dr. Bertell, a Roman Catholic nun  and an expert on low-level radiation, relays a sense of urgency in her  If You Love This Planet  Dir: Terri Nash 26 min. color (1982)  This Oscar-winning film records a  hard-hitting lecture given by nuclear critic Dr. Helen Caldicott, then  president of U.S. Physicians for Social  Responsibility.  Dir.: Laurette Deschamps 56 min. color  (1986)  A revealing look at .injustices  towards women in India, focussing  on the dedicated efforts of women  struggling for social reform. Co-  produced by Cine-Sita and NFB,  Studio D.  These titles and others may be borrowed free of charge in the 16 mm format, or purchased in 16 mm and video-  cassette, from National Film Board offices across Canada.  * Also available from the NFB's new Video Rental Collection for $2.00/day.  For more information contact the NFB office nearest you.  T  National Office  Film Board     national du fi  of Canada     du Canada  More than four million adult Canadians can't  read well enough to fill out a job application  or understand the directions on a medicine  bottle. You can help. Give money, volunteer  with a literacy group, write to your MP, and  read to your children.  For more information, contact:  Canadian Give the Gift  of Literacy Foundation  34 Ross St., Suite 200,  Toronto, Ont. M5T1Z9  (416)595-9967  KINESIS      r-, '8£tIWrnber 23 sssssassssaaaa^^  ARTS  by Cy-Thea Sand  Part Of My Soul  Winnie Mandela  Edited by Anner Benjamin & adapted  by Mary Benson  164 pages. Markham, Ontario:  Penguin Books, 1985  There is no question about the  stature and importance of Nelson Mandela but I wanted to know more about  how Winnie Mandela, oncie a shy, self-  effacing social worker, grew into a  leader of her people. She is especially  close to the youth in South African  townships—the youth who represent a  radical group of activists who are in the  front Hnes of the revolution. But often when reading this fascinating story  I was lead towards the man and away  from the woman. As I read, I re-  caUed native Indian activist, Lee Mar-  acle, speaking at Vancouver's South  African Women's Day in August of this  year. She gestured towards the massive print of Nelson Mandela on the waU  behind her and asked where the photographs of women were.  That said, I recommend Part Of My  Soul to readers who want to understand  what is going on in South Africa. The  repression and cruelty which Winnie  Mandela has suffered is horrific and her  dignity and growth through it aU is radicalizing. To appreciate how long and  against what odds black South Africans  continue to fight gives one an historical  perspective so easily buried in our culture which co-opts rebelhon*and spews  it out as finite and forgettable as the six  o'clock news.  Winnie Mandela talks about all the  women who have inspired and taught  her. Of the late Lilian Ngoyi, President of the Women's League of the  African National Congress (ANC) and  later of the Federation of South African  Women, she says "she made me in the  sense that I idolized her." She speaks  of the leadership of the Federation  of South African Women: Albertina  Sisulu, Florence Matomela, Frances  Baard, Kate Molale and Ruth Mompati, and their impact on her pohtical education. Many other women are  mentioned and explained in numerous  footnotes: women Hke Helen Joseph,  Helen Suzman, Ruth First, Hilda Bern  stein and Dorothy Nyembe. I finished  the book hoping to find another one  which would record these extraordinary  lives in depth.  The Black Scholar  The Black Woman Writer And The  Diaspora  Vol. 17 No. 2 March/April 1986.  P.O. Box 7106 San Francisco, CA 94120  The Vancouver Women's Bookstore  made my day last week when I spotted this journal on their magazine rack.  I have been patiently waiting for this  collection of presentations made at a  conference held last October at Michigan State University. The keynote ad-  tavia Butler and MicheUe Parkerson,  who are in their work chaUenging the  notion that "heroism for women consists largely of being physically beautiful and overtly compliant." An interview with Octavia Butler, author of  the best seUer, Kindred (1979), follows  Gomez' article.  This issue of The Black Scholar is an  exceUent and accessible forum for readers to know more about black women  writing. As Faith Berry notes in  her piece on pubHshing and audience,  "more new Afro-American women writers were published between 1960 and  1975 than the total number published  in two centuries of Afro-American literature. That's enough to send any  reader, curious about some of the most  rewarding fiction around, to her nearest Hbrary or bookstore.  ELSA: I Come With My Songs:  The Autobiography of Elsa Gidlow  422 pages. San Francisco:  Booklegger Press. 1986  Excerpts from this autobiography  have been published in feminist and  gay journals and magazines over the  past several years. I remember how  excited poet Barbara Herringer and I  £     Elsa Gidlow  1 at27:  *"   a writer Who  dramatizes the  necessity  of taking  responsibility  forone's life.  dress was made by Audre Lorde who  spoke on sisterhood and survival, weaving together the international struggles  of women of colour into questions about  children and "how to raise them not to  prey upon themselves and each other."  She spoke about attending the very first  play written and produced in Australia  by a black woman playwright. Lorde  explains that the play—Tjindarela by  Eva Johnson—"speaks from the pain  of children stolen from us in body and  mind, a point weU known to indigenous  women of colour the world over."  JeweUe Gomez spoke on the lack of  science fiction or futuristic fiction by  black women and about why this is  so.    She cites two black writers, Oc-  THE  mNCOUVER  OUTDOOR  CLUB  FOREMEN  ORGANIZED AND RUN BY WOMEN  HUENDLK NONCOMPETmvi  LEARN NEW SKILLS  For more information phone:    Deb  255-5288 or Linda 876-3506.  Ariel Books  Open 10 am-6 pm  Monday to  Saturday,  Sunday 1-5 pm  were when, as editors of The Radical Reviewer, we received an excerpt  entitled From Poetry To Time Clocks  which we published in issue Number  7/8 1982. It concerns Elsa Gidlow's arrival in New York from Montreal when  she was twenty one years old and determined to make her way in the publishing world.  The life of this lesbian poet covers the  twentieth century up to this year when  Elsa died at age eighty seven. Born  in England but raised in Quebec , her  life story wiU interest anyone curious  about individuals who exude generosity of spirit and a dignity carved out  of hard personal choices and the wiH to  survive.  She was poor but determined  Sitka Housing Co-op is a new, 26-unit  complex in East Vancouver, created especially for women and women with children. Although we are now full, we are  still accepting applications.  For more information, please send  S.A.S.E. to us: Sitka Housing Co-operative Society, Box 65689, Station F,  2160 Commercial Dr., Vancouver, B.C.  V5N 5K7.  to be a poet. Her family suffered much  hardship and defeat.  Elsa writes: "I had to fight iU health.  There were times of defeat and desperation when madness loomed, when there  was an underground pull to give up.  But dreams I would not surrender ...  The horror of aU that family despair  and not being able to help enough could  have dragged me into the same abyss.  Why did it not? A passion of revolt?  The conviction of work to be done?"  If there is one woman writer who dramatizes the necessity of taking fuU responsibility for one's life, Elsa Gidlow is  it. She is not preachy about it, though.  Her independence of spirit seems to be  as much a part of her relationship to  the world as her love of the natural order and respect for Eastern philosophy.  Many times while reading her account  of wage labour, love affairs, friendships,  pohtical events and changes, her excitement about personal freedom and the  will to choose the direction of one's life  infused me with an optimism I rarely  find in books. Elsa: I Come V/ith My  Songs is required reading for anyone interested in feminist biography and lesbian Hterature.  Publishing News  From our very own Michelle VaH-  quette and Wendy Frost their labour of  love, Ice Breakers and Window Smashers: A Bibliography Of The Work  Of Feminist Literary Critics 1975-1981  forthcoming from Garland Publishing  Inc. New York. Both the preface  and introduction were co-authored by  Frost and Vahquette and concern the  problems of feminist research and an  overview and discussion of the major  issues raised by feminist critics during  overview and discussion of the major  issues raised by feminist critics during  the period covered by the bibliography.  Hopefully the book wiU be out in early  1987. This project was started in 1981.  Both authors are to be commended for  their tenacity in completing the work  as well as parenting and working for a  Hving. The work contains over 1700  entries and will be an invaluable tool  for students, teachers, researchers and  readers.  Greenwood Press Inc. announces  the publication of Gender, Ideology  and Action, Historical Perspectives on  Women's Public Lives edited by Janet  Sharistanian, former Director of the  Research Institute on Women at the  University of Kansas. The press release reads that "the nine essays in  this volume examine women's public  and private lives from sixteenth century  England to twentieth century Chicago,  from Queen EHzabeth I to Jane Adams  of Hull House." Its main purpose "is  to offer a response to, and a critique of,  theories of the domestic/public split in  Western ideology and history that have  emerged from feminist anthropology."  The Women's AIDS Network in San  Francisco has printed a brochure entitled Lesbians and AIDS: What's the  Connection? Write to the Women's  AIDS Network c/o 333 Valencia Street,  4th floor, San Francisco, CA 94103 or  contact Elaine Smith at AIDS Vancouver at 687-AIDS.  Cy-Thea Sand would like to remind  readers that Fireweed, a feminist quarterly, is planning an issue on Class.  As a guest editor on the collective for  this issue, I encourage B.C. women to  submit poetry, essays, photographs, interviews, short stories, theatre, dance,  theory, critiques, oral histories from  women whose Hves would not otherwise  be recorded. We want to hear from  poor and working-class women from aU  across Canada who have been thinking  about the impact of poverty and economic hardship on their lives. Write directly to Fireweed, P.O. Box 279, Station B, Toronto, Ontario M5T 2W2 or  contact Cy-Thea Sand at 875-1543 in  Vancouver.  24 IflNESIS November '86 ///////////////////^^^^^  //////////////////^^^^^  LETTERS  Letters to the editor should be received by the 18th of the month preceding publication, and should be no  longer than 500 words. Kinesis reserves the right to edit for clarity, space  and libel. Writers wSH be notified  about letters concerning their articles  and can choose to reply in the same issue in which the letter appears. Editor's notes will be limited to clarification only. In the event that numerous  articles on any one topic are received*  Kinesis reserves the right to publish a  representative sampling of the opinions  expressed.  Jewish women  still invisible  Kinesis:  We would Hke to express our appreciation to Celeste George and the  'Dykes for Dykedom' for organizing  the 'Unlearning Racism' Workshop that  was held during International Lesbian  Week. The workshop provided an opportunity for us as white womyn to examine our own racism and helped us  begin to look at ways to fight racism in  our community.  However, it was unfortunate that  this workshop was held on Rosh  Hashanah—the Jewish New Year, as  there were many Jewish lesbians who  wanted to attend this workshop but had  to miss out because of their committment to this Jewish celebration. It is  ironic that in a week celebrating our  visibUity as lesbians we added to the  invisibility of our Jewish sisters by this  oversight in planning.  Yours sincerely,  Jo Morrison and Shelagh Wilson  Learning  from LaRouche  Kinesis:  There are times when we in Canada  can learn from events in the U.S. This  is one of those times. On November 4th, Proposition 64 comes before  the voters of California. That in it-,  self is no great event. That this potentially dangerous legislation was placed  on the baUot with almost twice the required amount of signatures is important. That this legislation calls for repressive measures to supposedly stem  the contamination by AIDS of the heterosexual population is something we  need to understand. This initiative is  the work of one of Lyndon LaRouche,  a pohtical extremist the likes of which  we certainly have in Canada. The initiative is being promoted by a group,  PANIC, which is alhed with Lyndon  LaRouche's National Democratic Policy Committee, which has very Httle to  do with the actual Democratic Party.  PANIC argues that federal and local  health authorities are acting irresponsibly about AIDS, and it has been focusing on conservative religious groups  to help promote the use of quarantine  for AIDS contamination.  Using legislation already in place  which deals with highly contagious, but  curable, diseases such as tuberculosis,  the initiative seeks to require testing,  employment restrictions and possible  quarantine of anyone even suspected of  having AIDS. Reporting of names to local health authorities of persons with  AIDS and HTLV-III virus carriers, or  even persons suspected of such, wiU be  required. Existing confidentiality protections for those who are tested will  be superceded. AU AIDS patients and  carriers would be barred from working in the food service industry and  teachers and students would probably  be excluded from schools. Restrictions  might be imposed by law enforcement  or pubHc health officials against HTLV-  III carriers and persons with AIDS to  prevent travel without permission.  At present, gays, lesbians and all  those interested in human rights are  fighting to defeat this initiative. Besides fundraising, they seek to distribute information about AIDS so that  voters understand how the disease is  caught and thus how to prevent its  spread. They also want voters to understand how this initiative is a direct  attack against not only gays and lesbians, but the poor and others who do  not have access to rehable information  about the disease.  We in B.C. need to be aware of this  trend in our province (and in Canada  as a whole). We need to understand  how health legislation is administered  in our country so that we can be on  the lookout for similar attempts to use  it against AIDS patients and carriers.  Dissemination of AIDS information is  also vital so that the general public understands how they are just as much  at risk as any one group. VigUance  on the pohtical front is just as important as support of AIDS patients and  their families and friends. Many women  question whether we should be involved  with the politics of AIDS. We are involved already as patients, family and  friends of people with AIDS. As lesbians we are involved because people  hke Lyndon LaRouche do not usually  make the distinction between gay men  and lesbians. In fact, the initiative pub-  Hcity lists lesbians as the second most  at risk group. The proponents of the  initiative have made this a gay issue.  Any attempt at discrimination on the  basis of sexual orientation, sexual practices, income or racial origin affects us  as women and as lesbians.  Cory Beneker  Victoria, B.C.  Not just a few  cranky women  I was pleased to see your lengthy  coverage of this year's Take Back The  Night action in the October issue of  Kinesis. I was excited aU over again  reading excerpts from Nicole Kennedy's  opening address and Marie Arrington's  speech. This year's march, with the  huge women figures, the flares, and the  hundreds of women, was the most forceful and downright rowdy I've been at  in the four years I've been coming. But  you didn't report on some happenings  I think are important to present.  The setting for this year's march  was downtown Vancouver on a Friday night, with the B.C. Lions losing  in the stadium and the streets fiUed  with disappointed sports fans as well  as tourists and other Expo-goers. This  meant that not only did the safety  women have a lot of hostUe men to  protect the marchers from but the city  didn't want to make a bad impression  on the tourists. Nothing should happen to make them nervous, or they  might stay away and we'd lose aU those  lovely Expo bucks! So the uniformed  cops weren't out buzzing this march  on their Harleys, but the plainclothes  pigs were there harassing the women as  usual. And unlike the last years, there  was no media coverage of Take Back  The Night, to speak of. A few radio  stations—no B.C.T.V. or C.B.C. As  far as the cops and the media would  have it known, Vancouver has no angry people—just maybe a few cranky  ' women. The city is doing its utmost to  damp out all the protesting voices, and  to present a smiling face to our Expo  guests.  Suzanne K. Hawkins  Won't WAP  porn anymore  Kinesis:  An Open Letter to the Women's Community:  This letter is to inform you that  Women Against Pornography has evolved to the end of its natural life-span.  Early this summer, we reached the decision to formaUy disband as a group.  The decision to disband was made after  much thought, because we did not wish  to pass our name and reputation on to  a new group of women who might not  share our position on censorship. This  position took years of hard work to establish, and was very important to us.  We, of course, welcome new women to  get involved in this struggle, and would  provide whatever support or information we can.  We want to extend our appreciation  to the many women who have given us  their support and encouragement over  the last four years. The fight against  porn has been at many times a difficult  and painful one, and without each other  we would not have lasted as long as we  have.  We feel that much has been accomplished, not just in our fight against violent pornography, but through our work  around other related issues as weU. Our  work around the issue of prostitution—  and the opportunity to meet and work  with local prostitute women—has been  a learning experience; and our work on  the Erotica project has been fun, in  spiring, and growthful (at a time when  something uplifting was desperately  needed.) We have each learned much,  particularly from the debates around  sexuahty and censorship. We have done  a great deal of work, having produced  two panel displays, many written materials, two briefs, two videos and a  slide/tape show.  Perhaps our most important accomplishment has been a contribution toward a greater understanding of  pornography and broadening its definition to include other forms of sexist media, as weU as calHng for caution about  the censoring of sexual images.  Our involvement in this issue has  given us many opportunities for struggle, for personal growth, for acquiring  new skills, for challenging ourselves and  each other. We aU feel greatly enriched  by the experience of having been part  of a broad-based grass-roots movement  for social change. Our decision to move  on to other issues, other commitments,  is not an admission of defeat but an  acknowledgment that we have accomplished what we can and it's time to  move on to other areas of our Hves.  We are donating our 'Erotica!' shde  show, our two videos, 'Rock Videos:  Much More Than Music' and 'She  Works Hard for the Money: Women  in the Sex Trade', and aU of our  source materials to the Victoria Status of Women, P.O. Box 6296, Stn. C,  Victoria, B.C. V8P 5L5. They may  be reached at (604) 381-1012 regarding  rental of these items, which wiU continue to be available on a sliding scale  according to need.  "Rock   Videos"is   also   being   dis-1  tributed by MediaWatch, Box 46699,  Stn. G, Vancouver, B.C. V6R 4K8:  Pam Black Stone  UAAAAAAAAAAAAAU  Kinesis is  available  across  British  Columbia  Cody Books, Port Coquitlam; Everywoman's Books,  Victoria; Friendly Bookworm, Dawson Creek; Ha-  ney Books, Maple Ridge;  NDP Bookstore, Gibson's  Landing; Nelson Women's  Centre; The Open Book,  Williams Lake; Port Coquitlam Women's Centre;  Quesnel Women's Resource Centre; South Surrey/White Rock Women's  Place; Terrace Women's Resource Centre; Unemployed   Action   Centre,   Na-  urvrvrrvvvrrrrn  f Press Gang Printers  a feminist, worker-controlled collective  and  603 Powell Street, Vi  mm • • tmiatee * • mm  For the best in Foreign Films  and Independent Quality Films  Non-Sexist, Coffee Bar, Crying Room for parents  with small children  16th and ARBUTUS STREET  Phone 738-6311  $2.50 on TUesday, $4 students with  valid student cards.  KJNESIS '86 November 25 BULLETIN BOARD  Compiled by Jody McMurray  EVENTS  CONCERT  The Vancouver Women in Music Network  presents a fund raising concert Thurs.  Nov. 27 at 8:30 pm at La Quena. 1111  Commercial Drive. An evening of local  women and their music featuring Donna  Lee, Marcia Meyer. Nadine Davenport,  special guests and a special guest m.c.  tickets $2-$3 at the door.  LEGAL ADVICE CLINIC  With Ruth Lea Taylor, at the Vancouver Lesbian Connection. 876 Commercial  Drive. Any woman needing legal advice  is welcome. The clinic will be on the last  Saturday of each month between 9-12.  This is a free service.  TRIBUTE DINNER  A special dinner for Rosemary Brown is  being held Jan. 12, 1987 at Isadora's  Restaurant. Tickets are $20 and are on  sale at VSW. Women's Research Centre,  and Ariel Books.  POETRY READING  Penn(y) Kemp, poet, playwright and  novelist will read from new work at the  Coburg Callery, 314 West Cordova, on  Nov.21 at 7:30 pm. Free admission. Informal social after the reading.  A PHOTOGRAPHIC TRIBUTE  "Our Native Elders Speak". An exhibition of photos by Karie Gamier and quotations from over 24 native elders from  the mainland Salish region. Sponsored  by the Professional Native Women's Association. Oct. 26-Nov. 23 Vancouver East Cultural Centre, 1895 East Venables.  EVENTS  RAE ARMOUR  Vancouver songwriter and vocalist Rae  Armour takes to the Cultch stage with  a great band to premiere her new album  On Track. Nov. 30 8:30 pm. Tickets  $10. 254-9578 Vancouver East Cultural  Centre, 1895 East Venables.  SOLIDARITY CONFERENCE  The fifth Canadian conference in solidarity with the women of Latin America will be held in Vancouver, in Feb.  1987. Some of the themes will be: the  effects of immigration on Latin American  women. Native women, the economic crisis in Latin America, a critical approach  to human rights in Latin America. If individuals or organizations wish to be involved or need more information please  contact 873-2257 or write: P.O. Box 38,  Station A. Vancouver, B.C. V5L 2L8  BOOK LAUNCHING & READING  Press Gang Publishers invite you to the  launching of Sometimes They Sang, a  novel by Helen Potrebenko. Nov. 14  7:30 pm at Octopus Books East, 1146  Commercial Drive. For further information call 253-2537.  CONNIE KALDOR AND BIM  Connie and Bim wrap up their North  American tour Dec. 10-14 8 pm at the  Vancouver East Cultural Centre, 1895  Venables. Tickets Wed. and Thurs. $9,  Fri. to Sun.$ll.  WOMEN'S BASKETBALL  Saturdays 10 am to 12 noon at Britannia High School gym A. $2 drop-in or  $12 registration-. For more information  and subsidy enquiries contact Karen 872-  8718.  !^SP%dHfiiutg;[:  H£  Oxfam Canada is undertaking a door to door campaign on Nov. 10  to raise funds to equip 14 daycares in Nicaragua. The daycares,  built by the Nicaraguan Farmworkers Union, are located in northern  Nicaragua near the Honduran border. Supplies purchased will  include educational materials, toys, furnishings, refrigerators, etc.  For more information call Oxfam at 736-7678.  SUBMISSIONS! FILM/VIDEO  COMING OUT TO MOTHERS  We are lesbians collecting stories about  how womyn came out to their mothers. We are interested in the events,  thoughts, and feelings that womyn experienced while coming out. and the reactions they got from their mothers. All  too often in works about coming out, lesbians are grouped with 'gays' and mothers are lumped with parents. We see  the need to recognize the power of the  daughter-mother relationship in the coming out process. Poetry, photographs  etc., also welcome. Please send stories  and/or inquiries to: P.O. Box 6031, Minneapolis. MN 55406  WOMEN'S CANCER ANTHOLOGY  Debra Connors, co-editor of With the  Power of Each Breath: A Disabled  Women's Anthology, is accepting written and art work submissions for a feminist anthology by and about women  who live with cancer, to be published by  Cleis Press. A variety of issues will be  discussed including environmental concerns, health care, discrimination against  and attitudes toward women with cancer, support and lack of support from  friends and family, sexuality, self identity, coping, death and dying. Women  of colour, lesbians, older and younger  women, working class women and new  authors are particularly invited to send  contributions. Written work must by  typed. 2 copies, double spaced on 8 |  by 11 paper, maximum length twenty  pages. Please do not send originals. For  return of copy include SASE. Deadline  Dec. 1, 1986. For more information  write D. Connors, 152 Central Ave., #3,  San Francisco, CA. 94117  BIG MOUNTAIN BENEFIT  Sat. Nov. 15, Ridge Theatre. Sun. Nov.  16, Vancouver East Cinema, 2:00 pm  TIX $3-$4.50. Film benefit for Big  Mountain Survival Camp. Premiere Broken Rainbow. Academy Award winner of  best documentary. 12,000 Navajo Indians of Big Mountain, Arizona are to be  forcibly relocated from their lands ... a  move that will only serve to facilitate energy development. "One of the most important films you will ever, see." L.A.  Weekly  incident at Restigouche. In June 1981,  the Quebec Provincial Police twice raided  the Restigouche Reserve. At issue  were the salmon fishing rights of the  Mic Mac. This film's investigation of  the history-making raids puts justice on  trial. Speaker from Big Mountain will introduce the film and be present for discussion. Organized by Van. Big Mountain Support Group and Van. Alliance for  Survival.  MOVIES FOR KIDS  Saturdays at 1:30 pm.   Pay what you  can,   Vancouver East Cultural  Centre,  1895 East Venables. 254-9578.  CARRY GREENHAM HOME  A video on women and the peace movement with discussion led by Shari Dunnet. Sponsored by Women's Studies and  the Interdisciplinary Studies Department.  Thurs. Nov. 6 12:30-2:30 pm. Room  A109. Langara Campus, 100 West 49th  Avenue.  26 I^JNESIS November '86 ////////////////////^^^^^  ///////////////////^^^^^  bulletin Board  GROUP SI WORKSHOPS ICLASSIFIED  ADOPTED?  I was and I would like to discuss with  other lesbians our feelings surrounding  this transition. My motive is not research, but the possibility of personal  growth through the sharing of our experiences. No fees or professionals involved. Whether one-to-one chats or a  small group results will depend entirely  upon response(s). Please contact Alle-  son at 254-8586.  BIRTH ANNOUNCEMENT  Lavender Jane is alive, well and loving  on the Prairies. Bouncing baby Amazon Virgo, Vida Moon Katawne, born  September 15.1986 at 3:16 pm in Saskatoon, Lavender Conception Conspiracy,  Saskatchewan Chapter.  GROUPS  DONATIONS ARE NEEDED  Women in Lakeside Prison need books  and records, both feminist and general  interest (if you'll pardon the distinction).  Also, art supplies and whatever else you  think women in prison could use. We  need women and groups to do workshops  and programs as well, on topics ranging  from massage to music, women's issues  and current events. Call Ivy of the BCFW  Prison and Action Committee. 327-8534.  WOMEN'S HEALING VILLAGE  Women. interested in organizing a women's healing village in Canada, in a  rural, co-operative setting, please contact Gitta Ridder, P.O. Box 857, Pahoa,  Hawaii. 96778.  IMMIGRANT WOMEN SOCIETY  The Vancouver Society on Immigrant  Women. Annual membership: Individual  $5/group $10. Members will receive a  quarterly newsletter and announcement  about general meetings and provincial  conference. 104-1045 West Broadway,  Vancouver.  THE VANCOUVER LESBIAN CONNECTION  VLC is open Monday to Friday 11-4.  Located at 876 Commercial Drive. Drop  in for coffee, information, pool and conversation. Phone 254-8458.  LESBIAN MOMS  We have a drop in Wednesdays from 9-  11am at the Vancouver Lesbian Connection. It's a place to meet each other, for  our children to make new friends. We can  plan outings, share experience, and network our childcare needs. For more information call Jeny at 253-7601 or VLC  at 254-8458.  PARENTS AND TOTS PROGRAM  Little Mountain Neighbourhood House.  981 Main Street, on Tues. and Thurs.  mornings from 10 am to 12 noon. Provides a play-school experience for children and a relaxing and learning experience for parents. $2 drop-in fee. Phone  Barbara at 879-7104. , . '.  VANCOUVER LESBIAN CONNECTION  We'll be closed from Dec. 14 to Jan.  5 Re-opening Jan. 6 with our regular  hours.  LESBIAN NETWORK MEETINGS  Lesbian Networking in Vancouver continues. Network meetings open to all lesbians and lesbian groups. Second Tues.  of each month. Next meeting is Nov. 13,  7:30 pm at the Vancouver Lesbian Connection, 876 Commercial Drive.  DRIVERS NEEDED  AIDS Vancouver needs volunteers with  cars who are available during the day to  drive people to and from medical appointments and to deliver meals-on-wheels.  If you can help please call Brian Peel at  687-2437.  APPRECIATIONS  The Lesbian Network appreciates all  groups, organizations and individuals  who contributed their time and>esources  to make International Lesbian Week possible and an exciting event. The Network  welcomes feed-back on ILW. Send comments to the Lesbian Network, c/o VLC  876 Commercial Drive, Vancouver.  WOMEN OF COLOUR  New women of colour group is looking  for members. For information please call  254-3209 or 874-4713.  SURVIVORS' SUPPORT GROUP  A support group for adult survivors of  child sexual abuse, is starting Nov. 12.  For information contact Donna Lee J.,  M.T. at 254-8107.   CANADIAN PID SOCIETY  Works to provide support, counselling  and resource referral to women with  pelvic inflammatory disease and their  families. For information contact: P.O.  Box 33804. Station D. Vancouver. B.C..  V6J. 4L6 or call (604) 684-5704 or drop  in to the office. Membership to the society is $5 employed. $2 unemployed. $10  institution.  WORKSHOPS  SEXUALITY  Preorgasmic Women's Group Nov. 10-  Dec.12 1986 Women's Sexuality Workshop Nov. 14-16 both in Vancouver.  Workshop repeated residentially Dec. 5-  6 on Vancouver Island. Couples' Workshop Nov. 21-23 Surrey. Registration  and information: Anne E. Davies, 210-  1548 Johnston Road. White Rock. B.C.  V4B 3Z8. 531-8555  POST PARTUM LECTURE  Post partum depression, what is it?  what helps? Come find out at a free  lecture and film on Nov. 27, 7:30^9:30  at Britannia Centre sponsored by V.S.W.  and Pacific Post Partum Support Society. For more information and registration, call 873-5925.  FACILITATION SKILLS  Workshops led by Maggie Ziegler and  Sandy Berman include an introductory  group, "Leading Women's Groups", at  Kwantlen College. Richmond, Nov. 13-  15. "Facilitating Women's Groups: An  Advanced Workshop" at the Justice Institute of B.C.. Dec. 1-3. "Facilitation  Skills for Men and Women Working With  Victims of Personal Injury. Crime or Family Violence," at the Justice Institute of  B.C.. Nov. 5-6. For information phone  Maggie at 253-9589 or Sandy at 253-  5112.  SACRED HALF OF THE YEAR  An invitation to enter the Sacred Half of  the Year workshop with Penn(y) Kemp  Nov. 21-23. The objective of the workshop is to bring the inner Goddesses  into consciousness so that we can actively meet, communicate and move in  that sense of divinity which is our true  power. Movement and chant, dreaming together and writing and drawing our  dream images will constitute a large part  of the weekend, which celebrates the ancient Celtic fire festival. For more information: Angela 293-1539 or Martha 732-  3081.  WOMEN AND AIDS  A workshop co-sponsored by the Vancouver Lesbian Connection and AIDS  Vancouver. Time: Sat. Nov. 22, 1pm  to 4pm at the Vancouver Lesbian Connection (VLC). 876 Commercial Drive (at  Venables). For additional information  telephone VLC at 254-8458 or AIDS Vancouver at 687-AIDS.  CLiSSSmiED  COMMUNITY SOUND SERVICES  Complete three-way P.A. plus operators  and truck, available at socialist rates.  Phone Communique 253-6222.  MUSIC FOR NICARAGUA  A component of Tools for Peace, was  founded last year by a group of Vancouver cultural workers to collect musical instruments, sound equipment and funds  for use in Nicaragua. If you have instruments of any description in repairable  shape, audio equipment or sound equipment, please bring it to: Folk Festival Office, 3271 Main St., Vancouver. Get involved. The people of Nicaragua need  your aid.  WANTED—ROOM TO RENT  Female political refugee from'Kurdistan  wants to rent large room (with bath and  kitchen privileges) in shared housing ac  commodation, with other women politi  cal activists. Can pay between $135 and  $150 per month (this includes utilities  and any required house supplies). Need  to move Nov. 30 or Dec. 1,1986. Please  contact Khadijeh. at 986-6857, as soon  as possible, to make arrangements for in  terview.  HOUSING WANTED  Feminist looking for space in a house orj  housing co-op for Dec.30 in Kitsilano  Can pay market rent.   Please call Ann  986-3068 (evenings) or 873-5925 (days)  SURVIVING PROCEDURES AFTER  A SEXUAL ASSAULT  by Megan Ellis is an invaluable guide to  the legal system as it pertains to survivors of sexual assault. Ask your book  seller or order from Press Gang Publish  ers. 603 Powell St.. Vancouver. B.C. V6A  1H2 $6.95 plus $1.50 handling.  JOB OPPORTUNITY  Wanted a full time personal care at  tendant for three physically handicapped  adults in the False Creek area. Domes  tic chores. Valid driver's license required  Must be able to work on your own. Approximately $60. per day. Call evenings  732-1694 or days 736-7107 for more in  formation.  HELP WANTED  Need kitchen cabinets built, will exchange for time at secluded waterfront  suite. Also other finishing work and land  scaping. Call 291-6307.  BED AND BREAKFAST  For women only. Quadra Island, water  front home, beautiful view, private bath  Five hours from Vancouver. Write: Su-|  san. Box 119. Quathiaski Cove. B.C  VOP 1NO or call (604) 285-3632.  SUE DYMENT  Sue Dyment please contact Kinesis 873-  5925.  DYMENT  Notices and  Amioartcements  AU listings most be received bo later]  than the 18th of the month preceding publication, listings are limited I  to 7S words and should inclode a contact name and telephone number for  any clarification thai may be reqnhusdJ  listings should be typed, or neatly  handwritten, dooble-spaced on 8§ X  11 paper. listings will oof he accepted  over the telephone* Groups* organisation* and iadrvidaals eligible for free  spate in the Bulletin Board bgoat be, or  have* non-profit objeeiives. Other free  notices will bo items of general pttbho  Interest and w3E appear at the &acre»[  tion of Kineiis.    ■"..",   r  Classifieds  Classified are U lor the first TSJ  words or portion thereof, $1 for each  additional 35 words or portion thereof.{  Deadline for classifieds is the 18th of}  the month preceding publication. Kt-i  nests will not accept classifieds over the  telephone. All classifieds must be prepaid.  lor Bulletin Board submissions send  copy to Kinesis AtVn Bulletin Board,!  400 A West 5th, Vancouver, B.C., V5Y j  1JT8.   for more information call 8TJ-  KINESIS  '86 November 27 Published 10 times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, BC V5Y 1J8  □ VSW Membership-$25.50 (or what you can afford) -includes k  ; D Kinesis subscriptioi  D Institutions - $45  □ Here's my cheque  □ Bill me  ^4t  D Sustainers - $75 =7^8*  DNew  □ Renewal  D Gift subscription for a friend


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