Kinesis

Kinesis Feb 1, 1984

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 1 B.C. feminists hit the  halls of the Provincial Legislature on January 30,  meeting with MLA's, and  addressing both the Soc-  red and NDP caucuses.  They were lobbying to save  VSW's funding.  3 More fuel was added to  Vancouver's debate on  street prostitution in the  West End, when the federal  Fraser Commission held  its hearings here last  month. Where did feminists stand on the issue?  6 The AIDS crisis has become a focal question in  the gay male community,  but women are rarely mentioned in connection with  the disease. Robin Barnett  makes the case for increasing both our awareness of and our involvement in AIDS work.  10 In the face of brutality, fear, and starvation, El  Salvador's women have begun to organize. Their organization, AMES, is taking  on the twofold struggle of  revolution and women's  liberation.  This issue Kinesis  takes a look at women and  unions. Our feature supplement has articles on turn  of the century organizing,  the equal pay debate, farmworkers, domestic workers,  a hot list of boycotts, and  more.  18 Canada's only feminist union — SORWUC —  originated in Vancouver's  Caucus of the late 60's and  early 70's. It now has four  locals nationwide. Sarah  White gives us a history.  27 Hollywood has taken  on another of our heroes,  this time Karen Silkwood,  in a feature film that stars  Meryl Streep, and adds  Cher, as Silkwood's lesbian roommate. Kim Irving  has the review.  31 In a new column beginning this month, Joy  Parks will be reviewing women's periodicals, starting  with VOICES, a rural lesbian  publication.  COVER:  Graphic by Susan Stewart.  Design by Claudia MacDonald.  SUBSCRIBE TO KiMESIJ  Published 10 times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8  □ VSW membership - includes Kinesis subscription -  $20 (or what you can afford)  □ Kinesis subscription only - $13  □ Institutions - $40  □ Sustainers - $75  Name \   .Amount Enclosed.  Please remember that VSW operates on inadequate  funding — we need member support!  O  O  \\  to 3  So  ><  5 2*  < O  mm    ^  fe  j  ►I  February '84  KtiWSU  news about women that's not in the dailies Ktmsu  VSW in crisis  As the Vancouver Status of  Women marks its thirteenth  anniversary, the organization  faces the most serious funding  crisis in its history. Despite  numerous phonecalls, letters,j  and telegrams to B.C.'s Attorney-General, and a mass lobby  of the legislature on January  30, VSW has been unable to  receive assurances that its  funding will be continued for  the next fiscal year.  The January 30 lobby, which  brought more than 50 women to  the opening of the legislature  on less than a week's notice,  was successful in receiving  meetings with both the NDP and  the Social Credit caucuses. No  Social Credit MLA, however,  was prepared to commit themselves to supporting the continued funding of the organization; an ominous sign considering the Attorney-General's  estimates will be before the  house by mid-February. VSW  salaries and services are already in jeopardy as a result  of a September cutback which  reduced the organization's  funds for the remainder of the  year by 20 percent. Already  working with a less-than-  adequate budget, we now face  the loss of the entire operation. Without the B.C. government's grant, VSW work and  services cannot continue.  There are currently six people  on staff at the VSW offices,  one of whom is funded through  a City of Vancouver grant.  The organization has existed  since 1971, providing individual women, the general  public, and other organizations with information or  assistance on all issues  related to women. Although  VSW. is largely an invisible  group, it remains the major  resource centre on women's  issues in B.C. and the only  funded women's group left  operating in a multi-issue  capacity.  Besides working with those  women seeking assistance for  individual problems, VSW monitors and responds to government legislation at all levels,  and publishes much of its  information on an on-going  basis in Kinesis.   In addition,  the organization provides  legal and general referral  information, a weekly women's  legal aid clinic, assertive-  ness and advocacy training  groups, speakers, educational  forums, library resources and  in-depth legislative analysis  at both the federal and provincial levels of government  on issues specifically affecting women.  During 1983, for example, VSW  held two public conferences.  In March, a forum on Pornography was held in Vancouver's  Robson Square media centre  and a conference on Women and  Aging was organized in late  August. VSW also responded to  three federal task forces,  presenting briefs on Pensions,  Part-time work, and most recently, Prostitution. It is  difficult to fathom how this  type of work will continue on  a regular basis without funding.  Kinesis  is a key VSW service.  For many women outside major  metropolitan areas, the paper  is their only source of information on issues relating to  women. In this respect, Kinesis  is a vital link for rural women,  as well as providing a link  between women's groups nationwide and around the world. In  many cases the information in  Kinesis  cannot be found else-  Our publication is also placed  in jeopardy if VSW is unable to  continue. As publisher, VSW  provides the paper with a home.  More importantly, much of the  news and information in Kinesis  comes directly from the research of the organization as  a whole. At this point it is  difficult to know whether it  is possible to convince the  B.C.' government that VSW is a  vital and necessary community  organization, but we ask all  concerned people to send the  Attorney-General a telegram  supporting our continued funding at 1982 levels and to join  the organization or subscribe  to Kinesis  as a direct support  contribution.  Anyone wanting more information  should call the office at 873-  1427 or come by the offices  at 400 A West 5th Ave.(at  Yukon), Vancouver.  CRTC opts for porn  Women demonstrated in rallies across the country on January  18, protesting recent decisions by the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission that relax the regulations on Pay-TV stations, removing any existing rules against  sexist and racist programming.  In early January, the Commission released a series of decisions  and announcements, including:  • a decision for the moment not to regulate pornographic  ■ programming  • a promise to use a light regulatory hand on the.industry  • a decision not to prohibit programs ffhat could be considered  sexist, racist, or abusive of any religion or creed, pending  results of a Department of Justice review.  Other decisions allowed for the expansion of one of the pay-TV  companies, and made it easier for licencee to sell their  services by. permitting free previews. First Choice, home of  the Playboy channel, planned its first previews within days  of the announcement.  Media Watch, a national-feminist organization working against  sexism in the media, responded immediately to the CRTC's action,  sending telegrams to the Commission and to the press, and  coordinating the national action.  They also demanded that Cabinet Minister Andre Bureau be dismissed from his position as CRTC chairman, and that Francis  Fox direct CRTC to include a statement prohibiting abusive  programming in the pay-TV regulations.  Media Watch called on the Canadian people to support them by  participating in a 24-hour boycott of television before the  demonstration, not subscribing to any pay-TV channel, and  cancelling a pay-TV subscription if they have one.  The rulings were ostensibly designed to maintain competition  within the pay-TV industry while also giving the licencees a  better chance to make money. They arose out of the hearings last  November and December in Vancouver, when the commussion was told  it had established an unworkable set of rules which had contributed to the indistry's initial troubles.  Research: Globe and Mail 2 Kinesis February 84  MOVEMENT MATTERS  Legal aid  services wane  with funding cuts  The Legal Services Society has had to  deal with the combination of inadequate  funding and increased demand since September, 1982.  Since the Society introduced its first  round of cutbacks on 1 October 1982, they  have heard from hundreds of groups and  individuals. In letters, briefs, and a  series of public meetings, communities  across B.C. have made it very clear what  hardship is being caused by cuts to legal  services.  People have talked about the impact of  the cuts on women and have stressed the  importance to Native people of legal  assistance for criminal matters, because  Native people are so vastly overrepresent-  ed in penal institutions. They have also  stressed the importance of legal information services in order to make the law  accessible.  As of January 1, 1984:  • Five offices are being closed completely; funding has been cut off to four  KfMMSIS  KINESIS is published ten times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women. Its  objectives are to enhance understanding about the changing position  of women in society and work actively  towards achieving social change.  VIEWS EXPRESSED IN KINESIS are  those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect VSW policy. All unsigned  material is the responsibility of the  Kinesis editorial group.  CORRESPONDENCE: Kinesis, Vancouver Status of Women, 400 A West  5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8.  MEMBERSHIP in Vancouver Status of  Women is $20/year (or what you can  afford). This includes a subscription  to Kinesis. Individual subscriptions  to Kinesis are $13/year.  SUBMISSIONS are welcome. We reserve the right to edit, and submission  does not guarantee publication.  WORKERS THIS ISSUE: Libby Barlow, Carol Bieranga, Dory Brannock,  Jan De Grass, Vicky Donaldson,  Cole Dudley, Dorothy Elias, Patty  Gibson, Linda Grant, Nicky Hood,  Emma Kivisild, Barbara Kuhne, Cat  L'Hirondelle, Elaine Littman, Claudia  MacDonald, Jean McGregor, Judy  Rose, Rosemarie Rupps, Joey Schi-  bild, Swee Sim Tan, and Michele  Wollstonecroft.  KINESIS is a member of the Canadian  Periodical Publishers' Association  other agencies. Staff positions have been  eliminated across the province.  • Coverage in all family and other civil  matters reduced to only the most urgent  cases.  • Programs have been cut by 25%. This includes the Native Programs and Legal  Information Services.  • Fees paid to lawyers who take legal aid  cases have been cut by 12 1/2 percent.  • Eligibility standards have been lowered  to the poverty line. For those who do  qualify, there is a user fee - $10 for  people on Social Assistance and $30 for  everyone else.  • 38% fewer clients received legal aid  in the 3rd quarter of 1983 than for the  same time one year ago.  On November 10, 1983, the B.C. Court of  Appeal ruled that if a person's liberty,  safety, health or livelihood are in real  jeopardy, the Society is required to make  legal services available, if the person  cannot afford them.  Among the cuts, the Society had eliminated  coverage to some accused persons who were  probably going to jail if convicted. On  the basis of those cuts, Richard David  Mountain had,been denied legal aid. It  was clear that Mountain faced a real risk  of going to prison if convicted. And he  had no assets or income of any kind.  With the volunteer help of lawyers, Mountain sued the Legal Services Society,  saying that the Legal Services Society  Act required the Society to give him a  lawyer.  The Society restored services to people  covered by the Mountain decision. Attorney  General Brian Smith indicated he would  seek the necessary additional funds - at  least an extra $250,000 a month - to allow  the Society to obey the Court of Appeal  Order. However, according to the Legal  Services Community Bulletin, "Smith has  also indicated that in order to deal with  the effect of the Mountain decision, he  will introduce legislation to amend the  Legal Services Society Act."  -Legal Services Community Bulletin  Women's sport  group organizes  activity weekend  As part of National Physical Activity Week,  the Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women and Sport (CAAW&S) is organizing 'Walk and Roll - Women's Activity %f  Day - May 19, 1984' to ensure participation  of women from communities all across Canada.  Courses will be set up in as many areas as  possible around which women and girls can  walk, roll, run, wheelchair,...If participation is good, the combined distances  women will have walked and rolled will  equal the distance between Vancouver and  Halifax.  The organization hopes, through this event  to raise women's awareness of fitness  activities and of CAAW&S, and will contact members living outside major centres  with information. Walk and Roll may be  the perfect activity to build a local  CAAW&S group.  For more info, contact CAAW&S at 1200  Hornby Street, Vancouver, or call 687-  3333. Nationally, write P.O. Box 3769, Station *C', Ottawa, Ont., K1Y 4J8.  Wisconsin's  worker-managed  co-op pharmacy  Madison, Wisconsin is the home of the first  and only worker managed collective pharmacy in the United States, if not in North  America - WSA Community Pharmacy.  Alternative health care for women is a  key concern for the 'drugstore', which  provides a broad range of alternative  health services on top of its pharmaceuticals. A, recent move enabled the operation  to expand, and it now includes low-cost  pharmaceutical services, health and body  aids, vitamins, supplements, health food,  bulk herbs, health care books, and baby  care products. A sports medicine and information section may be added later.  WSA Community Pharmacy takes its name from  the Wisconsin Students' Association, which  founded it, but relinquished control a  year into the operation, in 1973.  A founding member of the collective explains their philosophy: "In 1972 there  was no place to go to get relatively cheap  prescription drugs, or a place where they  were telling the truth about their products  We wanted to provide help for the community, not raise a profit."  Another collective member says, "Over the  years our philosophy, in terms of providing alternatives, has been increasingly  oriented towards helping customers find  out what they can do to take care of their  health themselves. Health care for women  has been a-definite interest of the collective, as has music, the nuclear free  movement, etc. Our concept of health  related concerns is fairly broad."  The collective has defined four functions  for the organization: first, the low-cost  services and merchandise it offers. Second,  financial support for other alternative  groups.  The third primary function is consumer  health education. Free pamphlets on various health topics are available in the  store; a bulletin board deals with a  different health topic every six weeks;  informational cards are taped to the  shelves; and a health information library  is on the premises. They have also sponsored film showings, theatre, and a health  festival.  The fourth aim is the promotion of an  alternative to standard business operations. Much of the pharmacy's success in  this area they attribute to their low  turnover staff, due to staff/collective  members being paid a "living" wage, as  well as receiving numerous benefits. February 84 Kinesis 2  ACROSS B.C.  Views change on prostitution  by Lorri Rudland  The Fraser Committee, a seven-member  Liberal Committee appointed by Justice  Minister Mark McGuigan in June, 1983, is  mandated to investigate prostitution  through public hearings, research, and  analysis, and to report its recommendations  to the federal government at the end of  1984.  During the Fraser Committee's lengthy  prostitution hearings in Vancouver(January  11 - 13), I was struck by the contrast  between the views presented to the Fraser  Committee and those presented earlier  (in some cases, by the same speakers) in  May, 1983 at the great Vancouver City  Hall Debate. At City Hall, over 41 speakers  participated in a fractious five hour  debate where opponents of prostitution  exhibited a strong sense of moral outrage  and seemed to possess a more naive belief  in the ability of the law, criminal law  in particular, to "solve" the prostitution  "problem".  From May, 1983 to January, 1984 a noticeable change in the opinion of some  opponents occured. The City of Vancouver's  Fraser Committee is almost a metaphor for  this evolution of thought: get prostitutes  off the street and into the bars and  clubs. What has happened here is an  acceptance of the fact of prostitution  and with that acceptance, a recognition  that criminal law won't make it go away.  Speakers exhibited less moral outrage  and began to suggest locations where  prostitutes could conduct their business.  These suggestions ranged from one speaker's  proposal of a boat in the harbour, to the  City of Vancouver's, to "red light districts" and to special locations throughout the city. May Brown, Vancouver City  Councillor, told the Committee that she  now regretted the City's 1975 decision to  take away business licenses from clubs  that admitted prostitutes* and Terry Bland,  lawyer for the City of Vancouver, joined  her in that regret.  Bland noted that earlier attempts by the  City of Calgary to control prostitution  (quashed by the Supreme Court of Canada)  attempted to "get rid of the prostitutes  altogether, get them out of town". Now  aware that they can't do that, Bland  stated that prostitution should be subject  to regulations, like other businesses,  and that the City would not lift the  license of clubs which admitted prostitutes.  He added that a new by-law might be  attempted which specifically fo.cussed on  the customers of prostitutes, raising  cries of sexism from Gordon Price, a well-  known West Ender opposed to prostitution.  It is interesting that cries of sexism  have seldom been raised by men when the  law was solely directed at prostitutes.  With the change in perspective on prostitution, came a change in the attention  given to non-criminal alternatives. As in  the past, groups proposed opinions of decriminalization (Vancouver Status of Women,  Women Against Pornography/Victoria,  Vancouver Multicultural Women's Associa-  During the meeting the Structure Committee  brought forth their proposal regarding  the setting up of a national organization,  stressing it be as non-hierarchical as  possible and not be centred permanently  in one city. It was agreed that the  national organization location would be  determined at every other annual general  meeting and that this site will coincide  with that of the group hosting the next  conference.  A task force composed of 10 women, five  of whom were chosen at the meeting, will  draw up a constitution and by-laws for  the national organization outlining its  responsibilities and powers. Their findings  will be submitted to the next West Coast  Women and Words annual general meeting.  The West Coast Women and Words Society  will remain a provincially registered  non-profit society under the umbrella of  the national organization.  IWD organizing needs women  Wanted: Women with a sense of creativity,  fun, celebration - to help celebrate International Women's Day 1984. The IWD Commmit-  tee is looking for ideas and energy to  make this year's March and Rally (March 10)  a time of renewal and joy. We need groups  of women in costume, on roller skates,  doing street theatre...  We also need women to help out with the  women only dance on March 9, and Information Day on Sunday March 11. Meetings are  Britannia Community Centre, Teusdays, 7.30  pm. Or call 253-1885.  Women and Words holds annual meeting  On the weekend of January 28-29, 1984, the  West Coast Women and Words Society held  their annual general meeting. Approximately  65 women from B.C. and across Canada  attended the two-day long meeting, held at  Langara College.  tion) or legalization. Unlike the past,  these options were not dismissed as  radical ravings from a lunatic fringe but  were considered actual options, however  uncomfortable to some listeners.  The acceptance of the fact of prostitution, however, presents feminists with  another difficulty. Where most speakers  accepted it as a fact of our culture now  and forever, feminists accept it as fact  only in a sexist society. The sexual  commoditization of women through advertising for a product and through pornography where women are the product(humiliated, beaten, abused, snuffed) sees its  ultimate, logical conclusion in prostitution. This coupled with the economic  inequality women face in a society in  which men are the only legitimate workers,  forces women into prostitution for economic survival. (The Alliance for the  Safety of Prostitutes - ASP, a Vancouver  group, noted an increase in the numbers  of women on the street as the economic  depression deepened.)  What will the federal government do when  it hears the Fraser Committee's recommendations. Firstly, the Fraser Committee  can trace its origins back to 1978 when  the Supreme Court of Canada, in the now  famous Hutt decision, ruled that soliciting was only a criminal offence if *it was  "pressing and persistent". Since then  prostitutes have been more visible on  the streets, particularly some streets,  those of the West End of Vancouver and  those of Niagara Falls, Ontario. Shortly  after that decision public pressure  forced then federal Justice Minister Ron  Basford to attempt to reverse the Hutt  decision through legislation. But,  public pressure from different sources,  women and civil liberties groups, forced  him to withdraw his recommendations.  Since then there has been the Federal all-  party Justice Committee in which the  majority(women M.P.'s dissented) wanted  to reverse the Hutt decision and make  prostitutes(and customers) face harsh  criminal sanctions. Following this public  outcry- the Vancouver City Hall Debate in  May, 1983 - Justice Minister McGuigan  stated there was no consensus on the issue  and appointed the Fraser Committee.  In an election year, the Liberals are  certainly relieved of the burden of having  to make any decisions on this issue. But,  it is not just women's groups, civil  libertarians or progressive community  groups who are opposed to criminal sanctions against prostitutes. The Liberals  themselves are ideologically opposed to  the use of the law as a bludgeon against  one group(prostitutes) when the crimes  (noise and traffice congestion of the  nuisance variety) may not even be committed by these people but by others(customers  and onlookers) So the easier solution,  that of simply reversing the Hutt decision,  has thus far been avoided.  However, two contradictions are evident.  The Fraser Committee was appointed by  the Liberals and is considered to be  packed with progressives. Their recommendations are sure to reflect that fact.  On the other hand, Justice Minister McGuigan has introduced proposed changes in  the House of Commons to prosecute the  customer as well as the prostitute and  to make a vehicle a public place, so that'  using a car for prsotitution would be  illegal. Only the final step of reversing  the Hutt decision is wanting in the  latter scenario to fulfill the wishes of  the former Justice Committee and to get  tough with prostitution. ?£     4 Kinesis February 84  ACROSS B.C.  Hydro workers  still on strike  The Office, Technical and Employees Union  (OTEU) Local 378 at B.C. Hydro has been  out on strike since November 15, 1983 in  a dispute over layoff and recall procedures, the practice of "contracting out",  and wages. The two International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers(IBEW) locals  at B.C. Hydro have reached a settlement  but are also respecting picket lines.  A high ratio of supervisors to workers  at B.C. Hydro ensures that work is being  carried on by management during the strike.  Consumers are warned, however, that meter-  reading is one service not being performed  by management and as a result estimated  hydro bills this month may be unduly high.  The union recognizes that some people  want to pay their monthly hydro bill.  Therefore, people are asked to support the  strike by disrupting Hydro's cash flow -  delaying payments on Hydro bills and then  doing the following: mail your cheque  without name, address and amount of bill  or stub or divide the bill into a number  of payments and issue post-dated cheques  for those amounts, all payable on different dates. Do not return the stub with  your payment. For more information call  OTEU at 873-5291.  Group examines  therapy abuse  Among the reasons for women's disillusionment with traditional male therapists is  the very real risk of being sexually exploited in the therapeutic relationship.  American research shows 10 percent of  therapists have indulged in this behavior,'  despite legal and ethical condemnation.  In Vancouver, a group of women are breaking the silence on this issue. A research  project is being designed to prepare women  to be self-protective consumers of therapy  and educational programs.  If you have experienced verbal suggestions,  inappropriate touching, or sexual seduction  in therapy, sharing your story can help  other women. For a confidential question-  aire or interview appointment, call Sharon  at 738-3512.  An in-depth article on this topic will  appear in Kinesis  next month.  Trial continues  in New West courts  The trial of Ann Hansen, Julie Belmas, Doug  Stewart, Brent Taylor and Jerry Hannah continues in the New Westminister courts after  a three month 'voir dire' to determine  the admissability of evidence gathered by  police surveillance teams. The five are  currently facing a series of charges including weapons possession, car theft and  conspiracy to rob a Brinks truck.  A number of friends and supporters continue  to monitor the trial proceedings, despite  heavy security procedures which routinely  include body searches and the use of a  metal detector in order to gain entrance  to the courtroom. Since January 6 the  prosecution has been presenting its case,  introducing more than 400 exhibits(ranging  from handguns to beef jerky wrappers and  postcards) and calling witnesses which  will number more than one hundred. Of  these, over sixty are police surveillance  witnesses.  Testimony thus far has been very detailed  and according to one observer, extremely  dull. However some witnesses called in the  past two weeks have provided a descriptive  account of the January 20, 1983 arrest as  well as illuminating the style and extend  of surveillance the five were under during  the two months preceeding the arrest.  On the morning of January 20, 1983, a  handful of RCMP and one Vancouver City  Police officer were stationed on the  Squamish highway, posing as a highway team.  In the guise of a flagman, Constable Ken  Gates stopped the truck in which the five  were travelling and spoke with Ann Hansen  who was driving- When he heard a bang, he  opened the door and pulled her out. She  was thrown to the ground and Corporal  William Clayton fell on top of her as Gates  held a gun to her head. She asked them not  to kill anyone.  The sound that had signalled Gates was a  cannister of teargas, thrown through the  rear window of the truck canopy by police  agents. Jerry Hannah and Julie Belmas were  pulled out of the cab and Brent Taylor and  Doug Stewart were pulled through the broken  glass of the rear window and held to the  ground.  In other testimony Corporal William Biden  of the National Crime Intelligence Service  testified there were as many as ten or  twelve officers surveilling the five at  any one time. For a period, they were  under 24-hour surveillance where police  watched Belmas, Hansen, Hannah and Taylor  in their New Westminister home from a back  alley. Doug Stewart's home on Rupert Street  in Vancouver was also under constant surveillance. One officer was stationed in  a house overlooking the back door exit of  Stewart's basement suite and a second  officer kept vigil in an upper storey  appartment overlooking the front entrance.  The trial dealing with the aforementioned  charges is expected to continue until early  May. In the meantime, the two women are  being held in custody at Lakeside and the  three men, in Okalla prison. The five were  denied bail and have been in custody since  their arrests more than a year ago. Information concerning the charges and the 'voir  dire' session is restricted due to a ban  on evidence.  Feminist enters  leadership race  The NDP leadership race will take on an  entirely new character with the nomination  of feminist candidate Margaret Birrell.  A long-time activist iii the women's movement, Birrell's commitment to women's  rights goes back to 1968 when she was a  member of the first Vancouver Women's  Caucus. A former chairwoman of the NDP  Women's Rights Committee, Birrell has  taken a leave of absence from the job of  NDP women's organizer in order to run for  the party leadership.  Birrell is seeking support from those who  are dissatisfied with the role the party  leadership has chosen to play in the last  several years, and particularly with their  failure to give active support to the  Solidarity movement.  Readers of Kinesis  who wish to help in the  campaign are invited to contact campaign  manager Shane Simpson at the campaign  office, #101, 545 W. 10th, Vancouver.  Phone 873-3054.  B.C. Fed convenes  The B.C. Federation of Labour's annual  convention was held November 28th through  December 2nd. On Monday, the first day of  the convention, the executive read aloud  the agenda, the 40-odd page Executive  Council Report, and the rules of order.  It was a loose day overall.  Wednesday however, proved to be a highly  productive day concerning women. In the  afternoon, the Women's Committees resolutions were brought to the floor.  The first resolution considered was an  emergency resolution from the Women's  Committee on the Beverly Yaworski case,  which proposed that the B.C. Fed. call on  Federation Officers to write to Labour  Minister McClelland and demand a board of  enquiry for the Yaworski case; and further  urged affiliates to boycott Army and Navy  Department stores until the issue is  satisfactorily resolved. The resolution  was passed with little discussion.  Yaworski and other employees at Army and  Navy were paid three dollars and sixty-  five cents per hour while male employees  doing the same work were paid four dollars  per hour. Army and Navy offered settlement  to Ms. Yaworski but refused settlement for  all its female workers.  The second resolution caused some  verbal attacks form the floor, when  speakers rose to voice their concerns on  the right to choice on abortion. Several  anti-choice speakers addressed the delegates. On the other side of the coin many  women spoke about the need for men to take  more responsibility for birth control,  and the need for choice if unwanted children were being conceived.  It was adamantly voiced that it was high  time women, as opposed to men, governed  women's bodies and that the right to choice  on abortion is currently under attack.  It was then proposed "the BCFL reaffirm,  women's rights to choice on abortion and  support free-standing abortion clinics  covered by Medicare; that the BCFL demand  that all charges against Dr. Henry Morgen-  taler and his associates be dropped; that  the BCFL urge its affiliates to donate to  groups supporting these aims and goals  for choice on abortion." The resolution  was carried.  Pornography was the subject of the final  resolution brought to the floor. It affirmed the sexism of pornography, and recog^  nized the anti-pornography work of women's  and community groups. Specifically, it  proposal stated, "pornographic material  in the work place is one of the ways women  have been harassed and demeaned in their  jobs  said "pornographic material in the work  place is one of the ways women have been  harassed and demeaned in their jobs". The  proposal was that the BCFL publicly oppose  pornography in the community and the  workplace; hold a conference including  a workshop on pronography within the next  year, with a focus of determining a labour  approach to pornography; what it is, who  is affected, what its effects are, and  how to oppose it; and that the BCFL educate  affiliates about pornography and its  effects on both women and men."  The response from the delegates was  immediate. Six speakers, some of them  violently against the depiction of men in  pronography said that as men they didn't  THINK, FEEL or ACT as pronography portrayed  them.  Women spoke of harassment on the mob and  of being viewed as sexual objects. They  advocated the need for education to  change the existing attitudes towards  pornography. This resolution, too, was  carried. February 84 Kinesis 5  ACROSS CANADA  Feds reform pensions  by Lorri Rudland  The federal government's all-party Task  Force on Pension Reform tabled its recommendations in mid-December. These recommendations will have critical results for  .women over 65, 75% of whom live below  the poverty line.  First, the Task Force recommended a top-up  of a maximum of $102 per month for pensioners which the Task Force admitted  would not benefit 3/4 of the elderly now  receiving pensions. For women currently  receiving the Old Age Security(OAS) of  $270 and the Guaranteed Income Supplement  (GIS) of $272, their total income would  now become $644. This increase doesn't  even take the elderly above the Canadian  Council on Social Development's 1982  urban poverty line of $7,975, or even  come close to the National Council of  Welfare's urban poverty line of $9,449  per single person per year.  Second, the Task Force refused to double  the existing Canada/Quebec Pension Plan  Benefits as most women's groups and labour  organizations had proposed. Instead, they  accepted a proposal which is the subject  of debate among women's groups for separate "pensions for homemakers". The Van- .  couver Status of Women is opposed to this  latter scheme.  While appearing to recognize the important  economic contribution of full-time home-  makers (which we of course support and  demand recognition for), the scheme  actually penalizes all other women. By  giving a financial bonus to one-earner  couples in which the woman works full-time  in the home, it penalizes women who work  outside the home and earn more than  $10,000/year. Thus, single women, single  parent mothers, and married women who  work outside the home receive substantially  less pension benefits and no recognition  that they also do housework and/or child-  rearing .  By doubling the existing C/QPP Benefits,  all women would have benefitted equally  and would have received a significantly  greater overall benefit.  Next month - an in-depth feature on this  complicated issue and why women should  oppose these major recommendations of the  Majority Report of the Task Force on  Pension Reform. 'Ģ  Broadcast Act under study  In response to a private members bill a  House of Commons sub-committee has been  established to study the possibility of  eliminating pornography and sexism on  television by amending the Broadcasting  Act.  The Act now states that "no station or  network operator shall broadcast any  abusive comment or abusive pictoral representation on any race, religion or  creed". The proposed amendment would add  "sex" to the list.  You can and should make your views known  to this committee by writing to Richard  Dupuis, Sexual Abuses of Women Subcommittee, House of Commons, Ottawa, Ontario. K1A 0A6. You can also ask to appear  before the sub-committee.  the camel's back. Our research showed  that Canadian viewers were deluged with  sex and violence in their homes(on regular TV)...The Playboy issue just took pay-  TV into another stratosphere and it will  take a long time to recover from that."  And in October, according to the Toronto  Star,   First Choice abruptly cancelled the  series called 'Office Girls'. It was part  of the network's Playboy package. First  Choice wouldn't officially say why but  it is understood that the link between  pay-TV and soft-core sex programs has not  produced the anticipated stampede of subscribers.  "And then the man raped the lady, and then  another man raped her, and another man...  and then they cut her up." The teacher  went on to say that a few weeks later this  same boy was caught grinding a lighted  cigarette into a little girl's neck.  Tapes ruled obscene  City by-law upheld  CFDC rejects porn  The Canadian Film Development Corporation  (CFDC) recently announced that it will  no longer invest public money in movies  or television programs which it judges to  be too "sexually explicit or violent",  even if all the other production requirements are met.  A $35 million investment fund set up by  the Minister of Communications, Francis  Fox, and administered by the CFDC will be  given guidelines that protect women from  abusive images.  In defending their stand, the CFDC stated  that this is not censorship. They have a  right to choose not to invest in films  for a variety of reasons, they said, and  the government must show some "sensibility"  in the films it supports.  Letters of support should be sent to the  Minister of Communications, 300 Slater  Street, Ottawa, Ontario. K1A 0C8.  First Choice criticized  At the Festival of Festivals Trade Forum  held in Toronto in September, First Choice  was accused of fouling the waters for all  pay-TV companies with their decision to  deal with Playboy. Said one speaker,  "The Playboy issue was the straw that broke  The B.C. Supreme Court has upheld a Vancouver by-law prohibiting the sale of  sex-oriented products within the city. Red  Hot Video is appealing the decision to the  B.C. Court of Appeal.  Teacher reports on porn  At the annual meeting of the Federation of  Women Teachers of Ontario this summer, the  delegates listened to one teacher's story  of a boy in her grade 5 composition class.  Asked to write on "what I did last night",  a little boy described in great detail a  home movie he had watched with his parents.  TORONTO - Judge Stephen Borins ruled that  11 out of 24 videotapes in a test case  were obscene. In announcing his judgement  Borins said that he believes the community  will tolerate depictions of an array of  sexual acts, providing they are not overly  explicit, but that it will not accept sex  combined with degradation, dehumanization  and violence. The decision sets an important precedent and could have a major  impact on the legal definition of obscenity  in Canada.  Council sees threat  MONTREAL - In a rare show of unanimity,  City Council of- Montreal recently condemned  the growing pornography culture in the City  and gave the order to their City Executive  Committee to study ways to stop what they  all believed to be a growing threat to the  safety of women and children on Montreal  streets.  -from CCAMP Newsletter  ......V.:^ February 84 Kinesis 7  Women can also get  AIDS, and so can  children. These  facts have been  neglected by the  press and in  advertisements by  the straight and gay  media.  mecua.  171  by Robin Barnett  I was in New York City this summer. It was  startling, coming from Vancouver, to see  all the media reports about AIDS. I did  not know when I arrived that half the  AIDS people were in that city, but in the  time I was there I couldn't help but learn  more about the disease.  What is AIDS?  AIDS(Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome)  is the name given to a recently reported  complex of health problems. AIDS is a life  threatening disease that damages the  immune system of otherwise healthy persons.  'Acquired' indicates that it is not an  inherited or genetic condition, but rather  contracted later. Immune refers to the  body's natural mechanism to protect itself  from disease or to fight infection. Deficiency indicates that the immune system  is not working properly and therefore  deficient in its ability to protect the  body. Syndrome indicates that a pattern  or group of signs and symptons tend to  develop due to the acquired immune deficiency .  The diseases which take advantage of this  vulnerability are said to be "opportunistic" - that is, they are taking the  opportunity to attack the body while its  defenses are down. The infections include  pneumocystic carinii pneumonia (PCP),  Candida (yeast), herpes, hepatitis B and  cytomegalovirus. Associated with AIDS is  the development of a malignant cancer  called Kaposi's Sarcoma (KS). PCP and KS  are the two most common diseases associated  with AIDS.  PCP is an uncommon infection of the lungs.  Its most prominent feature is a pneumonia  characterized by a dry persistent cough,  sometimes preceded or accompanied by  shortness of breath. KS is a rare cancer  of the blood vessels beneath the skin,  many internal organs and the lymph nodes.  It is seen most often in the form of  reddish-purple to bluish patches on the  arms, face or at times the roof of the  mouth.  Who gets ADDS?  Although AIDS is a communicable disease,  it is not that easy to contract. We do  not know what causes AIDS, but one common  fact stands out, the transmission involves  direct contact and the exchange of body  fluids (like semen or blood) with a person  who is infectious. AIDS can exist in the  blood stream at a time when an individual  is not ill.  Usually targeted as risk groups are gay or  bisexual men, intravenous drug users and  their sexual partners and children, hemophiliacs (and other blood recipients) and  Haitians, though the media presents AIDS  as a gay disease.  Women also can get AIDS; and so do children. This fact has been neglected in much  of the press and advertisements by the  straight and gay media. Some feminists  have attributed this to sexism. Homosexual  often means men only.  What women get AIDS? The most famous case  is of a white Canadian ex-nun who worked  in Haiti for 20 years until 1979. In 1981,  in Canada, she came down with AIDS and  died. She is not the typical AIDS female.  According to the September statistics  from the Centre for Disease Control in  Atlanta (which is the central U.S. documentation centre for AIDS since 1981) 151  women have had AIDS. Sixteen were Haitian.  Seventy-six reported intravenous drug (IV)  use. Sixty-eight have died. Most of these  women are in New Jersey; and most seem to  be women of colour. Of the total AIDS cases  in the U.S., 27 percent are black and 14  percent are Hispanic. While women account  for seven percent of the AIDS people in  the States; in Canada (as of October 31)  they account for 14 percent (seven out of  43 cases), mainly Haitians. Also, women  are developing PCP and the other opportunistic infections, but only about a dozen  have developed KS.  Besides the women who report IV use are  many who are partners of male IV users.  These are mostly poor, black, native and  hispanic women. Many drugs can damage the  immune system and shooting with shared  needles is especially damaging.  Some people are suspect of the inclusion  of Haitians as a high risk group. Haitians are largely economic refugees., mainly  illegal in the U.S. Their culture has  strong taboos against homosexuality and  IV use. Many Haitians speak only Creole  which probably means there are some  communication problems when being questioned by the North American medical  profession. While Haitians and gay men  are focused on, no one studies the sexual  lives of IV users and the high percentage  of AIDS among people of colour. Haitians  are an easy target for racism as a  recent immigration group. Apparently in  Toronto they are subject to public  haraspment because of the AIDS scare.  The other women at risk are partners of  bisexual men or women who receive multiple  blood transfusions. There are no cases of  women at risk transmitting AIDS to a female lover. But there are many questions  about people being carriers without having symptoms. Women with AIDS can be  partners of men with documented AIDS, but  more often the partners are in a high  risk group but do not have symptoms. This  has many implications for women using  donor insemination and as a result for  their children; and women who are lovers  of 'men at risk'. These women may constitute a small group, but that is no reason  to avoid identifying them or talking  about their risks.  Precautions  Precautions for women partners of men at .  risk are similar to those for sexually  transmitted diseases. The initial step is  to work on fears of rejection when questioning your partner about his sex life  and lifestyle. Review all known or suspected risk factors. Choose healthy  partners and take care of yourself.  Sexual guidelines for women are similiar  to those for gay men: use condoms (they  have been shown effective against transmission of the herpes virus); avoid oral  HEALTH  H¬£>V P<2E5 IT"    9  sex, though saliva seems to be low risk  and kissing is ok if there aren't any  cuts or blood involved - ie. if you have  just been to the dentist; don't rub any  cuts, avoid contact with blood; and avoid  anal intercourse. AIDS transmission, in  part, appears to be linked with injury  to the rectal lining and subsequent direct  absorption of virus or infections into the  blood stream.  A nurse from San Francisco has a warning  for women who are pregnant and work with  AIDS patients. They should be especially  cautious (direct contact) since cytomegalovirus (CMV) may be a cause of or a concurrent infection with AIDS. CMV is one of  the leading causes of non-genetic birth  defects.  Some lesbians and gay men have built up  a relationship over the years around  artificial insemination. In order to have  children and avoid the hostility of the  medical profession to lesbian and single  mothers and to avoid the possibility of  legal battles around custody, lesbians  have learned how to do insemination and  use gay men as donors.  Can lesbians continue to use this relationship? Receiving semen from men at risk  for AIDS could put both a woman and her  child at risk. However, it is important  to note there have not been any cases of  a woman or a child contracting AIDS from  insemination. Nor is there any firm information; there are only different opinions  about what to do. Some women are choosing  (and some practitioners are advising) not  to use gay donors.  If lesbians choose to use gay donors then  getting good- information to eliminate high  risk donors is preferable. Questions could  include number and kind of sexual encounters and any other information related to  possible AIDS risk (such as IV drug use,  etc.) This history should probably go  back three years since the "incubation  period" for AIDS is thought to be six  months to two years or more. If possible  the donor could try to rate himself (and  therefore may eliminate himself). Questioning may help to reduce the level of worry  for the inseminating woman. She may decide  to use a donor from a long-term monogamous  couple.  Several infants and small children of  parents at risk have come down with AIDS.  As of September 9, 1983, four children  in Canada have died of AIDS: two were  Haitian, one black and one Caucasian. One  of the children contracted AIDS after  receiving blood transfusions from multiple  donors. It is possible that AIDS can pass  through.the placenta and infect a fetus  or pass in the birth canal or perhaps  there is some common aspect of the parent's  relationship to the children that is resulting in transmission.  An infant's immune system does not fully  function until the child is six to nine  months old. A number of immunological  deficiencies that parallel AIDS also  affect infants. In the U.S., some doctors  are trying to get some cases in children  five to 20 months old classified as AIDS.  The Centre for Disease Control has not  accepted them yet. In some of these cases  neither of the parents has AIDS and only  the father has been at risk. Many of these  infants are children of colour.  Women in Health Care  Other women are involved with AIDS as  health care workers. This includes a wide  range of personnel including nurses,  doctors, hospital workers; those women  who give emotional support both professionally as therapists and as mothers and  relatives; and those women who actually  help care for their friends and relatives.  Women have always played a prominent part  in the caring professions or in general  nurturing and the AIDS crisis is no different.  Some of us may have read stories of  fears of hospital workers in dealing with  AIDS people and the. many horrible ways  that some AIDS people have been treated.  These kinds of reactions do not seem to  have materialized yet in the few cases in  Vancouver. A nurse from Cancer Control  had studied AIDS to get over her own fears  and now teaches other nurses the facts of  AIDS before they start working with AIDS  Xhere are reasons why lesbians  have found it difficult to work  with gay men. Gay men have to  work on their sexism. However,  the AIDS crisis should prompt  lesbians to look at their own  internalized homophobia.  patients. A recent issue of the Canadian  Nurse had two good articles about how to  care for AIDS people. There are no cases  of health care workers contracting AIDS  from their patients.  AIDS and the Health Care System  The feminist health movement has been  fighting for many years to make information  accessible to women, to help women take  control of their own health care and to  counter the sexism of the medical profession. Many gay men find it difficult to  get information from doctors. Often they  feel like statistics being studied and  poked and are frightened as they have to  make quick decisions about treatments  without having knowledge about them. Women  have traditionally faced this problem  with gynecologists who ask them to make  choices about treatments based upon what  the specialist will find while the woman  is one the operating table.  The medical profession has often blamed  women for female complaints and promiscuity  has been one of the doctor's explanations.  As we found with abnormal Pap smears, this  is not necessarily the case. It might only  take one male partner to put a woman at  risk. This might also be the case with  AIDS. There are a number of cases of AIDS  in men who only had one gay sexual experience. According to a doctor in Seattle  there is less than a one percent chance  of contracting AIDS if you have had sex  with an AIDS person within the last year.  Yet many doctors believe (and what the  media presents) is the image of the promiscuous gay man. Lifestyle can be a  vehicle for disease, but an infectious  agent is necessary to begin the process.  Gay men are experiencing what women have  been aware of for years - the sexism and  heterosexism of the medical establishment.  They are just beginning to fight these  practices.  Women and AIDS Support  What keeps women from actively doing AIDS  support work? Do lesbians look at gay  men's lifestyles and judge them promiscuous and think that it's no wo.nder that  they are ill?  Women involved in AIDS support work are  now urging women to look upon AIDS as a  basic "human issue". There are over 2800  documented cases of AIDS. Many more people  have symptoms, but do not make the official  registries. Forty-two percent of the victims die I!  At one point in the fall, researchers  thought that the rate would continue to  double every six months as it'had been  doing for a while. New York's rate has  actually begun to level off so everyone  is hoping that cases have peaked. Smaller  cities like Vancouver may or may not double  since they began reporting cases a year or  two after big cities like New York. It is  unclear what is slowing down the rate of  increase, since changes in sexual practice  should not yet have had an effect, if the  incubation period of illness is about 18  months. Some physicians think that people  may be developing antibodies to fight the  disease; others that the causal agent may  have mutated to a less infectious form;  while others claim that the decrease may be  due to patient's fears of confidentiality  and failure to report AIDS.  AIDS support work is part of the fight for  gay and lesbian rights. In some areas  there is a tremendous right wing backlash  against gay men that is bound to include  lesbians. Jerry Falwell of the Moral Majority has been the most vocal blaming gays  for leading lives that cause them to. get  AIDS and then infect the general population.  A physicians group in Texas is trying to  make homosexual activity a felony in that  state.  There are good reasons why some lesbians  have found it difficult or impossible to  work with gay men. Gay men have to work  on their sexism. However, the AIDS crisis  should prompt lesbians to look at any  judgments which could be influenced by  internalized homophobia. One idea for  active support work comes from California  where a group called Blood Sisters tries  to get lesbian blood donors to replace the  lack of gay male donors.  A few women in Vancouver are interested  in having a public forum for women about  the AIDS crisis. If anyone is interested  or has suggestions for the meeting, please  leave your name and phone number or suggestion at the Women's Health Collective,  1501 West Broadway, 736-6696. There is  also a file there with more information  about women and AIDS. 8 Kinesis February 84  PEACE  The Seneca Army Depot Women 's Encampment  was officially opened on July 4th,   1983,  as 600 women from SO states and 12 countries gathered at campgrounds bordering  the army base in upstate New York.   The  Seneca Army Depot is a storage site for  nuclear weapons,  although the Department  of Defence will neither confirm nor deny  this.   The camp,  a house and 52 acres, was  bought by the Rochester Women's Action  for Peace and the Upstate Feminist Peace  Alliance in May 1983.  Their property  borders on the army depot.  On August 1st,1983, an action took place  at the gates of the army depot to protest  European deployment of cruise and Pershing  missiles.  The 2500 women who attended  approached the fence and placed placards,  banners, flowers, and messages on it.  Women began to climb the fence in small  groups, while others sat dawn in front  of the main gate. Altogether,  253 women  climbed the fence; 242 were later released  with  'ban and bar' letters  (orders to  remain off army property on threat of  imprisonment).  The other 11 were repeat  offenders, and were charged with trespassing.  Other actions in August included a nighttime foray onto the base to change the  depot motto from,   'Mission first, people  always ', painted on the water tower,  to  'People always'.  Some women set up tents  on the airstrip.  Throughout the summer,  women were arrested.  Some were released,  some charged and given fines,  some jailed  for short periods.  The camp, which was  originally to close on Labour Day weekend,  has continued, and women continue to  campaign for conversion of the army depot  and to educate the community.  Asia, Leann and Dorothy are permanent  peace camp members, and have made commitments to stay at the camp for various  lengths of time. Faith and Carolyn Jones  visited the encampment'ñ†on December 19th  and 20th,   1983.  Camping for peace at Seneca Falls  by Faith and Carolyn Jones  We visited the Seneca Women's Encampment  in December, just before winter solstice.  Although initially nervous about what we  might encounter (would they be non-feminist peaceniks? homophobic? apolitical  lesbians?) our fears were put to rest  the moment we saw them. The feminist  trappings are the same on both coasts,  including the fact that Christmas has  been discarded in favour of solstice. Our  first meeting took place in a rural courtroom.  Monday, December 19th, 1983. 11:30a.m.  We arrive in Geneva,one of the many small  towns in upstate New York which are near  the Encampment, and ask directions to  the courthouse, since we were told over  the phone that three women will be in  court today. Courthouse? There's a room  in the town hall, if that's what you want.  Was that a note of hostility in what  she said to me? Are the local people on  the army's side? Better be careful.  We get to the town hall, find the courtroom, ask the sheriff at the door who is  on trial. Three young females on charges  of criminal mischief and disorderly conduct. We must be in the right place.  There they are, three women providing  their own defence and a dozen or so women  in the gallery weaving peace bracelets.  We go to lunch with them and find them  warm and accepting. They chat to us about  the few Canadian issues they are aware of.  The Wimmin's Fire Brigade is about the  only one they seem to have heard of. But  we do discuss the Cole Bay women's peace  camp, recently established in northern  Saskatchewan, and they seem interested  by the idea of such a rural camp and  outreach work with the native population.  It is an issue they themselves face,  since there are Indian land claims in  Seneca county.  The women are lighthearted about the trial.  It seems to them rather boring. They are  pleading not guilty to the charges  although they openly admit committing the  act. They threw paint on the army and  navy recruiting office in Geneva. The  star witness for the prosecution identified them originally as three men. Not  surprising - one of them is six feet six  inches tall. (I've got to stop doing  civil disobedience, she says, I'm too  noticeable.)  Back in court we punctuate the break by  singing Holly Near's "We are a gentle  angry people" and "Foolish notion". When  the trial resumes, each woman gives as  her defence a prepared statement. Each  takes responsibility for the act of throwing paint, and each expresses that it was  not a wanton act. One woman draws a  parallel between their act and the black  civil rights movement of the 1950's and  60's, which also committed acts of civil  disobedience in order to desegrate the  American south.  There was no cross-examination and the  prosecutor was clearly upset, more so when  he turned around to find himself faced  with some young Geneva residents who were  doing silent guerilla theatre in support  of the women on trial. Some were wearing  army uniforms and signs saying 'I kill',  others splashed red paint on their faces,  and all turned their backs to the judge  as he pronounced the women guilty of  criminal mischief (but innocent of disorderly conduct.) The women are given a  fine and a warning - another conviction  in New York state within the next six  months could bring a jail sentence of up  to a year. Failure to pay the fines may  also bring a jail sentence.  When we get out of the courtroom the women  seem unfazed. Each mentions at some point  that she is not going to pay the fine. This  is no big deal. They may be in Nicaragua  picking coffee beans by the time the fine  is due.  We finally get to the camp. It is a rambling old two storey house, with hot and  cold running water in the kitchen only,  a wood stove heating the house, a large  dining room where everyone hangs out, a  living room which is the only room where  men are allowed, and an office which could  serve as a lesson to ail feminists and  organizers.  It is spotless, mail is answered promptly,  and the frequent phone calls are recorded  in a book. Dorothy, a permanent peace  camp member, is responsible for the office.  In general, the house is comfortable and  well-run. Their first aid room is full of  natural and herbal remedies. The signs  they have put up are the same as in many  co-operative houses, eg. 'when was the last  time you did the dishes?' A cat named  Sappho plays with the newest animal, a  puppy named Luna Yana (full moon). They  speak of their backwoods as Amazon Acres.  They play a Ferron tape for us. On the  bookshelf, Alice Walker's The Colour  Purple  sits beside Better Soil,  books on  nuclear energy beside How to Stay Out of  the Gynecologists Office.  The phone rings. "Anarchy says she's coming up for the solstice celebration,"  announces Kim. "Which Anarchy?" "You know,  the one who used to be Amber." Oh yeah.  Some of the names we are encountering  here are also obviously chosen. Thundercloud, Dolphin, Asia, and Jody Bear sit  with Dorothy, Kim and Johanna. We do some  work, a requirement for all visitors and  residents at the camp. We stack wood and  stuff envelopes. Shad talks to us about  her ^trip to B.C. They are a'lljsia^friendly,  we begin to feel really at home.  Tuesday, December 20th, 1983. 11a.m.  Jody Bear is out in the bus. The bus? The  peace camp is a base for organizing a February 84 Kinesis 9  photo by Catherine Allporl  peace caravan to tour the eastern states  handing out anti-nuclear leaflets in  shopping malls, giving workshops, raising  consciousness, being peaceful'. We go to  take a look at the bus. Jody Bear is sawing and hammering, working to renovate the  inside. Between the cold and the short  winter days, she can only get in a few  hours of work a day.  Kim tells us about their next-door neighbour, who sent them a religious Christmas  card. At the beginning of the summer, he  offered the camp an American flag. When  they didn't put it up, he created a media  . scandal. They laugh at his Christmas card  - where was his goodwill in the summer? -  but they are still talking with him and  trying to raise consciousness on peace  issues.  We give them the banner we made for them.  They immediately put it up in the dining  room. We take their pictures, they thank  us for coming. Johanna thanks us for coming  to the trial. It's not easy to leave the  peace camp, after a visit not long enough  to really fulfill our yearning for contact  and friendship with these women. They ask  us, 'Can't we stay for solstice celebration?' No, we really can't. We love them,  they love us, after two days' acquaintance, we are kissing and hugging goodbye.  Anyone interested in going to the peace  camp should keep in mind that: men may  visit but not sleep over; a three dollar  donation is requested for each night's  stay; they ask for a work donation, so you  should have an idea of the kind of thing  you would want to do. Be open to them -  they have a lot of energy, ideas, and  strength.  The Resource Handbook for the Women's  Encampment at Seneca Army Depot is available at People 's Co-op Books at 1391  Commercial Drive,  $4.95.  Pine Gap  Women arrested at  Australian camp  by Elaine Littmann  The "most sophisticated U.S. satellite  communications base in the world", located  in Central Australia, makes that country  both a nuclear target and a contributor  to the arms race, say the 700 Australian  women who risked arrest and injury to put  Pine Gap in the headlines.  The. U.S. air force base was the site of a  two week long peace camp which began on  Remembrance Day last year and resulted  in the arrest of 139 women, 83 of whom  were charged with trespassing. More than  100 women at the point of arrest gave  their names as "Karen Silkwood" to commemorate the controversial death of an  American nuclear activist in 1974.  Pine Gap, a vital part of the U.S. global  nuclear system, was built to monitor  Soviet missile launches and military  communications, to provide an early warning system, and to map out targets for  U.S. missiles, said organizers of the  Women for Survival Collective who spearheaded the demonstration. Pine Gap can be  used to increase American first-strike  capabilities, they claim, and a decision  to use it for aggressive purposes lies in  the hands of the U.S.  The women erected a peace banner, sang,  and held workships during the first two  days, but on Sunday they walked to the  gates of the base and began a "de-fencing"  workshop. About 30 women jumped the gate,  and another 100 pulled down a section of  the fence and joined them.  The police and military did not interfere  until the women had walked about 500 yards  up the road, followed by low-flying air  force helicopters. Then the arrests began,  which sparked allegations of police brutality and improper procedure.  "Considerable and excessive force has  been used," said lawyer Pam Ditton on the  day of the arrests. Women complained of  being choked, forced finger-printing,  denial of access to lawyers for hours  following the arrest, and there was one  allegation of a beating. The police denied  that the force used was excessive, but one  woman was admitted to hospital with  suspected internal injuries allegedly sustained during a finger-printing session.  "There is nothing unusual about these  police procedures in Alice Springs.  Aborigines have experienced the same and  worse for years. What is unusual is that  they are being used against white women  and in full glare of the media," wrote  Fiona Moore of the Australian Tribune.  The 65 women charged were all released by  Monday, with ten pleading guilty and most  of these paying fines of $50. On Tuesday  they were back at the gates, and 18 more  were arrested. Women pulled down the gate  and used a section of it as a pall in a  mock funeral. The 18 were charged with  trespass and fined $250, except for those  convicted Monday on the same charge, who  were fined $300.  A week later, about 250 women remained at  the camp, while those with work and family  commitments returned home. But according  to demonstrators, spirits remained high.  Hundreds of support telegrams were received  from peace groups, unions, politicians,  environmental groups and individuals, and  the Pine Gap Banner and an Aboriginal land  rights flag were flown in solidarity by  women at Greenham Common.  Sue Harker, a peace activist who has  visited womens' camps at Greenham Common,  Seneca in New York, Puget in Washington  State, and Arizona, said it was only the  physical conditions and challenges at Pine  Gap that made it any different. "The women  and the energy are the same...By lying in  front of trucks, removing fences and dancing on the silos at Greenham Common, women  are speaking with their bodies to get the  message of peace across, when words have  failed," she said.  One woman said she was arrested because  she "refused to accept the legality of a  foreign base on Australian soil and U.S.  'Ģ sovereignty on what was Aboriginal land."  But although the national and international  support has been good, the local population  of Alice Springs was vocal in opposing the  peace camp. In a phone-in poll by a local  radio station, 812 of 820 votes taken  opposed the protest.  Not ohly is Pine Gap seen as a "necessary  deterrent" to Soviet aggression, but is a  major industry, pumping millions of dollars  a year into Alice Springs, a town of  20,000. As well, local residents expressed  anger at the "professional agitators" and  "filthy lesbians". Alice Springs mayor  Leslie Oldfield, denying she was a feminist, stated, "a good proportion of them  are on the dole."  Women for Survival are asking for no renewal of the U.S. lease on Pine Gap that  expires in 1986, the United Nations International Year of Peace.  "The (Pine Gap) base is so top secret that  not even the Australian government is  informed as" to what exactly goes on there,'  they said.  With thanks to Kate Rowe in Sydney, Australia for help with research and graphics, INTERNATIONAL  Salvadorean Women  Struggle on two fronts  by Lilian Coreas and Patricia Hercus  The Farabundo Marti Front for National  Liberation (FMLN) is winning major victories in El Salvador. The December 31, 1983  bombing of the Suscatlan bridge cut off  army access to the whole Eastern zone  and split the country in half. Without  U.S. intervention, predictions are that  the FMLN could win the war in the next  year.  Salvadorean women are fighting alongside  the men for the liberation of their homeland from U.S. domination; and in the  control zones they are working to build  the foundations of a new society they  believe will make a better life for the  women, children and men of El Salvador.  In this context, the women of El Salvador  are fighting on two fronts. The first is  the struggle for national self-determination and an end to American domination in  the country. The second is the struggle  to take a more active role in the country's  political decision-making, whereby women  can take their rightful place beside, not  under, Salvadorean men.  The war in El Salvador by this point is  well known. According to the independent Human Rights Commission: of El Salvador,  more than 46,000 civilians have been murdered by government forces. In this situation women are more often than not left as  sole heads of households when husbands,  sons, and brothers leave their homes to  join the liberation forces, and there is .  an alarming number of men who, like the women, have been killed whether or not they  are directly involved in guerilla fighting.  Women employed in urban jobs are paid  much less than the men and in rural areas,  through the traditional family unit, women  perform domestic tasks as well as work  in the fields during the day, continuing  to care for the home and the children in  the evening. Food is limited, life is  hard, and the day is long for the majority  of women in El Salvador.  As women increasingly become involved in  the political and military struggle, they '  are targeted not only as political subversives, but as women who have dared to  break with their traditional role. Even  the wearing of jeans is seen as a symbol  of the revolutioni and sufficient grounds  for arrest. Once in the hands of government soldiers or right-wing death squads,  a woman is routinely raped, usually by  several men, mutilated and then killed.  U.S. advisors are reported to show violent  pornography to the government soldiers,  a similar tactic to that used in training  American soldiers for combat in Vietnam.  While it is especially dangerous, then,  for women to become involved in the military struggle or even to feed FMLN  fighters, Salvadorean women have had  little choice. The entire civilian population has been targeted as "potential  subversives". The war has been brought  into the Salvadorean people's homes.  Fetuses have been cut out of pregnant  women, "because they are communist fetuses",  and small children have been tossed in  the air by government soldiers, and caught  on the end of their bayonets. As well,  Salvadorean women experience exceptional  poverty that has increased dramatically  during the war. As one woman told an  American priest traveling in El Salvador,  "We have two choices: to die of starvation,  or to die fighting for our people." More  than 50 percent of the liberation force  is made up of women.  The Asociacione de Mujeres Salvadorenas  (AMES), the Women's Association of El  Salvador, began on an underground basis  in 1978 and was officially founded on  International Women's Day, March 8, 1980.  AMES works as an organizing body to  incorporate the two fronts of the women's  struggle in El Salvador. All women's  sectors are involved: peasants, market  vendors, housewives, factory workers,  professionals, secretaries, retail clerks,  teachers, students, nurses, and so on.  AMES members work in El Salvador to organize around women's rights and to involve  women actively in the political and military process. Their work includes educating women as to the sources of male domination, and why the liberation of women  must develop alongside national liberation.  The women in the control zones are not  only involved in war production, they are  also setting up workers' cooperatives,  and many AMES members are literacy teachers,  hospital workers, health educators providing -sanitation education and medicine,  participating as equal members in the  local popular powers governing the control  zones.  Many Salvadorean people have fled their  homeland and are now living in exile. There  are presently about 1500 Salvadoreans  living in Canada, one hundred of them in  Vancouver. Due in part to the danger of  escaping from El Salvador, the majority  of Salvadoreans in Canada are men. Many  Salvadoreans continue to organize politically in exile, informing Canadians and  people of other countries as to the situation in El Salvador, in order to gain  international solidarity for their cause.  The FMLN-FDR and AMES both have representatives in major cities around the world.  One Salvadorean told the priest mentioned  earlier that without international solidarity, the U.S. would probably have  directly invaded Central America long ago.  For the refugees in Canada and elsewhere,  life is hard. To come to a new culture  whose language you don't speak, with  nothing but the few possessions you could  carry, no money and no friends, makes for  difficult new beginnings. For the refugee  woman, new (but many familiar) forms of  oppression await her.  As unmarried refugees, women in Canada are  entitled to English or French language  training and money for food and rent for  one year, these needs being filled by the  agency or individuals who sponsored them.  Women who come to Canada as wives are not  entitled to language training - that right  is reserved for the husband, as the head  of the household.  If they can find work, it is almost always  in poorly paid jobs where their lack of  English or French is used against them.  Most are discouraged from organizing and  are hot informed of their legal rights as  workers. Many employers will hire only  young women, believing them to be easier  to manipulate, and some women use their  relationship with the boss to get better  working conditions for themselves alone.  If an immigrant woman is laid off, fired  or quits her job, she faces harassment  by Unemployment Insurance officials, where  racism and national ch'auvinism play an  additional role to the sexism that Canadian women face. Limited or total lack of  English or French language skills is used  against them here as well. Nonetheless,  Salvadoreans, along with other immigrant  women in Canada, are attempting some form  of organizing in their workplaces. In some  non-union shops it is not uncommon for a  representative to be nominated to take  the women's complaints to management.  The Canadian government, while granting  refugee status to some Salvadoreans, has  been delinquent on the international level  in standing up against the United States  government for the rights of the Salvadorean people to determine their own national  destiny. Canadian tax dollars help support  the repressive regimes of El Salvador,  Honduras and Guatemala. In this sense,  Canadians have a direct responsibility to  protest their government's involvement in  Central America, and where they can, lend  support to the Central American people.  It is of great importance that feminists  in Canada join with Salvadorean women and  women the world over in.the struggles being  waged for human rights and national self-  determination. The women's movement has  traditionally seen no national boundaries  in the oppression of women. We have much to  learn from each other.  Groups exist in Vancouver where women can  learn more about Central America or participate in solidarity work. The Central  America Support Committee (CASC) meets  every Monday at IDERA and can be contacted  by phoning 255-1095. Solidarity is not an  act of charity, but mutual aid between  people working for the same objectives.  (Lilian Coreas is a member of AMES presently living and working in Vancouver.  Patricia Hercus is a Vancouver woman working in solidarity with El Salvador. The  authors can be reached through Kinesis.) February 84 Kinesis 11  Organized labour under attack  by Hilda Thomas   ^^^^^^^^^^^^^  Immediately following Bill Bennett's  televised "fireside chat" Women Against  the Budget (WAB) took to the streets.  Without a permit, we marched in the cold  rain from Gore Avenue across Hastings to  Granville. The bus drivers honked in  support as they pulled out to pass us on  the road. At the courthouse, surrounded  by bank towers and hotels, the concrete  evidence of who owns the vast wealth of  our province and our country, we held a  speakout. One woman said it all when she  cried, "We want child care and transition  houses and rape relief centres and equality and jobs. We want it all!"  Three weeks later, after the Munro-Bennett  doctrine was announced from the premier's  lawn in Kelowna, the energy was still  there, but much of it was being spent in  angry words of frustration and recrimination. What happened to Operation Solidarity's pledge that it would continue the  fight until all the legislation was withdrawn and the social service and education  cutbacks restored? Were the 60,000 women,  men, and children who occupied the streets  of downtown Vancouver in October now  supposed to go home and wait quietly for  their properly negotiated layoff notices,  or the loss of their home room teacher, or  their notice of a 50-100% rent increase  or, failing that, eviction? The words  "sell-out" and "betrayal" were on many  lips, notwithstanding the devout claims  of the trade union leadership that the  struggle was not yet over.  In retrospect, the answer to the questions  raised by the Kelowna pact appears to be  yes and no. "Sell-out" is a harsh word,  but in the absence of any credible defense  from Operation Solidarity, women will have  to make their own judgement. It is important this judgement be based on a clear  analysis of economic and political realities, and the overriding reality in B.C.  today is that the recession is being used  as a club to attack organized labour.  The value of a trade union lies in its  . ability to negotiate wage increases, benefits, working conditions, health and safety protections, and job security for its  members. If they cannot guarantee bigger  pay packets and social wages (the fringe  benefits that are a significant part of  every contract) unions have little to offer  their members, and in fact cannot rely on  their loyalty. For a number of reasons,  too complex to go into here, the major  North American unions have chosen the path  of political non-alignment.  In B.C., this decision has been encouraged  by the NDP, which has opted for an arms-  length relationship with the trade union  movement in order to further its populist  electoral goals. The result is a depoli-  Many Women Among I.  W.A. Trekkers to City  There Were Many Women Among the More Than 2,800 l.W.A. Trekkers Who Marched to Victoria  Yesterday. They Added Their Voices to the Leading Slogan of the Men Asking for a 40-Hour Week,  Wage Increases of 25 Cents- an Hour, and Union Security. Most of Them Wore Slacks.  ticized workforce totally unequipped to  defend itself against the continuous barrage of anti-labour propaganda emanating  from the media, the bosses, and the government. Moreover, the trade union movement  has reproduced within itself the very characteristics of the system which it should  be striving to overthrow. A bureaucratized  leadership is divided from the members,  and instead of being seen as the locus for  a transformation of society, the workplace  is merely the arena in which organized  labour spars with management for a marginally bigger piece of the pie crust. The  pie itself is not even discussed.  Those who do not belong to trade unions -  unorganized workers, the disabled, the  sick, the old - certainly benefit from  'Ģ the social and economic gains made by the  labour movement.' When unions win higher  wages and pensions, improved working conditions and health care, and protection  against arbitrary treatment or harassment  in the workplace for their members, the  effect is to raise the expectations and  the standards for all workers. In addition,  a strong labour movement can force legislative changes which make it easier to  organize unorganized workers. This is particularly important for women.  According to Sharon Yandle {Priorities,  Nov. 1983) 65% of working women in B.C.  do not belong to a trade union; but of  those who do, 54% belong to five public  sector unions. One of these increased its  membership over the last eight years by  10,000 and 90% of these workers are women.  Yandle also points out that "the only jobs  where the public sector pays more than the  private sector" are in "the female job  ghettos or secretarial work. "  What has this to do with Operation Solidarity? A great deal. For the first time in  decades, union membership is declining in  B.C.  Staggering unemployment in the private  sector has resulted in a drop of almost  five percent in trade union membership.  But public sector unions continue to grow,  and to hinder by their collective power  the objectives of corporate money behind  the Socred government. Those objectives  are usually disguised in ideological  language that has a powerful appeal for  an electorate conditioned to distrust "big  government" and "big labour" equally, and,  absurdly, to treat them as equally powerful and equally bad.  At the same time, big business, "free enter-|  prise", competition, and profit are tied  to positive values such as "individual  freedom" and responsibility in a fashion  which totally ignores both the social  character of labour and the obvious and  increasing inequities spawned by the present system. But beneath this ideological  mayonnaise there is a hidden purpose to  "downsizing" and "privatising": and that 12 Kinesis February 84  Equal Pay  How far have women come?  by Judy Lief schultz  "We've Come a Long Way Lady", The Equal  Pay Project, Local 7, Association of  University and College Employees(AUCE),  1983,  Victoria,  68 pp.   (unpublished).  My union newsletter and "We've Come a Long  Way Lady" arrived on my desk in the same  week. Both informed me women are making  about the same percentage of our male  counterpart's salaries as we were in 1930;  a shocking 60%. Brother Samson of the  Public Service Association of Canada(PSAC)  stated that "despite the PSAC's initial  success in the area of equal pay for work  of equal value, many of our sisters must  still work shoulder to shoulder with men  who earn thousands of dollars more than  they do." The AUCE newsletter of Sept.,  1982 illustrated this with an example of  University of British Columbia workers.  Light labourers, kiosk attendants, mail  clerks, jobs performed mainly by men,  have a starting wage of $1652/mo. Trained  clerical and library workers, almost  entirely women, start at $1130/mo.  AUCE, like the Service, Office and Retail  Workers Union(SORWUC), was formed in,  direct response to the failure of established unions to meet the needs of women  in clerical and service positions. AUCE  has focussed its efforts on the campuses  where it began. There are presently locals  at UBC, Simon Fraser and University of  Victoria. Cathy Chopik, AUCE organizer,  explained that "every day the locals stay  alive is a fight".  The BC Federation of Labour's lack of  support for these feminist upstart unions  is blatent. Their existence is seen as  detracting from the' larger union's attempts  to organize clerks and other low-paid  women's workplaces; attempts which never*  get the priority to make them a reality.  Gender Alone  AUCE's committment to issues affecting  working women was the impetus for this  paper, and its historical survey of equal  pay is a valuable contribution to a subject continually passed over by the male-  dominated unions. The paper is based on  a patriarchal model, its premise being  that gender first and foremost bars women  from access to economic power. It reminds  us that up until this century being female  was sufficient to keep a person from voting, owning land or getting an education  in Canada.  By assuming a patriarchal, as opposed to  a class, analysis, the authors investigate  equal pay without reference to the wealth  of husbands, fathers or lovers. The class  of the woman is-not considered primary,  but simply her ability to receive equal  compensation on her own merits. The paper's  theme is that social attitudes, the licensing of education and the professions, and  sexism within society and the unions are  three major barriers to equal pay for  women.  Women's place in the market changed drastically with the factories of the 17th  and 18th centuries. The necessities of  the family began to be produced and purchased outside the home and farm. While  men and women initially began to work for  the same dismal wages in the mills of  England, it wasn't long before the skilled  jobs were closed to women, as were the  educational opportunities and apprenticeships necessary to acquire them.  The lower-paying work "naturally" fell to  women and children; their income seen as  supplementary to the man's. In North America families again farmed the new land and  were self-sufficient. But before long  factories in large cities called to families needing cash for the marketplace.  The practice of denying women education and  entry to skilled trades was enough to  exclude them and assure their lower^ economic status.  Martha Tabor, LNS  Union organizing concentrated on trades  occupied almost exclusively by men. Even  traditional professions, such as midwifery,  became licensed and regulated by men, thus  barring women from decent wages once again,  as well as control of their health and a  respected position in the community. However, as immigration to North America increased and cheap labour for factories  became more available, women found work  diffictilt to obtain. They weren't offered  wages equal to the men seeking jobs and  social attitudes dictated that a woman's  place was at home. Laws to this effect  meant that in England a woman required  her husband's permission to work outside  the home. Her wages belonged to him if she  did.  "We've Come a Long Way Lady" details this  herstory, and it goes back a long way.  Its foremothers were on the front lines  of the suffrage movement and the minimum  wage legislation of the day. One of the  paper's weak points is its failure to  discuss the women, Helena Guttridge, Mary  Ellen Smith, Evylyn Farris, and others,  who began the fight for equal pay. My  investigation revealed many of them to be  middle class, but their work on minimum  wage and equal pay more sincere and essential than anyone else's. They used their  positions and husbands and everything  else to get what they were after. I thank  them.  Minimum wage was seen by the authors as  the first step to decent living wages for  women in B.C. "As women were expected  either to marry, or to remain in their  father's houses", there appeared to be no  reason to consider paying them a decent  wage. The paper goes on to describe the  attitudes of the day, which were that  women "ate less, smoked and drank less"  and didn't really need the money. Substandard wages forced women into prostitution.  This caused some of the city fathers to  join the campaign for minimum wage.  They hoped by paying women more, their  moral fiber would be strengthened along  with their budget, and the embarrassment  of increasing prostitution in Vancouver  would end. In 1900-1918 most women were  concentrated in non-unionized fields such  as domestics, laundry, telephone operators  and retail clerks. Minimum wage was desperately needed for women to make even a  subsistence wage.  Following the passage of the Minimum Wage  Act in 1918 a Vancouver newspaper said,  "... it ignores...the right of the employer  to run his business as suited himself" and  another city father suggested a better  solution would have been for people to  boycott businesses they thought underpaid  their workers. The Act separated females  18 and over from others and set a lower  minimum wage for women under 18, apprentices, and women who were "physically  defective or-inexperienced".  The lower paying work  'naturally' fell to women  and children: their  income seen as  supplementary to the  man's.   In addition, the Act didn't apply to  domestics, farm laborers, bank workers,,  or federal employees, many of whom were  women. But for those it did cover it  offered a living wage, but just barely,  for the first time. It set the legislative  stage for things to come, and for the  unions to pick up where the legislation  left off.  The authors present the arguments against  the minimum wage solution from a trade  union standpoint, that is that the legislation didn't solve, and perhaps undermined,  efforts at unionization of women. But the  flipside of the debate,-mainly the small  number of women organized at the time and  their marginal prositions within the unions,  convinced me that the Act was the best  band-aid that could have been applied at  the time.  1920-1945: Come Work for Awhile  Women's participation in the paid workforce  in B.C. grew by leaps and bounds between  1900 and 1920, mainly by women 20-24. It  was still assumed that upon marriage women  would return to the home. After World War February 84 Kinesis 13  I, married women were expected to give up  their jobs for men. In 1918 the Postal  Clerks recommended women be given only  temporary jobs so returning soldiers could  have them back.  But the seeds had been sown. Women had  begun to experience doing "men's" work and  wanted equal compensation. The myth of the  sole male supporter was slowly beginning to  dissolve. During the 20's and 30's industrial unionism began to organize whole  . workplace instead of specialized trades.  More women were thus included but the numbers were still small. Around 1918 the  Canadian Trades and Labour Congress recommended to the federal government the follow1  ing: fe^'%1  We called upon the government for the protection of women who enter industries to  replace men,  and suggested that they should  only be placed there after full investigation had proven that all available manpower  had been absorbed.  Inspection of working  conditions should be carried out...and reports. . .as to the advisability of women  undertaking any class of work  (with -the  veiw of their responsibility towards the  nation as mothers of our future citizens),  should be contingent conditions of their  employment in any industry.  Equal pay for  women employed in work usually done by  men,  as men are receiving or were receiving for the same work, will be insisted  upon.  It was during and after World War II that  the lack of progress on equal pay became  even clearer. After the depression had  caused thousands of women and men to be  unemployed, the war suddenly meant jobs  for all. The government required employment registration for all women between  20 and 24. When they ran out of those they  called up married women without children  to keep the war machine going. Finally,  when they found themselves still short of  labour, particularly for lower-paying  jobs, they called mothers out of their  homes and asked them to report for work.  Ontario and Quebec threw in free daycare  to sweeten the deal. Husbands were allowed  to claim their spouses as dependents on  their income tax no matter what the woman's  S earnings. But predictably, when wages were  discussed, new classifications for "unskilled beginners" were created to avoid  paying the newly hired women the same as  the men they replaced. When the war ended  women were expected to return to the  kitchen. Those who didn't wish to were  accused of being unpatriotic. The daycare  disappeared, as did the tax exemptions.  Job ads read "preference given to a qualified male applicant" and restrictions that  female civil servants who were not self-  : again put into  The Unions  The history of the trade unions' fight for  equal pay for women is not encouraging.  From the early 1900's the trade unions'  predominantly male membership believed  no employer would pay the same wages to a  woman if he could hire a man for the same  price. With few exceptions, they were  correct.  Their support of equal pay in principle,  without increased organizing of women on  the job, merely served to keep women out  of the workforce. After World War I, and  even more so after World War II, the unions  realized employers had had a taste of employing women at "men's" work while paying lower wages. Unions were convinced  women would continue to work for less than  men and undo the union's hardfought gains.  They began to campaign for equal pay again,  the objective still to keep women from  competing with men for jobs. A B.C. Federation of Labour publication had this to  say in 1918:  We will not only benefit (women) by helping them to secure equal pay for equal work  photo from 'Up From Under'  but we shall...prevent our own wages and  conditions from being drawn down to -the  lower standard by any successful efforts  of the employers to use female labour at  a lower price.  While employment conditions and other  factors affecting women workers continued  to be ignored, the unions were beginning  to see women's purchasing power as a positive factor. The same B.C. Federation of  Labour newsletter said in 1918:  We have another interest (in organizing  women): that they are all purchasers of  our production. We want them to be union  purchasers and large purchasers, that is  to say, we want them to earn the highest  (wages possible).  As is often the case today, the above  statements made it very difficult to discern between the unions and the governments and business owners of the free  market system they were all supporting.  While the position and number of women in  trade unions has improved, as has the  treatment of their concerns, equal pay  has not. It's interesting to note that  while issues such as daycare, sexual harassment, occupational health and promotion of women into management receive much  media and union attention, equal pay does  not. While women's groups and women in  unions work on all these crucial issues,  our basic value in the workplace isn't  priced any higher than it was 50 years  ago.  In B.C. today we face triple jeopardy;  a women's usual double load, federal 6 & 5  legislation, and a provincial government  that is laying off thousands of women  workers and making it impossible to equalize base wages. In the UBC example sited  earlier, the 46% difference between the  male labourers and female clerical workers  cannot be equalized under existing federal  or provincial legislation. The usual  across the board increases would only  widen the gap.  "We've Come a Long Way Lady" cryptically*  points out how far we have to go on equal  pay. It clearly shows we need a combination of legislation and democratic  unionization of working women to do so.  This demand threatens the men who hold  economic power in a way equal to no other.  (Copies of "We 've Come a Long Way Lady"  are available: AUCE,  a/o Cathy Chopik,  502 Catherine St.,   Victoria, B.C.,  V9A 3T3.)  Women win back pay  OTTAWA, - Canadian National Railways' nurses  and X-ray technicians have won $130,555.63  in back pay in settlement of their complaint  that male company para-medics were paid  more for doing work of equal value.  The Canadian Human Rights Commission approved the settlement - the first equal pay  award by a Crown corporation - which awarded  full-time nurses and technicians annual pay  increases averaging $1,400 per year.  Four Montreal-area women initiated the  complaint in April 1980 when a male paramedic joined the staff of CN's St. Lawrence  region nursing station. The nurses alleged  they and the para-medic were all doing  work of equal value, but the man was earning $90 more a week. When the women were  unable to resolve the problem internally  they were joined by a Toronto nurse in  July 1981.  Two X-ray technicians lodged similar complaints in 1981, also alleging that male  hygiene and first aid officers earned more  than the women for work of equal value.  In evaluating the nurses' complaints the  Commission investigator found that CN had  not formally evaluated any of the positions  cited in the complaints. CN agreed to check  the accuracy of all job descriptions and  then classify the jobs according to their  own internal method.  The Company's evaluation committed found  that the travelling para-medics' and the  nurses job were equal in value and should  fall within the same pay range.They then  assessed the stationary para-medics as two  pay grades higher. Negotiations between  the Commission and the Company included  a series of discussions culminating in  settlements for all CN's full-time and  part-time nurses.  Once the nurses' settlement was agreed to,  CN offered the X-ray technicians the same  terms. Both the company and Commission's  evaluation confirmed their work was equal  to both the nurses and the para-medics. The  Commission dismissed the allegations that  the technicians' work was also equal to  the higher paid hygiene and first-aid  officers. 14 Kinesis Febn  14 Kinesis February 84  Domestic  Workers  Union  "If the work itself is seen as valueless, those who do it eventually  internalize this lack of value and see themselves accordingly."  by Susan O'Donnell  The Domestic Workers Union(DWU) was founded in December, 1981. The road to unionization was diffiuclt and the following  two years have shown that many of the original problems may be insurmountable at  this time.  In order to successfully organize, sever-,  al criteria must be present, or at least  the possibility for developing these criteria must be available. The first and most  important of these is recognition of the  work that is being done. Feminists are well  aware of the way in which the sexual division of labour separates the work we do  from the value it is accorded. At the  bottom of the list of "women's work", is  domestic labour.  If the work is seen as valueless, those  who do it eventually internalize this  lack of value and see themselves accordingly. Live-in domestic workers in Canada  come from amny countries. These women  must deal with the contradictions between  the way domestic labour is perceived in  the countries where they grew up and the  way it is perceived in Canada.  British Domestics (Nannies), for example,  are formally trained in England and view  themselves as para-professionals. When  they arrive in Canada, their expectations  of themselves and the work they do is  seriously undermined. Women from the  Phillipines, on the other hand, who want to  come to Canada often find that domestic  work is their only way of entry. Many of  these women are skilled workers in areas  other than domestic work.  Isolation is a problem  inherent in domestic  work.  Within DWU there are Phillipino women who  are qualified in midwifery, science,  nursing and teaching. Unfortunately, the  entrenched patriarchal environment of the  Phillipines, still promotes passivity in  women, which makes them candidates for  cheap domestic workers in Canada. This  passivity is compounded by the legitimate  fear of deportation and the institutionalized racism which exists in this country.  Another obstacle which is crucial is the  isolation of the work place, a problem  inherent to domestic work. In trade union  'Ģ  terms this means one home, one bargaining  unit. In addition to this, is the relationship between employer and employee. Live-in  domestics have virtually no privacy and  what privacy may exist is due to the  generosity of the employer and not protected in law. Domestics are often encouraged to see themselves as "one of the  family". Emotional ties are developed  between the worker and the children they  may care for. When a conflict over working conditions arises, emotional blackmail  and guilt are often used to maintain poor  working conditions.  Isolation and lack of privacy make it  extremely difficult for domestic workers  to meet each other. Even when the Union  manages to get a group of domestic work  ers together, many domestics live in constant fear that the employer will find  out. In addition, the employer has complete control of a domestic workers time.  Time off is minimal and often shifted at  the employers convenience. This means that  the most skilled and committed union  members are often forced to miss meetings.  Organizing with such a set of preconditions is extremely difficult. It requires  considerable resources and long term  committment. The way that most trade  unions sustain themselves is through  membership dues. Historically, unions have  been able to bargain from voluntary  membership dues to compulsory check-off.  Most union members pay one percent of  their gross income to sustain their union.  Domestic workers gross $629 per month,  $200 of which is deducted by the employer  to cover room and board. This leaves the  union with a membership fee of $4 per  month. Given the difficulties of organ-  izng and the fact that membership grows  at a slow pace, the union cannot begin  to sustain itself with such a low financial base. It is clear that outside  resources are needed to organize such a  union.  The DWU is the third union of domestic  workers to exist in British Columbia.  In 1913, the Home and Domestic Employees  Union of B.C. formed to win the following legislative changes: a nine hour work  graphics from 'Union Wage'  day; a minimum wage; and formal recognition as a body of industrial workers.  However, their attempts to unionize  female domestics failed, largely as a  result of the little time each woman  could put into unionizing and the isolation of the women from each other. The  Union folded in 1916 and the legislative  demands were lost for another 20 years.  In 1935, The Domestic Service Union was  formed. In 1936 the DWU #91, applied for  a charter. Although the union's 400 members were able to develop a high profile  and took strong stands on many issues,  it was short lived. Just two years  after it began, it was dissolved.  Seventy years after the formation of the  first union, the issues remain the same.  Domestic workers are still excluded from  basic protections such as hours of work  and overtime pay. Two years after its  inception, the DWU finds itself without  the resources it needs to continue.  Teresita Racal, DWU's current president  has fought diligently to convince domestic  workers to stand up for their rights. It  has been disappointing to her that many  domestic workers are unable to take the  necessary risks that to her seem crucial  to achieve change. In a recent interveiw,  Racal stated, "I have tried hard with  the union, but unless there is more outside help, I do not see how we can go on."  by Eroca Warness  A good summary as to what Union Sisters  is  all about is found on their brochure:  Union Sisters is a grass roots organization uniting trade union women in the lower  mainland.   We meet for dinner and discussion  once a month,  to share experience and information,  and to provide support to each  other.   We aim to actively support working  women's struggles.  We are committed to  democratic trade unionism in their unions.  Join us'.'.  The need for an occasion "to talk" is only  one of the reasons why this group was  formed. Prior to its existence the Women's  Committee of the B.C. Federation of Labour  held dinners where women could discuss  their issues, but only women who were  members of unions affiliated with B.C.  Fed could attend.  The meetings became increasingly political  and in November of 1980 the group wanted  to invite pro-choice speaker Ann Kingsley..  "We wanted Ann to come and address our  caucus meeting, and after it was planned,  the fed officers hit the roof because  they wanted to stay away from the issue,  so they told us we couldn't have her,"  explained Sherry Hillman.  Shortly afterwards, the dinners were cancelled. However, four women from the B.C.  Fed committee still wanted to continue the  meetings. One of them had a copy of the  mailing list from the last dinner, so they  called their first Union Sisters  dinner  in the spring of 1981.  "It was at that first meeting we decided  to call ourselves Union Sisters  and to  extend the membership to any women in a  tra^de union, regardless of their association with B.C. Fed," says Marion Pollack.  Since the group's inception, a wide range  of topics have been covered: sexual harassment, equal pay, abortion, new technology,  solidarity, affirmative action, and Nicaragua.  The group is not a collective, but there  is a rotating steering committee. Volunteers call the meetings, do the mailings  and invite the speakers. Women don't have  to label themselves as "feminists" in  order to join and they do not necessarily  have to be a member of a union.  Union Sisters  is open to women in unions  and to women who are not in any union,  for example, if they are unemployed. But  they must be somehow involved in trade  unions," says former co-ordinator, Jan  O'Brien. February 84 Kinesis 15 .
Women in
the job ghetto
by Susan Croll      :\".%^
Although a number of the larger strategic
issues for working women and active
unionists are critical, little is written
about the everyday problems of on-the-job
organizing.
I am a member of the Telecommunication
Workers Union (TWU); working for B.C.
Telephone Company as a Directory Assistance (aka 'Daisy') operator. The majority
of us passionately dislike our jobs. That
may appear to be fairly normal but it has
many implications for organizing.. In many
ways, a basic issue for working women is
how best to survive our jobs and leave
work at the end of the day relatively
unscathed.
Many unionists and feminists would argue
that when the "big issues" are won (such
as equal pay, paid maternity leave, etc.)
work will become easier to handle. While
this is true and should be the direction
unions take, the psychological and emotional aspects of our day-to-day work and
how that relates to organizing, are rarely
discussed. This is not usually considered
to be "politically" significant.
Some of the worst aspects of women's
worklives, especially with the introduction of technological change are: our
feelings of being used, being under
constant supervision, not being treated as
an adult, incessant fatigue, and extreme
boredom. These feelings need to be analyzed and translated into political understanding. It's seldom that logical.
At the same time, many women like to work
as it provides a sense of being "socially
productive". This is besides the fact
that women have to work in order to live
and pay the bills. When a work situation
raises so many negative^feelings in people,
it's very difficult to isolate certain
issues and begin to organize around them.
This is because people already feel so
demoralized, they must want to put in
their day's work,, go home and forget about
work for twelve hours.
That's natural enough, but any unionist
knows that it's harder to win an issue
with either little interest or support
from the membership.
In my own work situation, a number of
things compound this problem. The first is
that being a telephone operator and working
in individual work stations on video
display terminals (VDTs) makes it very
difficult to talk with your co-workers.
We don't begin work at the same time, a
few operators start at 6:30 am, 6:45 and
so on throughout the day and this makes
it difficult to follow through on issues
consistently with the same people or to
develop friendships. After three years of
work I still don't know the names of some
of the women I work with!
Until recently, we could only go to the
bathroom one at a time, after we had put
up the flag! This is one issue we organized around and successfuly won. Surprisingly enough, half the battle was convincing our co-workers that going to the
bathroom was a basic right. Consequently,
we now use these "bathroom breaks" to take
a breather from the speedy pace we work
at, and to give our eyes a rest from the
VDTs. Having the opportunity to talk
about the problems is a first step in
convincing a co-worker that they do have
a legitimate grievance.
Fear, intimidation by authority, and basic
lack of assertiveness is another issue
that many women still have to come to
grips with. I've seen many women begin to
turn that situation around by becoming
active in the union.
BC Tel's hiring trend (for operators) is
to hire women straight out of high school
or women with little work experience. That
by itself isn't a problem, everyone should
have the right to a job, but BC Tel capitalizes on the hope that new hires won't
make waves or demand their rights.
Shop stewards are often put in the position of pleading with people to take what
is rightfully theirs. With such high unemployment rates and the depressed economy,
a lot of people who get jobs these days
consider themselves lucky and feel indebted
to their employer. A lot of the day-today tasks of shop steward is basic union
education, explaining why we need unions,
that unions generally mean higher wages,
seniority, paid vacations, medical and
dental benefits and the grievance procedure.
Working class solidarity and the fight to
develop it is, like sisterhood, not innate
in every worker or woman. However, trade
unionism, like a strong women's movement,
is the vehicle open to us to articulate
our issues, fight back, develop our alliances and strategies, and to realize our
strength in numbers and our strength in
unity.
Under Attack continued from p. 11
is to undermine union agreements struck in
an earlier period, and to weaken and fragment unions, leaving them vulnerable to
decertification. A pattern has already
emerged in the U.S., where private companies delivering social services lay off
workers and go out of business only to
resurface under another name with non-union
staff. This is especially devastating for
women, who make up the bulk of workers in
the service sector.
The final aim of Michael Walker's privateers is to maintain profitability. This
requires a compliant workforce grateful to
have jobs in a time of prolonged recession,
technological change, and double-digit
unemployment; a workforce unwilling to
risk what little security they have in a
fight for women's rights, minority protections, social justice, or human rights.
The nervous reaction of organized labour
in the face of this prospect is understandable, although it is not necessarily
acceptable. Women must, however, accept
the fact that without the support of the
trade unions, including the private
sector unions, the aims of Operation Solidarity cannot be achieved. Solidarity's
actions were based on a reading of the
economic and political climate. They believed it was impossible either to achieve
all the goals of the Solidarity Coalition
or to sustain the level of collective energy that was displayed in the four months
leading up to the strike. If they are
right, the very nature of North American
trade unionism is at least partly responsible, and as feminists we will have to
redouble our efforts to change the paternalistic structures in which back-room
deals are made by a handful of power
brokers, and replace them with a feminist
style of open, democratic decision-making
like the one on which WAB, for example,
was modelled.
If they are wrong, we will have the equally
hard job of demonstrating that the jenergy
and commitment are still there, that people
are willing to take further risks and make
further sacrifices in the interest of
equality, human rights, education, and
social justice.
The achievements of Operation Solidarity
and the Solidarity Coalition are not to
be dismissed. Bill 3 was radically revised;
Bill 27 has been withdrawn at least for
the moment, and rent control is still in
place. Perhaps even more important, Solidarity brought thousands of people together
in a way that educated and politicized them
. as never before. The Social Credit government has been slowed in its course but that
course must be stopped. The economy can
and must be reshaped according to a new
set of priorities which puts people before
profits, and which returns to the community
the power to make decisions about the things
which affect them.
There is a long struggle ahead for feminists. That struggle must take place in the
trade unions and the NDP, and in the community. To quote Sharon Yandle once more:
There is no question that women have an
enormous stake in fighting back against
wage controls and more general attacks on
the public sector.  But it is not a fight
for us to join. It is one we must lead. 16 Kinesis February 84  Sexual Harassment  No looking back  by Astrid Davidson  In July, 1983 the B.C. Human Rights Branch  was abolished. The legislation, the Human  Rights Code of B.C., is sitting there with  no enforcement mechanism. Non-union working  women (except fqr the 10 percent covered  under federal human rights legislation)  have no recourse when they face sexual  harassment on the job. And thousands of  union working women may find that clauses  prohibiting "sexual harassment on the job  mean nothing.  If they are public sector workers (teachers,  nurses, hydro office workers, municipal  employees), clauses must be negotiated  exempting those workers from Bill 3, which  effectively says public sector workers can  be fired without cause. To date, a few  locals of the B.C. Teachers' Federation and  a few locals of the Canadian Union of Public Employees and the B.C. Government  Employees' Union have successfully negotiated clauses exempting them from Bill 3.  For approximately five years many of these  women and unorganized women have been working towards eliminating sexual harassment  on the job. Sometime during the autumn of  1978, copies of an article on sexual  harassment and working women which appeared  in Ms.  magazine were distributed amongst  the B.C. Federation of Labour's Women's  Rights Committee. Many of us had never  heard of sexual harassment and personally  felt removed from the subject. Nevertheless,  the article made references to several  surveys indicating this was indeed a problem in North America and one that had to  be addressed.  Soon after, the Women's Research Centre  and the B.C.F.L.'s Women's Rights Committee  jointly conducted a survey on the subject  of sexual harassment. We did not target  the survey toward finding out the extent  of sexual harassment, although the initial  stages of our project did find.out that  sexual harassment was indeed pervasive.  Instead, we directed our survey towards  establishing a definition of sexual harassment by asking women what they felt it was;  what their personal experiences were; and  how they felt about the issue.  A few months into the project the Committee  presented a policy paper on sexual harassment to the 23rd Annual B.C. Federation of  Labour Convention which passed after much  Many women who began  working on the project believing  they had never encountered  sexual harassment soon realized  they had faced the problem  many times: they thought it was  just part of life.  encouraging discussion. Our report, finally  published in March, 1980, with comments  collected from the survey forms, made  recommendations for further action and  study. A few months later the B.C. Federation of Labour sponsored a week-end conference on sexual harassment, implementing  one of the recommendations.  Many women who began working on the project  believing they had never encountered sexual  harassment, soon realized they had faced  this problem many times in the past. So  many of us had thought it was just part of  life. Others had suffered in silence thinking they were the only ones. In some cases  women said they were afraid they'd be  accused of encouraging it. The underlying  theme, however, was that women had to keep  it to themselves because there was nothing  they could do about it. They needed their  jobs.  During the last five years the issue has  been very public and very controversial.  In some cases, unions were swift to negotiate sexual harassment clauses indicating  support while others treated the subject  as a joke or turned a blind eye. Contract  language has not always ensured elimination  of sexual harassment. Inexperienced shop  stewards-or women unknowledgeable about  their contract - both can prevent justice  Ai last count, approximately  50 union locals have negotiated  clauses eliminating sexual  harassment.  from being executed. Still we were surprised by the amount of support we encountered.  Prior to July, 1983 the B.C. Human Rights  Branch and Commission dealt with cases of  sexual harassment. Most women's organizations expected specific sexual harassment  legislation to be introduced in the future,  considering precedent has been established  across the country. Moreover, the Socred  appointed B.C. Human Rights Commission  recommended that sexual harassment be prohibited specifically in law.  Since 1980 the B.C. Federation of Labour  had received many calls from non-union  women asking for assistance in eliminating  sexual harassment at their workplace. Quite  often a woman would receive advice on how  to handle and, thus, stop the harassment.  Another woman would be referred to the B.C.  or Canadian Human Rights Branch. Many women  just wanted a listener and some support.  Within the trade union movement education  in the form of workshops and newspaper  articles abounded. At last count approximately 50 union locals have negotiated  clauses eliminating sexual harassment.  During the month of June, 1983, I was conducting a survey by telephone of how  unions handled the problem internally.  Some unions had negotiated clauses protecting their members agains.t sexual harassment without preparing themselves adequately for member versus member situations.  The issue of sexual harassment, unlike so  many other issues, has been in the forefront and has continued to gather momentum for some important reasons. It's a  fundamental question. We have a right to  say who touches our bodies. When one can  begin having fundamental issues addressed,  a lot of other goals become clearer and  accessible. Equally important is that  sexual harassment is not a new issue. Women  have faced this problem for centuries.  The economic power held over us for so long  was beginning to show cracks. Each crack  encouraged us.  Today are we right back at square one? No,  not if we refuse to go back to square one.  Human rights legislation was enacted after  pressure from the women's movement. Human  rights legislation is the final acknowledgement that discrimination exists. We  obtained that legislation when we were a  fledgling movement. Not many of us could  speak in public or would write if we could.  We had no role models. We fought amongst  ourselves.  Today, we all know that we've changed as  individuals and as a movement. We all know  we can't go back. We are much better  equipped to fight issues such as sexual  harassment. We've gained experience, knowledge and self-confidence. Our network,  though loose, is friendly and sustaining.  The tools are there to win like no other  time.  Related to this is the important decision  of priorities. What must we do? Continue  to work on women's issues, gaining first  our basic rights, refuse to burn ourselves  out, strengthen our network, and most  important - be supportive towards those  women least able to fight back.  Tribunal  upholds charges  OTTAWA...December 30, 1983 - An independent  review tribunal has upheld an earlier  finding that the former manager of the  Canada Employment Centre at Yorkton, Sask.,  sexually harassed two female employees  and should pay them damages.  The earlier tribunal found both the Canada  Employment and Immigration Commission  (CEIC) and Jack Chuba responsible for the  harassment and ordered each to pay complainant Jan Kotyk $2500 damages. The  tribunal also ordered Chuba to pay the  second complainant, Barbara Allary, $100  damages and CEIC to reimburse her $60 she  spent making her own travel arrangements  to avoid Chuba on business trips.  Chuba, included in the earlier tribunal  as an "interested party" at his own  request, launched the appeal on his own.  The review tribunal rejected Chuba's  contention that the earlier tribunal  should have dismissed the complaints  because the Commission had not informed  him personally that a tribunal would be  appointed.  Review tribunal members noted that the  Canadian Human Rights Act requires the  Commission to notify "the person against  whom the complaint was made" - in this  instance, CEIC. Once Chuba indicated he  would participate, he was "given ample  opportunity to prepare for and indeed participated fully at the hearing."  The members also noted that the act allows  the Commission to proceed against the  "corporate entity" to ensure that "a .  particular discriminatory practice in its  overall business cease and that its global  work envirnment be cleansed of an atmosphere conducive to sexually stereotyped  insults and demeaning propositions."  The decision also dismissed Chuba's contention that admitting an internal CEIC  committee report into evidence before the  initial tribunal had the effect of "loading  the dice" against him. The members found  that the earlier tribunal had not considered the report in determining Chuba's  responsiblility, only in assessing whether  CEIC had taken adequate steps to deal  with the complaint.  The members also rejected an appeal to rule  on the facts and witnesses' credibility,  finding the earlier transcripts contained  "ample evidence upon which the Tribunal  could have made the findings of fact and  credibility it did."  Review tribunal members were Sidney Leder-  man, a Toronto lawyer, Donna Welke, a  registered nurse from Regina and David  Wilkins, a Medicine Hat, Alberta lawyer.  Once appointed, tribunals are independent  of the Commission. Their decisions may be  appealed to the Federal Court. A time  to rise  CFU organizes  in Fraser Valley  by Nicola Martin  A single woman appears on a dirt road. She  beckons her co-farmworkers, still, in the  fields, to join her on the road where the  union is out picketting. Finally they join  the demonstration, some still furtive as  though the farmer may jump out after them  at any moment. The woman immediately joins  in the'spirit of the group - she starts  singing, dancing and voicing support for  the union. Her enthusiasm spreads infectiously .  A scene from a film on Nicaragua? No. It's  from A Time to Rise,  a film portraying  the Canadian Farmworkers Union's(CFU) first  years of struggle to organize farmworkers ii  B.C.'s Fraser Valley.  I recently saw this film during one of the  CFU's English as a Second Language(ESL)  training courses for farmworkers. It was  an inspiring film, but equally inspiring  was the energy with which the CFU staff  (Sarwan Boal, Judy Cavanaugh, Raj Chouhan,  and David Jackson) informed us of the  situation facing the farmworkers, where  East Indian women are a majority.  The ESL courses have been directed particularly to the Punjabi-speaking women farmworkers because of the very real problems  60 percent of the  farmworkers in the  Fraser Valley are  women. Most of them  have never had the  opportunity to learn  English.  the union faces in organizing. Approximately 60 percent of farmworkers in the Fraser  Valley are women. The majority are Punjabi-  speaking Sikhs and approximately 15 percent  are Chinese. Many of these immigrant women  have lived in Canada for anywhere between  five and 15 years. Most have never had the  opportunity to learn English, which means  they haven't been able to communicate  directly with their English speaking  employers about the terrible working and  living conditions and the very low pay.  At the height of the season farmworkers  must put in a 12-15 hour day filling their  "flats". At $2.25 a flat this often does  not amount to even the minimum hourly  wage. As the season draws to a close it  gets harder to fill the flats and under  the piece-rate system the workers lose out.  Since 1968 farmers have hired their labour  through English-speaking Punjabi contractors. These middle-men charge the farmer  up to $4.50 a flat for taking on the  responsibility of shuttling workers to  and from work. Some contractors have  managed to set themselves up on their own  farms due to this lucrative business.  There are no toilet facilities near the  fields and the workers are expected to  provide their own drinking water. Worker's  Compensation Board safety recommendations  suggest washing one's hands before eating  as a preventative measure for pesticide  poisoning! Many of the workers come from  outside of Vancouver and are housed in  very inadequate cabins.  One of the biggest problems women face is  the absence of childcare. As a result,  many children pick fruit alongside their  mothers during the height of the season.  In July of 1979 two tragedies highlighted  the need for greater safety measures on  farms, as well as the need for daycare.  On July 16th a seven-month old baby sleeping in one of the cabins rolled off its  bunk into a bucket of water and drowned.  A week later three young children also  drowned in a pond while playing.   February 84 Kinesis 17  conditions and the' low pay. The structural  racism of our society forces new immigrants  into ghettos which often leaves them less  likely to form a union or to demand the  same wage scales as other Canadians.  According to Maria Luisa Rodriguez, writing in Women and Trade Unions,  many immigrant women do not get a chance to learn  English because of the sexist attitudes  in 'Manpower' offices. Preference is often  given to mien for ESL classes because it is  presumed they are the head of the household and only one person in the family  can take the course.  Unions are generally slow to take up immigrant women's causes, but the CFU has  tailored its programme to Punjabi  needs by holding ESL classes in the work-  As with other female job ghettos, the nature of. the workplace makes organizing  farmworkers very difficult. The work is  seasonal, low paid, relatively unskilled;  there is a large pool of unemployed labour  readily available, and the union has the  laborious task of negotiating contracts  with each individual farm.  Although the union has signed up 1200 members and presently holds three contracts,  it realizes that the strength of the union  lies in the active participation of its  members. The CFU also recognizes that  immigrant farmworkers need to learn English  in order to achieve independance. However,  many women are isolated from the English-  speaking world, making it extremely difficult to learn the language.  An article on immigrant women in Union  Sisters  points out that many immigrant  women today live under a triple oppression  in terms of their class, their race and  their gender. Immigration laws allow a  quota of workers to enter Canada from certain countries, including women who agree  to work as domestic servants and people  who are being brought into British Columbia  as farm labourers because Canadian workers  for the most part won't accept the harsh  er's home and by teaching small classes  of three or four. It is not assumed these  women are literate. The classes were inspired by Judy Cavanaugh's trip to Nicaragua where she saw first hand some of the  results of their literacy crusade. The  classes teach very basic language and  literacy in the English alphabet, such as  how to ask for things when shopping, how  to phone the union office, and how to ask  employers how much they- pay per flat.  It is hoped that a basic mastery of English  will enable farmworkers to deal with other  pressing issues such as daycare on the  farms, getting farms covered by WCB regulations, higher wages and finding ways in  which women can find time to take some  part in the union activities. As Sarwen,  a union organizer says, "farmwork is not  bad work, it's the treatment that's bad."  If you are interested in information on  the CFU please call 430-6055, or come to  the office at 4730 Imperial Street,  Burn-  aby. I Kinesis Eebruai  February 84 Kinesis 19  by Sarah White       "  Way back in the late sixties and early  seventies, the B.C. women's liberation  movement was alive and exciting. Discovering women's oppression and naming it produced an attitude that women could conquer  all, and would do it soonI One wonders  if women active at that time thought they  would be still flogging the same issues  ten years later.  An issue of importance then and most  certainly now, was that of women and paid  employment. Women were largely unorganized and' even those in unions were not  much better off with regards to such problems as equal pay, low paid work with no  hope of advancement, and no maternity  leave. As is true today, women's work was  considered unskilled work. The low pay we  receive is what allows employers and  society to define our work as non-skilled.  There were many ideas and soul-searching  processes over the years on how best to  approach organizing and educating women  workers. One result was the formation of  an independent union for working women -  the Service, Office and Retail Workers  Union of Canada, SORWUC.  The Women's Caucus  In 1968 the Women's Caucus was formed by  the B.C. women's liberation movement to  do educational work on a wide range of  issues. In 1970 different units were  established to focus on specific subjects.  One of these units was the Working Women's  Workshop, whose tasks included doing  research and producing publications in  order to acquire the tools needed for  organizing. The Workshop was involved in  support pickets and leafleting campaigns  where women workers were involved. Most  were long hard battles.with a common theme  - little or no support from other unions.  Women's struggles just weren't real issues  to them at that time. Later that year the  first proposal for a women's union was  printed for discussion in The Pedestal,  the first women's liberation newspaper  in Canada.  "About 85% of working women in Canada are  completely unorganized. They have no  union protection, no job security and  lousy wages. Even those women who are in  unions are hardly organized. Few of them  participate actively in their unions, or  are represented in the leadership, because  the labour movement itself does little to  overcome the problems of working women,  particularily those with children. The  organization of working women must be a  major long-term task of the women's liberation movement." (The Pedestal,  August,  1970).  Of course, there was debate as to whether  organizing working women should be a  priority of the movement. Within the  Workshop there was ongoing debate concerning the formation of independent women's  unions as opposed to working within existing trade unions. Those who favoured the  formation of new unions didn't consider  it contradictory to work for reform inside  already established unions.  Two booklets, one about hospitals and the  other a series of stories by working women,  were printed. The Workshop also held two  library series. These were both well  attended and consisted of consecutive noon  hour meetings held at the Vancouver Public  Library. Leaflets advertising the events  were handed out downtown, specifically in  areas where large numbers of women worked.  The first series was an educational one  which focussed on equal pay, advantages  of unionizing, the history of women workers  and general women's liberation issues.  The second series was aimed at recruiting  women to a women's union.  The objects of this national union included the following:  SORWUC believes that everyone who works  should earn enough to provide a decent  living for her/himself and her/his family  ...The Union will strive to improve work-  ing conditions of members,  to maximize vgk  SORWUC's banner at Solidarity's anti-budget rally, Empire Stadium, August, 1983.  The Workshop then held a convention to  talk about a women's union but although  many women were interested, there wasn't  the commitment to get a new union off the  ground. The convention produced another  group, the Working Women's Association,  whose goals were education and support  actions, much the same as the Workshop's  had been.   ■ j^J>Sl|p  Soon after its formation, the Working  Women's Association was approached by  some women who were running into problems  organizing into traditional unions. This  clarified the need for our own union and  also enabled us to evaluate the kind of  knowledge we already had and how much  more we needed to know. A significant  event which began in 1971 was the organ- -  izing drive at UBC, where 90% of the  library and clerical workers were women.  After two unsuccessful drives with OTEU  and CUPE, the workers decided to form  their own union.  . A series of strategy meetings made women  realize that more information about trade  unions was essential. Seminars were held  with help from trade unionists who were  sympathetic to the problems of unorganized  women. The information gathered from the  seminars was enough to write another booklet; instead the decision was made to form  a new women's union that would not be  dominated by male bureaucrats and would  be independent of all other unions. Most  importantly, it would focus on organizing  workplaces where women predominated and  it would make it its' priority to be  acutely aware of the specific problems  of women workers.  The SORWUC Constitution  In October 1972, 24 women approved the  SORWUC constitution. Since the union would  be organizing in work places where women  were a majority, men would be a minority  and therefore unlikely to take control.  To prevent an entrenched bureaucracy, it  was decided no member would be able to  spend more than two consecutive terms in  a full time paid position.  opportunities for personal fulfillment  in the work situation of all members and  to reduce working hours and eliminate  t overtime so that each member may have the  opportunity of enjoying proper leisure,  recreation and cultural development.  The  Union will work to ensure job security for  all members and to end discrimination in  hiring and promotion.  Within the community,  the Union will work for the establishment  of political and social equity, for free  schools, for community health service,  and  against price and rent increases which  erode gains made through collective bargaining. ..  A clear message from the bank  drive was that union rights for  women can never be considered  a given, our obstacles are not  only the bosses, but the laws,  and sometimes even organized  labour.  Local l's first certification came a year  later in 1973 for the clerical workers at  a small legal office. Over the next few  years the local won certifications at a  number of daycares, social service agencies,  and some small offices.  The Bank Drive  In 1976 the Union chartered a new local,  the United Bank Workers, Local 2, to deal  with the massive bank drive which started  in August 1976. By May 1977, 21 branches  around B.C. had applied to the Canada  Labour Relations Board for certification.  As no one had ever attempted to. organize  the banks before, there was no precedent  as to what constituted an appropriate  bargaining unit. The banks argued that  the nation was the appropriate unit, meaning every bank worker in Canada would have  to join the union. In June 1977, the CLRB  made an historic decision in favour of the  union's position, that the appropriate unit  was the single branch location.  The decision was a victory but also proved  a problem in negotiating contracts. The  banks insisted on negotiating branch by  branch. For eight months the union travelled  around the province wasting time and money  in fruitless bargaining with hostile- and  unresponsive management. At the same  time, the bank was carrying on dozens of  legal appeals - it seemed as if every  branch was going to involve a legal  hassle with astronomical legal costs. This  served to remove any feeling of control  and even participation from bank workers  and, combined with harassment at work,  caused many to lose interest in the union.  The worst blow was when the union lost  the legal appeal against the bank's  withholding of regular annual raises. With  wages frozen for the duration of negotiations and with negotiations seeming to go  nowhere, many bank workers felt it was  best not to get involved.  Although there no collective agreements  won, the UBW felt they had made major  gains towards their goal of a union in the  banking industry. The legal right of bank  workers to organize had been established.  (For more detail, see An Account to Settle  by the Bank Book Collective.)  A clear message from the bank drive was  that union rights for women can never be  considered a given - our obstacles are not  only the bosses, but the laws and sometimes, even organized labour as well.  Local 1 has met up with similar organizing  problems in restaurants. There have been  long struggles at Denny's, Bimini's and  most recently, the Muckamuck. While these  were not lost, neither were we able to  win collective agreements. It is only the  beginning of a long struggle and what has  been achieved to date is the rallying of  community support in handing out leaflets  and picketing on behalf of workers fighting for the basic right to unionize.  Since many places where women work are  small, so has SORWUC remained small. A  three person unit is no easier or cheaper  to organize than a three hundred person  one.  Negotiating Our Issues  • Much of what SORWUC bargains for comes  from a feminist analysis. Because there  is that fundamental understanding, women  don't have to fight first within the  union for recognition of women's issues  before they even get to the bargaining  table. However, winning these issues is  another matter. Still, many benefits  which were previously unthinkable are now  part of many union contracts - maternity  leave, no discrimination on the basis of  sexual orientation, no sexual harassment  are the most obvious. Equal pay hasn't  been won but at least now there are many  more groups fighting for it. These days  hard economic times make both organizing  and negotiating more difficult.  Presently the Union has four locals:  Local 7 Ottawa, 25 members. This local  was formed much the same way as the union  was. A group of feminists got together to  talk about the problems working women face.  They are in the process of writing a  contract for a transition house. This is  no easy task as the house is run by a  collective, so management is much harder  to define.  Local 5 Powell River Home Makers, 40 members. They were originally members of Local  1 but decided to form their own local for  geographic reasons.  Local 4 Bank and Finance workers,10 members. The local produces The Monthly Statement  which is handed out at downtown  offices along with other leaflets. They  have no certifications.  Local 1 Vancouver, 140 members, 15 certifications. The latest certification victory  was at the Arts Club Theatres. The local is  certified at daycares, restaurants, union  offices, a neighbourhood house (the only  unionized one in Canada) and a telephone  paging service. There is one full-time  paid position which is elected by and  from the membership. It is a one year term  and can be done only once consecutively.  Another factor which makes this local different from other unions is its member at  large status. People who are either unemployed or not working in a Local 1  unit can pay dues and be an active member  of the local. This enables bargaining unit  members to carry on in the union after  they are laid off, and also makes the  local accessible to women with no experience (or lots) to become involved. In  this way the local can be an area where  women choose to do their political work.  An exciting event for the whole union was  the recent printing of the Bargaining  Manual which has been in the works for  about four years. It is a step by step  guide which will enable people to write  and negotiate their own collective agreements, which is an important goal of the  union.  SORWUC offices are located at: 402 West  Pender. #205-Local 1, #214-Local 4. The  phone is: 684-2834.  Organizing a bargaining unit  Where I work, a small core of employees  made a decision to unionize following  a series of incidents which made us  realize how few rights we actually had.  We began by researching different unions  and in the end chose SORWUC because we  wanted to write our own contract without  any one telling us what we could or could  not include.  Trying to keep a drive relatively secret,  while at the same time starting to  approach co-workers, was the next step.  This process begins by approaching the  -people who may be open to the idea. But  surprisingly, sometimes the people you  ■ think will be open-minded are often the  most hostile and vice-versa.  Approaching co-workers can be a very  difficult task. Where I work, people are  physically spread out at different work  sites so we talked with some co-workers  sho we had never seen or met previously. A lot of people are so  afraid of losing their jobs that  they don't even want to be  seen talking with a person who  is union organizing. It is  not a good idea to sign up  people on company premises  or company time so most of  this work must be done after  working hours or on lunch  breaks away from the workplace.  While all of this is occuring.  management usually catches wind of  something. Panic sets in and this makes  people even more apprehensive and a little  harder to approach. Once the employer detected a union drive in our workplace,  management interference began. Our boss  curculated a letter through a supervisor  where workers were required to sign, on the  spot, whether they were for or against the  idea of a union. A lot of people found this  extremely threatening and some people  wanted to withdraw the union card they had  signed only the day before. ,  At this point we had our union representative call our boss and tell him to desist.  4%  Basically, he was told this type of harass- !  ment was management interference in a  union drive and against the basic labour  standards which gurantee workers the  right to choose a union without intimida-  1  tion from the employer. We threatened to  charge him at the Labour Relations Board  if these actions weren't stopped.  In the meantime he carried on in other  ways, making pleas to the LRB of unfair  union activity, gathering 'spies' from the j  people we worked with and generally making 1  it unpleasant for anyone he suspected was \  involved in the union activity.  The hardest part of all of this was the  waiting. Once you make your decision that  f  you want a union in your workplace, you  expect it to happen in a few we'eks. This  is never the case. Delays, harassment  tactics from the boss, trying to meet  people after working hours, and the snail's |  pace of the LRB are all blocks in  the path we had to face. From the |  time we made the decision to  form a union to the time we  actually had a working legal I  union contract signed and  sealed was almost two years. |  The high turnover in staff  I  continued on while we car-  |  ried on with the organizing 1  drive. We lost lots of work- |  ers along the way.  But for those of us who hung  |  in there, the fruits of all  these battles were the sweetest  we could experience - union protec-  f  tion, job security, better benefits and  rights, and a way to air our complaints  without feeling we may lose our jobs in  the process. Oh yes, and a raise too.  The funny thing is though, now that we  know we have these rights and remember  how hard we fought for them it hasn't, be-  |  come easier. It's even more important now  1  to grieve violations of our contract. And  1  now.the struggle moves on to new levels  with grievances, arbitrations, and tough  negotiations. 20 Kinesis February 84  Union for Culinary Workers  "THINK AND ACT UNION"  by Sara Diamond  From the 1890's to this day, women have  worked as waitresses in British Columbia:  serving food, clearing tables, and often  washing dishes and floors. The occupation  expanded as the domestic market opened  up at the end of World War I. As well as  the production and sale of consumer goods,  household aids and entertainment geared  to the working class, local cafes and  restaurants where working men could catch  a quick lunch, and restaurants where  downtown shoppers and businessmen could  stop for snacks or dinner, emerged. Wait-  tressing became a key occupation for job-  hunting women, remaining so throughout  the Depression and the Second World War.  Waitressing has ever born the stigma of  low status. Teaching, nursing and telephone work earned at least limited respect  for their participants. Waitresses, however, performed tasks associated with  women's traditional maintenance work within the home and came into daily contact  with a male public. Their status was only  slightly above that of domestics, the  lowest paid and most exploited female  worker. Many waitresses in the early  twentieth century were young and single.  According to one woman who waitressed  through the 1920's, "nice girls wouldn't  work in cafes", particularly in the working class stronghold of Hastings and Main  in Vancouver.  Women have always needed to work, to  support themselves and their families.  Women flooded into waitressing during the  Depression as other job opportunities disappeared. Wages fell from $15/wk. Waitresses voiced concern over long hours, poor  food and health standards in the industry.  In theory waitresses were to receive  adequate meals to compensate for poor  wages, but in reality what food a worker  was permitted, "the bacon, ham, steak  and ice cream" versus "the stew" was forever contested, as was the number of meals  provided by employers. Food preparation  techniques often destroyed vitamin content; women who relied on restaurant  cuisine developed "terrible calcium" and  other nutritional problems. WAitresses  were not eligible for any compensation,  yet their jobs were physically stressful,  often resulting in arthritis and back  and shoulder problems.  The skills needed and the strenuous  Physical requirements of bussing and  waitressing were too often invisible to  both clientele and employers. Waitresses  faced a double bind: they had to please  both employer and patron, and these two  sides were at times in conflict. Satisfied  customers left larger tips, but waitresses  also bore the brunt of bosses' scrimping  on meals and inadequate staffing. Waitresses preferred to work in cafes frequented  by working people, who were more likely  to take a woman's side in a conflict:  The working class were behind you.  If an  incident happens in a restaurant with the  boss and the employee,  they were right  there; women, mostly men, would stick up  for us.  They'd say,   "We'll never come in  here again,  knock it off." This is the  kind of rapport with the customers; they  knew us, knew what we were like,  and  knew who we were.  The boss wouldn 't dare  get out of line.  The customer's always  right in the upper class places.  It doesn't  matter if the customer's in the wrong,  he 's always right.  That's why I never  wanted to work in those places,  I couldn 't  be honest with myself.  I helped to organize them, but I never would work in them.  -Marion Sarich  The advent of World War Two brought a  dramatic increase in the numbers of women  within the work force,'ñ†opening jobs for  married women and non-traditional trades.  Despite the media stress on industrial  work, the majority of expanding jobs for  women were actually the female job ghetto.  Service sector jobs boomed as industrial  workers and army personnel needed recreational and support facilities.  The numbers of women engaged in waitressing rose while the number of waitresses  as a percentage of the total female labour  force fell. During the Depression, a layer  of women with many years of service in  restaurants and hotels developed: once  ensconsed in a bearable work situation  women were loath to again face the insecurity of unemployment. Increasing wartime demand for female workers affected  such women in two ways: some moved on to  new work while others chose to remain in  the culinary industry with the hope of  using the labour shortage to improve conditions. Restaurant work was a holding  point for temporary workers looking to  move on to industry. Government regulations  facilitated the flow of part-time and  temporary workers into service jobs. On  one hand, the wartime culinary industry  was characterized by high turnover both  within and out of the industry, on the  other, by a layer of skilled workers with  substantial years of service.  Restaurant working conditions stagnated in  the early years of the war, but began to  improve in 1944-45, as restaurants, canteens and cafes became strongholds f,or  union organization. Wages in the service  industries remained low because of wartime wage controls; unionists concentrated  instead on hours of work and conditions,  despite employers' blacklisting of union  activists and harassment.  Small numbers of the province's waitresses  had organized from 1898 onwards, becoming  a part of the traditional craft union  structure. During the 1930's there was a  wave of militant organization over issues  such as union recognition, hours of work  and wages. Waitresses, employed tactics  such as the boycott, sit-down strikes and  picketting, winning at least temporary  improvements. These struggles occured outside of the traditional union movement in  the early '30s, but later they were led by  the Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union.  By the outset of the war, Vancouver's  Local 28 was both financially and emotionally depleted by an unsuccessful organizing drive at the Hotel Vancouver in 1940  and internal union strife. Despite this,  a largely female leadership rebuilt the  local, organizing Vancouver restaurants  and later hotels during the war and immediate postwar period.  Wartime waitresses worked a 48 hour week,  with two or more split shifts. A woman  might begin her shift at 11:30a.m., work  until 2:30p.m., have a break until 5:30,  work until 8:30, break until 11:30 and  work until 2:30a.m. Waitresses were forced  to "stick downtown" during this excruciatingly long day. When she left work bus  service had ended and a waitress often  walked home, facing harassment on the  street, rape and in one instance murder.  Some rare employers offered to drive  women home, but this hardly eliminated the  threat of sexual harassment and could lead  to suspicions about a woman's relationship  with her employer on the part of co-workers I  and family. Not surprisingly, the issues  of hours of work, split shifts and transportation home became major organizing February 84 Kinesis 21  xssues.  Wartime culinary unionists moved to construct a strong, industrial union, one  which would include cooks, waitresses,  busgirls, cleaners and ultimately hotel  workers. The issue of work identity, however, emerged as a major problem. Improvements required raising the occupation's  social status and waitress's self-respect.  Union tactics divided between militants  who argued for reliance on union structures',  long term goals, negotiations, grievance  procedures and a master contract, and  temporary workers who wanted on the job  action and immediate improvements.  This concern with women's work identities  runs throughout the local's wartime minutes.  During the depression, waitresses, unable  to afford stockings, had worn bare legs  to work. Women were accustomed to the coolness and comfortability in the summer.  Both union and employer found this "casual  attitude" unacceptable. The union urged  that "the question of wearing stockings  which is anticipated amongst others  should not be made an issue of." Management's, not workers' rights to set standards, clearly won out.  Further minutes reveal concern about  waitresses insulting management and the  popularity of walking off the job as a  form of protest: "Such an action does not  put the management out as much as it puts  a hardship on the girls remaining on the  floor". The union consistently emphasized  that waitresses must be polite and cooperative with their bosses and let the  union resolve conflicts. In many ways  active unionists demanded that women  comply with standard definitions of  femininity and polite behaviour. However,  they also sought to improve conditions,  were strongly supportive of democratic  functioning and expressed a driving will  for organization.  An additional conflict existed between  male cooks, bartenders and waiters who  looked down on their female co-workers  because they were women. Men's contempt  represented itself inside the union, in  jurisdictional disputes and in a lack of  support for organizing the restaurants.  One woman expresses the tension:  The bartenders were always away from us.  They were always fighting us. At every  ' chance,  instead of co-operating with us,  because we were women.   Whenever there was  food waiter, nobody wanted to work for the  food waiter because they were the laziest.  They pick up all their tips and then tell  you to go clear the tables,  their station,  and the boss says,   "Well, you heard him. "  This was always the women who did all the  dirty work. . .  We knew that all along.  We said,   "One of  these days we '11 organize them just for  being unfair to us.  We're going to walk'.  That's what I said we should do:   "We should  take placards and walk up and down the  street and say that men are unfair to  women." You know, peaceful picketting. But  when the boss heard that we were going to  do this in front of the restaurant,"Ohhohhl"  While in 1941 men dominated the local  executive, by the next and following years  there was an all female executive with  one lone male exception. Women were active  on committees and as stewards.  Throughout the wartime organizing campaign  the local battled the International for  funds to pay its organizer. Although  forced to run the union "on a shoestring"  the process continued. Shops were targeted according to size, location and  possible support. Workers in canteens  within wartime industries approached the  union for cards and contracts; they had  seen the effectiveness of industrial  unions in improving conditions. As the  momentum accelerated,- waitresses in cafes  approached the union; other unionists implanted themselves within shops to organize. The local's maxims were "Think, talk  and act trade union" and "Each member must  be an organizer." Individual members took  this to heart and would spend hours in  non-union cafes during their breaks organizing for the local.  Once workers expressed interest in the  union, an organizing committee was created,  then a shop-based grievance committee and  house steward elected. Shop meetings outlined key issues for workers. The minutes  of an early meeting of the Oyster Bar Cafe  workers state:  ...wages ork.;  lack of management cooperation,  change staff table from near  men's room in drafty area- to side room;  more adequate first aid supplies; control  over dining room line-up which is narrow  and congested,  difficult to work in when  too many people; meat for staff twice a  week has been the custom. A shortage of  kitchen staff and inadequate dish supply.  The meeting continued with a discussion  of the relationship between trade union  principles and staff co-operation: members  "decided to be less demanding of busgirls  as they were overworked by management. In  this instance the workers decide to manage  their own conditions, in effect establish-  • ing a slow down. The process was quite  democratic and complemented other aspects  of the union structure at this time: all  staff were former workers in the industry  and they provided a 24 hour round the  clock servicing for the workers.  By May 1944 there were over 300 members in  Vancouver, with prospects continuing to  improve; one hundred percent organization  in the shipyard canteens; and by 1945, a  master agreement with the Restaurant Own  ers Association. By 1945, the Bartenders  Local at last threw its support behind the  organizing drive and the International  began to be a bit more lenient with funds.  Through house and master agreements the  union established a forty hour, five day  week, with no loss in pay; shifts could  span a maximum of ten hours for eight  hours of work; split shifts were for the  most part abolished; paid vacations and  sick leave established. In 1946 the union  won provincial legislation limiting the  hours that the night shift could end to  times when public transportation was  available. As the war ended the local  fought for the right—for women to have a  job and a union. At the end of 1945, the  local embarked on a massive and successful hotel organizing dirive, winning the  Georgia and other high quality hotels, and  culminating in a master agreement with the  hotel owners.  Unfortunately, by 1947, the International  union imposed a trusteeship on the local  and removed the female leadership from  office, replacing them with men. The women  were accused of Communist sympathies. They  had participated in building an effective,  broad democratic opposition in the union  in both the U.S. and Canada, and in doing  so had become too great a threat to the.  existing leadership. From 1948 onwards,  restaurant membership declined in the local,  as the new leadership rejected the need to  organize the restaurants, preferring the  more accessible and lucrative dues base  of the hotels and beer parlors. An important area of women's employment was lost  to trade unionism, remaining so, for the  most part, to this day. r  Kinesis February 84   EPIC  fights for  equal pay  In 1979, 55% of female heads of households  earned under $9,000, while only 16% of  male heads of households earned under  $9,000. The gap between men's and women's  wages is widening. Overall, women are  paid about 59C for every dollar earned by  the average man.  More' and more women are doing something  about this injustice-as individuals, in  unions, and in women's organizations.  Where We Come From  When city workers throughout the lower  mainland went on strike in 1981, they  fought for the same beginning rate of pay  for clerical workers (mostly women) and  for labourers (mostly men), that is,  equal base rates. The strike got a lot of  people thinking about equal pay.  Because some of us decided we wanted to  keep on working for equal pay, we formed  EPIC, the Equal Pay Information Committee . We now have members, women and men,  from a number of different unions and  workplaces.  What We're Doing  EPIC has used many tactics in the struggle  for equal pay: issuing written material on  equal pay; speaking in every available  forum on the issue; holding workshops;  promoting the issue in unions; supporting  strikes which include an equal pay demand;  rv  and, as well, testing the limits of the  law in achieving this goal.  In 1982, we issued a kit with articles,  cartoons, speeches and statistics on equal  pay, the most complete collection of  material on this subject available in  Canada. We are currently working on a  handbook, to be available in several  months, which concentrates on different  ways of working for equal pay.  We are supporting Beverly Yaworski in her  attempt to enforce the provisions of the  British Columbia Human Rights Code. Three  years ago, Beverly approached the Human  Rights Branch with her complaint that  Army and Navy Department Stores paid beginning women sales clerks $3.65 an hour  while the men sales clerks were paid $4.  an hour. And the case is still not settled...  Another issue we are working on is pensions. A few years ago women won the right  to a division of Canada Pension Plan  OYCOTTS.. .BOYCOTTS... BOY  ... BOYCOTTS. . . BOYCOTTS..  COTTS.   .  .BOYCOTTS.   .  . BO  by Marion Pollack  The following is a list of boycotts  currently in progress...  Army and Navy Department Stores -  The  1983 B.C. Federation of Labour Convention  followed the lead of the Equal Pay Information Committee and declared a boycott  of this department store chain. An unresolved equal pay for equal work complaint against the Army and Navy has remained unresolved since 1981.  Kimberly-Clark Products - These products  include Kotex, Hi-Dri and Delsey. In the  Spring of 1983, the Kimberly-Clark Company in Manitoba announced it was shutting  down. This has thrown more than 150 women  and men, members of the Canadian Paper-  workers Union, onto the unemployment rolls.  Proctor and Gamble Products  - This company manufactures Cheer, Ivory, Downy and  Bold soap products. The Proctor and Gamble  workers in Kansas have been trying for a  year and a half to certify themselves  into a union. The boycott has been called  by the Steelworkers.  Michelin Tires - The Nova Scotia Federation of Labour initiated 'this Canada-wide  boycott charging that the Nova Scotia  Government conspired with Michelin Tires  to introduce and implement extreme anti-  labour legislation in that province. The  legislation severly inhibits the ability  of workers to carry out union organizing.  Kem,  Chevrolet,  Oldsmobile -  There has  been a strike against this company for  several months. The products are "hot" as  a result of management's unwillingness to  negotiate a fair contract with its workers.  Canadian Tire Company  - A bitter strike  against this company's Prince George  location has been in progress for several  months. The company has employed a number  of anti-union and strike breaking tactics.  Campbell Soup, Libby Products and Lettuce  - All these products are being boycotted  in an effort to support the American  Farmworkers. Lettuce brands include  Donny, Big Fred, Fat Bobby and Andrews.  Nestle Products  - This international  boycott is a response to the Nestle's  continued advertising campaign, promoting  infant formula in the Third.World. The  sale of Nestle's formula has resulted in  numerous infant deaths.  Equitable Life Insurance Company -  The  Service Employees Union, in conjunction  with the organization "Nine to Five", has  called a boycott of this company because  of its discriminatory hiring, pay and  promotion practices in regards to women.  The Union is trying to organize this company.  Other hot products include: South African  products, Husky Oil and Chilean products.  credits between spouses upon the dissolution of marriage. This means that, when  a couple divorce, after years of marriage,  they can share equally in the pension  credits accumulated by either party during  those years.  Since a woman usually has less pension  credits, because of lower earnings and  less years in the paid labour force, this  legislation almost always benefits the  woman. This law was undoubtedly a response  to the women's rights movement and the  findings of the Royal Commission investigation' on the status of women in this  country.  However, this obviously just and progressive change in the Canada Pension Plan has  some unexpected twists and turns, one of  which was recently discovered by a local  At the time of her divorce, Mrs. Joy  Irving did not know of the possibility of  a sharing of pension credits. There is no  mechanism by which women automatically  learn of this right. When she heard of the  provision, she applied immediately. Without this provision, her ex-husband's  pension would be considerably larger than  hers, since his earnings as a salesman  were always much higher than hers as a  skilled secretary. In addition, she spent  some time at home around the time of the  birth of their three children.  The law states that you must apply within  three years of the final divorce. Joy  applied 25 days late-that is, three years  and 25 days after the divorce. Her claim  was denied. She appealed to the Honourable  Monique Begin, Minister of Health and  Welfare, who denied her appeal.  Joy filed an appeal under Section 83 of  the Canada Pension Plan Act. A Review  Committee was appointed, a hearing was  held, and the Review Committee decided in  Joy's favour. So it appeared that she  would be able to apply for a sharing of  pension credits after all.  However, the Minister, Monique Begin, has  appealed this decision to the Pension  Appeals Board, which consists of Federal  and Provincial Superior Court judges.  The outcome of this case is obviously of  great importance to Canadian women. However, Joy, as a low-paid clerical worker,  cannot afford the costs involved. EPIC  is anxious to build a campaign that both  focuses public attention on the case, and  pays for the court costs.  What We Want  We in EPIC are fighting for:  - Equal base rates for women and men;  - Pay in "women's" jobs (clerical and  service work) equal to the average  wage in the community;  - A fair and liveable wage for all  workers.  Working With Us  If you want to know more about EPIC or  about the equal pay issue, if you want to  work with us on any of our projects, we'd  like to hear from you.  You can: come to a meeting of EPIC. Our  next meeting is Thursday, March 22nd, at  7:30 pm at Britannia Community Centre.  Invite us to come to a meeting of your  organization (union local, women's group,  etc.) to speak on the equal pay issue.  Contact us at: EPIC* Box 4237, Vancouver,  B.C. V6B 3Z7. February 84 Kinesis 23  ARTS  ARLENE MANTLE  by Rachel Epstein  Singer,   songwriter and educator Arlene  Mantle was in Vancouver for  2% weeks in  November.  Rachel Epstein spoke to her fo:  a couple of hours on tape.  This is some  of what she said.  How did you start doing music?  Well, I always had this insatiable desire  to be a ham and an entertainer and to sing.  But then I never thought about it because  I got married at a really young age and  had five kids. It wasn't until I was  separated from my husband and sharing a  house with another woman and her kids and  she bought me a guitar. The reason she  bought it for me was because I was hanging  out in a little draft room at a hotel on  Queens Street in Toronto, totally mesmerized by the country and western singers. I  wanted to be one, I wanted to sing "Stand  By Your Man" and "Cheatin' Heart" and all  those old Kitty Wells songs. So I learned  to be a reasonable rhythm guitar player  and started to get up and sing in after-  hours clubs. Then I met up with this guy  and played as a duo with him for a couple  of years and then six years by myself on  the road singing country music in small  towns. Then I got hepatitis and I had to  quit singing and go on welfare. I never  went back. I had been increasingly unhappy  singing in the bars, increasingly lonely  being on the road.  When did you start writing and singing  political music?  It was during that period after I quit the  bars that I got involved in a community  and got asked to write some music. I was  living in Jane Corridor which is a public  housing project in the north end of Toronto.  I lived there for eleven years. The first  political song I wrote was part of a slide-  tape show to protest putting up six new  highrises in.the Jane Corridor. The response to the show was so great that the  developers never got a chance to open their  mouths and no highrise development ever  did go through. I think I saw the power of  music and visuals and what that could do  in terms of community. It was really gratifying and rewarding and I thought, "I'd  like to do more of this kind of thing."  I got a chance a little while later to do  a song for a multicultural event and then  I did a song for a video on welfare women.  How was your life changing- during this  period?  I did a few university courses. I started  to change the way I felt about things, I  started to be more militant, less accepting  of the shit I'd taken- for my life. And by  then I was very much out as a lesbian.  Lesbianism first became an issue for me  when I was still living with my husband  and a group of women approached me* to sing  in their band. There was something they  had about them that was very attractive  to me and I finally asked them "are you  guys queer?" and they said "yes". Well  within a week after that I decided I was  too. I told my husband that I was attracted  to women and that became a real issue in  the household. If he suspected that I so  much as talked to a woman I got beaten.  When he left it wasn't long before I was  involved with a woman. I wish I had left  earlier but it's very hard for women to  leave bad marriages when they have a lot  of children.  Lately you've done a lot of songwriting  workshops.  How did you start doing these?  I guess I played enough that some people  got to know who I was and I was asked to  do a songwriting workshop at a community  centre. There were 20 people in the workshop and everyone had different ideas so  I flipcharted all over the walls everything everybody said and then looked for 'Ģ  some common threads. I thought, why not  make all these problems into one person's  problems, so I wrote the little chorus:  "I'm Rosie and my life ain't cozy, living  in the OHC(Ontario public housing)." Then  it was easy for the people in the room to  put their lines in about their issue. So  at the end we had this pretty good song.  There were some kids there too and they  wrote a song called "Kids Have Rights Too.'  Is it your priority to sing about women?  Oh yes my priority is women, and my priority  within that priority is poor women. The  songs I write come from a feminist perspective and the fact that I'm getting to sing  more and more songs about women in so many  places to me is a coup. Because my priority  is poor women I get very impatient with  the organized women's movement at times.  Middle class women, feminists, are not  paying the attention to women's poverty  that they should. I don't think that the  situation of native women or welfare rights  are ever brought out on International  Women's Day and I don't thing it's just in  Toronto.  I venture to say probably the same thing  happens here in Vancouver. I think what's  problematic about it is that it's too  close. Every time you acknowledge Canadian  poverty or you acknowledge the situation of  poor women, welfare women, you have to  own where you fit in the whole structure.  And I think that's too painful anet too hard  for people to do. I'm not yelling at my  middle class friends and saying you are  responsible for my oppression or for the  oppression of the women at Regent Park, but  I do think they really have to look at  where they fit and they can't make up for  where they fit in this structure by taking  their energies to causes outside of what's  going on here. I have not put down involvement in struggles in Central America or  any other oppressed country, I work in the  solidarity movement myself, but I think  not having solidarity with women here in  your own country first negates a lot.of the  validity of your solidarity elsewhere  I went to the International Women's Day  Committee two years ago and told them  about how women on welfare were being  transferred from provincial benefits to  municipal benefits, reclassified as employable and denied the right to obtain long-  term assistance to stay home and parent  their children. But there was no interest  in making that a big focus of-the march.  There was some debate about the fact that  we were asking for the right to stay home  while they were touting the right to a job.  We had a rally shortly after and none of  the women from the organized women's movement showed up for that either, so I felt  really depressed about the whole thing and  started thinking about what it all means.  I was taking a shower and all this stuff  was going through my head and I got so  mad. That's when I wrote "Hey, What About  Class." I want to look to the women's  movement as the structure for poor women's  issues to be brought forward and dealt  with and publicized so that they become  really burning issues. I think women who'  are writers and who are feminists could  see that more of the stories of poor women  are portrayed in feminist literature.  Have you ever been asked not to sing  certain songs?  continued on p. 2 4  ON THE MUSIC 24 Kinesis February 84  ARTS  continued from p. 23  That happened once but then I ended up  not getting the job anyway, but I had  decided to ignore it and do what I wanted  anyway. I myself have had problems like  when I sang at the Divinity College for  the anniversary of the death of Oscar  Romero. I thought "do I sing 'Right to  Lifers kill my choice', or do I leave  that song out?" Well, the minute that  enters my head then all the more reason  why I can't leave it out, 'cause if I left  it out then I'd feel so rotten about myself  I couldn't go on. I think I'd have to stop  doing what I'm doing, I'd just have to  say "well, this is it, I'm not useful anymore ."  It's like working in welfare rights. I've  been involved in welfare rights for quite  a while and helped to start the mother's  group in Regent Park. I'm on welfare myself but there came a point where I had  to own the amount of privilege and access  I've gotten because of my music. While  that hasn't changed my class in any way I  do get things here and there and I've had  more opportunities and I don't eat the  same foods I used to eat because I've  found other foods that I like better. I'm  not into the health food trip but I've  found out that processed cheese slices  aren't really very good and I like other  cheese better. This is not a great political statement that I don't like processed  cheese but it is in a sense because it's  indicative of changes.  Whav role do you think music plays in  social movements?  I think it's inspiring, it helps to hold  people together when they're starting to  feel really defeated and down, it's mobilizing. It can serve a lot of uses. Any  great social movement has always had a lot  of music accompanying it. The trade union  movement used to be a real singing movement and it doesn't happen much anymore and  I think until it starts to happen again a  lot of militancy goes down the drain. I  remember talking to a trade union person  in Toronto who said "you've got people  singing, doing songwriting sessions, but  how are you going to get them singing in  the locals?" And I said, well maybe if  the leadership would start to sing more,  then the locals would sing more, and that  the onus is on the leadership to do that.  And we can't go back to just singing  sixties music.  We need new music that goes with today's  struggles. And there are people writing  it all over the place. Here in B.C. people  are writing songs about Bennett and the  budget. They're great. And you've got  people like the Euphoniously Feminist Singers and Phil Vernon. That's exciting to  me. 'Cause we have a real struggle, as  feminists we have a struggle, as lesbians  we have a struggle, as trade unionists we  have a struggle, as workers we have a  struggle, trying to fight the right and  all the tools they have at their hands,  like the media. There have to be ways  that we can validate what it is we do and  who we are, and have it be as important  as what we see on television or what we  see in Hollywood films. Music can do that.  Music is powerful, it's a real force to be  reckoned with.  Arlene is part of a publishing collective  called "On The Line".   Their aim is to  publish accessible and affordable song-  books of progressive political music.  Her  own songbook called "Arlene Mantle On The'  Line",  and a tape of 19 of her songs are  available at the Women's Bookstore,  Octopus Books,  Spartacus Books,  the Co-op  Bookstore and La Quena.  Arlene would like  to thank La Quena and the Vancouver women 's  community for making her trip to Vancouver  Elizabeth Hopkins:  Art as a way of loving  by Helene Rosenthal  Hoppy,  a Portrait of Elizabeth Hopkins.  Director: Colin Browns; Editor: Haida  Paul; Time: 27.50 min.; Produced by the  N.F.B.; For release Spring,   1984.  It is well known that our Gulf Islands are  the habitat of a bevy of nature-loving,  industrious creative spirits: artists,  craftspersons and writers of all kinds.  Among these, the painter Elizabeth Hopkins'  of Galiano Is. who turns 90 this year,  must surely top the lot as the producer of  the most youthful - that is to say joyously child-like and narratively entertaining - images of them all.  In Hoppy, a Portrait of Elizabeth Hopkins  (a film still in process when I viewed it),  her personality, paintings and environment have been so skilfully blended that  face and voice, painted creatures (birds,  animals, reptiles and mythical beasts,  often wearing articles of human clothing),  outdoor sounds - especially of birdsong,  and an amusing choice of instrumental  music wittily matched to the frames all  come together in a kind of magical,  enlarged see-hear story book way to take  us in and free us to be raptly innocent  again. Enchanting, yes. But wonderfully  wise and curative, too, this inner world  of a serene spirit made manifest.  But let me introduce the inspiration herself: Hoppy, as she is affectionately  known to her many friends. "I love life  and I'm a tough old girl," she told the  editor of Homemaker's  magazine not so  long ago. Here is proof, as we meet her  at her drawing board, walking on the beach,  mingling with her public at the Bau Xi  gallery in Toronto where her work is having yet another triumphant opening (paintings fetch up to $1000 each and her shows  are usually sold out), and back home  again at her desk. (You and I should have  such energy if and when we reach ninety!)  Hoppy is seemingly unimpressed with her  age. "I don't want to live to be old and  doddery," she says. Obviously, she never  will be,  A strong face is surmounted by a thatch of  bluntly cut white hair, eyes are a lively  dark brown, and her mouth curls up frequently in good-humoured smiles. Her sense  of humour - verbal and painterly - is a  constant delight. Talking about cats, for  instance, she deplores their penchant for  cruelly playing with the birds they catch  instead of just eating them - which she  morally disapproves of in any case. So  in her paintings she lays out neat little  rows of dead mice for their delectation,  along with other small earth-bound prey  she considers proper. Not only her cats  enjoy frequent picnics of this sort. Hoppy  is seen in a sequence that is the. film's  most lyrically tender one at an outdoor  picnic dinner with young Island friends and  neighbours. This is the kind of analogy  the film excels in.  If she is her cats' judicious chef, she  allows them their freedom otherwise. They  consort with and love whom they please.  This extends to all her creatures, some  of whose amours she has written about and  illustrated in The Painted Cougar (Tal-  onbooks, 1977), a children's book that  went to several printings.  Has there been any romance in her life?  asks the interviewer, "isn't there in  everyone's?" she counters, neatly parrying1  the personal probe. She goes on to muse  about how she has lived. One can see that  it isn't that she hasn't loved people or  found them uninteresting as subjects for  painting. "I've done a lot of people,"  she notes, delighted that "once I didn't  try hard, I could get it." Well, humans  are difficult. If Hoppy peoples her painted  world mainly with animals it is at least  because they live so much more in harmony  with the environment than we do.  She is no recluse from the world's pain.  Forty years of her life were spent ministering to it as a trained.nurse before she  left her native England for Canada. After  a decade in Victoria, where she managed a  bookstore, she finally retired, at 70, to  Galiano where at last she could devote  herself to her own interests full time.  First she created an English garden that  became a tourist attraction. Then she  created a new career. She was "discovered"  at age 80, when one of her paintings on  display at the Community Centre was bought  by Vancouver artist John Korner. Success  followed with the sale of all her work to  . Xica Huang, director of the Vancouver Bau  Xi gallery, who has been her agent ever  since.  But wait. Isn't there going to be anything  at all on the subject of romance? Hoppy  doesn't so much avoid the question as give  it the summary treatment it deserves, in  her estimation. She is at her desk, the  camera lens squarely on her and on her  large elderly ginger cat indolently reclining among the papers in front of her.  "I've lived alone so long," she says, with  an inward gaze. Then, spiritedly, she  warms to her subject. "No, I don't want a  new man sitting in here." The joke is  visually apparent as "The Colonel" basks  in his preferment. As though forestalling  speculation, she quickly adds, "I don't  want a woman either." What she would like  is "a comparatively young man to do the  tasks a frail woman cannot do, around the  house," her only acknowledgment of the  limitations inherent in advanced age. (One  cannot imagine her indulging in anything  like a complaint.)  The last word, in a manner of speaking, is  the film's. Hoppy's painted world is presented as perhaps her greatest romance. In  its imaginative, funny, affectionate,  peaceful and endearing quality of being  true to itself, it is a way of loving that  shares with us all. February 84 Kinesis 25  Women in Focus has worked in all  film, performance... Some examples (left to right), the Womansize art exhibit, Spiderwoman theatre, Giuditta Tornetta, Rachel Rosenthal.  Cultural group faces the axe  As funding cuts  cripple women's  groups across the  country, our only  cultural centre is  now in a serious  financial crisis.  Kinesis recently talked with  Marion Barling, President of  Women in Focus, and Gillean  Chase, Arts Administrator.  by Heather Wells  'Ģ Is this the blackest hour in the history  of Women in Focus?  Marion: I don't know if it's the blackest  hour. That's not really the way I would  perceive it. What's happened is that"I've  received practically no wages and I've  trained many women to keep this place  going with absolutely no acknowledgement  from government funding sources. I'm absolutely drained. I believe that government  sources have to acknowledge that it's us,  it's Women m Focus that has welded the  ideology of arts, media, politics, feminism. I don't advise anybody to pick up the  role I*was playing. For women to make  change, they've got to survive. It's no  good us all burning out. We've got to have  the same status as other groups.  The federal Status of Women, which was defined and made to improve the status of  women in Canada, sees the social oriented  or the lobby groups as where that change  is, where it's appropriate for women to be.  We've received $16,000 from Secretary of  State Women's Programs after a decade of  production work, workshop work. Our productions are used right across the country  - internationally, in fact.  Locally, we've been forging a new ideology  making the connections between sexual harassment, rape, incest and all the important  women's issues. We were the first Canadian  production group to make two productions on  pornography. We were the first to make  something on rape. We were the first to  make something on sexual harassment. So  we've done the work of making those productions, doing the analysis, writing our  own scripts and distributing, and we've received $16,000.  You know what kind of a centre this is.  It needs six highly skilled, top of the  line, qualified women to work here. We're  functioning on two right now. We've  functioned on one many times and UIC  recipients and odd project grants that  have come through. But as basic core funding, we've functioned on less than $30,000  per year for the majority of our years  and we've got a proven record. It's been  a decade now.  The track that Women in Focus is taking  to remedy its impossible project to project financial existence is a group lobbying approach.  Women's groups across Canada  are requesting the involvement of national  Secretary of State in'status of women  issues. A call is being put forth to  national Secretary of State to address  the needs of this large lobby group.   Women  are anxious to be included on the planning  level of where funding gets allocated and  why.  Gillean: Recently, national Secretary of  State went to Cabinet and did receive  more funding and now I understand it's a  matter of the treasury board deciding on  the basis of priorities who will receive  funding. We've been trying to make them  aware that Women in Focus does not fit  just within a cultural mandate. Secondly,  that we're a national organization as  well as a provincial organization and that  we deserve national funding support and  in general that we want out of the whole  special project funding route. Also, we  have seen what we think is a certain  amount of arbitrary decision making around  which groups will be invited to participate in the lobbying process. We are  appealing to the new director in the  national program to include us in that  process. Basically, the Minister, Serge  Joyal, will be explaining his position in  terms of the allocations that have been  made and hearing people's input in regard  to policy development. That process is  happening. There is a discussion in Ottawa  this week.  We were talking earlier about the Department of Communication and the fact that   ]  it's turning its attention towards more  high tech kinds of development.  Gillean: I think, basically, the preoccupation of government in general as  it relates to the artist is becoming incredibly interesting. As you may be aware,  Revenue Canada is taxing the artist in a  totally new way. Previously, there was  some understanding that you put in an  immense amount of money particularly, say  in the area of film and video, before you  see a red cent coming back to you from  your work. The government is now expecting  to tax an artist on the basis of income  that isn't there, because they see the  work as a commodity and as a product and  therefore as something that is taxable,  like a shirt or something manufactured.  So there are problems which affect independents in this country in a very profound way.  Everything that comes out of Francis Fox's  mouth in terms of the Department of Communication and their mandate has to do with  satellites, has to do with making the CBC  more economically viable. So what independents are seeing is that they're being  squeezed out of the process of shaping  thought and change because we can't get our  messages heard out there in the mainstream.  Capital intensive operations are not what  we have access to. Media is becoming incredibly slated towards a commercial  model that sells and as you know, commercial products are very non-threatening,  very non-political and very innocuous.  Are you saying that there 's been a squeezing process over the years,  that the  commercialization of the media is increasing?  Gillean: Access to the means of production,  that old marxist term, is very true. Unless  you have access to the image, unless you  can control the camera, in front and behind  you're not controlling what is seen. As  women, our reality has been misrepresented  and distorted so that it is difficult for  women to know who they are because so few  people have looked at women's lives through  women's eyes. What we see is a media image  of women which is very often justifying  pornography and shows her in a distortive  way even in terms of her biological and  nurturing functions. So if we want to  reverse this process, we have to be seen  before there can be change in the social  order. And yes, I think there is a squeeze  on in the mass media to incorporate  gender roles in a very sick way to normalize what get called masculine and feminine,  and to turn it into a fetish that you can't  step out of. What that does is create a  whole view of the family unit and of social  and emotional possibilities that is quite  frightening. If you put that together with  a high tech emphasis and you mass market  those images only, you have no means for  any other way of perceiving.  This is a very 1984 kind of conversation  we 're having.  Gillean: Yes, we're talking about the de- .  liberate awareness of government that it  is eliminating more and more jobs to  technology, and that it is o.k. to do that.  That as long as you can make economic  sense it doesn't matter what the social  impact of that economy is. If machines  can do something better then it doesn't  matter if we're all unemployed, dislocated  and casualties of modern technology. That  is particularly true of women who don't  have access to technological methods  continued on p. 27 26 Kinesis February 84  ARTS  by Elsa Schieder  A number of films show men's fictional  visions of nuclear war. Among them are On  The Beach,  The War Game  and most recently,  the made-for-TV The Day After.  Many pertinent questions have been raised about  these films, such as: How realistic are  they? Do the films encourage action or do  they psychically numb?  There's another important question I haven't  heard addressed. Namely, are there similarities which stem from these films being man-  made?  Testament,   directed by Lynne Littman, based  on a story by Carol Amen, has recently been  released. The standard questions are as  relevant to it as to the men's films. But  the main issue I'll be dealing with is: in  what ways does Testament  differ from the  men's films ? I'll be comparing it most  frequently to The Day After.  First of all, Testament  tells a woman's  story. None of the other films do. The War  Game,   for example, begins with a male  because she's a woman? In part. The only  people we see leaving her town are a young  couple. And Carol doesn't have a man around  to organize the movement.. Another factor is  that Carol isn't someone from whom movement is demanded. She's not a submarine  commander and for a long time Carol doesn't  know Tom is dead. She wants to be there in  case he makes it home. By the time she  finds out his fate, it's too late to leave.  The Day After  indicates another reason for  Carol's reluctance to pack up and go. In  it, violence is rampant. In Carol's quiet  community, she and her children are relatively unlikely to be the victims of anonymous violence. There's a more positive impetus toward staying. The family has a home,  and a place in the community. How could  Carol cope with illness on the road? Who  would look after the children if something  happened to her?  Testament  is the only nuclear war film in  which the central character waits. Carol's  story is one that male filmmakers have  avoided like the plague.  Hollywood's holocaust films  soldier shooting and ends with a male  minister preaching. The voice of a male  reporter interviews people throughout. The  men's films are also linked because, in  each, the central presence has a highly  public occupation: reporter, doctor, navy  officer. In Testament,  Carol Wetherley is  a homemaker, a private person.  The first ten minutes of Testament  don't  establish that the film will be about her  rather than her husband, Tom. So how does  it get to be Carol's story? It's simple.  Carol Amen (the writer) kills Tom off. He's  held up in San Francisco, ninety minutes  by car from home, and he gets nuked. Tom's  death is essential. He likes to take charge.  If he were around, the action would pivot  around him, and perhaps around the Tom-  Carol relationship.  Not only is Testament  about a woman, it's  the only of the films in which the parent-  child relationship is central. Carol, a  long-term resident of her commuter community, is never shown with friends. Her only  depicted social involvement is as director  of the school play. She is, first and foremost, a mother, and her greatest grief is  that the war takes away her children's  futures.  Yet another difference between Testament  and the men's films is that Carol stays  put. In The Day After,  on the other hand,  four men are on the move at the moment the  bombs hit. The doctor's in his car. A  soldier's in a truck. One student's on his  motorcycle, and another is hitchhiking.  Toward the end of the film, the doctor's  on the move again, this time staggering  back to his nuked hometown. (The women in  the film are less mobile. For example, at  the time of impact, two wives, the doctor's  and the soldier's, are at home in ai blast  zone - and poof! Note the neat reversal of  deaths between Testament  and The Day After).  Activity is futile in On the Beach.  Most  of the earth is a radioactive wasteland.  Australia, which hasn't been hit, will  soon be contaminated by fallout. There's  nowhere to go. That doesn't stop the film-  makers^. A submarine captain meets a woman  and falls in love. Will he and his love  interest spend whatever time they have  together? Of course not. He mans the last  submarine to check for signs of life in  America.  Why doesn't Carol Wetherley move? Is it  Carol's unwillingness to pack her bags is  more stereotypically feminine than masculine. But her capability, and that of the  other female characters, is at variance  with the behavior of most of the women in  The Day After.  In that film, the only wife  who survives does so only because her  husband drags her kicking and .screaming  down to the basement: she wants to finish  doing the beds.  Carol, likewise, doesn't always keep her  cool. Who could? When her youngest child  dies and she can't find his favorite toy  to bury with him, she becomes briefly unhinged. But overall, she remains a figure  of strength. There's another difference.  In Testament,   the war just happens. The  Day After  takes nearly an hour ot chronicle  the deteriorating international situation.  The War Game  also lets us know the particular situation that triggered the bomb  exchange. (On the Beach  doesn't go into  details; the Australians were far-off bystanders.)  Carol's community may be insular. It would  have been aware of widespread mobilization and alerts. Amen's strike-on-warning  scenario lets her avoid having to spend  time on the Wetherley's reactions. (It  also makes it easier for her to keep Tom  away from home.) How would Carol and the  children be affected? That's the question  Amen poses. By the sudden-strike holocaust,  she can go from before to after in a moment.  There is, unfortunately, one unpleasant  similarity between Testament  and The Day  After.   Both are "specist". Carol, who  takes in two children, refuses to let Mary  Beth share her food with a kitten. In The  Day After,  a family lets their dog die of  thirst and radiation sickness just outside  their basement refuge. No one cares enough  even to destroy the animal.  Testament  stands apart from the other  nuclear holocaust films in the gender of  the main character, in her care-taking and  non-roving nature, and in the focus on the  primary social group (mother and children).  The relative realism of the films is also  worth noting.  Testament, a low-budget film, has no  special effects. There aren't even any  imitation burns. The horror of nuclear  war is in the death it brings, a slow  death heralded by weakness, nausea and  intense diarhea. The community is implau  sibly self-contained. Although some people  move away, nobody moves in. There are no  burn victims, for example, who are brought  to be cared for;  On the Beach,  which is similar to Testament  in its focus on a small group of  people, also shows a reality close to that  of Testament.   The lack of refugees is more  believable: most non-Australians are dead.  It's strange, though, that close-by  peoples haven't been crowding in as the  fallout moves southward.  The War Game  and The Day After  depict  the physical consequences of nuclear war  quite graphically. The War Game  is 55  minutes long. It feels much longer: "one  burnt-to-a-crisp human being after another.'  It's the most difficult of the films to  watch, full of visually explicit horror,  suffering and death.  The Day After makes less impact. Though  people lose their hair and develop gaping  sores, they don't seem to feel any pain.  Further, though many people die in the  initial strike, after that most linger on  . till after the end of the movie. The husband of the hysterical wife does die after  the holocaust - but he does it The American  Way: somebody shoots him.  Testament,   in which people don't deform,  goes where The Day After  fears to tread.  It confronts us with the slow deaths of  most of the townspeople we've come to care  for. Another point. In The Day After,  some people temporarily retreat to shelters.  As soon as they leave these, they make no  further attempts to minimize exposure. As  the film attempts to graphically depict  the aftermath of nuclear war, this violation of common sense is more glaringly  obvious than in Testament.  All in all, Testament  and On the Beach  strive for emotional realism, The War Game  for undiluted realism, and The Day After  for seeming realism. "The types of realism  are linked to the divergent conventions  the films subscribe to. The War Game  is a  pseudo-documentary, a more British than  American genre. On the Beach  is closest  • to the war movies in which the man must  leave the woman he loves in order to Do  or Die. (In these, the horror of war is  almost never shown.)  The Day After  is.a disaster flick in which,  as usual, most of the depicted deaths occur  when the disaster strikes. Substituting  a nuclear war for an earthquake or towering inferno causes a twist in the all Amer-  .ican plot. There's no future to build for.  Blast 'protection'  —   taken from Emergency  Planning Canada's 'survival' manual, 1980.  "How realistic are these  films?"  "And Testament''.   Is it...a woman's film? It  is mainly by women. That's important. But  it's equally important to see which woman's  story is filmed - namely, that of a white,  middle class, suburban, happily married  mother of three. She certainly doesn't  represent all of us. Nor does her choice to  stay coincide with all women's.  Testament  is primarily a film about a  woman without strong friendships, who does  the best she can, who waits, who is closest  to her elder male child, the one most like  her husband. It is one woman's film, and  she may be speaking for many women. I'd  like to see other women's views as well. February 84 Kinesis 27  ARTS  by Kim Irving  The events surrounding the death of Karen  Silkwood were enough to have_activists,  feminists, anti-nuke protestors and various individuals screaming 'foul play'. Now  we have the long awaited film, which provides none of the long awaited answers.  Directed by Mike Nichols,-Silkwood  is  currently playing at the Vancouver Centre  Cinema. Meryl Streep has been cast as  Karen Silkwood and Cher plays Dolly Pelli-  Karen Silkwood was 28 when she died in a  reported 'car accident' on Nov. 13, 1974.  She had just left her union meeting and  was on her way to meet a New York Times  reporter. As an employee at the Cimarron  pultonium plant in Cresant, Oklahoma, she  apparently had evidence of missing plu-  tonium within the plant as well as falsified safety records she intended to make  public. In the investigation following  her death, the union reported that it was  murder, not an accident, conspired by Kerr-  McGee, the owners of the plant.  Two years later, the Silkwood family sued  Kerr-McGee seeking damages for Karen's  contamination by radiation nine days before  her death; the theory being that if she  hadn't died in a car crash, she would have  died from cancer. The family was recently  SILKWOOD  awarded $10 million in punitive damages  and $500,000 was awarded to each of her  three children. An appeal is expected by  Kerr-McGee.  The writing of the Silkwood script was-held  back because of the trial. Writers Husch  and Cano were subjected to threats, lawsuits and production delays due to restrictions on information surrounding her death.  Afraid of surmising, the writers played  it safe by presenting all the evidence  rather than just a few details. The result  is a film with no grit. It is an accumulation of known facts and no fiction".  Meryl Streep playing Silkwood is a good  move to save a weak character. She is her  usual uncanny best, giving us a brash,  irresponsible, teary-eyed Karen. Streep is  continually dragging on a freshly lit  cigarette and when her boy-friend answers  her concern about dying of cancer with "If  you really are worried about it, stop  smoking'.", I applauded.  But never mind Silkwood, what I really  came to see was Cher - playing a lesbian.  I was disappointed - because she was good.  She was sensitive, witty and appealing  and stole the show from Streep. It is not  every day that we are going to see a lesbian on the screen, especially one who  works in a plutonium plant as a janitor  and whose lover is a morgue beautician -  right ? Wrong, so says this film. They  think it's everyday stuff, so a reel of  questions about Dolly (Cher), her lover  and Dolly's love for Karen are left unexplained. (The real Dolly, Sherri Ellis,  became the "celebrated objector" in July,  1975 for refusing a lie detector test and  was later arrested while trying to scale  Women in Focus continued from p. 25  and information the same way men do.  Is there a scenario unfolding for Women  in Focus in the coming year in the event  that you are not successful in your lobbying attempts?  Gillean: 1984 is one of the most crucial  of all our funding years. We have had no  Support from the province, not any funding support whatsoever from the provincial government. Even the B.C. cultural  fund gives us no access to funding because we don't have ongoing operational  funding and they're not giving special  project support any more which we have  previously received.  We applied to the B.C. Lotteries Corporation for funding to assist us in getting  a computer and other aspects of streamlining bur operations. The answer was,  "no, can't do it." There's a bias in the  B.C. Lotteries Foundation to fund operations which have to do with sports. The  scenario as I see it is that our budget  will continually be eroded by Canada  Council restraints in budgeting because  they are faced with a limited budget. We  cannot expect anything more than what  we're receiving now which is in actual  dollar value going down all the time.  We cannot- expect the same amount of funding from Secretary of State regional  because there are some noises as to why  should we be funded, who uses us and a  number of other things. What we are seeing  is a scenario in which people are saying,  . "don't look to us, don't look to us." But  also a deliberate slowing down of the process of responding to funding requests  and to requests for information by letter.  J know you have petitions here for women  to sign and you've sent our requests for  support letters.  What kind of dialogue  would you like to have with the women's  community at this point?  Gillean: I think the important thing we  need to do in the Vancouver Women's  Community is to address some of our video  productions to those organizations in  the community that are interested in  status of women issues, work with them in  a co-operative way. There's a little bit  of contradiction going on between groups  like Media Watch and Women in Focus, because in a very real way, Media Watch is  monitoring what's going on in the advertising and pornography areas, but there  doesn't seem to be the communication  happening that would utilize Women in  Focus resources and productions that  have to do with those issues.  We feel the community could help out,  remembering that we are no longer dealing  with visual arts representation and must  focus on distribution as a means of making  money. It is important for women to know  that we are open to exchanging ideas and  co-operating on productions. We encourage  women to use our space - our rentals are  very reasonable. In general, we need the  community to support the need for media  portrayal of women's situations.  The appeal of Women in Focus to Secretary  of State for acknowledgement and continuous funding is being supported across the  country by women's groups and parallel  galleries. For more info, please call  Women in Focus at 872-2250.  Cher as Dolly Pelliker  a 7 1/2 foot fence at Comarron with a .22  calibre rifle.)  The mystery that remains is that if Karen  did have proof of misdeeds, where did the  evidence go? During the trial, a state  trooper reported finding a manila file  near the crash and throwing it into the  car. The next day, the file was missing  from the car. Kerr-McGee testified there  were no missing negatives from the plant  files, although Karen had told her union  that negatives of fuel rods were being retouched to cover up poor welding.  However, evidence did surface revealing  that 40 to 60 pounds of plutonium was not  accounted for, something which Karen had  discovered and reported to the union. It  was also discovered that most workers  were unaware of emergency procedures: they  put on respirator face masks during "hot"  warnings when the plant should have been  shut down. The company had not reported  over 100 contamination incidents. A year  after Karen's death, the plant was shut  down for refusing to comply with new federal safety policies.  Karen knew she was going to die. When she  was hospitalized for contamination just  before her death, she told a friend, "I'm  going to die". In the film, this takes  place when the investigators are confiscating all of her belongings from her house  because of contamination. The plant foreman tells Karen they can fix it up for her  if she'll sign a paper alleviating them  from any blame. Karen refuses, stating,;,  "I'm contaminated, I'm going to die." and  drives off.  Kerr-McGee testified that Karen knew she  was going to die and wanted to blame the  company. The union said Karen had been  purposily contaminated to stop her from  talking.  What is too real in the film is the scrub-  downs that workers endured when they had  been "fried" (contaminated). Having to  monitor themselves whenever leaving and  entering the plant, any sign of radiation  sent the red lights flashing, the sirens  wailing and the victim was whisked off to  the showers for inspection. It's gruelling  and frightening to watch.  What is over played is the ho-hum working  class life. The bubblegum, wigs and red  lipstick, the rebellious young and stern  elders, the smoke'filled cafeteria and  fast food, and the punching of the time  clock. It is all too distracting and filled with naivety, such as when Karen asks  how much the food will cost aboard a plane  and when a union rep calls the parade outside his window "National Something Day".  We will probably, never know the truth  behind Karen's death, or at least this film  isn't telling. The closing of the film is  a printed statement saying the Oklahoma  Police determined that Karen Silkwood died  in an accident. Is this an irony or is it  a cop-out? 28 Kinesis February 84  ARTS  from 'Beautiful Lennard Island'  Films for children  by Kim Irving  I have chosen to review the National Film  Board's "Children of Canada" series, all  directed by Beverly Shaffer. They offer  simple and practical stories that explore  the likenesses and differences found among  children. The films are narrated by the  children and keep that "children's perspective" that other films seem to miss.  Also available through the NFB is a wide  series of other children's documentaries  and some award winning animations.  "Booking" films is,an easy process: select  the film you want by title and catalogue  number (catalogue is available at the  NFB office at 1161 West Georgia), phone  this order in at least a week ahead of  your requirement, pick it up and return  it. All films aire free! If you do not have  a membership, getting one is an easy  process that can be done over the phone.  The NFB has a screening room at this office that is free and available on 1 1/2  hour basis. It should also be booked ahead.  For projectors to take home, try the  Vancouver Film Council at 733-3414. They  are a non-profit group and rent their projectors for $12 to $16 depending on the  model. These rentals are for a three day  period, eg. Friday to Monday.  There is no mystery about projectors. Most  are uncomplicated and have easy loading  instructions with them. If you feel unsure,  ask for a demonstration before renting or  using the machine. You can also get screens  and various other accessories but it's much  easier to use a blank wall or have a white  sheet on the wall for projection.  The NFB has started to rent videos, since  they are easier to handle than 16mm  films and are becoming quite popular. If  you want to rent the equipment for showing them you are looking at higher costs.  The same shows are available in film format and free of charge.  Following is. a summary of selected films  available from the NFB.  I'll Find a Way.   106C 0177 264 23mins.  In her faded blue coveralls, nervously  twisting her fingers, Nadia giggles and  smiles as film director Beverly Shaffer  prompts her to talk to the camera. "I  can't Bev", she pleads. "Try", coaxes  Shaffer, "Pretend you just met a new  friend..."  Nadia pauses, takes a deep breath and looks  the camera in the eye; "Hello, my name is  Nadia De Franco..."  What follows is a moving portrayal of a  nine year old's view of the world; a  world that she has to face with spinafidia,  a cogenital condition that affects her  legs. Narrated by Nadia, the film begins  with a candid and humorous introduction to  her classmates at Sunnyview Public School,  in Toronto. We then follow her through her  physical therapy, to her swimming lessons,  over to the CN. Tower and to a visit with  some elderly friends.  Nadia is able to get around with the use  of leg braces and crutches but she mentions  that it is uncomfortable for her to go  shopping as people stare at her. "How  should I react to a handicapped person?"  asks the director. "Don't just stare",  says Nadia. "Look at them like any ordinary kid". Nadia also feels her friends  are important to her as they don't feel  sorry for her.  I'll Find a Way won a 1978 Academy Award  for Best Live Action. It is recommended  for children ages 5 and up. Inside the  film canister there are questions to ask  the children in order to develop a discussion about the film.  Julie O'Brien.  106C 0181 038 18mins.  Situated in Tors Cove, Newfoundland, the  film, Julie O'Brien  explores changes in  lifestyle from the early part of this century to present day. Eleven-year-old Julie  shows us that she is just as comfortable  "bumping" at the local record hop as she is  sidestepping on her grandma's floor to the  old jigs.  Being the eldest of three, Julie tries  to set a good example: "You're depended on  from your parents", she explains. She  cooks the Saturday morning breakfast, helps  with the laundry and assists her father  in tree-cutting.  Offering a mix of the traditional Newfoundland lifestyle with the everchanging  contemporary lifestyle, Julie O'Brien provides a healthy view of how easily children adapt. Recommended for 5 years and up,  the film canister has questions about the  film you can ask veiwers.  Beautiful Lennard Island  106C 0177 112  23mins.  Steven Thomas Holland lives on a lighthouse  island (near Vancouver Island) with his  brother, mother and father. Though living  there may seem remote and boring to some,  Steven feels he has "no spare time" and  that there are "always things to do."  The film begins when Steven is ten. We see  him exploring deep haunted forests and  sitting by the shoreline where starfish  wash on to the rocks. He tells us of his  mystical and adventurous dreams.  Steven also publishes a Beautiful Lennard  Island (B.L.I.) newspaper, which forecasts  next year's B.L.I. Olympics (comprising  him, his brother, mother and father) and  has the latest news on big waves that have  splashed ashore.  Through this' film children are able to  view a unique lifestyle which will appeal  especially to those who dream of their  "own" island. Recommended for 7 years and  up.  Other Recommended Films by Beverly Shaffer  My Name is Susan Yee  106C 0175 111 12mins.  18 sec.  A portrait of a young girl who is descended from an old culture and is evolving in  a new one. Set in Montreal, this film  portrays Susan's feelings about school, her  neighborhood and her parents.  Gurdeep Singh Bains  106C 0176 307 llmins.  55 sec.  .  Born in Chilllwack, Gurdeep introduces us  to his father's dairy farm, hockey, and  a visit to the Sikh temple.  Benovt  106C 0278 095 20mins. 20 sec.  Benoit is eleven years old, living in  Joliette, Quebec. He is an accomplished  violinist, lifts weights, works on a farm  and is quick with his quips about people.  Veronica  106C 0177 287 14mins 11 sec.  Living over her parent's bakery in the  "inner city" of Toronto, Veronica chats  with the elderly customers, shops on Spa-  dina and goes to Polish dances.  About the Director: Beverly Shaffer  In 1969, after teaching high school for  two years, Beverly Shaffer entered the  film program at Boston University, looking for "an interesting way to earn a  living". Upon graduation, she worked at  WGBH, a Boston public television station,  assisting with national programs like  N.QVA^  THE ADVOCATE,   and ZOOM,   a popular  children's show.  In 1975, International Women's Year,  Beverely submitted her film proposals  to the NFB studios, who were looking  for women filmmakers. This work became  the first documentary which developed  into the "Children of Canada" series.  Three of her stories have won International Film Awards.  from '111 Find a Way'  Beverly has recently completed the NFB  production, "I Want To Be An Engineer",  a film about women in the field of  science and technology. She presently  resides in Montreal. February 84 Kinesis 29  ARTS  A Record of struggles  by Michele Valiquette  After a long day on the job, when women  trade anecdotes around the kitchen table,  someone invaribly says, "We have to get -  this down." But the demands of activism  in the workplace, coupled with responsibilities at home, leave little time for  writing. Many of the stories exchanged  over coffee or beer remain unrecorded.  Hard Earned Wages: Women Fighting for  Better Work  is a fine attempt to change  that. Jennifer Penney has interviewed  sixteen women of varying backgrounds,  from workplaces as diverse as a daycare  centre and the squid-jigging grounds of  Newfoundland, who share a common goal -  to improve the nature of their work and  the quality of their lives.  Hard Earned Wages: Women Fighting for  Better Work,   edited -by Jennifer Penney,  Women's Press, 1983.  Hard Earned Wages  is a welcome and necessary complement to the growing body of  tneoretical literature concerning women  and work. The book's interview format  makes available detailed descriptions of  efforts to organize the unorganized and  to protect the basic rights of workers, to  gain access to areas of employment traditionally denied women, to raise awareness  of women's issues within unions, in the  words of the women who are waging these  battles. The vividness and energy of  their accounts would be difficult to capture in any more distanced or academic  form. Penney's skillful editing renders  what must have been many hours of tape  into highly readable narratives that retain  the distinctive voices of their speakers.  As the old saying about a first love affair  m  goes, one's initiation into political  action is never forgotten. Many of the  contributors to Hard Earned Wages  tell of  . their first involvement with a union,  their first strike, their first set of  negotiations, and in doing so provide  insight into the motivation of the activist. The interviews in this collection  counter fantasies of management and the  uninformed in which activists are bored  troublemakers seeking confrontation. The  primary demand expressed by one woman after  another is that she be treated like a  human being. As an operator at-B.C. Tel  put it: "If somebody is treating me like  a human being, I will respond like a human  being. I am not part of that equipment."  Yet, with stunning regularity even this  simple expectation is denied or subverted.  Hard Earned Wages  constitutes a powerful,  often moving indictment of employers.  Many of the jobs that the women in these  pages describe are tortuously monotonous  and the conditions in which they are  expected to perform them, to borrow the  word of one worker, "Neanderthal". Inadequate supply of stools, washroom raids  and a refusal to supply sanitary napkin  dispensers at the Post Office. Obsessive  monitoring and hour long waits for the  toilet at the telephone company. Added  to these are the problems of low priority  for women's issues within unions, sexual  harassment from supervisors and male coworkers, and racial discrimination against  minority women.  But if Penney's book is a record of injustice, it is also a record of struggle.  The women who tell their stories in Hard  Earned Wages  have discovered that if their  dignity as human beings in not a given,  they must organize and fight to protect it.  Singly they can be ignored but unified  their power increases. These women have  identified the issues and are developing  from'Hard Earned Wages'  strategies for dealing with them. They are  organizing unions and establishing  grievance procedures and collective agreements where there have been none. They  are forming technological change committees  to prevent further de-skilling of their  jobs. Women's committees are tackling  sexual harassment and daycare and working  to increase the awareness of women's  issues and the participation of women within unions. These women refuse to be daunted  by government bureaucracy. Nor will they  be confined to logging camp kitchens when  they want to work machinery.  These battles are often slow and discouraging; the can mean setbacks, sometimes  failure and frequently maximum effort for  minimal gains. Intolerable pressure may  be brought to bear on personal relationships . As their- involvement increases,  there may be opposition from husbands and  continued on p. 30  Pulp  for the Ws  by Linda Grant  If, dear readers, we were not politically  correct, what we would be reading this  season is Judith Krantz's Mistral's  Daughter.   Since, however, no Kinesis  reader would stoop so low, it is left  to the lonely reviewer to travel the path  of literary temptation and bring back  news of what most American women are  willing to pay five dollars to read.  Mistral's Daughter,  Judith Krantz.  Bantam, $4.95  Mistral's Daughter  is the third of a  string of spectacularly successful novels  for Judith Krantz. Like its predecessors,  it is wholly ^nd entirely concerned with  glamour - the world of "sizzling new model  agencies". If Judith Krantz is laughing  all the way to the bank, it is because  she has found a formula designed to gratify the wish fulfillment of middle and  working-class women. Her novels are romans  a clef: "Do you think that's supposed to  be Jackie? Princess Grace? Mary Quant?"  The novel has a semi-lii  • structure:  three generations of illegitimate women  contest for love and happiness in the  world of high fashion. The first, Maggy  is an artist's model who has run away  from her bourgeois Jewish family. In. Paris  she meets the painter, Mistral, a very  tiresome man in the popular mould of  Picasso and Hemmingway. Of course no  woman could resist a man "as monumental  as the trunk against which he leaned. His  eyes, as blue as open water, were disconcerting in the steadiness and the fixity  of their gaze. He was six feet four inches  tall, and there was a wild yet noble air  about him."  Maggy gets painted by Mistral, lives with  him for a few weeks and is displaced by  Kate Browning, a very nasty WASP art patron who takes the great man in hand and  marries him. Maggy gets herself pregnant  by another man and flees to New York with  her infant daughter. After several years  of excessively hard work she establishes  New York's most successful modelling  agency.  By the early 1950s her daughter Teddy is  New York's most successful model, a  fictional Suzy Parker - the real-life  glamour girl of the Fifties. On assignment  in France she runs into Mistral. They look.  They see. They are in a clinch. Nine  months later, yet another illegitimate  child is born. Those that the gods love  die young. Teddy is too beautiful to live  and obligingly hits her head on a propel-  lor while diving. Infant Fauve (who is  clearly not destined for a career in  clerical work or telephone sales with a  name like that) is shipped back to New  York where she grows up to take over  granny's business, rediscover her Jewish  roots, forgive her father for his lack of  interest in anyone but himself and find  her destiny as a painter.  In itself, this is thin stuff. But it reeks  of the essence of that indefinable stuff —  glamour. No one, after the first twenty  pages, is poor. They act out their frustrations and desires against a backdrop  of Provencal farmhouses, dressed in Chanel  and Blaenciaga. When a Judith Krantz  character goes to the hock shop, it's a  Faberge egg she's pawning. The working  class is invisible except as servants who  speak in music-hall comic accents and  know their place. The only character in  any of the three novels with proletarian  roots is obligingly orphaned at a young  age leaving her free to become a two-fisted cut-throat executive.  The women are independent, in a "you've  come a long way, baby" sort of way. By  and large they tend to work for a living;  even a Detroit heiress manages her own  off-off Broadway theatre. Judith Krantz,  the daughter of an ad-agency owner, claims  that she could never feel emotionally  involved in a character who didn't work.  But for Krantz, work is synonymous with  the acquisition of wealth, not paying the  phone bill.  Nonetheless, she is the new literary  megastar - a woman who has made it. Mis?  tral 's Daughter  gives us a lot of high -  living for our money. It's hard not to  wish for wealth and beauty and success.  Hard not to wish that one could forget  one's politics and shoot for the main  chance. You come to the end of a Judith  Krantz novel feeling as if you'd been  given permission to eat a whole Black  Forest cake - creamy, rich, decadent and  altogether nauseating.  —^—- 30 Kinesis February 84  ARTS  Artvs  craft vs  propaganda  by Monica Thwaites  K.O. Kanne's article. "When is art subversive? When do politics subvert art?"  (Kinesis,  October, 1983) examines the  problematic nature of feminist art which,  due to the immense scope of this subject  and the unfortunate brevity of her otherwise excellent analysis, requires further  clarification. Kanne justifies her conclusion that both the genuinely creative  act and the resultant art object are  intrinsically subversive by demonstrating  that both are autonomous from (if not  antithetical to) the draconian values and  objectives of the present political and  economic superstructures. This criterion  has potent implications for feminist  artists (including writers, musicians as  well as those involved in the visual arts.)  Considering the nature and function of  feminist art, it is first necessary to  determine what feminist art is not. Although as ambiguous a discipline as is  feminist propaganda in definitive terms,  the nature of craft (and, by implication,  the decorative arts) provides further  insight into that of both art and propaganda.  Regardless of the political ramifications  and historical significance of the crafts-  woman in our society, craft itself is a  discipline separate from that of art by  virtue of disparate aesthetic values and  creative objectives unique to craft alone.  That is, craft, by definition, is the exploration of the intrinsic potentials of  a specific technical skill or medium as a  means of both enhancing the creative dynamic of the craftsperson and enlarging the  potentials of the craft itself (thus, we  continued from p. 29  family members. The women in Hard Earned  Wages attest to this. But at the same  time, they speak enthusiastically of the  confidence, the independence, the new  skills and friendships they have gained  in their refusal to play "nice girl" any  longer.  Through their struggles to defend their  rights these women have achieved the self-  respect their jobs deny them. And they can  envision the means whereby their work  could be transformed to provide the dignity they deserve and the satisfaction  they aspire to. In a co-op daycare, for  example, where workers organize the distribution of funds themselves, wage discrepancies have been eliminated. At B.C.  Tel, a less enlightened workplace, workers  sent supervisors home and fan the whole  show alone for five days, proving that  services can be provided in an environment free of petty harassment. Marion  Pollock puts succintly the conviction of  many of the women interviewed by Jennifer  Penney: "The only thing that would make  working at the Post Office good...is if it  were controlled by the people who work  there."  Hard Earned Wages  is an immensely readable  testament to the courage and determination  of contemporary working women. It will  serve as a source of inspiration to those  involved in or contemplating workplace  actions of their own. And for anyone still  wondering what women want, it will undoubtedly clear up confusion - for the message  in Hard Earned Wages  is unequivocal: Women  want better work and they will continue  fighting until they get it.  have both a craft of writing, painting,  dancing etc. and an art of writing, painting, dancing etc.). The self referential  focus which characterizes craft definitively separates it from (although by no means  subordinates it to) the realm of art,  feminist or otherwise.  Propaganda, on the other hand, implements  both the technical expertise of craft and  the aesthetic paradigms of art for the  sake of communicating and advocating a  particular concept, dogma, or politics,  concepts which are essentially foreign to  the inherent concerns of art and craft. The  negative connotations associated with propaganda doubtless arise from the innumerable  and blatant abuses to which it has been  subject. A notorious example of this is  contemporary advertising wherein the the  sublimation of a concept (such as a product's value, a candidate's worth, etc)  behind a veneer of technical excellence  and/or aesthetic virtuosity insidiously  affords that concept ready access to our  belief systems regardless of the validity  of the concept itself.  As a feminist, I believe this abuse to be  morally reprehensible as this denies the  intelligence of the individual and her/his  freedom to discriminate among ideas. While  this extreme example is clearly antithetical to the humanistic values embodied in  feminism, propaganda, when used with integrity, is nevertheless an invaluable conveyor of information and ideology. However,  as with craft and art, it is advantageous  for the relevance of both disciplines that  a clear distinction be made between feminist propaganda and art produced by feminists. Propaganda, when intentionally produced as such, functions relatively unencumbered by both the abstract and somewhat  esoteric concerns of art and the technical  problems of craft and is thereby a more  effective and concentrated medium.  ^.rt produced by feminists and feminist  propaganda are therefore mutually exclusive  (as is all art and propaganda) as the  axiological criteria which define art (such  as aesthetic impact, emotional expression,  formal arrangement, spiritual insight,  Meet  Jane Rule  at  Ariel Books  2766 W. 4th  Saturday, Feb. 18  2 - 4 p.m.  Jane will be autographing  copies of Against the Season,  just reprinted by Naiad Press.  etc.) are inevitably and of necessity subordinated (if not entirely eradicated) to  accomodate the pragmatic demands of propaganda (which explains why so much propaganda is bad art and/or feeble craft). I  therefore suggest that other communicative  disciplines with their specialized terminology and methodology are more expedient to  the objectives of propaganda than are art  or craft (I am thinking here of graphic  art, the essay, the anthem, popular media,  etc.). Thus, propaganda, while necessary  in the advocation of the feminist cause,  Much of what is  generally considered  to be art is, in fact,  craft or  propaganda.  must be clearly distinguished from the art  created by feminists so as to prevent our  art from being reduced to repetitions of  barren and abstract ideologies (as Kanne  put it, "dogma is dogma is dogma") wherein  all relevance to the concerns of the life  of the individual woman ceases to exist.  While the foregoing has suggested an idea  of what feminist art is not (I have purposefully avoided discussing the complex  area wherein art and craft and propaganda  overlap successfully as in, for example,  Judy Chicago's Dinner Party or the writings  of Virginia Woolf), the nature of feminist  art, indeed, all art, defies any such  facile or compact definition. Kane's article astutely concludes with the implication that a rigid adherence to dogma,  regardless of its inherent truth, ultimately enfeebles the art which it informs,  by debasing that art to an illustration of  an arid intellectual concept. On the other  hand, she suggests, those creative endeavors which bear witness to the immediacy of  one's experience as well as the artist's  conviction of the experience's significance, regardless of the degree to which  it reflects ideological truths, touches  upon an essential and universal definition  of art. Hence, by implication, much of what  is generally considered to be art is, in  fact, craft or propaganda.  Thus, by actively celebrating our impulse  to creativity through our images, writings,  and music, we, as individual women, feminists, lesbians, minorities, wives, and  mothers contribute to a vital and relevant  tradition of art which, although it may  be pigeonholed as feminist, is of equal  stature and significance as the enduring  masterpieces of our culture.  New Kinesis columns  Subscribers, readers and contributors of  The Radical Reviewer please be advised  that we have had to cease publication.  Four of our columns - 'A Little Night  Reading' by Cy-Thea Sand, 'Rubymusic' by  Connie Smith, 'Small Press Poetry Review'  by Deb Thomas and 'Revolving Chronicles:  Women's Periodicals In Review' by Joy  Parks - will be published on a regular  basis in Kinesis.  The Radical Reviewer began as a supplement  to Kinesis  and we return to her pages in  the interest of the survival and promotion of feminist cultural developments.  Support our efforts by subscribing to  Kinesis  and by sending in reviews of  literature, film, art and music. February 84 Kinesis 31  ARTS  RUBYMUSIC  by Connie Smith  There was something about environmental  sounds on records during the 60's that  made me want to puke. There is something  about the way Marcia Meyer has used them  in 1984 that makes me feel quite differently. I don't mean to overemphasize the point  because she only used the technique on  three songs, but when Marcia first told  me about wanting to use "the natural harmonics in nature" on her second album,  Oregon Summer,  I thought she was misguided.  I mean, come on! I'd lived in cities for sixteen years. As it turned out, I had a lot to  learn about what makes music beautiful.  I first met Marcia when she asked me for  a cigarette. But I didn't get to know her  until she was in the.studio with Mary Wat-  kins. Now, Marcia tells me that she had  some frustrating moments producing this  album. There was the time her rhythm was  off and everyone could hear it except her.  And another time when she wanted to throw  her tapes off the Burrard Street Bridge.  She even admitted to slamming some doors  and throwing a coffee cup. But I didn't  see it.  What I did see, though, was Mary Watkins,  a composer with some twenty years experience, and Marcia Meyer with album number  two in the making, going about their business with complete calm and confidence.  That particular evening, everyone was  tired. It was past midnight. Al Rempel,  the co-producer and engineer, had been at  the board for hours. The string players  had spent the day in school. Mary had been  up the night before writing lead sheets.'  And the amount of coffee which passed  from hand to mouth was criminal. But no one  lost their cool. And at the end of the night  Frontier Fantasy, Cedar, and Oregan Summer  were safely on the master.  Oregon Summer  is an album of instrumental  music. And it's that quiet, powerful  music that's' hard to classify. Mary Watkins  arranged the string and woodwind instruments and played synthesizer. Shyuan Ret-  syna also played synthesizer, and Al added  electric bass, auto harp and guitar. A  group of women, including Sandy Scofield  and Darlene Haynes, recorded vocals that  should like instruments. And Marcia played  classical guitar and piano.  I like -listening to this record loud or  through headphones. A friend of mine  thinks it would be perfect for playing in  a baby's bedroom. Someone else listens to  it while taking a bath. Whatever.  I want you to like Oregon Summer.   Support  notwithstanding, Marcia Meyer has worked  long and hard on this project and she  deserves some success.  living in West Germany, Texas, and Oklahoma. And she actually became a teacher  and taught school in Oklahoma before she  was completely overcome by her musical  urges. This remark is not meant to slight  teachers, but once you've seen Annie Rose  on the stage, the idea that she could  have ever been anything else is inconceivable .  On Sunday, February 19, 1984, I will be  . hosting a 12-hour Rubymusic extravaganza  on CFRO. The occassion is Co-op's monthly  rent-raising drive and it all begins at  noon.  I'll be featuring interviews with Marcia  Meyer, Annie Rose and The Thrillers with  their manager Judy Werle, as well as interviews with June Millington, Mary Watkins,  Holly Near and Ronnie Gilbert, Karlene  Faith, Meg Christian.  I'll also have spotlights on Janis Joplin,  The Girl Groups, The New European Invasion,  Aretha Franklin, Olivia Records, The Jazz  Women, The Blues Singers, and the West  Coast Women's Music Movement.  So, please join me for a day (and a night)  of women's music.  Xmtiom I  «view  Annie Rose de Armas and her three Thrillers  front a 10-piece rhythm and blues band  from Seattle. I'm telling you about her  now, because the band may be playing here  in Vancouver this month. They've only been  up here twice, but Annie Rose and the  Thrillers are a hit up and down the coast  and the band won the 1982 Seattle Entertainment Award. As of late, they've been  playing with Etta James.  Annie Rose was born in Puerto Rico and  she was singing by the time she was eight.  As a kid, she listened to rhythm and  blues on the radio and she had her first  guitar before she was fourteen.  Her dad was in the army so she ended up  '   by Joy Parks  Feminist/women's periodicals are, in the  most basic sense, a growing and changing  record of the art,  literature,  thought  and opinion of the feminist community.  These small press publications,  usually  produced by a handful of dedicated volunteers who trade long, full hours in return  for a professional looking publication,  seldom receive the same review space  allotted to books from feminist presses.  Hopefully this column,  to be published  in  Kinesis on a quarterly basis, will  help to draw more attention to these  records/reflections of the women's  community.  VOICES: A Lesbian Survival Mannual,  c/o  I. Andrews, RR. #2, Kenora, Ontario,  P9N 3W8. 4 issues - $6.00; single issue  - $1.50; double issue - $2.50; backissue  - $1.00.  In this premier column, I want to focus  on one periodical, VOICES: A Lesbian  Survival Mannual.   VOICES  is definitely  special: a lively, homey periodical that  manages to survive in the homophobic,  sexist and racist environment of rural  northern Ontario. However, it is this unlikely location that helps to make VOICES  different from most other Canadian feminist publications. This magazine stresses  the problems of lesbians living in a *  small town/rural situation, the difficulty  of coping with the loneliness, isolation  and secrecy enforced by this rather redneck locale, and also, the pleasure of  self-sufficiency on the land, of living  close to the earth, in touch with the  seasons and the beauty of the isolated  country.  Edited by Isabel Andrews, with Doreen  Worden, Brigette, Joan, Bev and Marilyn,  VOICES  illuminates a part of lesbian  culture that is often short-changed in  urban-based Canadian feminist magazines  which stress urban survival and political  issues. VOICES  is akin to the Oregon-based  publication WOMANSPIRIT,   in the sense  that it deals primarily with the spiritual  and herstorical lore of lesbian women.  VOICES  contains a regular column on  alternative/herbal healing by Billie Potts  (a woman who recently authored WITCH'S HEAL^\  a book-length guide to natural healing);  articles from lesbians living on the land,  learning to live outside patriarchal value  structures (institutionalized medicine,  the drain of womanenergy through demeaning  work for the financial benefits of male  bosses, a woman-oppressive educational  system); poetry; reviews; reprints and  graphics.     • .'  The response/letter section of VOICES  proves that this seemingly little-known  publication is widely supported by lesbians  throughout the U.S. VOICES  appears to  subscribe to Virginia Woolf's theory that  women are never considered true citizens  of any country and so political/national  bourndaries are unnecessary separations  for women.  Considering both the geography and sociology of its home, (Kenora, Ontario), the very  existence of VOICES  is a miracle. The problems of organizing and producing a publication in an urban area, (where there is  a larger pool of talent and energy from a  wider variety of women who, due to urban  anonymity, have license to be more open  about their lifestyle) are magnified in an  area where being a lesbian is dangerous  in both the physical and emotional sense.  The determination and courage of the women  who make VOICES  possible deserves our admiration and respect.  VOICES  emphasizes the need for women to  return to the roots of women's power,  through knowledge of the earth and plants,  through women's spirituality and through  the strength that comes from women working  together to re-claim the land for their  homes. While these concerns may appear  Utopian to a number of 'political' lesbians,  I hope that the vision presented in VOICES  may be seen as a possible reality for some  women.  Send copies of your magazine for review in  this space. Readers  - if you find a publication you want to share, please send it in  (if requested, it will be returned after  I review it).  Writers, editors, publishing  collectives - send me your back issues.  All mail should be addressed to Joy Parks,  490 Wilson Avenue, Apt.  202, Downsview,  Ontario, M5H IT8.  J 32 Kinesis February 84  LETTERS  Penthouse ad  offends reader  Kinesis:  On November 14th the Province  carried a  large ad for Penthouse  magazine in the  sports section, page 44. It was the first  time I had seen such an ad and was immediately thrown into a letter writing fit to  their editor. In the letter I demanded to  know why the publisher would stoop so low  in order to make more money when in fact  sales were up. I pointed out the outcries  our community has continually expressed  concerning pornography and the increased  violence shown towards women. It seemed  obvious to me as well, that a youth or  child would have access to such an ad and  questioned this.  I recently received a letter from the  publisher, Gerald Haslam. His answer was  anything but responsible. Surely all the  action taken against Red Hot Video and  all the studies should have told him that  we and other sensitive men do not need  any more porn.  I would encourage anyone who sees any more  porn advertised in the paper to write to  the Province  and denounce such a reprehensible ad policy.  Susan Harris  , > ^-j*  Crosbie case:  CARAL responds  Kinesis:  Since you have publicized the Colleen  Crosbie Defense Fund's request that individuals write to CARAL about the "national  significance" of the case, we request that  you publish our response.  We are thoroughly familiar with the Crosbie  case and I have talked with Crosbie on  several occasions. We have .said that the  infringement of her civil liberties and her  treatment by police are indefensible. We  have also said that if the charge of procuring an abortion is true, it points to  the inadequate abortion services available  to women.  It is interesting to note that Kinesis  reporter Emma Kivisild focussed her story  entirely on what she called "precedent-  setting civil liberties and police harassment issues." Nonetheless, it is CARAL to  whom it was suggested people write. Why  not the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, the Solicitor General of Ontario  (the Hon. George Taylor) and the Attorney  General of Ontario (the Hon. Roy McMurtry)?  We are in the midst of expensive legal  battles in which qualified medical practitioners are being charged for having  attempted to extend abortion services for  women. There is a massive educational job  to be done in making Canadians aware of the  extent of the problem with the abortion  law, the need to repeal it and the advantages of free-standing facilities for early  abortions.  We encourage your readers to support  Colleen Crosbie and to object loudly to her  treatment. We also urge them to support  the medical personnel charged in the Toronto and Winnipeg clinic raids who have consciously put their freedom and careers at  risk to help women. We remind you that the  political climate in this country is such  that no abortions are being performed in  Prince Edward Island and the Saskatchewan  government is considering cutting off medicare payments for abortions.  Donations to assist those charged in the  clinic cases can be sent to: Pro-Choice  Defence Fund, Box 935, Station Cs Toronto,  Ontario., M4T 2PI.  Those who are interested in assisting CARAL  in its educational and political work can  join by writing to: Canadian Abortion  Rights Action League, 40 St. Clair Ave.E-  Suite 310, Toronto, Ontario, M4T IM9.  Norma Scarborough, President, CARAL  'Kids,"Chicks,'  no difference  Kinesis:  One of the things I most respect about  feminist theory is that it recognizes that  no one will be free from oppression until  we all are. Kinesis  is a fine model of  this thinking with its' focus on women in  the labour force, women of colour, lesbians,  bi-sexual women, fat women and all the  others. But one group - perhaps the most  important one - seems to need some attention from feminists, namely, the young ones.  Adultism (the oppression of young people)  is a vicious oppression, it's the one whose  victims are the most silenced, the one no  one has escaped, and the one where it all  starts. In the very best of circumstances,  young ones are subjected to years of lack  of respect - as young ones, our opinions  are not sought, our issues not addressed  (from our point of view), our humanity  considered less important. It seems to me  that until we turn adultism around, we  humans will continue to pass the lack of  respect we received as young people on to  someone else in the guise of classism,  racism, sexism, anti-semitism, etc. as  soon as the opportunity presents itself.  Language is a good indicator of institutionalized oppression, and I am concerned  about the not uncommon use of the word  "kid" to refer to young people in feminist  publications (including Kinesis)  and in  feminist conversation. While this term  may seem innocent enough, most of us know  that there is nothing innocent about the  words "chick", "bird", "gook", "nigger",  "fag" and all the others. We know that  these words reveal a deep social problem  and are ways of dehumanizing a group who  is targeted for institutionalized mistreatment by another group. There are those who  will defend the use of words like "chick"  ajid "bird" as harmless terms of endearment.  Most feminists would not agree. "Kid" is  no different. It has no place in aware  feminist publications or conversations and  above all young people should not have to  hear it from those they love and trust.  Another way we use the language unawarely  in relation to young people is by using the  word "woman" when the issue is one that  affects us from birth. Woman excludes the  young, just as the generic man excludes  woman. We must be wary of falling into the  same trap! We are the targets of sexism  from birth. I think we shy away from using  the word "female" because it has so often  been used as a "swear" word.s We need to  reclaim it (or find an inclusive alternative) so that young females do not grow up  feeling excluded from our world.  A final suggestion for contradicting  adultism might be to think of ways we  could include in our publications the  thinking of the young. I think Kinesis  has  already done this to some extent, but I  would appreciate hearing even more what  young people consider the key issues and  what they think about them.  Samantha Sanderson  Prisoners  are not inmates'  Kinesis:  I read Diane Morrison's article in Kinesis,  which we really appreciated very much.  There is just one thing I would like to say.  I noticed that I was referred to as a  former "inmate". I really resent the term  "inmate". I was held prisoner, which means  against my will.  Most prisoners do not like to be referred  to as "inmates". The word is mostly used jj  by prison authorities, lawyers and whoever  else works in that field.  It's very important to acknowledge how  language becomes sterilized and de-radicalized and that soon those same people could  be referring to us as "residents" even (as  if we were on our summer vacation or something!). By giving prisoners a less radical  label, they hope people will forget about .  all the inhuman conditions of prisons.  Womyn Against Prisons  Thanks for  the coverage  Kinesis:  I have been meaning to write for awhile,  but the last issue finally inspired me! I  had been wanting to read/hear about the-  CUSO workers' experience in Grenada and  was excited to find Punam Khosla's interview  with them right there in my local women's  newspaper.  It made me realize how much I appreciate  the wide range of coverage in Kinesis -  from current international events to critical personal issues, with a focus on Canada  and B.C. along the way. I imagine that you  put a lot of time and energy into planning  issues in order to achieve that satisfying  range so I want you to know that I appreciate and admire your work!  Melanie Conn  Reader points  out omission  Kinesis:  I have just read the December Kinesis,  and  among all the other great and not so encouraging news, appreciated "The Grenadian  Invasion" article (although I felt the  tragedy warranted even just a small side-  space in a women's magazine to describe  some of what women in particular were contributing to the revolution - that is surely  only temporarily set back).  Without wanting to seem to be looking for  errors, however, I feel that a post-script  tribute is in order for our dead sister  Jacqueline Creft (not Kraft). She was  mentioned in the article, as among those who  were murdered with Maurice Bishop. All of  the others mentioned were men. The role of  each of the men was spelled out, while her  role as the only woman government minister  in a progressive but nevertheless and not  surprisingly macho society was not mentioned,  Jacqueline Creft was the Minister for  Education, Youth and Social Affairs, and  her Ministry included a Women's Desk -  these were all highly significant responsibilities in a revolutionary society.  If you were just another mainstream newspaper, I would likely and quickly attribute  the glaring omission to the usual sexism  (and not think anything further of it, nor February 84 Kinesis 33  LETTERS  feel compelled to rush to my typewriter) -  but in fact, most newspaper accounts described her position. Perhaps you were  simply faithfully reporting the interview -  whatever the reason, the omission was unfortunate. Perhaps it could be amended in  some way?  Helen Durie  Ed.  note: Thank you for correcting the  omission.  The author was working from a  transcribed report of the interview.  Alzheimer's:  a personal story  Kinesis:  I would like to respond to the article  about aging (Sept.'83) and to the article  about Alzheimer disease (Dec.'83/Jan.'84)  by telling you my own story.  My father was severely senile when he was  sixty. He was a writer and couldn't write.  He suspected friends were cheating on  him, and he had long periods of deep  depression. If he had lived today he might  have been diagnosed as having Alzheimer  disease. As it was, he died of a stroke  four years later, and an autopsy showed  "an advanced stage of hardening of the  arteries".  This alone has kept me on a semi-alert,  meaning I have tried to avoid food rich  in cholesterol which is supposed to  clog the arteries. Now I am over sixty,  and I am frightened because of some of  the signals I observe in myself; my world  is full of unfinished business and I just  can't stop and let my mind wander - yet.  The symptoms? I forget things - so do my  younger friends - but with me it is more  serious things like turning off the stove  before I go out, like turning off the  water taps in cold weather and ending up  with frozen pipes. I also forget meeting  arrangements, I forget that people expect  to come to my place. Frightening is also  waking up at night and being terrified of  next day's schedule, unable to sort out  and plan different commitments. Two commitments in a day can be one too many.  What have I done for myself? I have had  yarly cholesterol tests, and since they  were normal (or what the doctor thought  was normal), I liked to believe that  cholesterol was behind senility, and since  my blood tests were normal I had nothing  to fear - not much anyway.  A few mo.nths ago I went for the yearly  test and I mentioned my fears and symptoms.  The doctor who usually has the attitude  of "what can you expect when you are over  fifty?" seemed to actually listen this  time and in passing he told me that the  cholesterol tests proved nothing (why  hadn't he said so before?). He took notes  about my father's case, about my own  observations. Suddenly he said, "Can you  subtract seven from a hundred and keep on  going?" I caught my breath, gulped, and  started slowly, "ninety-three, eighty-  four... no, no, eighty-six...oh shit, give  me paper and pencil, I never was any good  at math..."  The doctor shook his head. "I'll make an  appointment for you for a brain scan, the  only reliable test", and he made another  note of that.  On the way home I passed the sentence of  SENILITY onto myself. So I started making  "preparations". I checked my will and  appointed a legal guardian for myself, and  I wrote a letter to the person closest to  my heart, telling her that I hoped she  would remember me as I was and not as the  person whe was about to see. And I prayed  that my brain would last long enought to  take care of the rest of my unfinished  business.  I live in the country and the choice of  doctors is limited to say the least. So I  contacted a friend who is also a doctor,  and asked him to explain what a brain scan  was. I can't remember the details" well  enought to pass them on, but one method  is to inject something radioactive into  your veins so that the specialist can study  the brain in more detail.  This doctor didn't think a brain scan was  necessary, and that he wouldn't have it  done on himself no matter how scared he  was of going crazy. That message was good  enough for me. Next I asked if the other  doctor was right in saying that there was  nothing I could do.  "Have you ever fasted?" he asked. I had  tried several times but never done it  beyond one day. He strongly believes that  fasting over a period of time, from one  week to a month or more,'will rid you of  some of the unwanted extras in your body,  including fat tissue or whatever hardens  your arteries.  He lent me two books, Health For The  Millions  and The Science And Fine Art Of  Fasting  both by Herbert M. Shelton, who  believes in fasting with just water. Since  I am not on my own to do with my time what  I like, he suggested instead to follow  The Master Cleanser by Stanley Burroughs  who believes you can clean out your system  with lemon juice mixed with water, cayenne  and maple syrup.  After ten days I stopped. The amazing thing  (which almost everybody who has fasted  knows) is that it wasn't hard. After a  few days I only slept half the night and  could use the rest of it to finish work  that had been lying around too long. I  could think more clearly; I forgot less  and became more in control of my life.  However, after the fast I was careless,  didn't heed the warnings and ate too much  too fast. The result was a sluggish feeling and need for extra sleep and energy.  Two months later I fasted for seven days  and that time I was more careful.  So am I satisfied that I am not going  senile after all? No. The symptoms still  pop up, the fears return at times. No, I  am not convinced that I am cured, and I  didn't burn the letter I mentioned earlier-  But I do believe that I have postponed  my date with senility. I might even be  able to finish the most important of my  unfinished business.  Inger Bruhn  NAC rebuts  VSW position  I was very disappointed by the article on  pensions for homemakers by Lorri Rudland  which ran in your Oct. '83 issue.  According to Lorri Rudland the choice is  between: a) direct pension credits for  homemakers under the Canada/Quebec Pension  Plan (C/QPP), as supported by the National  Action Committee on the Status of Women  (NAC) and others; and b) equal splitting of  pension credits between the spouses, as  supported by Vancouver Status of Women and  others. This is utter nonesense for the  simple reason that all women's groups, and  NAC in particular, have always strongly  promoted the concept of equal splitting  of all pension credits between the spouses.  In fact, NAC was the first Canadian women's  group to demand that splitting occur not  only on divorce but also when both spouses  in a lasting marriage arrive at retirement  The debate concerning pensions for home-  makers therefore has no relation whatsoever  to the opposition Lorri Rudland described.  Instead, the disagreement centres around  what is to be done after pension credits  have been split between the spouses.  To start with, everyone agrees that in the  case where a wife worked in the home all  her life, credit splitting.is not enough.  Under the present system, it would mean  at best that each spouse would end up with  maximum benefits from the C/QPP and the  Old Age Security pension of about $5,250 a  year, which is $4,000 less than the poverty line for singles (should they be divorced or widowed by then) and $2,000 below  the poverty line for couples. Even if the  benefits paid out under the C/QPP were  doubled to 50% of wages, as NAC and most  other women's groups recommend, the maximum split benefit of one-earner couples  would only amount to about $8,000 each.  This is not bad for spouses who are still  living together after age 65, but they are  in the minority since most women are  either widowed or divorced by that age. As  a result, even if the C/QPP was greatly  expanded, which is politically unlikely in  the present atmosphere of restraintmania,  the vast majority of homemakers would still  end up in poverty if they had to rely on  credit-splitting alone.  Given these troublesome facts, what are  the choices:  1) To do nothing and let most elderly  homemakers depend on benefits for destitute old people, such as the federal  Guaranteed Income Supplement and provincial top-ups. Few people have the stomach  to support this cruel alternative.  2) To endorse high widow's pensions, which  are the traditional way of dealing with  "dependent" wives. This approach, which  is supported by the main opponents of  direct pension credits for homemakers,  particularly the Canadian Labour Congress,  is offensive to most women for many reasons. First, it is an established fact  that homemakers are not dependents, but  productive members of society who make a  real contribution to our economy. Second,  surveys show that most homemakers want  personal pension coverage based on their  own work, not widow's benefits that are  not paid until their husbands die, that  disappear if they divorce and that are  calculated on the basis of their husbands'  incomes. Finally, it is unfair that single  and divorced participants in the C/QPP,  who are disproportionally women, should be  obliged to pay important subsidies (more  than 15% of their contributions) to the  widows of men whose incomes were high  enough that their wives did not have to  work outside their homes.  3) To be in favour of direct pension  credits for homemakers, paid for by the  main beneficiaries of their services, and  the gradual abolition of widows/ers'  benefits. The C/QPP already contains one  provision, ^the child-care drop-out period  (in force in the CPP since June '83),  which extends pension coverage on a fully  subsidized basis to parents who drop out  of the labour force temporarily to take  care of children aged less than seven.  Opponents of direct C/QPP coverage for  homemakers are being quite inconsistent  when they support this drop-out period.  The NAC proposal, which is endorsed by  many other women's groups, consists of:  a) broadening the C/QPP drop-out provision  to make it cover periods spent outside  the labour foce caring for very disabled  family members who would otherwise have to  be institutionalized; b) curing the present discriminatory effects of the dropout provision by giving similar subsidized  C/QPP coverage to other women who are also  caring for young children or disabled  family members, but who cannot benefit  continued next page ISf  34 Kinesis February 84  BULLETIN BOARD  JOBS  NEW STAR BOOKS, a socialist publishing  company, is looking for an editor with  a wide range of abilities. This person  must have substantial writing and/or  editing experience and be a competent  typist. Typesetting, graphic design and  production, and commercial skills would  also be significant assets. Salary is  $1,200 a month. Please apply irt-writing  only, stating related experience, to  2504 York Avenue, Vancouver, B.C.  V6K 1E3, by Feb. 27, 1984.  HALF-TIME POSITION, THREE MONTH TERM  available with the Canadian Association  for the Advancement of Women and Sport.  Job involves: general office management,  communication with association members,  communication with public members,  co-ordination of local events for women  during National Physical Activity Week,  flexible hours (20-25 hr/wk).  Skills needed: organizational skills,  good communication skills, experience  with volunteers, interest and experience  with women's issues, self-motivation,  typing skills an asset.  Further information: 732-1829 (after  4 pm) or 687-3333 (leave a message).  Salary: $600/month.  Application deadline: Feb.13,1984.  Address: CAAWS, 1200 Hornby St.,  Vancouver, B.C.  GROUPS  INTERESTED IN WOMEN'S ISSUES? The Port  Coquitlam Area Women's Centre will  help keep you informed. The Centre  offers a drop-in, information and  referral service for women weekdays  from 10a.m. to 3p.m., with free  childcare from 10a.m. until 1p.m. To  take out a yearly membership and receive the monthly newsletter send  $8 to: The Port Coquitlam Area Women's  Centre, P.O. Box 229, Pt. Coq. V3G  3V7. For more infb, call 941-6311,or  drop in at the corner of Chester and  Coquitlam.  GROUP FOR WOMEN HAVING EXPERIENCED SEXUAL  ASSAULT - The purposes of the group are  to develop mutual support between  group members, to explore the impact  of the women's sexual assault experience  on herself and on her relationships  with others, and to explore unresolved  issues related to the sexual assault.  Individual pre-group sessions are  offered for women wishing to be in the  group and for those unsure whether the  group is for them, but who want to find  out more about it. The group starts  Jan. 30, 1984 and runs weekly for ten  weeks. I can be reached by phone Mon.  and Tues. from 8:30 - 4:30 at 682-2344,  Local 2409 if you want to find out more.  Lori Van Humbeck, Social Worker, St.  Paul's Hospital, Psych. OPD.  FOUR-BEDROOM HOUSE TO SHARE in Newton  Rent approx. $200(it's negotiable).  Call 590-6413.  AUTO CARE AND REPAIR BY WOMEN - If you're  tired of being ripped off, try us. We do  tuneups, oil change, brakes, electrical,  and trouble shooting. We offer a mobile  service, reasonable rates, and special  rates for teaching you to do-it-yourself. Call Susan 254-7909.  CONFERENCES  FAT ISSUES is a group of Fat Women who  meet twice a month for mutual support  and information sharing on Fat Issues.  For more info, call Bonnie at 251-3803.  For copies of the article "How You Can  Help End Oppression of Fat Dykes" by  Minneapolis Lesbian Fat Liberation and/  or the Fat Issues Source List, send a  SASE to Box 65584, Stn. F., Van., B.C.  V5N 5K5.  B.C. GAY AND LESBIAN CONFERENCE to be  held at the Student Union Building, UBC,  Feb. 10, 11 & 12.  CONFERENCE ON WOMEN'S HISTORY IN B.C. at  Camosun College, Victoria, B.C., April  28, 1984. For more info, contact:  Barbara Latham, Camosun College,  3100 Foul Bay Road, Victoria, B.C.  V8P 4X8.  CLASSIFIED  LOOKING FOR A ROOM OR ROOMS in a co-op  house or other similar situation. Or  for others to house hunt with. I have  my 2 1/2 year old daughter half-time.  Must be on the westside. I'm used to  living and working co-operatively,  collectively. I am non-smoking. Call  Heather at 731-8790.  EXPERIENCED WOMAN HOUSE PAINTER REQUIRED  for possible partnership. Wallpaper  experience an asset. Call Arlene: 253-  8549.  INCOME TAX PREPARATION, reasonable rates,  guaranteed service. Phone Bonnie Ramsay  at 251-3803.  KARATE FOR WOMEN - Develop strength and  confidence, increase your awareness,  learn to defend yourself. Karate was  developed for self-defense against a  stronger opponent. Come train with other  women! A woman black-belt instructor is  starting classes soon in the Vancouver  area. For more info, call 685-2747 - if  you missed me last time, please try again  HELPING OURSELVES: A Handbook for Women  Starting Groups -  an easy-to-use practical book for women who want to share  and solve problems with other women. It  is published by the Women's Counselling  Referral and Education Centre of Toronto,  a non-profit organization committed to  providing alternative mental health  services for women. The book is available at a cost of $5 by writing to:  W.C.R.E.C, 348 College St., Toronto,  Ontario, M5T 1S4  !  continued from previous page  from the drop-out provision because they  were not in the labour force long enough  or at a high enough salary; and c) extending C/QPP coverage even further to cover  all other homemakers, meaning mainly  older housewives keeping house for their  husbands; in this case, however, the  homemakers' C/QPP credits would not be  subsidized but would be paid by the husbands, who are the main beneficiaries of  these women's services; only low-income  couples would not have to pay.  These recommendations are very similar to  those endorsed in the recent report of the  Parliamentary Task Force on Pension Reform.  The changes made by the Task Force include:  that the C/QPP contributions of homemakers  from two-spouse families be based strictly  on the earning spouses' incomes and not  on the presence of dependents in^he home;  and that all single parents with children  under the age of 18 be covered on a fully  subsidized basis.  The main criticism against NAC's (and the  Parliamentary Task Forces's) proposals is  the one invoked by Lorri Rudland to the  effect that homemakers' pensions would not  recognize the housework done by women who  have full-time jobs outside their homes.  In reality, women with full-time jobs do  not need pension credits for homemaking  because they are already included in the  C/QPP. Instead, what they want is bigger  pensions based on their earnings and subsidies to help them pay their childcare  expenses. It makes no more sense to say  that homemakers' pensions descriminate  against full-time earners than to say that  childcare subsidies discriminate against  mothers at home. To make such comparisons  is to assume everything that is good for  one group is automatically detrimental to  the other.  The other common criticism of direct pensions for homemakers is that a woman who  "does nothing" at home could end up with  a larger C/QPP pension than another who  works full-time at a low wage and does  all the family's housework when she gets  home. The trick in that argument is that  it is splitting between the spouses which  can produce such a result, not C/QPP  credits for homemakers. Under the formula  proposed by NAC and endorsed by the Parliamentary Task Force, the C/QPP homemaker  credits of a woman who spends all her time  at home would never be higher than the  credits of a full or part-time earner who  has a spouse and/or children. This is  because every woman with family responsibilities who earns less than half the  average wage (about $10,000 now) would  become entitled to a full or partial  homemaker credit. As a result, the Task  Force estimated, more women who are in the  labour force part-time or full-time at  the minimum wage(a total of 1.7 million)  would benefit from C/QPP credits for  homemakers than women who are full-time  in their homes (1.5 million).  This is not to say that no valid argument  can be made against the direct inclusion  of homemakers in the C/QPP. The classic  one, which is seldom put forward in Canada  because most Canadian women react badly  to it, is that all measures that improve  the situation of homemakers should be  rejected because the only way women can  ever obtain financial independence is  through their full integration in the full-  time labour market. For the minority who  hold such views, such as the Quebec Status  of Women Council, even proposals to improve the status of part-time workers and  extend part-time employment are wrong  because they make it less difficult for  women to stay outside the full-time  labour force.  As evidenced in the debate which took  place when the majority of its members  endorsed direct pensions for homemakers,  NAC does not agree with this point of view.  Some of the reasons for this include:  Canadian women should, as much as possible,  have the choice of working inside or outside their homes; the more than half of  Canadian women who are either full-time  homemakers or part-time earners need help  now; denial of homemaking as a legitamate  and worthwhile occupation would hopelessly  split the women's movement and greatly  reduce its effectiveness; the appropriate  way to deal with the financial insecurity  of homemaking and part-time work is not to  pretend that they do not exist, but rather  to adopt the necessary measures to make  them economically secure.  Whichever side one decides to join in this  debate, it is clear that the issues are  far from being the black and white ones  described in Lorri Rudland's article.  Because pensions are so crucial to women's  financial future, it is very important  that women be given accurate information  allowing them to take an enlightened  stand.  Louise Dulude, lawyer-researcher and  chairperson of NAC's pensions committee February 84 Kinesis 35  BULLETIN BOARD  GRAPHICS WANTED - photos, drawings, etc.  to illustrate resource book about  lesbians. Please call 733-2181.  EVENTS  FILM AND DRAMA REVIEWERS wanted by  If interested, call Cole at 873-5925  732-6819.  THE VANCOUVER WOMEN'S BOOKSTORE IS MOVING!!  The new address is 315 Cambie St. Grand  opening will be Sat., Feb. 25. There  will be 10% off on all stock and 20-50%  off on selected titles. And of course,  refreshments.  DANCE LESSONS FOR WOMEN! Learn to foxtrot,  cha cha, rumba, jive. Limited enrollment.  Come with a partner. Fee $25 per person.  Thurs. 7;30 - 9:00p.m. For 6 weeks. Register Feb. 2 at 339 W. Pender (formerly  B.J.'s) Call Sandy: 874-7096 or Marlene  251-4998. Instructor: Anita Tremblay.  GARAGE/SPACE FOR RENT. Cenment floor, heat,  light, windows, shelves, work bench. Previously used to fix cars, has double  door opening to lane. Main and 28th area  (Quebec St. house). Call 874-1968.  WOMAN WITH THREE MONTHS WORK EXPERIENCE  on large dairy farm wants to learn how  a dairy, sheep, goat or pig farm works  from bottom up. Will work at first for  room & board or low wages in return for  instruction. Will consider commercial,  semi-commercial or large homestead. I  am strong, reliable, fast learner.  Karen: 731-6793.  R00MATE NEEDED - Vintage lesbian-feminist  household desperately needs fourth  woman. We live cooperatively in a big  non-smoking house with a cat, darkroom  and garden.' Very reasonable rent. Near  Fraser and 25th. Call 876-4541.  RESEARCH PROJECT on sexual abuse in the  therapeutic relationship is being organized. If you have had the experience,  your story can help other women. Call  Sharon at 738-3512 for a confidential  questionaire or interview.  THE CANADIAN FARMWORKERS UNION is seeking volunteer tutors for the second  annual ESL Crusade(English as a second  language) from January through April,  1984. For info, call: David Jackson or  Judy Cavanagh at 430-6055.  DOCTORAL LEVEL LESBIAN HEALTH CARE PROVIDERS and students of such: We are doctors  of dentistry, osteopathy, psychiatry,  psychology, and medicine who have provided mutual referrals and peer support  over the past two years. We are in  practice or training in Washington,  Oregon, and Vancouver, B.C. At this  time we are actively recruiting to  increase our numbers, our geographical  outreach, and our professional scope.  Our goals are to provide referrals,  mentorship, networking, recruitment,  peer support and peer education(on  Feb. 18 we will provide a multidisci-  pline presentation on "bulimia").  Contact us through the Women's Skills  Exchange, P.O. Box 20366, Broadway  Station, Seattle, Washington 98102,  206-633-2405.  THE KAREN JAMIESON DANCE COMPANY makes its  official premiere at the Vancouver East  Cultural Centre, February 6 & 7 at  8:30p.m. The company is headed by Karen  Jamieson Rimmer, a founding member of  the Terminal City Dance Company.  VANCOUVER STATUS OF WOMEN  MEMBERSHIP NIGHTS  Feb.13: How to get the money and  keep the kids.  A discussion on maintenance  and custody, led by lawyer  Joanne Ranson  March 12: Need some help with your  tax form?  Bring that form and get the  help you need from accountant  Barbara Bell  ALL MEMBERS AND FRIENDS ARE WELCOME  7:30 p.m.  at Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Ave.  phone: 873-1427  LESBIANS AGAINST THE BUDGET are holding  their next general meeting Feb. 7 at  Suite 301, 2515 Burrard St. at 7:30p.m  All women welcome.  THE WOMEN'S PRESS loudly announces the  formation of the Lesbian Manuscript  Group. We are looking for proposals,  translations, and submissions by lesbians  with emphasis on lesbian content. Sent  to: Lesbian Manuscript Group, The Women's  Press, 16 Baldwin Street, Toronto, Ont.  M5T 1L2.  WOMEN AGAINST THE BUDGET SOCIAL - relaxing  evening, wine and cheese. Mon., Feb. 13  at 7:30 at La Quena, 1111 Commercial  Drive. Childcare is available. Children  are welcome. For more info call 254-5210.  CATHY FINK will be appearing at La Quena  at 1111 Commercial Drive on Saturday,  February 11 at 8p.m. An evening of old-  time music - country, classics, and a  repertoire of contemporary and labour  music.  "WEEKENDS FOR KIDS" series at the Vancouver  East Cultural Centre: Eric Nagler - playing innumerable weird and wonderful  instruments including nose-flute, fiddle  and musical saw, old-timey tunes, jug  band and comic songs. Feb. 26, Sun., lp.m  VANCOUVER FOLK MUSIC FESTIVAL is having a  rummage sale tentatively set for Feb. 26.  Donations of items will be appreciated and  can be dropped off at the office - 3271  Main St. Call 879-2931 for further details.  WORKSHOPS  DEALING WITH STRESS. Autogenic Training  Classes. These groups will provide an  opportunity both for discussion and for  learning a practical relaxation technique .  Women's group: 6 Tuesdays;  beginning  Feb. 21 from 5:30-7 pm.  .  Group for women and men: 6 Thursdays,  beginning Feb. 23 from 5:30-7 pm.  Fee: $30. Call KristinPenn-872-0431  ROSALIE SORRELS, Feb. 26 at the Vancouver  East Cultural Centre at 8:30p.m. presented by the Vancouver Folk Music  Festival. Tickets at Black Swan Records,  Octopus Books East, and the Festival  office at 3271 Main St., $8.  EVENING TALK AND RITUAL WITH STARHAWK -  peace activist, feminist, witch and  author from San Francisco. Fri.,  March 16 at 7pm UBC Graduate  Centre. Sat. and Sun. workshops  are available with limited enrollment. Call 254-4116 for more info.  THE I.W.D. COMMITTEE NEEDS WOMEN TO HELP  make this year's I.W.D. a celebration.  Meetings every Tuesday at 7:30 at  Brittania Centre.  SYMPOSIUM ON FEMINISM AND FAMILY THERAPY  on Feb. 24 & 25 from 9 am to 4 pm.  Sponsored by the Feminist Counselling  Association of Vancouver, Pacific Coast  Family Therapy Training Association and  the UBC,HSCH, Social Work Department.  At the Health Sciences Centre Hospital  (Psychiatry Theatre), 2221 Westbrook  Mall, UBC.  Fee: $75. To register contact the  Pacific Coast Family Therapy Training  Association at 3590 W. 41st Ave.,  Vancouver, B.C. V6N 3E6  WEIGHT TRAINING WORKSHOPS FOR WOMEN  Learn basic principles for weight-  training for fitness and muscle development. Safety stressed and sample  program included.  Feb. 4 - Beginner  March 3 - Beginner  April 7 - Intermediate  All workshops 9:30 am to 2 pm.  Fee: $20. or negotiable. Instructor:  Betty Baxter. Register at Riley Park  Community Centre, 50 -E. 30th Ave.  Vancouver. 879-6222  WEEKEND WORKSHOP WITH PAMELA HARRIS  utilizing movement, voice, and improv-  ization exploring ritual and feminism.  Feb. 24, 25 & 26, Times: Fri. 6-10 pm,  1-5 pm. Sat & Sun. Held at Room to  Move. Sliding scale. Pre-registration  necessary. Contact Pamela Harris at  872-3922.  HEALING AND EMPOWERING WORKSHOPS FOR WOMEN  by Sara Joy David, Ph.D. Rest, restore,  heal and celebrate with other women in  the process of healing and empowering  yourself and others. Group 2: Feb. 25-26  Pre-register by Feb. 15. Group 3: March  10-11. Pre-register by March 1. Fee:  sliding scale - minimum $35 or 6% of  monthly income, whichever is greater.  To register: phone 385-2954 and send  $20 deposit to 1165 Fairfield Rd.,  Victoria, B.C. V8V 3A9  WORKSHOP SERIES AND EXHIBITS explore the  history and politics of 'direct action'  Workshop topics include: the history  of women's militancy, from the Suffragettes to the Wimmin's Fire Brigade;  direct action in the work place; and  self-defense in the courts and on the  streets. March 3, 10a.m. to 4p.m. at  the United Church, 320 E. Hastings.  COMMUNICATIONS COURSE - 7 weeks. Learn  Public Speaking/Robert's Rules/Dealing  with the Media. Instructors: Megan Ellis,  Ellen Frank, Lorri Rudland, Frances  Wasserlein. Dates: 6 Tues. evenings,  starting Feb. 14, 7:30-9:30 and Sunday,  April 1, 10-4. At Britannia Community  Centre. Fee: $25. For registration and  funding info call Dorrie 872-1940.  Registration limited to 16.  ON THE AIR  TUNE ONTO CO-OP RADIO 102.7 FM for  Womanvision on Mondays at 7:30, the  Lesbian Show on Thursday at 8:30, on  Friday at 7:30 Rubymusic. NOTICE TO ALL VSW MEMBERS  It's been a long time!  Displaying an incredible degree of optimism (or flying in the face of reason) we  blithely kept producing KINESIS newspapers. &o.yday now the postal strike will be  over, we cried. Admittedly, by the time the back room of the office was knee deep  in 3000 copies of November and December KISESIS our spirits did begin to sag a little.  We decided that enough was enough — if we continued to print papers,when the mail  strike finally ended you would be knee deep in back issues of KINESIS. So we are not  printing a January issue. Your December issue will probably reach you at about the  time the January one normally would. The February issue will, we hope, be back on  schedule.  Many thanks to all of you who came in and picked up your paper. It was nice to have  the chance to talk to you — please don't wait for another mail strike to come in  again! And many, many thanks to those of you who delivered papers to other members  in your area. The feminist pony express managed to disperse quite a number of the  November issue. Volunteers at several womensa centres offered to phone VSW members M  in their areas and tell them that their KTNSSIS was at the Centre ar.d ccuid be picked  up. If you live in one of the following areas $h3riouB| vomen's centre has your  November issue:  Mission, Maple RMge K*riifcsj/. % Women's Centre. Contact Ann Wood, 463-8462.  Coquitlam, Port Coquitlam, Port Moody   Port Coquitlam Women's Centre. Contact  Pat Isert, 941-6311.  Campbell Ricar, Courtenay   Courtenay Women's Centre, 115 - 13 Street, Courtenay*  Contact Betty Jeffries, 338-8698.  Terrace and Kitimat   Contact Alice Chen Wing of the Terrace Women's Organization*  635-7763.  North and West Vancouver   North Shore Women's Centre, 3255 Edgemont Bvld., North  Vancouver. 987-4822 or 980-5303.  Now that the mail is moving again please send letters, articles, poems, drawings,  whatever! It's sure good to be in contact again!  AND DON'T FORGET THE GENERAL MEETING ON JANUARY 20th IN THE BOARDROOM OF THE VANCOUVER  YWCA AT 7:30 p.m. This is a very Important meeting. The VSW Board of Directors has  decided to recommend to the membership that Vancouver Status of Women affiliate with  the B.C. Federation of Women and the membership will be asked to vote on this issue  at the General.Meeting. There will be a representative of the B.C. Federation *>2  women present to provide information. Plans for other items on the January General  Meeting Program have not yet been finalized. EVERY MEMBER SHOULD TRY TO ATTEND THIS  MEETING.

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