Kinesis Mar 1, 1984

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 ?mmm  1 Vancouver Transition  House is one of 22 public  social service facilities being dumped from the provincial government coffers  March 31. The facilities are  up for grabs to the highest  bidder.  3 A three-day conference  on Mothers and Daughters  was held in White Rock,  B.G. in late February. Elaine  Littman gives us the story.  4 Existing abortion laws  have brought two key cases  into Canadian courts: the  highly publicized Morgen-  taler case and the more recent arrest of Colleen Crosbie in Toronto. Jan DeGrass  reports.  5 Although sexual abuse  of female clients in psychotherapy isn't new; a  number of recent studies  have brought the problem  to public attention. Sharon  Burrows discusses some of  the startling facts.  Cover: photo by Mark  Edwards. From Planned  [March 84  7 Kinesis celebrates International Women's Day this  year with a special supplement on women in other  countries, including reports  on China, Zimbabwe, Puerto  Rico, West Germany, the  Phillipines, Mozambique,  and Poland.  9 Women at the Greenham Common, England and  Comiso Italy peace camps  have experienced an upsurge in civilian and military  harrassment. The harrass-  ment contributed to the  closure of the Comiso camp.  22 Deb Thomas begins a  new column in the Kinesis  Arts section this month.  Her quarterly review will focus on small press poetry  by women writers.  24 Cy-Thea Sand reviews  Silenced, a recent work by  Makeda Silvera which reveal some of the hidden  truths about the lives of  domestics in Toronto.  Parenthood's 'People'  Magazine.  SUBSCRIBE TO KiMJESiJ  Published 10 times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8  □ VSW membership - includes Kinesis subscription -  $20 (or what you can afford)  □ Kinesis subscription only - $13  □ Institutions - $40   rM"^  □ Sustainers - $75    ?|g|h  Name   _ Amount Enclosed_  Please remember that VSW operates on inadequate  funding — we need member support!  S3  So  ><  T 0) fil  "* 3 ■*  < o  2 S,  1  <<D  «3  'fafato'ftaiaf'dm*** JXf  Special supplement: reports on  women from China, Poland,  Grenada, Zimbabwe, West  Germany, Central America,  Mozambique, Namibia, England,  and the Phillipines. KM£SiS  International Women's Day  The International Women's Day Committee-  of 1984 is a group of women who come  from different backgrounds. We do not  represent any political party. What do we  have in common? We know that women are  responsible, intelligent and capable. We  know that women deserve respect and realistic payment for the work they perform.  International Women's Day began on March  8, 1908. On that day, 128 women died in  a fire at the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory  in New York City. Other garment workers  marched in the streets to demand better  and safer working conditions. In 1910,  women from 17 different countries established March 8 as a day of solidarity  and action among women.  What do we women have to celebrate on  International Women's Day? On this day,  we celebrate our strength. We celebrate  our struggle for freedom. We celebrate our  unity. We celebrate our differences.  We celebrate our heroines of the past. In  the U.S., Harriet Tubman, the Black "Moses",  led many of her people from slavery to  freedom through the Underground Railway;  Margaret Sanger brought birth control  information to women who wanted to choose  when and where to be mothers; Elizabeth  Gurley Flynn began her career as a labour  organizer at the age of 15 when she spoke  about "What Socialism Will Do for Women;"  Crystal Eastman fought for industrial  safety and labour laws. In Canada, Nellie  McClung, Emily Murphy, Henrietta Muir  Edwards and Louise McKinney successfully  battle d the law and we became persons  before the law (the famous "Person's Case").  We celebrate our heroines of today. British women at Greenham Common who are protesting outside the U.S. base so that we  are not destroyed by a nuclear holocaust;  women of Nicaragua and El Salvador who  fight in battle to free their countries;  women who work in non-traditional trades  and show society that women can do everything well; women who combine their  efforts to free us from the fears of physical violence, unwanted pregnancies and unfair labour practices.  We celebrate immigrant women who add  their unique traditions to Canadian culture  We celebrate Native Indian women who continue to be the leaders of their people.  Last, but not least, we celebrate "Women's  Work" - real work which runs our society  and makes our world a more hopeful place  to be - and all the women who do it.  Won't you celebrate our day with us this  year? Won't you join us to speak out about  the issues that concern us?  (For a full listing of IWD activities,  see Bulletin Board - pp.26&27).  Funding Update  At presstime Vancouver Status of Women  had not yet received word regarding the  status of its funding for the next  fiscal year. The Attorney-General's  department, which provides the  organization with its core funding,  has indicated that a decision will be  forthcoming within the next few weeks.  In the meantime, supports of VSW are  continuing to send letters and telegrams encouraging the Attorney-General  to provide the organization with assurances that the grant will remain in  place at 1982 levels.  Budget  slashes welfare  To all appearances the January '84  budget continues to slash vital social services. But this time, it's not  so easy for the public to respond. Unlike the July budget package which  clearly set out the services to be  eliminated, the January budget proceeds in dribs and drabs through the  House, making it difficult for the  public to know exactly what services  will be will be eliminated in the upcoming weeks.  So far, B.C. has severely reduced legal aid services, something which hits  women particularly hard. The NDP  suspects there may be legislation  waiting in the wings that would  restrict eligibility requirements,  but its hard to tell exactly what the  Socreds have in mind, they say.  Reductions in income assistance, however, are entirely clear. Single  people under the age of 25 and couples  without dhildren lose $50 during the  first month on assistance and $25  for the following six months. At the  beginning of the ninth month recipients are returned to the original  $375 per month.  People 26 and over lose $25 in the first  month and everyone will no have an eight  month waiting period before they can  claim their $100 exemption for earnings.  Unemployable single parents with two  children or with handicapped children  will now have to wait eight months in  order to receive a higher rate of assistance, if they are in need. UIC  claimants are no longer eligible for  half month income assistance while  awaiting the arrival of their first UIC  payments.  As for the Human Rights budget, it's  been slashed by 45%, bringing it down  to $692,795, approximately 25 cents  per capita per year. Student aid grants  have been eliminated in their entirety  and community clinics have received  substantial cuts, a move which takes  away from a perventative health emphasis.  REACH clinic in Vancouver has lost 27  percent of its budget, for example,  but at press time they had not assessed  what the .precise impact of this will  be for REACH patients.  IWD Supplement  This year Kinesis  celebrates International  Women's Day by expanding our International  section to a special supplement. Even  then, the news we have"about women in  other countries is "woefully inadequate.  We hope that some of the information presented here will encourage readers to look  beyond the confines of the issues facing  women locally and nationally and to remember that many of our sisters around the  globe deal with the oppression they encounter in a manner unique to their own  situations.  In this light, International Women's Day  is a time of the year to reflect on the  conditions of women everywhere. It is a  time to remember that the women's movement is founded and forged on the principle that however unique each woman's  struggle may be, our consciousness as a  movement is not limited by national bound-  For those who want more international  information on women, we recommend a visit  to The Women's Bookstore, Ariel Books,  Octopus Books East and West, Spartacus  Books, or the International Development  Education Resources Association (IDERA),  all of which carry periodicals and other  literature on women in other countries.     __.... 2 Kinesis March '84  MOVEMENT MATTERS  New camp  targets uranium  Key Lake is the site of the notoriously  leaky Key Lake Uranium mine. Key Lake is  also the site of Canada's newest peace  camp, the Northern Camp for Ecology. The  camp opened January 26, has been set up  by people who are concerned about the many  recent spills of radioactive waste water  at the mine site. A woman from the Cold  Bay women's peace camp is currently living at the Key Lake camp.  "We feel that the spills at Key Lake are a  very serious mistake that will affect the  ecology of the north for generations to  come. The spill will affect not only the  water systems, but also the animals,  plants, and ourselves," say camp organizers.  "There is no room for a destructive thing  like a uranium mine."  The camp wants the government to be taken  to court for not establishing a uranium  mine monitoring committee , and demands a  full public inquiry into the spills, which  are relatively common at uranium mines.  The Northern Camp for Ecology welcomes all  support; both material - blankets, money,  food, etc. - and otherwise. Their address  is: Northern Camp for Ecology, Box 39,  lie a la Crosse, Saskatchewan, SOM ICO,  (telephone 306-833-2557 or -2410).  KMJPSU  KINESIS is published ten times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women. Its  objectives are to enhance understanding about the changing position  of women in society and work actively  towards achieving social change.  VIEWS EXPRESSED IN KINESIS are  those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect VSW policy. All unsigned  material is the responsibility of the  Kinesis editorial group.  CORRESPONDENCE^ Kinesis, Vancouver Status of Women, 400 A West  5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8.  MEMBERSHIP in Vancouver Status of  Women is $20/year (or what you can  afford). This includes a subscription  to Kinesis. Individual subscriptions  to Kinesis are $13/year.  SUBMISSIONS are welcome. We reserve the right to edit, and submission  does not guarantee publication.  WORKERS THIS ISSUE: Libby Barlow,  Carol Bieranga, Cole Dudley, Dorothy  Elias, Patty Gibson, Linda Grant, Nicky  Hood, Emma Kivisild, Barbara Kuhne,  Cat L'Hirondelle, Elaine Littman,  Claudia MacDonald, Jean McGregor,  Nicola Martin, Judy Rose, Rosemarie  Rupps, Joey Schibild, Swee Sim Tan.  Marrianne van Loon, Michele Woll-  stonecroft and Jan De Grass.  KINESIS is a member of the Canadian  Periodical Publishers' Association  This woman was one of over 200 hundred dem  monstrators who gathered in support of Geri  Ferguson on February 13.  Feminist drops  police complaint  by Emma Kivisild  A Vancouver feminist will not be pursuing  a complaint against the city's police department in which she said she was picked  up in early February by two plainclothes  police officers, physically abused, and  questioned about ehr political involvement.  Geri Ferguson, a Metis womau active in prisoners rights and doing support work for  five people on trial in New Westminster,  had sent a letter via her lawyer to Police  Chief Bob Stewart, requesting more information on the incident.  The next stpe would be to file a formal  complaint with the department, who would  then begin an internal investigation. Ferguson has opted not to go through with the  complaint.  The decision was made on her lawyer's advice, she says, on the basis of the police  response to the original letter. It appears  they are prepared to accumulate enough evidence to launch a counterattack against  Ferguson, such that the possibility of  her allegations being vindicated is far  from certain. In fact, the police could  turn around and charge her.  Clearly, the complications of the case suggest that a court-battle would be lengthy,  and not necessarily fruitful.  Ferguson had gone to the press with her  story, and Vancouver's political community  had also rallied behind her. On February  13, a week after the incident allegedly  took place, over 200 people attended a demonstration at the Main Street Police Station to protest her treatment.  They demanded that:  •some form of retribution be awarded to Geri;  •the two police officers be identified;  •persons both directly and indirectly responsible be dismissed;  •all necessary steps be taken to insure  that such abuse of power not re-occur.  They also asserted that it is imperative  that the Security Service Bill (C-9) currently before Parliament be defeated. C-9  is a barely revised version of the controversial Bill C-157 proposed by the federal  Attorney-General in 1983. (See 'What price  'security'? Kinesis  July/Aug '83). While  the new bill has not met with as much organized opposition as its predecessor, it  nonetheless gives reason for concern.  The connection between Ferguson's allega  tions and the bill is clear - if the legislation is passed, future victims of similar police harassment would have almost  no legal recourse.  Lesbian prof  wins free speech  On February 17th, an elated Merle Woo and  her Defense Committee announced a settlement in Woo's free speech and discrimination case against the University of California (UC). On February 16th, UC Regents  approved a settlement returning Woo to  work with a two year contract in the Department of Education, a cash sum of $48,  584 and $25,000 in attorney's fees.  Woo was fired in June 1982 from the Asian  American Studies (AAS) Program at Berkeley  Woo filed complaints in federal and state  courts charging UC with violation of her  First Amendment rights: firing her because  she was critical of AAS tenure track faculty for eliminating student participation,  community-related courses and the goal of  a Third World College. She also charged  UC with discriminating against her for  being outspoken as a trade unionist, a  lesbian, and a socialist feminist affiliated with Radical'Women and the Freedom  Socialist Party.  "My Defense Committee and I won because  we were UC's most organized and committed  opposition, representing the majority of  people on campus: people of color, women,  lesbians and gays, staff and low-paid  teachers," said Woo.  With a compelling legal case and the  meticulous work of attorney Mary C. Dunlap,  Woo won several procedural victories along  the way, including:  •November 1983. The American Federation of  Teachers(AFT) won its charge before the  Public Employment Relations Board (PERB)  that the four year rule was an unfair  labor practice. UC attempted to cut lecturers' teaching time from eight ot four  years. PERB ordered UC to reinstate Woo  and all other lecturers fired under the  rule, with backpay and interest.  •June 5, 1983. UC lost its bid to dismiss  Woo's case from Federal court, and to  eliminate much of its political content.  The spectrum of support for Woo was testimony to the many issues her case included:  affirmative action, union organizing,  lecturers' rights, sexual orientation  discrimination and most centrally, the  right of free speech on the job.  Local girls  basketball stars  Two Port Coquitlam girls laid a few sports  myths to rest last month when they almost  single handedly defeated a local boys'  basketball team.  Jacquie DesLauriers and Sherry Larson, both  members of the girls' basketball team at  Hazel Trembath School, were asked to replace two injured members of the boys'  team in a game against James Park School.  James Park usually beats Trembath in basketball, but not this time. DesLauriers  and Larson led their school to a 72-10  victory, scoring 60 of the 72 points.  Both said they like playing on the girls'  team better. March'84 Kinesis   3  ACROSS BC  Transition house up for grabs  by Patty Gibson  Time is running out for the Vancouver  Transition House. The shelter is one of  22 facilities listed in a mid-February  "proposal call" from the provincial government which asked private agencies to submit bids on such public-run facilities as  group homes for the mentally and physically  handicapped, emergency residential and  observation services for abused children,  and programs for children with learning  disabilities.  Workers at Vancouver Transition House  have condemned the B.C. government's  move to solicit tenders for the privatization of the transition house facility,  pointing out that protection for battered  women and their children is an essential  responsibility of the social service  system.  Bidders were given less than two weeks to  submit a budget and must be able to put  an organization, equipped with staff and  facilities, into place by the end of  March.  Vancouver Transition House is the only  government-run shelter of its kind in  the province. It has been in operation  since 1973 and currently employs ten full-  time and eight auxiliary workers. The  House operates a 24-hour crisis line,  providing women in crisis with a safe  refuge, counselling, information, advocacy, and follow-up services. In 1983  Vancouver Transition House took in 152  women and 120 children, but turned away  548 women and 120 children due to lack  of space.  Until 1978, Transition House was funded  by the provincial government through the  Children's Aid Society. In 1978 the Ministry of Human Resources took over responsibility for the House and funded it directly. Last July, the government announced  it was no longer prepared to pay for  Transition House services and despite  appeals from Transition House workers  and supporters has refused to rescind  its decision.  Transition House staff call the move to.  privatize "a serious retreat from government's existing commitment to battered  women and their children". They say it  will place more pressure on already  overburdened and underfunded private  agencies and volunteer groups.  Most of the other 25 shelters in B.C. for  battered women and their children receive  a grant for rent and food only and must  raise funds for salaries and other expenses. The workers point out that the  transition house in Fort Nelson will close  its doors due to inadequate funding by  the first of March and several other .;'ñ†';.  shelters in the province are in serious  economic trouble.  Women Against the Budget (WAB), a coalition of women's groups in B.C. which has  been active in the anti-budget fightback  since last July, is focussing their campaign on the privatization issue. In  their recent pamphlet "Battered Women  are not a Private Enterprise", the group  points out that each year one in every  ten women in Canada are beaten by the  man they live with and that in 1981 more  than 100 women were killed in battering  situations.  "Wife-beating is a social problem and we  have started to develop social responses  to it. A woman who is beaten is a victim  of a crime and we have a social responsibility to protect victims of crime," says  WAB/ "This Social Credit government wants  to deny this responsibility because it  is not profitable. Privatization means  that the govenrment refuses to take  responsibility for women's safety."  The workers at Transition House oppose  privatization because of the serious  financial problems faced by non-government operated transition houses. They say  experience shows these shelters are  understaffed, and as a result, are unable  to provide 24-hour personnel on a regular  basis. Private houses do not have consistent follow-up programs or continuous  childcare programs and in most cases are  unable to take on community education or  research, all of which Vancouver Transition House undertakes on a regular basis.  At press time the YWCA and the Broadway  Tabernacle of Vancouver (a fundamentalist  Christian Church) had announced they were  interested in making bids on the transition house service. If no one can be  found to provide the service after March  31, the Ministry of Human Resources says  battered women and their children will  have to be put up in motels and other  short-term accomodation.  In the meantime, Transition House workers  are continuing their efforts to gain  public support, hoping the government will  reconsider its decision to privatize the  service. Women are encouraged to write  Grace McCarthy in support of Transition  House. Anyone interested in working on  the campaign can write Women Against the  Budget at P.O. Box 65366, Station 'F',  Vancouver, B.C., V5N 5P3.   Conference looks  at Mothers/daughters  by Elaine Littman  Emotions ran high at the February 24-25  Mother and Daughter conference in White-  rock as about 50 women came to share stories, concerns and confidences.  Conference organizers deliberately steered  away from the academic format in an attempt  to make it a personal experience.  "It was an opportunity for people to begin  to discover facets of their relationships  they hadn't looked at before," organizer  Candy Schwartz said.  An evening of music and storytelling Friday  and a video and speech Saturday set the  stage for informal workshops where women  volunteered personal information.  The workshop "Learning from our mothers"  had each woman talk about her own mother's  methods of coping and her own, such as  eating, exercising or taking a bath. Many  of the participant's mothers had suffered  stress symptoms such as migraine headaches,  and it was suggested that perhaps our  ability to be open allowed us to escape  some of the same tensions.  "We didn't want to open up issues in depth  that would be impossible to resolve in a  day and a half," conference organizer Janet  Patterson said.  "We wanted people to go away with a finished feeling, we didn't want to blow everybody apart," she said.  Most of the participants seemed pleased  with the results.  "It's not the sort of thing you like to  think about a lot," one woman said of a  discussion on mothers aging."But you have  The mother and daughter relationship has  gone largely unresearched, and is often  portrayed as one of jealousy and rivalry,  said research sociologist and keynote  speaker Nancy Jackson.  The conference was intended to create a  sense of shared experience and awareness  for the women who came, and Friday's performance mingled warmhearted songs and  anecdotes with stories of abuse and separation.  The organizers, all mothers themselves,  said the idea was that people would be  free to explore further into their relationship if they choose.  "Some people came here wanting answers,  they came looking," said organizer Hulda  Roddan. "There aren't any. But they went  away knowing they're not unique." ,4-^  4 Kinesis March'84  ACROSS CANADA  MP charged  with harrassment  The Canadian Human Rights Commission has  asked an independent tribunal to look into  a sexual harassment complaint against Niagara Falls M.P. Alistair MacBain.  After conducting a lengthy investigation  and examining conflicting evidence from  both parties and several witnesses, the  Commission concluded at its November 1983  monthly meeting that there was sufficient  reason to believe that there had been  sexual harassament. Hearings will begin  in April of this year.  Kristina Potapczyk, a special assistant  in the M.P.'s office, complained to the  Commission when she was fired in April  1983, that MacBain humiliated and intimidated her by standing unnecessarily close,  leering and making personal remarks and  inviting himself to dinner at her home.  MacBain denies the leering and remarks and  says that he suggested the private dinner  in order not to embarrass her by discussing  her unsatisfactory job performance in  public.  Both MacBain and Potapczyk debate whether,  having actively recruited her from Niagara' s Shaw Festival with no political  experience, he gave her clear duties and  enough help to overcome her lack of experience. MacBain maintains that he let  her go because she was incompetent. Potapczyk says it was because she would not,  accept his personal invitations.  The tribunal members are selected from a  list of Governor-in-Council appointments.  They hold hearings and release their decision at times of their own choosing.  A trust fund has been established to cover  legal costs in Potapczyk's defense. Donations may be sent to: Kristina Potapczyk  Trust Fund, c/o Box 1060, Station 'F',  Toronto, Ontario, M4Y 2T7.  Pension case  may set precedent  by Marg Kerry  The Joy Irving Pension Case is of interest  to all Canadian women.  Three years after Joy separated from her  husband he contacted her to ask her to  consent to a no-fault divorce. At the time  Joy was coping not only with adjusting to  life as a single parent of teens, but also  attempting to deal with the loneliness  and sense of loss that attends the breakup of a long-time relationship. Her financial position was poor, and she explained  that she could not afford the costs involved in obtaining a divorce. Her husband  stated that he would pay for the divorce,  so Joy consented.  Joy was never informed of the date her  divorce was finally granted. She had moved  several times, and if a letter had been  sent to her by her husband's lawyer or by  the courts, she never received it.  Some time later a work-mate showed Joy an  article in a trade journal on Pension  Credit Splitting between divorced parties.  Joy telephoned the appropriate government  office immediately for an appointment. At  the meeting the next day Joy was told that  the law seemed to apply in her case. Consequently the appropriate forms were completed and the processing of her application commenced.  Her application was refused by Federal  Minister Monique Begin in a letter which  stated that the time limit of three years  for application after final divorce decree  had been exceeded by 25 days. A subsequent  appeal to the Minister was denied as "the  law is the law."  A further appeal under Section 83 of the  Canada Pension Plan resulted in an Appeal  Board Hearing which decided in Joy's favour and deplored the fact that there is  no mechanism by which parties to a divorce  are automatically informed of pension  credit splitting.  Now the Minister is appealing the Board's  ruling.  Joy had been informed that once her case  reached the appeal stage that all court  costs would be met by the Federal Government. However, it seems the government will  pay just $200 if the appeal lasts one-half  day, and only $300 if it is an all-day  session. This amount is a tiny fraction  of true costs, which are at least $2,000  in this case, and as a clerical worker,  Joy finds this amount impossible to meet.  Joy has more than her own interests at  heart when she talks about the appeal  hearing. Although her own case covers only  a few years between the time of the pension credit splitting legislation and the  dissolution of her marriage, she is concerned for future claims that would involve  a much longer period and thus more benefits.  The Minister has admitted in writing that  a very small percentage of people take  advantage of the provisions for splitting  of pension credits. Joy has solutions to  ensure that no one else finds her/himself  in the same state of ignorance of the law.  She would like to see the existing law  changed so that there is automatic and  mandatory splitting of pension credits when1  a couple divorce. Until we can bring about  that change, however, Joy believes the  following modifications are the minimum  required:  •that both parties to a divorce are informed  by REGISTERED mail when the divorce becomes  final;  •that information on pension credit splitting entitlement be attached to the Decree  Absolute:  •that there be no time limit for application; and  •that changes to the divorce act be made  retroactive.  Equal Pay Information Committee (EPIC) is  mounting a campaign to publicize the case  and to raise money for legal costs. You  can help with this important case by using  your contacts to inform the community of  this important action and by soliciting  contributions to the Joy Irving Defence  Fund, c/o EPIC, Box 4237, Vancouver, B.C.  V6B 3Z7.  The Parliamentary Task Force on Pension  Reform recently recommended mandatory pension credit-splitting and Federal Finance  Minister Marc Laionde supported this recommendation in the Budget Speech in mid-  February. But this does -not make it a  reality, particularly with an election in  the offing.  Therefore,  support letters for  Joy Irving 's case and for implementation  of mandatory credit-splitting are needed.  Petitioning  Ottawa for Peace  The Peace Petition Caravan Campaign is  currently organizing to kick off at the  April 28 Walk for Peace. The campaign  consisting of a national petition, will  be organized in all 282 federal ridings.  The demands of the petition include asking that "the Parliament of Canada act of  refuse the testing of the cruise missile  in Canada and to reject research, production, testing and transport of any nuclear  weapons, their delivery systems or components in Canada." As well, the petition  asks that Canada be declared a Nuclear  Weapons Free Zone, and that arms spending  be diverted to fund human needs to "ensure  prosperity through peace". The Campaign  will ask that these objectives be ratified  through a "free vote" in the Canadian  parliament.  This ambitious undertaking requires support  from many people to succeed. The Peace  Petition Caravan Campaign asks individuals  and groups to help support them by sending  endorsements, representatives, and donations. For further information contact  the Campaign at Physicians for Social Responsibility, 2158 W. 12th, Vancouver,  V6K 2N2, or phone Brenda Milne at 731-3161.  Update on  abortion charges  by Jan deGrass  In Toronto this month, Doctors Morgen-  taler, Scott and Smoling await a pre-trial  judgement on their challenge to Canada's  Charter of Rights and Freedoms. This  constitutional challenge follows a series  of charges laid against the doctors for  allegedly procuring illegal abortions  during the brief operation of private  'free-standing' abortion clinics in Winnipeg and Toronto last year.  This 'trial within a trial' represents  the efforts of pro-choice coalitions  across the country to reform existing  legislation and decriminalize abortion.  Concerned Citizens for Choice on Abortion  spokesperson Marva Blackmore said, in a  recent interview, that following defense  lawyer Morris Manning's arguments as to  how the abortion law violates Canada's  constitution, the court's decision will  determine if the law is indeed unworkable  and whether it deprives women and doctors  of access to safe, legal abortions.  If the court favours the constitutional  challenge the crown's original case  against the doctors will be a hollow one.  Meanwhile in the same city, a court case  looms for Colleen Crosbie whose home was  raided last June and who was charged with  procuring an illegal abortion.  To women concerned with the entire spectrum of women's reproductive rights there  is a disquieting interdependency between  the two cases since a possible dismissal  of the charges against Morgentaler and  colleagues will undoubtedly affect Cros-^  bie's case. Although her case goes to  court at the beginning of March she expects it to be adjourned immediately,  until another 'trial within a trial' is  resolved. In Crosbie's case the first  battle to be fought will be undertaken  by the Civil Liberties Association and  will be directed at the "unreasonable  search and seizure" methods used by the  police.  "The raid on my house is going to the  Supreme Court of Canada," she said, "because police are withholding their reasons for that raid. In effect, they're  refusing me the right to a proper defense."  Although Crosbie was charged on alleged  abortion activities, she considers the  issue at stake to be one of police harassment. At the time of her arrest police  apparently sought information about other  political activists in her house. Their  search warrant required evidence leading  to possible charges on the following:  sabotage of Litton, seditious libel, a  continued on p. 6 March'84 Kinesis   5,  HEALTH  Sexual abuse in psychotherapy  by Sharon Burrows  Among the reasons for many women's disillusionment with traditional psychotherapy  with male therapists is the very real  risk of being exploited sexually. Despite  medical and psychological association  ethics which strictly condemn such activityj  the practice of accepting and abusing the  dominant role in a therapeutic interaction  continues. Although the problem has been  prevalent from the early days, it is only  within the last 10 years that medical and  psychological journals have seriously looked at the therapist's responsibilities to  avoid sexual activity with their clients.  The most recent study (Bouhoutsos 1983),  which surveyed psychologists who were  ..treating clients who had engaged in. sexual  relations with previous therapists, revealed that although less than three percent  believed sexual contact to have, been beneficial to the client, 10 percent had,  themselves, engaged in such activity. The  ones who had were more likely to report  minimal damage to the client. The study  also showed that 98 percent of the therapists, psychiatrists, psychologists, and  medical doctors engaging in sex with  clients were men. In 92 percent of the  cases, the sexual contacts were between  male therapists and female clients.  The therapists studied described the ill  effects of previous client/therapist sexual contact on their' clients as follows:  increased depression, loss of motivation,  impaired social adjustment, significant  emotional distress, suicidal feelings or  behavior, increased drug or alcohol use.  It was also discovered that 11 percent of  these clients had been hospitalized; one  percent had committed suicide. Problems  recommencing therapy were reported by 48'  percent and of those who only talked about  having sex, 43 percent immediately sought  help from another therapist.  Payments continued after sexual intimacies  began in 78 percent of the cases. In 42  percent of the cases the therapist initiated intimacies, six percent had been  initiated by the client and 52 percent were  disputed, mutual or undetermined. Termination of the activity was unilaterally  etiquette rather than a responsibility  to clients. However, Stone suggests that  a possible solution for the current therapist is to call in a consultant when a  client discloses a previous sexual abuse.  The consultant, who could be appointed by  local' medical societies and psychological  associations, would be responsible, with  the client, for ethical and legal remedies.  The consultant could also notify the offending therapist that a consultation has been  made, refer him to treatment and warn of  consequences if there is any further sexual abuse.  Psychodynamics of the Offending Psychotherapist  Since the 19th century the erotic component in the therapeutic encounter has been  understood. But the idea that the therapist, himself, could be seductive or exploitive is relatively recent. The built-  in chauvinism of the powerful male  therapist, the social isolation of those  in private practice, the unmet needs of  the therapist, the possibility of personality or sexual problems greater than  those of the client, feelings of masculine  inadequacy, homosexual fears, impotency  or premature ejaculations, a need to  "prove" masculinity, and an impulsive,  acting out nature are involved in contributing to'the process. The need to be a  helping figure, gratified by the dependent  expectation of the clients is also cited.  Men who live lonely or isolated lives, or  ■who have had recent divorces or a history  of unsatisfying relationships are considered to be vulnerable to shifting their  source of gratification onto their clients..  This vulnerability and the common inability  to remember details indicates the neurotic  nature of non-therapeutic behavior,, says -  Sharon Butler (1975). These therapists can  engage in self-serving, need-fulfilling  behavior with high reinforcement value.  Coupled with a few non-rewarding consequences, the chances of repetition seem  great. Rather than working the problem  through, she says, the neurotic behaviour  of both the client and the therapist was  reinforced and fixated. Of the 20 men she  studied, 19 were known< to professional  Despite the increase of malpractice suits, ethical  complaints, and even criminal charges, the fact  that these activities were known to colleagues was  no deterrent. Confidentiality was used to cover  offending therapists, demonstrating a lack of  responsibility to clients.  initiated by the clients in 67 percent of  the cases. Although 52 percent of the  clients were aware that the previous therapist's actions were unethical and illegal,  only 10 percent took any kind of action.  •In another three percent of the cases  someone else took action. Results of all  filed complaints were that "nothing happened" in more than half of the cases. Why  not?  Despite the increase of malpractice suits,  ethical complaints and even criminal  charges reported by Alan Stone (1983), the  fact that these activities were known to  colleagues was no deterrent. The ethical  duty of confidentiality to clients was  used to cover offending therapists, demonstrating allegience to professional  colleagues, indicating that the problem  is not so hidden that remedial measures  cannot be developed.  At the situational level, Judd Marmor  (1976) sees that a male therapist and a  female client alone together in a situation of emotional intimacy as being conducive to therapist misbehavior. He also  sees client "seductiveness" as a factor,  along with the state of the therapist's  libidinal needs, and relationships. The  therapist may also be displacing hostility  on their clients, with a sadistic need to  exploit, humiliate and ultimately reject  them. They may be driven by compulsive  needs to prove their masculinity, sense  of power by repeated sexual conquests of  women. A dependent woman in a positive  transference presents a vulnerable target,  an irresistable temptation to this kind  of "therapist". The therapist-client  relationship is built on trust, (as in the  parent-child relationship) and the client  is encouraged to lay aside her social and  psychological defenses and open herself  completely to the presumably benign influence of the therapist's skill. In this  situation she is vulnerable, and defenseless. When a therapist exploits the transference to seduce a woman client, her  apparent consent is meaningless, asserts  Marmor.  The rupture of the therapeutic contract,  viewed this way, is a sign of anxiety, conflict, and loss of optimal distance in the  therapist. This is a situation that calls  for supervision as a preventive measure.  Therapists who have had sexual relations  with clients have rarely sought supervision  in spite of the fact that 95 percent  experienced guilt, conflict and fear.  Sheldon Kardener (1974) goes even further  in warning fellow physicians to beware  the "power trip" or "ego trip". The protests that sex with clients is an act of  caring conceals a woman  clients in their struggle for emotional  well-being as well as a concern only for  his own needs. The emotional trauma he  calls "orphaning," the loss of a caretaking  person, results when the client is responded to as a sex object. To those who would  forsake their client's needs in pursuit of  their own gratifications he says, "If you  want the patient to be your therapist, be  sure first that you can afford to pay her  your usual fee."  Psychodynamics of the "Seductive" Client  "When the heart is hungry, an offer of sex  is often misconstrued as a promise of love"  (Singer 1983)  Julius Fast and Meredith Bernstein, in  their book Sexual Chemistry  (1983) report  that anxiety, fear, or other forms of  emotioanl arousal provide an atmosphere for  sexual arousal, and that men are more  likely to see a come-on in almost every  situation involving a woman.  A recent survey of psychological and psychiatric literature by Beatriz Dujovn finds  that no comprehensive technical guidance  is given to psychotherapists dealing with  the highly charged issue of the erotic  transference. Most mental health professionals learn by trial and error, usually  when they find themselves involved in the  situation. However, she says, the therapist  must clearly understand the nature of the  sexualized therapeutic relationship, the  sexualizing client, his own responses, and  the non-sexual issues'which may be involved.  For example, the client's feelings, both  sexual and non-sexual, may be a source of  arousal, threat or personal challenge to  the therapist. In a professionally responsible way, these are to be understood,  rather than acted upon. Therapists are not 6 Kinesis March'84  HEALTH  objects for clients to act out hostilities  on. Neither are they objects for the acting  out of sexual desires. It is the therapist's  responsibility to set the ground rules  that feelings and fantasies are to be verbalized but not acted on. This structure is  especially important for severly disturbed,  acting out, or those who have had sexual  experiences with previous therapists.  The psychological complexities of affairs  with previous therapists should be explored  early in therapy says Dujovne. The erotic-  ization of the therapist as a loving and  caring parent is fairly predictable, to  which the therapist may respond with a wish  to be a good,Iloving, and gratifying parent  figure. To think the client falls in love  with the therapist as an individual appears  to be a grandiose assumption on the therapist's part. This self-centred approach  prevents the understanding which is the  best prevention of acting out. He must  help the client understand the process of  displacement and idealization that may be  men, by acting flirtaciously, seductively  and sexually. Many women never feel alive  or competent in any other function, resulting in a strong, erotic attachment to  inferior status. They may attempt to experience power by eliciting the therapist's  sexual interest-? She may then be available  for victimization by an unethical, rationalizing, self-gratifying male therapist.  While successful therapy is possible with  a non-feminist, medically subsidized male  therapist, if the client is aware of the  feminist perspective, she may feel secure  enough to bring these issues up in therapy  and argue with him if necessary. She must  be prepared to regard herself as a consumer  buying a service and shop intelligently.  But we must acknowledge the realities of  a woman in emotional distress and the  vulnerable position of a woman hiring a  male- psychotherapist. Williams suggests  interviewing the therapist about who hhey  are, what their values are and what they  see as appropriate treatment goals. Don't  We have the right to demand our therapists work  from a model of growth and development and  from the assumption that women are potentially  competent and independent.  taking place. The invitation to sexual  intimacies is to be regarded as an attempt  to change the therapeutic contract - thus  it is the therapist's responsibility to  investigate the meaning of such requests  from the client.  Sexual imagery is often used as a metaphor  for non-sexual issues. A client's fantasy  of making love to the therapist may be a  way of asking for acceptance, an expression  of rejection, a way to feel special, a test  of power, a fear of relating in ways other  than sexual, a way to release non-sexual  tensions, a way of getting dependency needs  met or a test of trustworthiness. Erotiza-  tion may be a form of resistance, or a wish  to bring therapy to an end, or an attempt  to repeat a previous relationship as it  was idealized or to do to the therapist  as was done to her.  Feminist Therapists  Feminist therapists have emphasized the  need for a woman to look at how she is  allowing herself to be victimized emotionally, in order to feel her power and give  .up victim behavior (Williams 1976). Women  have been socialized to expect love and  attention from a man in exchange for sexual favors. Girls are taught that security  results from approval and attention from  romanticize trust, she warns, the therapist may not be "too good to take advantage of you". It is always appropriate to  bring to the therapist's attention anything  about the therapist or the therapeutic  process that we experience as bewildering  or hurtful.  In her book Therapy with Women,  Susan  Sturdivant observes that the delusion that  therapy could be value free, the_ myth that  therapists could be impartial, has allowed  sexist attitudes and practices to flourish.  These attitudes and judgements degrading  to women can be unconsciously held. The  effects of Freudian, heirarchical, patriarchal, personal aloofness and control of  therapy by the therapist should be studied.  So also must the sexual abuses which continue with remarkable lack of concern by  other male practitioners. The process of  labelling a person a "patient", "mentally  ill" encourages emotional dependency and  sees the pathology in the woman, overlooking deviant behavior in men, espcially the  psychotherapist.  Women in traditional therapy would be well  advised to protect themselves from a variety  of abuses with the knowledge in Women and  'the Psychiatric Paradox, by Susan Penfold  and Gillian Walker. With the therapeutic  relationship founded on an equal basis,  with the client expected to take an active  part in setting treatment goals, evaluating  outcome, and emphasizing the client's  strengths and understanding the primary  social context of personal pain and oppression, women can take an active, critical  part of our own counselling. We can confront therapists who accept the "-expert"  role, act in a patronizing manner, label  women as seductive, dependent, or see  powerful women as sick. We have the right  to demand that our therapist work from  the assumption that women are potentially  competent and independent, that priority be  given to environmental interpretations as  opposed to intra psychic interpretations,  and that the therapist work from a model  of growth and development rather than  illness, remediation, adjustment.  So how does a woman react to emotional  or sexual exploitation by her therapist,  before she's trapped by her own submissive  conditioning, uncertainty, shame, confusion  or positive transference? Once provided  with the information that we can expect  10-20 percent of male therapists may try  to take advantage of her, she can help  minimize her vulnerability to authority  and conditioned sex role behavior, learned  helplessness, only by recognizing that it  is not her fault if she's seduced, by  recognizing her right to be angry, and take  action to prevent others from being similarly threatened. It is now recognized that  an important part of the therapy in sexual  cases is to act in order to master the  trauma.  If this experience has happened to you, or  anyone you know, show them this article.  Share the experience. Much of the research  quoted has been done in the United States,  but Kate Parfitt at Shaughnessy Hospital  in Vancouver is doing research on women  who have had sexual experiences with psychiatrists. The Women's Health Collective  has a doctor's and therapist's registry to  report to, or check out a prospective  therapist. Sharon Burrows at Vancovuer  Incest and Sexual Assault Centre Society  (VISACS) is interested in hearing how  women have coped with this abuse. A research project is being set up, in the  interests of developing remedial and  educational programs to prepare low income  women to be self-protective consumers of  subsidized medical psychotherapy, as well  as other humanistic, spiritual, educational and self-defense programs that commonly  expolit women's conditioning and vulnerability. Please write or call Sharon  Burrows at 324-4216 or write for a copy of  a confidential questionaire or interview,  7189 Gladstone Street, Vancouver, B.C.,  V5P 4G7. You may have information and  experience that is vital to other women.  Abortion continued from p. 4  Montreal firebombing, as well as on  procuring an abortion'. Only the latter  charge was actually laid.  Although Crosbie has secured some support  for her fight, she is already "thousands  of dollars in debt to lawyers" and, were  it even advisable, she could not afford  a similar legal battle to that of Morgen-  taler and colleagues.  While the Crosbie case hinges on the  issue of police.tactics, Crosbie, a  registered nurse who has attended home  births, is identified in the women's  self-help movement as a figure who has  been unduly harassed by Canada's abortion  laws. The same law that charged Colleen  could be used to charge any woman involved in alternative healing and birth  control practices. The penalty carries  a maximum of life imprisonment.  Not surprisingly, support for Crosbie  has come from a wide cross section of  the women's movement. Groups like the  Vancouver Women's Health Collective came  out publicly in support of her immediately, but as Crosbie says: "Support has  been difficult to guage. The Ontario  Coalition for Abortion Clinics (OCAC),  for example, did not publicly support  me, but then I'm pleading innocent to the  charge—so why would they? Besides, it's  really an issue of harassment. We've  recently met to sort out any confusion  or rumours that were flying around...and  it's fine."  Blackmore points out that the CCCA sent a  letter immediately in support of Colleen,  recognizing that she shouldn't be charged-  but they see the case in the greater context of how police gather information.  "And that issue goes beyond our basis of  unity as a group."  The dangers of polarizing support around  the two cases and the complexities of the  situation are illuminated in a thought-  provoking article by Connie Clement in the  Winter/83 Healthsharing.  In "The Case for  Lay Abortion" she says: "If the prosecution, the government, plays its cards  right, the (Crosbie) case could seriously  weaken both the current abortion rights  upsurge and movements to humanize birth.  If women's health activists play our cards  right, the case could be leverage to legalize abortion clinics,...and allow a  narrowing of the gap between pro-choice  activists and birth activists."  Although the only thing for all supporters  to do at this point is wait while the  cases work their ponderous way through the.  courts, a sense that waiting may  be fruitful.  Crosbie still seems quite buoyant: "I've  lost my job...and it was one that I really  liked, and I'm in debt. But the whole  thing has made me a lot stronger and  taught me a lot about politics. Most of  all I've really discovered who my friends  are and have been surprised by where my  support has come from." March'84 Kinesis   7  Philippines  On October 18, 1983, a meeting was held with Nelia San-  cho, a militant from the  Philippines and an ex-political prisoner. The meeting,  part of an international ecumenical conference, drew  approximatley 20 women and  men of various ethnic backgrounds, most of whom were  well informed of the actual  situation in the Philippines  today.  The Philippines, a country  which has over 40 million inhabitants, most of them rural,  is governed by an oppressive,  dictatorial presidential  regime where military action  is intensifying and women and  men are imprisoned, tortured  and massacred for defending  their rights. It was within  this background that Nelia  Sancho, a woman who spent  three years in Philippine  prisons spoke of the significant role women play in  the struggle for reform and  social change in the Philippines .  Women are increasingly organizing themselves by unionizing, forming alliances and  educating other women about  the oppression under which  they live and channelling all  of their energy towards the  organization of a common effort. In the city, in the  countryside, in the shanty-  towns, women live in anguish,  in terror, in a state of exploitation and misery. Their  most important demand is for  paid work.  This struggle for increased  social and economic power is  vital for women. Over 50 percent of the population is female; 70 percent of them are  unemployed. Women's work is  not recognized and it is difficult for women to become financially independent. Many women work in foreign-owned companies, where they are used  as cheap labour and suffer  sexual abuse. Working conditions in many factories are  inhuman, the pay is nearly non-  existant and women are sexually  exploited.  Another important problem discussed by Nelia Sancho is  that of prostitution. Women  are considered to be sexual  goods, to which every man has  access and from which he can  profit. This exploitation is  on the increase and the results  are becoming more alarming with  each passing day. The government encourages prostitution •  not just by ignoring its existence - but by actually promoting it. Tourist-sex is the  third most important industry  in the country. Manilla, a  large city in the Philippines,  has over 100,000 prostitutes.  Many citizens are aware of the  problem and are protesting it,  but there has been no government response.  Women are also fighting against  sexual intimidation caused  by American armed forces. There  are many large American bases  in the Philippines and to keep  the armed forces amused, they  are provided with young children and young women, who suffer sexual abuse at the hands  of the soldiers.  Nelia spoke however, with hope  of the future, and of the  growing awareness among people  of the importance of defending  their rights. Solidarity is  the basis for their struggle  for future social and political reform and in this context  women and men aie working together to build a new and free  country for themselves and  their children. (Communiqu'  elles, January,  1984).  Turkey  _-.A Turkish military tribunal  has sentenced Reha Cumhuriyet  Isvan to eight years hard labour and 32 months of internal exile. Her 'crime' was  being a founder member of the  Turkish Peace Association(TPA)  now illegal under Turkish law,  The sentences were passed  days after the November elections which were claimed to  have restored Turkey to a.  'democracy.'  Isvan now faces the possibility of a second trial - for  being a founder member of the  Progressive Women's Organization (IKD). The state prosecutor is asking for sentences  of 15-30 years for the women  involved.  Seven women from the organization are already awaiting  trial. They include two metalworkers, two textile workers,  a doctor and a civil engineer..  The allegations against them  are that they have been 'working under cover of an illegal  organization (ie. the women's  organization) with the aim  of establishing a proletarian  dictatorship and socialism  and distributing communist  propaganda' - a law taken  straight from Mussolini.  The women's own demands were  somewhat more modest: free  milk for children; childcare  facilities in the workplace  and in working class districts I  equal pay for equal Work; and  peace.  One of the major bits of evidence against them is their  work for international solidarity. Women working in hospitals, for example, have been I  collecting medicines to send  to women in Pakistan and the  Lebanon. Despite a ban on  demonstrations, the women have |  regularly protested on International Women's Day and May  Day, with marches of over  10,000. They have also consistently protested at the  numerous political killings in I  Turkey. (Jane Dibblin - Spare  Rib, Jan.   1984).  China  In October 1983 Mary Maynard  took part in a study tour spon-\  sored by the US China People 's  Friendship Association in cooperation with the International Society of Weekly Newspaper  Editors.  The following is an  abridged version of her story,  which appeared in the Jan./Feb.  1984,  New Directions for Women.  The Fifth National Congress of  Chinese Women held last September in Beijing preceded my  second visit to China by a  matter of weeks. Reading the  reports from that conference,  which reviewed the progress  of the women's movement in  China over the past five years,  and getting to discuss it with  women there was for me a timely coincidence.  I first visited China in 1979  when some of the significant  gains in women's emancipation  in this egalitarian society  were being highly touted.In an. I  article I' had written at that  time, I too reported enthusi-•  astically on the promise and  hope generated by the famous  words of Chairman Mao that  "women hold up half the sky."  While I noted in my 1979 article the subtle forms of discrimination whxch persisted,  the more serious problems of  physical violence toward women and children and overt  sexual discrimination had  been, from all reports, and  signs, significantly eliminated.  But while the recent Fifth  National Congress reported in  September about the continued  gains Chinese women were making in many !  Untiil  have  made  ■ ■  none  made  it-  Rosemary Brown  Fire weed  Spring'83 8 Kinesis March '84  continued from previous page  health, education and sports,  they also noted with alarming  dismay a sharp rise in violence against women. Reoccurrenc-i  es of feudal ideas and ancient  customs previously thought to  have been wiped out were once  again becoming very evident.  Female infanticide was not  only on the rise, but the maltreatment of mothers who gave,  birth to girl babies and abductions and selling of women  and children were being reported from several provinces.  Lei Jieqiong, an outspoken activist in the women's movement in China and a noted sociologist, however, says that  "sex discrimination and female  infanticide are only visible  manifestations of the invisible patriarchal partiality  that persists despite all the  rules and laws written since  liberation on political and  economic equality."1  She as well as many other members of the federation feel  that the rise of female infanticide stems not only from  the deep roots and traditions  of patriarchy but are accelerated by the rigid birth control law passed in 1979 which  prohibits families from having  more than one child.  This law was implemented to  stem the burgeoning population  explosion in China - a country  which holds nearly a quarter  of the world's population on  a total land area of which  less than ten percent is arable.  Because parents are now limited to one child the desire to  have a male offspring is  strong. In this almost pre-  dominently agrarian country,  boys are still looked upon as  superior to girls when it  comes to farm labor. Also,  social customs in China still  dictate that a male child is  responsible for his aging parents who count on him for support in their old age.  Statistics on infant mortality  were compiled by one branch of  the Women's Federatin in An-  wei Province which had become  alarmed at the drowning of 40  baby girls in one village a-  lone during 1980 and 1981.  Their report showed a considerable drop from 1979 to 1981  in the recorded births of baby  girls as opposed to a sharp  rise in the birth rate of  baby boys.  One of the main objectives of  the Women's Federation is  to combat this problem by  strongly implementing educa-  tional programs in the rural  areas. However, since 70 percent of the 200 million illiterates in the country are wo- .  men the federation has a difficult task ahead. The federation does have strong govern^,  ment backing for their efforts  in overseeing the strict enforcement of equality in education, job opportunities and  salary.  The government has launched  its own campaign to discourage  female infanticide but it contains strong overtones of male  chauvinism. Chinese men are  warned, for instance, that if  this practice continues they  will be unable to find wives  by the year 2000!  Lei Jieqiong, an outspoken  critic of crimes against women,  said in a recent interview in  China Daily  that in spite of  these things "women are making  significant gains." She cited  the 5.35 million women cadres.  13 times as many as in 1951,  and 39.35 million urban working  women, 60 times more than in  1951. But while women account  for close to 40 percent of the  total work force in China, Lei>  turns a sharp, critical eye to  these statistics. She points  out that although women make up  31.6 percent of scientists and  technicians only two percent  have senior ranking. "Chinese  women have come a long^way,"  she says, "but they still don't  own half the sky."  Among some young college students we spoke with in China,  the "old concepts that hinder  women's real emancipation," as  Lei Jieqiong put it, are still  evident. These students confirmed the results of a survey  that had recently been conducted in ten institutions of higher learning in Bejing. In the  survey 79.5 percent of female  students said that they would  like partners who are also  college students while only  28 percent of the male students  agreed.  The majority of the male students (ages 18 to 23) prefer  that their partners be devoted  wives and mothers, while women  demand equality between the . -  sexes. The sociology journal  that reported the survey concluded that "the contradiction  between success in one's work  and the ideal of a devoted  wife and mother is keenly felt  by 76.5 percent of the female  students, only 21 percent of  whom feel that it cannot be  . surmounted."  "Old concepts," do indeed hin- 'Ģ  der women's real emancipation,  particularly in a 3,000 year-  old civilization. Coming back  home to one not much' over 300  years old, 1 realized that we  all had a long way to go to  "own half the sky." (Mary May-  nard - New Directions for Women,  Jan/Feb.   1984).  Puerto Rico  A banner proclaiming Rompamos  el Silencio - Let's Break -the  Silence,   and starkly breaking  down the numbers of killings  of women into statistics by  year - murders by husbands and  rapists - led a 1,000 strong  march through the city of San  Juan in Puerto Rico.on November  29, 1983.  Chanting, talking, carrying  gasoline flares and banners,  pushing prams, and demonstrating a refusal to be silent,  women, children and men protested against the daily violence  against women.  A group of 30 women, which included a woman in her wedding  gown, a domestic worker carrying a bucket, and several nuns,  secretaries, teachers, students,  a nurse, an executive and a  karate student led the demon-  startion.  'Don't stay hidden - Scream and  fight for your life' they cried  through the darkened city  streets. The rally was addressed by the founder of the Spanish Feminist Party, who compared the situations of women in  Spain and Puerto Rico.  Later, on the steps of the Capitol Building, before a backdrop  of silent theatre and dance,  two women chanted a seemingly  endless list of names, ages and  details of the murders of 118  women who have died there at  the hands of their husbands,  boyfriends, rapists.  Punctuating this was a promise  - shouted together by everyone - Tu muerte no sera en  vano - Mientras nosotras luch-  amos' - Your death will not  be in vain - as long as we  struggle!  (Outwrite,  Jan. 1984).  Spain  In the beginning of October,  a Supreme Court judge in Madrid ruled that Julia Garcia  must serve her sentence of 12  years and ten months for abortions she performed in Bilbao,  a city in the Basque region,  ten years ago, even though  the trial judge recommended  she be pardoned.  The trial began in 1976 after  a man reported Julia Garcia  to the police. His wife had  gone to Julia, who was a  neighbour, for an abortion.  In the middle of the operation she could not go on, perhaps because it was too painful, so the abortion was not  completed. She later found  the money to go to London and  had an abortion there. Her  husband went to the police  and the arrests of 11 women  and one man followed. Julia  was arrested along with her  daughter, age 14 at the time,  who was said to have helped  her mother. Nine women were  arrested for having abortions  and one man was arrested for  arranging two abortions for  his wife with Julia.  Although the trial had begun  in 1976, and the state had  attempted to continue it in  1979 and 1981, it had never  been completed because of  strong protests in Spain and  internationally. In addition,  not all the women on trial  were able to be present each  time. In March of last year,  the trial was finally held.  The trial took place even  though an attempt to prosecute women in Seville had  failed last year. The courtroom was open to the public  for the first time during an  abortion trial in Spain.  Journalists were also allowed  to be present. There were demonstrations and occupations  of government buildings in  protests in Malaga, Oviedo,  Valladolid, and Madrid, as  well as in a number of towns  in the Basque country. All  the protests were broken up  by the police, some violently,  especially in Madrid. In Bilbao, on the night before the  trial,- 2,000 demonstrated.  The verdict at the March  trial was "not guilty" for  the women who had abortions,  _but "guilty" for the man who  had arranged the two abortions for his wife and  "guilty" for Julia Garcia.  She was sentenced to 12 years  and ten months in prison, but  the judge recommended she be  given an immediate pardon.  The prosecutor appealed the  verdict to the Supreme Court.  The verdict from the Supreme  Court was that all  serve the  sentences they were given, including short prison sentences  and fines for the women who  had had abortions.  This judgement is a particuly  bitter betrayal of women because it is a socialist government which is making women  criminals for having and per-  continued on p. 17 Ot®?^  by Emma Kivisild  In the past few months, women  camping at Greenham Common,  England to protest the deployment of United Stated cruise  missiles at the Air Force base  there have become the targets  of severe military and police  harassment.  A statement released by the  camp last month cites almost  constant verbal and physical  abuse of the camp women from  both base soldiers and local  police, including stone-  throwing, setting 'benders'  (tents) on fire, and threats  of rape. Residents of the  camp also say they are repeatedly denied their rights in  court, apparently only because  they give Greenham Common  camp as their home address.  The statement, compiled from  accounts by women camping at  each of the eight gates, contains frightening examples of  unmitigated misogyny and  violence. Some examples;  Mid-December, Orange Gate:  A concrete slab, described as  'large' was dropped or thrown  on a bender at the end of the  row. A metal fencing stake,  with a sharp pointed end  (13 1/2 lbs, 4 1/2 ft. in  length) was thrust at the  bender eight times. The women  thought the soldiers could  have been drinking, due to  the remarks they heard, i.e.  "go and get us another bottle  then."  Threats of rape, burning,  bodily disfiguration, and  stone-throwing occur at this  gate approximately two out of  every three nights. Women from  this gate have also been spat  on by soldiers.  Red Gate: Women were often  awakened in the morning by  such taunts as "Wake up you  fucking whores", and "You're  a waste of good meat". Police  forced the Red Gate camp to  move to an area nearer the  road, where they were often  attacked by vigilantes with  knives, and abused by soldiers. The camp has temporarily  merged with one of the other  gates.  Women from all gates have had  stones thrown at them, and  been repeatedly insulted.  Police officers are also allegedly pilfering the tents.  The women point out that "All  the insults seem to be directed at us because we are women. None of them ever mention the fact that they are  antagonistic towards us because we are protesting  against cruise missiles and  nuclear weapons.  In the meantime, Newbury  courts are flooded with the  cases .of women on criminal  damage charges from the Hallowe'en fence cutting, the  blockades when cruise missiles  were allegedly brought in,  and another fence removal  action on December 11th. A  special magistrate has been  appointed to deal with the  200 odd cases, and his inconsistent behaviour is causing concern.  As one woman says, "Any woman  who 'persists' in giving her  home address as the Peace  Camp, Greenham, when found  guilty is sent to prison,  without being given time to  pay her fine, for 14-30 days.  Others who give an alternative  address are given time to pay,  if they want it." This despite the fact that the Greenham address is recognized by  both Social Security and the  Register of Voters as legitimate.  In light of the severity of  the harassment, lax security  at the base itself has given  rise to speculation about  whether Greenham is actually  the cruise deployment site or  a decoy for another, better  guarded base. On December 27,  three women broke into the  Air Control Tower, where they  had access to top secret  documents for over half an  hour. They eventually had to  flash the tower lights to  attract police attention in  order to be arrested. Though  they breached the Official  • Secrets Act, both by'entering  the base and by reading classified documents, they have so  far been charged only with  criminal damage to the perimeter fence. It is clear that  both the United States and  British governments are try-  ing to avoid the publicity of  an Official Secrets Act trial.  The reluctance of the authorities to move on the trial,  the ease with which the women  entered the tower, and the  disrepair of the fence around  the base, all point to the  unlikelihood of cruise mis--  siles at Greenham, though  there is not enough evidence  to conclusively substantiate  such doubts.  The women at Greenham Common  Peace Camp assert, in any  case, that they will move, if  need be. "Karen Silkwood',  one of the three women who  entered the Control Tower,  says:  "What must be realized  is that if Greenham women  are truly everywhere, cruise  missiles won't be able to be  anywhere.  Eleven non-Italian women arrested and deported from Italy  in March of last year for their  actions at the. women's peace  camp at Comiso, Sicily, will  go on trial in April, 1984.  Twelve women (one Italian)  were arrested during a blockade  that culminated a week of actions (in commemoration of  International Women's Day,  1983) at the Magliocco base,  a proposed site for American  cruise missile deployment in  southern Sicily.  The March action led to the  formation of 'La Ragnatela',  'The Spiderweb', a women's  peace camp that owned land adjacent to the runway at Magliocco. The women face trial  with little support since the  camp has been deserted since  December because of internal  problems.  Women from around the world  joined the La Ragnatela association, purchasing square  metres of land for $5 each  (see "Weavers of Peace", Kinesis, October 1983). After  March, actions continued   March'84 Kinesis   9  throughout the year. On April  9th, 2000 people took part in  a successful blockade of Magliocco base. On May 24th, International Women's Day for  Disarmament, women effectively  blockaded the base and 9 women  entered through the rear gate  with a huge multi-coloured flag,  flowers, and a women's symbol  woven from crops grown on the  surrounding land. On July 23rd  7 women entered the base.  Given the political climate in  Sicily, all of these actions  required a great deal of courage, says one woman from the  camp. "There is an enormous  psychological barrier concerning the police, Carabinieri  and Poligia. Italian people  are really afraid of their  police, and expect violence.  So going into the base in  broad daylight was a big step  for all the women who took  part."  In the meantime, a mixed camp  was also set up at the base.  Police violence at mixed blockades was terrible: Tear gas,  truncheons, and water cannons  were used against demonstrators.  The women's camp also became  the focus of increasing police  harassment—several women were  threatened with deportation,  and one Englishwoman was deported despite the presence at  the police station of a lawyer  and other Italian people who  were prepared to personally  guarantee her stay.  These factors, as well as  accusations of divisiveness  from the mixed camp, led to  apprehensiveness about future  actions. Plans for the October  30-31st weekend went ahead  under the added pressure of  debate about the foreign-  dominated nature of the women's  collective. Also some women  advocated direct action,  others were opposed, since if  direct action initiative came  from foreign women" it might  lead to deportations, arrests,  and the end of the camp.  Finally a conference on the  future of La Ragnatela was  planned for the end pf the  year.  The result of the conference  was that all the foreign women  left the camp, and Italian women said they would go down to  Comiso and live there, though  in January they had yet to do  so. Direction of the camp was  left up to Italian women, despite the fact that much of  . its support and initiative  came from international sources.  Briony, an Australian woman  who lived at the camp, says:  "Women present at the conference agreed that Italian women should define the space  and not be interfered with.  That sounds generously colonialist and does nothing to  dissolve the barriers that  patriarchy has set up."  In the face of the camps demise, support for the twelve  women who face trial next  month is even more crucial.  European women are being urged  to go to Sicily to reassert a  women's presence at Comiso,  and come to Ragusa for the  trial. Financial contributions  are also desperately needed. 10 Kinesis March '84  by Karin Konstantynowicz  To look for signs of feminism in Eastern  Europe is at best a case of cultural  myopia. Feminism rises out of specific  economic and cultural relationships. In  Poland, for example, there is no need for  women to organize around the issue of  equal pay for work of equal value. That  already exists. There is no need to encourage women to enter non-traditional jobs.  That too exists. And however inadequate  their child care system is, there is a  child care system in place.  Women in the Soviet Union and other  eastern bloc countries have looked at the  issue of the "double burden"—being a  member of the work force, and also the  primary care-taker of domestic duties.  This problem in the context of contemporary Poland, has reached ridiculous heights,  with the almost total collapse of the  official economy. There are more serious  problems than the double burden right now.  EWA  I met Ewa on the train, and when she  found out I was from Canada she immediately  offered me a place to stay. I had been  told by various travellers coming from  Poland, that there is no heed to even  think of looking for a hotel room. First  of all, as a Westerner, you are often  expected to pay for your room in hard  currency. And secondly, the train stations  are full of enterprising Poles offering  Westerners a place in their home.  Ewa is a thirty year old single parent  living on the edge of Warsaw, with her son  and a friend Jadwiga. Her apartment is  basically one room, with a bathroom off to  one side, and a little kitchenette off to  the other. Everything in the room folded  down into a bed, and because of space  constraints...everything had its place.  The walls were decorated with pictures of  the Pope, various landscapes, a portrait  of the Black Madonna, and various Solid-  arnosc badges and buttons.  In order to get a larger apartment, she  either had to wait for five years, or  bribe various officials with hard currency  in the hope of moving further up "the waiting list. One of Ewa's friends, the wife  of an Army officer, was bribing her building supervisor with Russian champagne.  It worked: while I was there, she received  permission to move from a two room to a  three room apartment with her family of  six.  Ewa's son was three years old when he became seriously ill. Ewa received permission to leave her job at an institute for  the mentally handicapped, and work at home.  Her work consisted of stringing hammocks  and making fish hooks, for which she was  paid by the piece. With the help of her .  friend Jadwiga, they were able to manage  a living wage. The nature of this work  allowed for a time flexibility many Poles .  do not have. She could stand in line any  time of the day.  Since butter was about to be rationed, we  spent the bulk of the day combing the  tourist highlights, and searching for a  shop that still had butter available.  The psychology of lining up is an interesting one. When Ewa and I were in search for  butter, Ewa insisted on lining up even if  it was a shop that sold only shoes. Her  approach seemed to be, that when you see  a line join it...even if you  don't know why people are lined up. It's  bound to be something that's either in  short supply or about to be. You get it  while you can..even if you don't need it,  or even use it.  Ewa and Jadwiga begin their day by getting  up at 5:30 and running to the bakery.  Again, if you don't get there early,  bread may be unavailable. Some days they  go back to bed, but sometimes it's time  for her son's school. Children in most  urban areas in Poland go to school in  shifts. Because of the shortage of space,  some children go to school from 7:30 until  2 pm or from noon until 5:30. Since mid  day is the big meal of the day, the  schools provide a hot lunch program. For  Ewa, this meant one less worry in the  course of the day.■  STASIA  Since martial law, social and cultural  life for people has been somewhat restricted. First by the economy alone, and  secondly because much of the cultural life  has gone underground. People tend to  entertain at home, and home entertainment  takes on a whole new meaning.  The first night I arrived in Gdansk, a  group of people gathered in Stasia's  apartment to listen to a tape of an underground comic and drink homemade vodka.  The recording itself was poor quality,  but the possession of it was a prize.  The comic poked fun at the current regime,  the state of the economy and the shortages . "One day, a woman heard from a  friend that there was to be an imminent  shortage of shoes. So she ran down to the  local store, and had to run, because there  were few buses operating. When she got to  the store, she had to run up three flights  of stairs, because the elevators weren't  working. She arrived all out of breath  and asked the clerk, if it was true,  there were no shoes. No, said the clerk,  this is no shirts, no shoes are on the  fifth floor."  Stasia was a pharmacist with three children. Her husband was working on a project  in Iraq and would be home in one year.  She was fortunate enough to have a mother  living in the city, who could stand in  line ups when she couldn't. Older people  in Poland are often given cards, that  allow them to beat the line up system.  With this card, they go to the head of  the line. This, however, has a drawback.  Stasia had a number of frustrating stories  about standing in line on her days off,  when her mother was ill...only to find  out that the cheese she was waiting for  had been bought up by all the older people  in line ahead of her.  Throughout Poland, people believed the  availability of consumer items was much  better in the northern coastal cities.  But basic goods were difficult to find.  As a result, in.order to survive, Stasia  was part of an elaborate and complicated  barter system. In the evenings, women  would come over to trade knitted sweaters  for old dresses or toothpaste. They also  traded information, in the form of rumours.  Along with the psychology of line ups, the  function of rumours just added to daily  tensions. The item rumoured to be next  on the ration list was shampoo. During  the days, huge line ups would form outside of shops rumoured to have the  latest coveted item. To have a ration  card, was no guarantee.  On the anniversary of Poland's constitution, Stasia asked me to go to a church  service with her family. Held in a 14th  Century church, it was standing room only.  The ceremony itself seemed secondary to  the sermon—the history of Poland. At the  end of the service, hands raised in the  'V for victory, while people sang the  national anthem. After the service, people  would go to the statue of Jan Sobleski,  a nationalist hero. But that day, the  Z0M0, the militarized police had formed  a ring around the statue. Stasia was  worried about trouble, so we took her  children home. On the way, we drove by the  statue, surrounded by the'ZOMO. And the  ZOMO were surrounded by a crowd of people,  all singing.  OLINKA  When martial law was declared on December  13, 1981, five days later, Olinka's  husband was immediately sent to jail. Jan  was a journalist for a magazine banned by  the state. It took Olinka three months to  find his internment camp, and when she  did find it, conditions were very bad. The  internees were holding a hunger strike for  better conditions, but the group forbade  Jan to join in the strike, because of his  bad health. Jan was jailed for ten months  and released on the condition that he and  his family leave the country.  Now, they were all together, in exile,  learning Swedish and trying to adjust.  While Jan was interned, Olinka said there  was absolutely nothing in the shops. Since  they lived in a rural area, they received  some produce from local farmers. Olinka  was fortunate enough to work as a teacher,,  and had some income. But what saved her,  were the committees set up in order to  support the families of the interned.  These committees provided foods, clothes,  child care and most importantly, moral  support.  Although most Poles were cynical about  press coverage, that cynicism hit new  heights after martial law. Papers were full  of stories on Solidarnosc and secret Swiss  bank accounts; plans to overthrow the  state; and union officials were likened  to petty criminals. Olinka found this  difficult. More than before, she believed  everything to be lies.  According to Olinka, the worst thing  about martial law in Poland was the psychological terror it evoked. Shortages, lineups, rumours, and random beatings all took  their toll." Her cousin's son was studying  continued on p."' March'84 Kinesis 11  Grenadian women  A Challenge  to Imperialism  by Dionne Brand  The long flight on the overnight from  Toronto to Barbados is hard on the back.  You get to Bridgetown at. 5a.m. and you  have to wait until 8a.m. for the first  flight to Pearls airport in Grenada. By  the time you get through customs at Pearls  and you look up and down the tiny airport .  for the people who come to pick you up,  you don't want to see anything. You first  want to go somewhere and get to sleep. But  the intensity of the colours of the island  glare out at you in your half numb senses.  My first morning in Grenada, work had begun already, instead of going to my billet  we were going to visit a co-operative.  Regina Taylor and Marlene Green had come  to meet me at the airport. It was 11a.m.  by that time. Regina was the Secretary  General of the Agency for Rural Transformation, the development agency to which I  was assigned as an information/communication co-ordinator. Marlene was CUSO's (a  Canadian NGO) Field officer for the Caribbean. We were going to visit a wood working  co-operative on Grenville, close to the  airport and Grenada's second largest town.  I had no idea what I was going to see. When  we got there Regina and Marlene explained  that it was a woman's wood working co-operative. They had got together two years  ago. Made up of six women they built furniture for schools, daycare centres and other  governmental institutions. In all the discussions which I had engaged in over the  years about the possibilities of women's  production co-ops, in all the women's and  other collectives which I had been a part  of, the practical existence of a production  co-operative run by women was something of  a theoretical probability. The shape of  women's groups in North America, some in  which I had been a part of usually existed  in the social service sphere. But here was  the St. Andrew's Woodwork co-operative  'doing' what I and other feminists  'thought', 'dreamed' and 'planned'.  Underlying the existence of the co-op were  the objective conditions of the women of  Grenada. Prior to the 1979 revolution  which deposed the dictator Gairy, unemployment among women was approximately 60 percent. In the four years of the revolution unemployment dropped to 20 percent.  The unemployment rate is still higher for  women than for men, women representing 70  percent of the total unemployed; but a  decrease of 40 percent had been achieved.  Some 60 percent of Grenadian households  are woman headed. The attention which the  revolutionary state paid to the conditions  of Grenadian women was spearheaded by the  Women's Caucus of the New Jewel Movement  (the party governing Grenada prior to the  the invasion.  The Women's Caucus formed in 1977 called  for equal pay, reduced food prices and job  creation for women. Phyllis Coard, Deputy  Minister in the Ministry of Women's Affairs,  explained in a speech on February 21st,  1983 that, "One of the good things was the  women in the organization and the New Jewel  Movement which later took power, raised a  debate in the party on the role of women  in the society. Had a party come to power  without that kind of analysis, there would  be no clear perspective on the condition  and aspirations of women of Grenada. By  the time that the revolution occured there  were clear outlines, as to what must be  done to bring about equality for women."  The Women's. Caucus made four decisions:  • that the revolutionary state have a firm,  official position advocating equality for  women and that the state support that  position with laws which ensured that no  legal discrimination against women be  committed.  • that every woman have the opportunity  to work and be economically independent.  • that "social facilities be provided to  allow women to work such as day and night  care centres", and  • that "women receive educational opportunities toward consciousness and leadership".  After the revolution, work set about on all  of the four decisions taken. The National  Women's Organization was set up. It had a  membership of some six thousand women by  1983. A Ministry of Women's Affairs was  established to carry out policy decisions ■  by the NWO. The Maternity Leave Law was  passed and laws concerning birth legitimacy, child maintenance and family relations were being drawn up in 1983. The  revolution, manifested in its women, had  placed the issues of women on its political  agenda rather than its social one. The  NWO had membership on the boards of all  statutory bodies and state enterprises,  along with other mass organizations such  as the National Youth Organization and  the Farmers Union.  The Minister of Education, Jacqueline  Creft, said of school curriculum materials  which were being produced: "We place great  store by their non-sexist orientation.  The fact of the matter is that male dominance has been very, very deeply entrenched  in our society and we have to begin at a  very early age to have our young men understand this thing about equality between  men and women."  As a woman born in the Caribbean, I am all  too familiar with just how deeply entrenched sexism is in the region. It is evident  in the very way in which people walk on the  street, the clusters of obnoxious swaggering young men, the sexist, taunting, the  sanctions against women alone in bars and  cinemas. It is evident in the figures of  men in waged, labour (even though women in  the main are heads of households) and it  is evident in the dirth of women or women's,  interests in government.  On my third night in Grenada, I had met  several women farmers. They were hosting a  tour of Canadian farmers through the region. And I met other women, young, old,  farming, road building.- Patsy Romain, the  Women in Production Officer' of the Ministry  took me on a tour of agricultural schools  where half the student population was  young women. So the impact of and the  possibilities for uprooting sexism which I  witnessed during my stay in Grenada challenged what I call the national interest  of the Caribbean - manhood.  Since the American military invasion of  October 25, 1983, the women's movement in  Grenada has been dealt a serious death  blow. The National Women's Organization  was~~hanned, dissolved. By reference, then,  the Ministry of Women's Affairs became  incapacitated, unable to function given  that it was staffed, run and given policy  direction by the NWO. In the wave of firings of civil servants associated in any  way or sympathetic to the New Jewel Movement and the aims of the revolution, Women's Ministry personnel and* other women  placed in government have been dismissed.  Onevwomen's* co-operative, Grenfruit Women's  Co-op was shut down and the centre which  housed the co-op' charged with possessing  seditious literature. At first, American  marines prevented the women from entering  their factory, but under local pressure  allowed them to take some of their belongings out. Under further pressure, the women  have been allowed to continue their work.  But for them as fair as other co-ops, without the support* of state policy or programming, their future is doubtful.  Many women who belonged to the New Jewel  Movement (50 percent) were detained on  the first weeks of the occupation by  American forces. Others, socialist workers  from other islands were expelled.  The systematic death of the movement as  a political force in Grenada comes as a  result of the American military interven- .  tion in the islands affairs - an intervention aimed at turning back the political  and social changes in Grenada, including  the gains of the women's movement. It is  an indication of the challenge which a  politicized women's movement holds for  imperialism and the possible consequences  of that challenge.  SSJQ-^Oa.. l -.tA. H __^_^__ ' ;   -    ' ' ■*- 12 Kinesis March'84  by Daphne Morrison  Estela Ramirez was born and raised in El  Salvador. She is 32 years old, and lives  with her parents, her husband and their  three small children. She also has a  brother and a sister. They were all forced  to leave the country. In 1980 her brother's  name was mentioned on TV in a long list of  names condemned to death by Roberto d'Au-  buisson, chief of the death squads, former  president of the Constituent Assembly and  now candidate for the presidency of El  Salvador. Her brother and his family  escaped two assassination attempts.  Estela's family had been publicly named.  Her parents lived next door to General  Jose Alberto Medrano, who was chief of the  National Guard. He threatened to turn them  in to the police or the National Guard because they were not friendly toward him.  Her husband was a church worker in the  University of El Salvador and Estela was  a teacher in a progressive Catholic school  which was viewed with disfavour by those  in power. They were watched by the death  squad. Estela's parents, husband and herself all worked with Archbishop Romero,  and after his assassination they were  defenceless in the face of the repression.  So, a month after giving birth to her  youngest child, they slipped out of the  country. Six months after their departure  the army searched the house they had  lived in, taking their things and looking  for arms, tunnels and propaganda.  Estela joined AMES, the women's association of El Salvador, when they were forced  into exile in Nicaragua. She became a  member of the Executive,,and the person  responsible for the AMES External Relations  Commission. Daphne Morrison interviewed  her in Vancouver at the start of her cross-  Canada tour.  What are the current priorities of AMES?  Now that the people have their own Popular  Power1 governments in the Liberated Zones ,  AMES is very active, giving support to all  the community projects organized by the  Popular Power. And because our women are  so active and so responsible, so enthusiastic about social and community participation, they are elected as governors in  their communities. Right now the president  of the Popular Power government in the  province of Chalatenango is Maria. Maria,  is an AMES member.  AMES organizes women, raises their consciousness, helps them to be confident of  themselves, of their capabilities, of the  great contribution they can give to the  community. Our priority is to reach the  greatest number of women in El Salvador;  the ones that haven't been organized or  participated in anything, because they  didn't have the opportunity, because they  feel like the slaves of their husbands  Salvadorean  begins national  speaking tour  Estela Ramirez of AMES  and sons and children. We help them to  discover another aspect of their lives.  What is life like for women in the Liberated Zones,  and how does this compare to  women's daily lives in the rest of the  country?  In the rest of the country our women have  a hard life, and a very insecure, oppressed  life. They have the responsibility to look  after their children by themselves. Because  of machismo most of the men don't stay with  a woman for long. They will have children  with many women, and it's mostly the woman  that takes care of six, eight children or  more. They work hard in houses as servants,  or as street vendors, or in the big stores.  In the rural areas they go to the haciendas  to pick coffee, cotton, sugar cane. It's  very hard, tough work. They get 25 percent  less wages than men, and their children  work alongside them, but are not considered  workers, so they don't get paid or get  food. The women who work while struggling  for liberation, they are in danger to be  Our priority is to  reach the greatest  number of women in  El Salvador, the ones  1 that haven't been  I organized... We help  I them to discover  | another aspect of  1 their lives.  disappeared, to be tortured, to be raped  and to be assassinated. There is the danger  of invasion in the areas that are not liberated but are under dispute, and, as part  of the general population you are exposed  to death.   ^|Sp  In our Liberated Zones the people have to  work hard and make many sacrifices to have  food, medicine, education, to survive.  Because the government doesn't give anything to them. But our women are very  ready to do this work. It's a very different psychological and personal situation.  They know no-one is going to get them out  of their houses at night, unless there is  an invasion.  Everybody has something to do, no-one stays  home, isolated. There doesn't exist unemployment! Some women do defence tasks, or  work in the fields. Or they make candy and  other foods for emergency rations in case  of an invasion. Because at that time they  'Ģwill be walking, and each mother and child  has its ration so they won't die, they  will get energy for the way. Everybody  does physical exercises two hours each  morning, even the kids, to be in shape in  case they have to leave the area. We do  lots of nutrition work and preventive  medicine, because we cannot afford to be  sick all the time. We don't have enough  medicine, antibiotics. The medicine we can  get is for the people that are fighting.  In the Liberated Zones our women are so  proud of what they have achieved; they  couldn't go back to their old lives. The  men have had to accept things like the women going to meetings, maybe staying overnight somewhere else, communal cooking.  Many men have found this hard, they feel  nervous. Although they are progressive and  revolutionaries, it is hard for them to  lose their privileges! It is one thing to  know, understand and accept that women and  men'should have equal responsibilities;  practically, it is another thing. But they  have done a lot.  Could you talk about the childcare projects  which AMES is trying to develop in the  Liberated Zones?  We want to explain to the Canadian women,  because you have such a different reality,  that when we say "childcare centres", you  must not imagine a nice building with a  park beside. That is not possible in the  Liberated Zones, while we are submitted to  a constant threat of invasion and bombing.  If we build great buildings, or even  noticeable ones, they wilL/be bombed. Because every time the government forces  go to a zone they destroy everything: crops,  utensils, housing, animals, because they  know that is like destroying people. So  we are not spending money on structures,  We make sure our children get what they  need: love, food, clothing, healthcare,  without building great buildings or buying  fancy materials, toys, paper, things that  we cannot get in that area. It's such a  problem to bring ther> to the mountains,  crossing rivers and crossing lakes. It's  almost impossible. So when we say "childcare", we mean our women are organized to  take care of community children. No matter  what their mothers are doing or have to  do, even if one mother has to leave the  community to go to another for a length of  time, we make sure those children are taken  care of.  North Americans read about the violence in  El Salvador (45,000 people have been killed  since 1980),  but it is hard for them to  understand what it is like to live under  these conditions.   Can you describe this?  The killings have affected everybody. Can  you imagine how it is to be the survivor  of a massacre...mental health for women  and men, most of all children, after living  through such a thing, is never the same.  Women and men, they all die the same. But,  of course, women and children have suffered  more of the genocide in the sense that, in March'84 Kinesis 13  the years when the Popular Power government  and the popular army were not so strong,  when the social organization of towns and  villages was not so strong, they were more  vulnerable. They were the ones who stayed  home. And the National Guard, the soldiers,  would find them. And they would be the ones  who would be raped, and who would suffer  savage, criminal things. Children who survive that, they will never forget it. To  see their sisters or mothers being raped,  or to see their mothers who are pregnant -  they take the babies out of the wombs when  they are alive, they cut their breasts —  Well, there is no need to explain the impression that makes on any human being.  And that happens all the time. Not only  in the Liberated Zones when they invade,  but in the cities. When you see that in  your neighbourhood the death squads come  and get 10 kids out, and in the morning  you find them completely different...mutilated. . .well, you will never forget something like that. That happens daily, in  the cities, in the towns and villages.  That's why, each time that happens, the  struggle gets stronger.  Under these conditions,  it must be extremely  dangerous for women to be involved in any  way with AMES.   What is making Salvadorean  women continue to work with AMES,  in the  face of so much terror and suffering?  Terror and suffering are the real reasons  to fight. The government doesn't understand  that, and in that sense are very stupid.  The more they act like beasts, the more  strongly we will defend ourselves. Of  course, in the cities some women won't join  AMES because of the terror. Our people are  exposed to danger. AMES is not underground  completely, but we have to have very heavy  security measures. We would not say to  women, "come and demonstrate in the streets"  We would not say to women  "Come and demonstrate in  the streets" and use the name  of AMES; we would not say in a  factory "I belong to AMES."  You can say our association is  not underground, but our  methods are.  and use the name of AMES; we would not say  in a factory, "I belong to AMES". But at  the same time we want to meet the majority  of women. You can say our association is  not underground, but our methods are. Women join AMES because they need to, and  also more and more because they have no  choice. The people have no choice. The  government, the death squads, the U.S.,  they are pushing us to fight back.  llocal governments which are elected by  the people, not the government, of El  Salvador  2regions controlled by the F.D.R. - F.M.L.N.  (Revolutionary Democratic Front - Fara-  bundo Marti National Liberation Front)  New release  Central American  women speak out  CENTRAL AMERICAN WOMEN SPEAK FOR THEMSELVES is a resource on women and women's  organizations in Central America today  recently produced by the Latin American  Working Group in Toronto.  The book is a  compendium of articles,  documents,  testimonies and photographs, illustrating the  present condition and participation of  women.  Speaking in their own words, and  out of their own experiences,  this dossier  answers many questions regarding women in  Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua.  The following is an excerpt from the book's  introduction:  Today, women in Central America are playing a crucial role in the movements challenging tyranny, under development and  military dictatorships. The heroic role  of Nicaraguan women in the long war  against Somoza, and now during the period  of reconstruction, is providing an inspiration to women in other Central American  countries. Indeed, AMNLAE, the Nicaraguan  women's association, has become a symbol  of the efforts of all Latin American  women to overthrow dictatorships, and at  the same time, to throw off old oppressive  values and the subjugation of women. The  crisis in Central America and the struggle  for justice is highlighting the emergence  of the "new woman" as well as the "new  man".  The day-to-day reality of Central American  women is being determined in large degree  by major political and social forces. In  several areas, most notably in Guatamela,  in El Salvador, the Honduran-Nicaraguan  border, there is war. For tens of thousands of Central American women, each day  means hardship, fear, repression, violence,  death. <  Two hundred years of colonialism and underdevelopment have created an explosive  situation. The crisis has been created  by the oligarchic and military forces  which over the decades have resisted all  forms of change or modernization. In  response, powerful popular movements, and  more recently, large-scale guerrilla movements, have emerged demanding an end to  the death and violence, and a beginning  to reform and justice.  Women in Central America have a special  story to tell. As women, and in many cases,  as indigenous women, they have tremendous  obstacles to overcome in order to actively  participate in political or economic life.  Illiteracy and poverty, as well as a great  deal of backward thinking about women's  roles, have relegated many women to positions little better than beasts of burden.  Women have been marginalized at many  levels. Because the society has been  riddled, from top-to-bottom, by thinking  that women are inferior, even organizations of the working class have tended to  minimize women's participation. Unemploy  ment and intense competition for low-  paying jobs have created a highly exploitive labour market which has favoured male  workers.  Women in Central America have opted to  participate in efforts to eradicate the  entire system of injustice and oppression  of their people. Poverty, racism and a  deeply-etched class structure have obscured the notion of the "sisterhood" of  all women. Organizing against an injust  and oppressive system have taken priority  over forming women's organizations.  On the other hand, class differences have  not entirely prevented women from different backgrounds from working together.  However, the point of unity between these  women is not over women's issues, but  over a commitment to change the entire  society.  Within the context of the popular movement  and political organizations, there have  been attempts, although limited, to organize women, as women, separate from the  mixed organizations of men and women.  Most Central American women see individual  "liberation" and equality as hollow demands in the face of death and repression.  As one Guatemalan women states: "What  could we ask for now in terms of being  equal? In many sense, for women it would  mean equal repression and we already have  that!"  This does not mean that women haven't  participated in many previous movements  for social justice and national independence in their countries. In their unique  positions in their communities, families  and work places, they have advocated  change of the whole society. Because their  children lie dying from dehydration, they  fight for an adequate health system. Because the only jobs they can get are in  the unorganized Free Trade Zones, they  have fought more militantly than many  unions for a living wage. Because their  loved ones have been dumped, tortured and  bruised on their doorsteps,- they are demanding an end to military tyranny and  injustice.  Many women who have joined political-  military organizations, guerrilla organizations, see the act of bearing arms as  the only means of protecting their communities and their people against violent  and in some cases, genocidal, military  attacks. Seeing their families and friends  fall has brought many women to the point  of picking up arms for the purposes of  defence.  CENTRAL AMERICAN WOMEN SPEAK FOR THEMSELVES is part of an important dialogue  between Central American and Canadian  women. It can be ordered at $7. a copy  from LAWG, P.O. Box 2207,. Station 'P',  Toronto. Discounts are available for bulk 4 Kinesis March'84  Namibia  SWAPO  unites women  Namibians have experienced more than a  century of exploitation, domination and  genocide under colonial powers. Germany's  attempt to impose its rule upon the Naimbi-  an people in the 19th century sparked one  of the bloodiest armed resistances in the  annals of colonial history. After World  War I, Namibia was to be administered by  South Africa on .behalf of the British  Crown. However, South Africa swiftly consolidated its own colonial domination and  imposed apartheid  laws and regulations  upon the African population.  In June 1971, the International Court of  Justice ruled South Africa's continued presence in Namibia illegal. South Africa  was to immediately withdraw its administration from Namibia. However, South Africa  has continued to defy international law  and to stall negotiations for U.N. supervised elections in Namibia. South Africa  is waging a war against Namibia. The South  West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO)  arose to defend the rights of the people  of Namibia against this domination and  aggression. Further, both in SWAPO's role  in the liberation struggle, and in its  political manifestoes, women have made  their impact, and have been as important  to the struggle as men.  Netumbo Nandi, Deputy Representative of  SWAPO in Zambia and member of the Central  Committee of SWAPO, describes the history  of women's participation in the struggle  for self-determination:  Hundreds of women participated in the  historic Windhoek uprising of December  1959,  involving mass boycotts of public  works,  transport,  cinema and beer halls in  portest against the colonial regime's  /arbitrary removal of Windhoek's old African townships to a new site which was  located much farther away from town. Several women were among the 11 shot dead and  50 wounded.  The Windhoek uprising represents an important point of departure in  the history of our national liberation  struggle.  It marked the shift from the  policies of petitioning the U.N.  to that  of mass agitation.  In the 1970 's, women began to take a very  active part in organizing meetings and  rallies. We began to see that when SWAPO  youth activists held meetings and demonstrations against colonialism, girls were  sometimes in the majority. Some of the  men began to rethink their traditional  s prejudices against women,  as a go  of women began to be vocal at meetings.  \ Colonial jails also began to be filled not  § only with men but also with women.  When  | the South African government ordered mass  2 public floggings of people 's naked bodies  in 1973,nearly half of the victims were  women.  Over the last two years,  thousands  of Namibians decided to enlist in the  Peoples' Liberation Army of Namibia  (PLAN);  a considerable number are women.  Today you  will find women at nearly every level of  our movement's structure. But whatever  has been achieved so far must not be seen  only as a victory against the existing  social and economic structure which discriminates against women in employment  and education, but also as a victory  against the prejudices among some of our  She describes the approach of the SWAPO  Women's Council, which was formed in 1971:  The SWAPO Women's Council has succeeded  in drawing thousands of women into our  liberation activity.  This liberation  activity is itself an important process  of learning.  It has exposed' thousands of  Namibian women to many new ideas which are  revolutionizing their world outlook...  There are many things which need to be done  to mobilize women in the struggle for national and social liberation.  The Council  is striving constantly to raise the level  of the Namibian women's political con-  seiouness to ensure that the right of  Namibia's women to participate fully in  all political,  cultural,  social and productive activities of our society is always  at the centre of policy decisions.  It is  only when women themselves are armed with  a high level of political consciousness  that our movement can guarantee that  reactionary ideas such as male chauvinism  and female docility will have no place in  a liberated Namibia.  To this end, the Constitution of the SWAPO  Women's Council contains the following  aims and objectives: .  1. To achieve equality for women as well  as their full participation in the struggle  for national liberation;  2. To develop and deepen political consciousness and revolutionary militance -  among the Namibian women;  3. To bring about women's full participa  tion in productive work, in public administration, in education and in the  cultural creativity of our society;  4. To prepare the thousands of female  workers, now engaged in in  Naimbia for productive jobs;  5. To campaign for the creation of sufficient nursery schools and day boarding  schools in a liberated Namibia so as to  Mozambique  Uprooting  prejudice  by Prabha Khosla  Many of the traditional and colonial characteristics of women's oppression continue  to exist in Mozambique today.  But this is  a reflection of how deeply rooted the oppression of women is in society; it is not  due to any attempt to exclude women from  the revolutionary process. From the beginning of the struggle, FRELIMO (the governing political party) declared that women  had an essential role to play as equals to  men in the liberation of their country.  The Organization of Mozambican Women (OMM),  a mass organization , was created in 1972  by FRELIMO.  It outlined FRELIMO's political  line—that the emancipation of women implies  fundamental changes in the production relations which are the base of the oppression  and exploitation of women.  The initial task of the OMM was to teach  the FRELIMO political line to all Mozambican  women, to mobilize women to participate in  the liberation struggle, and to encourage  women to fight for their own liberation.  The objective of the OMM has changed in  emphasis since its creation.  The Second  Conference in 1976 decided to work towards  engaging women in the process of national  reconstruction. It set as its priority  the mobilization of women in order to increase production and productivity. Women  were encouraged to integrate into collective forms of production such as cooperatives and into communal villages, and to  take an active part in decision-making in  these structures. Different types of cooperatives have been initiated—agricultural, small animal husbandry, artisanal,  fishing, salt, carpentry, sewing, and  consumer cooperatives.  In urban areas, efforts have been made to  incorporate women into the salaried labour  forcer. For example, the construction of  child care centres (creches) has been identified as a priority in order to make the  integration of women into production a  reality.  Creches in urban centres are  encouraged and some factories and agricultural production cooperatives have established them, with different degrees of  success.  Some are very good, and more are  being established.  Despite these efforts, the OMM and FRELIMO  realize that after eight years of independence the progress towards women's emancipation has been slow. Many customs such  as bride price (lobolo), initiation rites,  prostitution, polygamy, premature marriage,  etc., are still being practiced in some  parts of Mozambique. And, as Minister  Cabaco recently stated: "In the home,  it  is still frequent for a woman to be oppressed, exploited and maltreated by her husband.    At the workplace, women are still  very often passed over for promotion and  their progress up to responsible posts  blocked.    At the level of social relations,  innumerable- forms of discrimination against  Recognition of these problems and discussions from the 4th Congress of FRELIMO  have led to a call for an Extraordinary  Conference of the OMM to be held in Maputo  in April 1984. At a'National Planning  Meeting, held in Maputo from 27 July to  August 2, 1983, and attended by members of  the FRELIMO Central Committee, veterans of  the'armed struggle, members of the Coordinating Council of the OMM and representatives of other organizations, it was  stressed that the primary object of the  * conference will be to analyze "those pro  blems which by affecting women specifically,,  affect all of Mozambican society".  At the opening session of the Seminar in  Maputo, First Secretary of the Party Committee, Jorge Rebelo, said that: "Today we  are building a new society which will free  itself from the prejudices which exploit  and denigrate women.    Now it is necessary  to find -the enemy which opposes emancipation of women,  to know the forces involved  in order to create a better strategy for  March'84 Kinesis 15  total dependence on men".   It was noted that  in various parts of Gaza province, these  practices are no longer found, especially  in communal villages, where the actions of  the Party and the OMM have led to their  gradual elimination.  The meeting also discussed examples of cases where young girls  had not been able to finish their studies  because their parents had arranged a marriage with a madjonedjone  (a Mozambican  miner returned from South Africa) or another  man who had property, cattle or money.  Thus, despite the difficulties, it is clear  from such initiatives as the Extraordinary  Conference that in Mozambique today there  is a strong commitment to the emancipation  of women.  This commitment was reiterated  in the conclusion of a recent United Nations  publication on Mozambique:  ...Although Mozambique has been independent  less than five years  (this was written in  1980), women are already involved in many  non-traditional activities.    They serve  as delegates to the People's Assemblies  and judges in the People 's Tribunals,  and  they are active in the Party and the workers' Production Councils.    They are also  participating actively in Mozambique 's  programme of national reconstruction—as  stevedores, railroad stokers, mechanics,  tractor drivers,  teachers,  health workers,  I he organization of Mozambican women was created in 1972 by  FRELIMO. Its line was that the emancipation of women implies  fundamental changes in production relations — the base of the  exploitation and oppression of women.  accelerating the full participation of  women in society."  The process of discussion, analysis and  planning for the Extraordinary Conference  will take place on a national level. Brigades are being created all over the country  to take on the themes of: initiation ceremonies, the practice of lobolo, the forced  marriage of young girls, concubinage, adultery, separation, divorce and prostitution.  Such a brigade meeting was held in Xai-Xai,  provincial capital of Gaza Province. During  five days of discussion on the themes, many  of the participants, who were women of fifty and over, identified the initiation  ceremonies as above all aiming to "inculcate  in women a spirit of submission- to and  and members, of production cooperatives.  All this testifies to the advances that  women have, made, and, with women's growing  self-confidence that they can truly do  anything,  they are demanding greater and  greater involvement in all areas of life—  which helps to bring women's emancipation  closer to fruition.  Sources:  Mozambican Women and the Development  Process—CUSO-ECSA.  M.I.O. News Review, Sept. 22, 1983.  Mozambique: Women, the Law and Agrarian  Reform, by Barbara Isaacman and June  Steven. United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, 1980, pg. 148.  facilitate women's full participation in  productive work;  6. To inculcate in the Namibian child a  sense of justice and a revolutionary  respect for women;  7. To develop an internationalist spirit  in the Namibian women by enabling her to  work in solidarity with all militant and  progressive women's movements, thereby  strengthening the worldwide anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist front.  The hope is that the gains in the equality  of women and men, made during the liberation struggle, will not be lost when the  primary enemy is overcome. SWAPO spokespersons such as Mathilda Amoomo, Secretary in the Defence Office, are encouraged  by the integration of women into productive-  activities and new occupations in SWAPO  refugee camps and schools:  In the last two years alone, our movement  has sent more than two hundred cadres to  study medicine, nursing, dentistry,  labra-  tory science, pharmacology and public  health services administration. About half  of the students are women—  The Namibian Health and Education Centre  in Zambia has been organized to be self-  continuedon p. 16  Kinesis thanks the Toronto Committee for the Liberation of Southern Africa (TCSAC)'for the provision of information presented on  pages 14,15, and 16. TCSAC has  a number of resources available  through their Toronto offices at  427 Bloor St. West, Toronto.  South African rural life  Women who live in the barren bantustans of  South Africa face the oppression of relentless poverty as well as an intricate  system of laws that prevent freedom of  movement and access to resources. Many of  their frustrations and burdens are common  to women in any Third World country, although their actual experience is specific  to South Africa.  The migrant labour system ensures that the  majority of men are working in the cities  for most of the year while the women stay  in the "homelands" trying to eke out a  subsistence existence. Families are split-  up for most of the year, husbands and  wives have no chance of living together  and children do not know their fathers.  There are no jobs locally, so women depend on their husbands' meagre income and  the food they grow in the infertile bantustans. Almost all the work falls on the  womens' shoulders; even traditional male  tasks like ploughing and tending animals.  A woman's day starts very early, usually  before sunrise. Often the first task is  to walk to the river to fetch water for  cooking, drinking and cleaning. Very few  people have access to running water. Olga  Zulu, for example, like other women in the  "homelands" walks one-and-a-half hours to  fetch a bucket of water. She then starts  breakfast for her five children. Simangele  her oldest daughter, helps light the fire  to cook the maize that is their staple  diet. She must conserve the fuel as it is  a five mile walk to the nearest wood  source. Usually, they make that half day  trip twice a week.  Olga's youngest child Tulane is only six  months old and is breastfed. She straps  him to her back as she works in the fields.  Olga tries to work a few hours in the  fields before it gets too hot as it is  exhausting to work under the midday  African sun.  Her two oldest children are* at school so  she relies on her parents-in-law to help  with childcare while she tends her other .  chores such as pounding maize (back-  breaking, labour intensive work) and  tending her small cabbage and pumpkin  garden.  Olga's husband manages to send her about  $20. a month with which she has to feed  and clothe her family. Needless to say,  she must plan carefully and juggle her  priorities. Often she thinks about following her husband to the city but she  knows that jobs are scarce. Also, she is  likely to get arrested for not having a  pass and it is almost impossible- to obtain a pass without employment.  Most women have little time to socialize  and attend meetings, so visiting takes  place while walking to the river or fetching firewood. During the ploughing and  harvesting seasons, there is often a  pooling of labour. Women and children work  as a team and take turns to work one  another's fields.  These South African women demonstrate  extraordinary resilience in a situation  that demands immense energy merely to  survive. Our sisters know how to work cooperatively and its crucial that they get  support in their struggle for change.  (TCLSAC Reports) 16 Kinesis March'84   continued from p. 14  reliant (you- would be impressed to see  that), women do exactly the same kind and  amount of work as do the men, when the  children are at the daycare centre.  The  women and men at the centre are organized  into platoons to do construction and cultivation work.  Since everything is done  '. collective basis, both men and women  must participate fully in all aspects of  work including cooking.  However, the fact that the population in  refugee camps is predominantly women and  children is significant. For example, of  the 62,000 Namibian refugees in Angola  by April of 1982, it is estimated that  8000 were children 3-6 years of age,  17,000 were school children 7-18 years of  age, 22,000 were women, and 15,000 were  elderly people. This makes it difficult  to predict the participation and integration of women in the future of Namibia  when conditions have changed, from those  of refugee camps to those of a more equally  sexually balanced society. Thus, the  development activities, such as literacy  and skills development programs in the  refugee centres, must be seen in light of  the complex historical and cultural factors . But spokespeople like Lucia Hema-  tenya, SWAPO Secretary for Legal Affairs,  are optimistic. She says:  After independence,  the Namibian women  have nothing to lose, but everything to  win.  They have an important role to play  in the transition from the old, decaying  social order,  colonialism and capitalism,  to a new democractic social order.  m  READING ON AFRICAN WOMEN  • A Revolution Within a Revolution-.Women  in Guinea-Bissau  Stephanie Urdang, New England Free Press,  1975, 20 pp.  • Fighting Two Colonialisms-.Women in  Guinea-Bissau  Stephanie Urdang, Monthly Review Press,  New York, 1979, 320 pp.  • For Their Triumphs and For Their Tears:  Women in Apartheid South Africa  Hilda Bernstein, International Defence  and Aid Fund for Southern Africa (IDAF),  London, 1978, 71 pp.  • Maids and Madams: A Study in the Politics  of Exploitation  Jacklyn Cock, Ravan Press, Johannesburg,  1980, 410 pp.  • Mozambican Woman in The Revolution  L.S.M. Information Centre, LSM Press,  1977, 28 pp.  • The Effects of Apartheid on The Status of  Women in Southern Africa  Stephanie Urdang, UN Document A,  Conference 94, 1980.  • The Role of Women in The Struggle for  Liberation in Zimbabwe, Namibia, and  South Africa  Richard Lapchick, UN Document A,  Conference 94, 1980.  > To Honour Women's Day: Profiles of  Leading Women in The South African and  Namibian Liberation Struggles  IDAF, 1981, 56 pp.  > Women Under Apartheid  IDAF, 1981, 119 pp.  > You Have Struck a Rock: Women and Political Repression in Southern Africa  IDAF, 1980, .24 pp.  Most of these titles are available from  the Southern African Action^Coalition,  in Vancouver (734-1712). An out of town,  source is TCLSAC, 427 Bloor St. West,  Toronto, Ontario, M5S 1X7.  totota  More than three years after independence,  women in Zimbabwe continue the .struggle,  begun during the liberation war, for  equality under the law, for equal opportunities in education and employment, and  for an overall change in the position of  women which would be in keeping with the  goal of a socialist Zimbabwe. Since independence the particular concerns of  women have finally come to be officially  recognized by the government - there is  now a Ministry of Community Development  and Women's Affairs. Needless to say a  great deal remains to be achieved.  In spite of the government's proclaimed  goal of equality for women in all spheres  of economic, political and social life,  its policies have tended to be rather  cautious in the actual transformation of  the legal and economic status of women.  The Legal Age of Majority Act, for example,  which became effective on December 10,  1982 has decreed that women as well as  men attain the age of majority at 18  (thus abolishing their previous status  as permanent legal minors) and in doing so  has granted women the same right as men  to enter into contracts, open bank accounts  and vote. Without further legal and social  reforms, however these newly gained rights  remain largely formal.  The African Marriages Act(still governing  all non-Christian black marriages) left  over from Rhodesian law has not been rescinded. In addition, the whole body of  customary law (regulating divorce, inheritance, ownership of communally held  property,, the guardianship of children,  and the payment of lobola  or brideprice)  has not yet ceased to be recognized as  valid by the courts and governmental  agencies. Both the statutory and the customary law allow the husband nearly complete control over any property acquired  by his wife, whether directly acquired in  ^the form of wages or other cash income  or indirectly through her unremunerated  agricultural and domestic labour.  Thus, black women, if they marry under  traditional law, continue to be subject  to the will of their husbands in almost  all economic matters during their marriage,  and in the event of divorce, even afterwards, since divorced women are often  left with nothing more of the common  property than their clothes and cooking  pots. Nor do unmarried women fare much  better: as long as they remain in the  home of their parents, economic necessity,  if not the force of law, constrains them  to cede control over their own labour to  their fathers who dispose of the household  property as they see fit.  If the pro-government newspapers are at  all reflective of the diverse and often  conflicting attitudes towards the status  of women in independent Zimbabwe, then it  might be suggested that the total transformation of the economic, political and  social position of women, as well as the  complete preservation of the status quo,  is the order o~f the day. Along side of  ministerial calls - echoed by supportive  editorial comments - for women to assume  an equal role inteh economic and political development of the nation, one encounters articles holding women responsible for the transmission of veneral  diseases (strongly condemned as sexist  by the Women's Ministry) and for the  increase in pre-marital pregnancy, as  well as editorial denunciations of "women's  libbers"  - Notwithstanding this ambivalent presentation of "women's issues" in the press,  women in Zimbabwe are determined to improve all aspects of their everyday  lives. For women in the rural areas, where  fully 80% of the population resides, the  first priority is, as it always has been,  the provision of the basic needs of food,  water and health care. Control over the  product of their labour is increasingly  coming to be viewed as an essential condition for any lasting amelioration of their  lives. Both with assistance and on their  own initiative many rural women have  begun to organize co-operatives in which  they sew school uniforms, raise chickens,  grow vegetables and make crafts, thereby  ^providing them with an opportunity to  earn the money needed for daily necessities.  For most women the promise of land reform, the focal point for the mobilization of the rural population during the  liberation struggle, remains a promise.  Although the redistribution of land is  officially to proceed primarily on the  basis of need and only secondarily on the  basis of merit, and is therefore to make  land available equally to men and women,  in practice the resettlement scheme perpetuates and reproduces the already existing  sexual disparities in the accessibility of  land.  In the actual allocation of land, merit  often appears to take precedence over  demonstrable need. And by the criteria of  merit outlined -in the government's guidelines for resettlement - the obt3inment of  a Master. Farmer certificate through formal  agricultural training, possession of the  basic implements necessary to the cultivation of the land, in short, proof of one's  ability successfully to farm the land -  women simply cannot be as meritorious as  men. For the traditional law of colonial  Rhodesia certainly never provided women with  the opportunity to acquire either the education or the materials now deemed essential to the demonstration of their qualification as farmers and hence as potential  recipients of the redistributed land.  A similar struggle for daily survival is  waged by Zimbabwean women living or working  in the urban areas. Additional problems  specific to urban life confront them as  well. Discrimination in education and employment is still widespread and, in the  context of scarce resources, is often  legitimated in terms of the ostensibly  greater need for men, as the presumed heads  of households, to be educated and employed.  Furthermore, women are frequently denied  access to housing in their own right,  again for the reason that the male head of  the household stands in greater need of  accomodation - and this even where women are  the de facto  heads of household.  Like their counterparts in the West, urban  Zimbabwean women continue to encounter  Strong resistance to their attempts to enter  non-traditional occupations and, once they  have succeeded in entering them, to obtain  equal pay for their work. The lack of sufficient daycare facilities - which in the  high-density areas (former "townships")  of Harare provide supervision for only  3,000 of the 65,000 children between the  ages of three and six - poses a further  obstacle to women seeking formal sector  employment and forces them to rely upon  relatives and neighbours for the care of  their children.  Despite the many problems and constraints  which continue to confront them, women in  independent Zimbabwe are finally themselves  confronting these problems and surmounting  what is perhaps the greatest of them all:  the silence previously surrounding their  oppression. March'84 Kinesis 17  continued from p. 8  forming abortions. Protest  action has been taking place  continually since the Supreme  Court decision in October.  (Spare Rib, December,  1983)  India  Over the last few years, rape  and "dowry deaths" have been  identified as the two major  and most obvious manifestations  of the oppression of women in  Indian Society. In Delhi, the  increase in the incidence of  bride burning has assumed alarming proportions. Each morning, newspapers carry reports  of one or two women "burnt  while cooking food" or "heating milk".  According to the Anti-dowry  Cell set up by the Police Commissioner in Delhi, 690 women  died of burns in 1983; 270-of  ^hom were between 18 and 25  years of age, and 23 of whom  were alleged "dowry burnings".  The investigation of such unnatural deaths has been negligible, according to SAHELI, a  women's resource centre established in New Delhi in 1982.  SAHELI was set up by a small  group of women who believed  there needed to be a structure  to provide services and support  to women in India.  "Many of  us who had been involved in the  anti-dowry and the anti-rape  campaigns in Delhi felt the  need for a women's resource  centre," they explained in an  article written for ISIS. "We  had become acutely aware that  alot of our action in cases of  dowry deaths particularly, was  undertaken when it was already  too late for the women concerned."  SAHELI has a panel of lawyers  and doctors who are contacted  if a woman has to fight a case  or is in need of legal or medical advice.  In an historic judgement on  May 27, 1983, the husband,  brother-in-law, and mother-in-  law of Sudha Goel were sentr-  enced to death in a dowry death  case. On appeal to the High  Court, the Judges R.N. Aggarwal '  and Malik Shariefuddin refused  to confirm the death penalty,  aquitting all three. Sudha  Goel's case now goes to the  Supreme Court.  SWAHELI , along with other  women's organizations in  India, have protested the  High Court judgement and in a  November '83 memorandum to  the Chief Justice of India  demanding that the law recognize and facilitate women's  rights. "Our protest is a  challenge to every institution,  the Parliament, the judiciary,  the family. It cannot be contained by threats or even  State repression," they say.  SAHELI can be contacted at  10 Nizamuddin East, New Delhi-  110013.  West Bank  Dr.  Rita Giacoman is a Palestinian feminist who was instrumental in the creation  of the Women's Movement in the  occupied West Bank,  and who is  very active in the Women's  Committees that make up the  backbone of this movement.  The following are some of her  comments concerning the work  of the women's associations  on the West Bank, which appeared in an interview in the  January,   1984 issue of  OUT'WRITE.  The history of the women's  movement here on the West  Bank is inextricably linked  to that of the Palestinian  people, their struggles for  survival under occupation, in  Palestine and outside. The  West Bank fell under Israeli  occupation in 1967, and it  took us some time to realise  the nature of the task ahead.  Women had to rethink their  strategy. They had been  active in the past, and their  activities then, although  not as feminist or even as  progressive as we wish them  to be, were important in that  they were courageous attempts  to move out of their traditional household spheres.  These subsequently provided  young Palestinian women with  a model through which they  were able to work politically,  and socially.  So a period of trial and error followed that lasted  about ten years through which  women tried their hands at  quasi charitable work such  as literacy, nursery work,  and projects aiming at preserving the Palestinian culture. This was a movement of  transition where awareness on  the whole increased, but  nothing much changed. The  women's issue was integrated  within the overall political  context and not considered  separately in itself.  In the mid-Seventies, a group  of active urban women workers  and university graduates got  together in Ramallah to discuss the woman's issue as it  relates to the national  question. From that meeting  were born the women's committees who form the Women's  Liberation Movement.  We have set ourselves two  tasks: one is to raise our  consciousness as women socially, politically and economically; and the second is to  bring Palestinian women into  the mainstream of Palestinian  politics.  Because we realised we had to  provide foj: ourselves and our .  sisters physically, before  attempting any form of feminist and political discussion  groups. Groups were started  in the rural areas, aiming  at catering to the physical  needs of women. Other things  would follow.  There is no central structure  to the Movement for the main  practical reason that a  centralised organisation  could be easily shut down or  destroyed by the Israeli  military occupier.  There are Women's Committees  in each village, and because  the overall work is not  centralised, if and when one  is closed down, the work of  the others continues, as  happened in 1982 with Ram- j  allah where Israeli soldiers  burst into our centre, de  stroyed what little furniture  we had, took away our files,  daubed Stars of David on the  walls and then closed the  centre for weeks. Still, despite this, work in the other  centres continued almost unaffected.  The Women's Committees are so  effective that they are under  constant harassment. Our  clinics are being shut, our  centres closed and individual  women are being put under  house or town arrest. Very  little money comes from anywhere, and charitable Arab  money is usually interested  in the big stuff and not our  little local nursery! Despite  this, we have put our own  energies and skills to use and  formed small scale nurseries.  This may be easy with nurseries but not with health  centres.  In any case, our consciousness  raising and solidarity as  women through our work is very  important to us, and renders  the issue of steadfastness,  sticking to the land, not  merely a physical process.  West Germany  "About 4 million women in Germany are affected by abuse from  men - to this should be added  one to two children for each  woman.Detailed statistics are  difficult to obtain. Violence  within the family is very widespread, sometimes children are  already abused when still in  the mother's womb, as pregnant  women are frequently attacked  by their husbands. Violence  against women occurs among all  social classes; often it .is tolerated by relatives and friends  who know about it. Violence increases with unemployment and  economic, problems are great at  present, according to WIR  BERLINERINNEN,  Berlin newsletter of the Countrywomen  Council.  "The financing of women's shelters in Germany is very uncertain. In order to provide financing, federal legislation  is necessary, but so far it is  claimed that there is lack of  support among the federal  states. The social assistance  law invoked to support a woman  and her children living in a  shelter may result in her losing the children.  "Frauenhilfe-(Women's House) of  Munich, through private means,  financed the first shelter in  1978 which finally opened its  doors in 1981, since extensive  renovations of the building  had to be made: it houses 42  women and 80 children. Besides  providing housing, the 'Frauen-  hilfe-House' has facilities for  meetings, provides counselling  for women as well as legal aid,  and encourages independence.  In addition, they provide telephone counselling services."  - "In Wiirzburg, another small  shelter has been established  which is supported by the State  of Bavaria. In Berlin also,  shelters have been established,  as well as in other towns,"  For more info, write to: Cooperative of German Women &  Children Shelters, Dr. Paula  Maeder, Coordinator, Wald-  strasse 6, 3004 Isernhagen, W.  Germany. (WIN News,  Winter I Kinesis March'84  ARTS  East German heroines  by Brig Anderson  Cinematheque Pacifique has just concluded  the first part of its German Democratic  Republic film screenings, remarkable for  portraying three modern heroines, a pop  singer (Solo Sunny), a single mother (On  Probation) and a political prisoner (The  Fiancee).1 found all three movies examples  of socialist realism, the women ail-too  human characters in search of meaning in  realistic and often depressing life circumstances .  What distinguishes East German films from  Hollywood products is not only their concern with political and social issues, but  their emphasis on the everyday ordinary  reality of common people. Solo Sunny  struggles to regain her morale after being  fired. Hella, the communist, survives  ten years of brutal incarceration, and  young Nina matures as she realizes men &  want to be lovers, not fathers to her  three children. The settings in each film,  the ugliness of school auditoriums and the  same passivity of audiences which greet  the touring musicians, the horror of solitary confinement and fellow prisoners'  murderous rage, the domestic interiors of  rundown low-cost housing complexes, all  serve as backdrops to the unfolding,  increasingly emotional personal dramas of  the women as they grow wiser and disillusioned. In East Germany, there are not  happy.endings, rather a calm acceptance  of what cannot be changed.  This achievement is the more remarkable in  that all film directors are men, in itself a statement on culture in East Germany. Born in the late twenties and early  thirties, they come from similar antifascist backgrounds, and have collaborated  on many film and television productions  and documentaries. They are obviously  sympathetic to women and pro-feminist in  their ideology.  The common feminist theme in all three  movies is that the women struggle valiantly against a male-dominated environment  and often transcend sex and class boundaries to reveal a deeply moving humanity,  if not simplified psychological and  emotional motivation. At the same time,  the heroine's transparent lack of guile  is what makes her appealing. Solo Sunny's  confidence is shattered and she undergoes  a period of deep depression (including  attempted suicide) and dependence on her  sister before her. rehabilitation to a  presumably more orthodox singer. Hella's  fiancee is shot by the Nazis just before  her release, but the viewer feels that  her faith in herself and her political  beliefs will sustain her in future.  Nina's third affair finally shows her the  futility of depending on a man to solve  her problems. I cannot think of one Western movie that deals with women with  greater honesty, realism and hope. Our  heroines too often meet gruesome deaths by  cancer, and murder.  By implication the directors critique the  men for their arrogance, their middle-  classness and their inflexibility. Sunny's  boyfriend quotes philosophy at her while  betraying her behind her back with 'something inconsequential'. Nina's men friends  include drunks, and studs, and even Hella's  fiancee, in spite of his love and devotion  for her, carelessly escalates his political work until he is arrested and killed.  Minor male characters are usually the  source of much humour and ridicule, such .  as the pr.ison official whose only weakness  is a love for bees and bee-keeping.  Other sources of humour often verge on the  macabre, as when nurses grimly pump out  Sunny's stomach after her overdose - "give  me the biggest tube, it's quicker;" the  dullness and punitive attitude of social  workers; and, last but not least, the  female prison guard with dog, newly promoted, being intimidated by another female guard in witty, fast, laconic puns  and dialogue.  It's only a rigorous feminist analysis  that reveals the usual male bias and misogyny of these characters. The directors  have succumbed to the dualistic view of a  social system that sees women as expressive and emotional, man as neutral and  rational.'Our heroines are all three hopelessly in love, and their eroticism, their  physicality and male orientation brings  them to grief—in a way, they are treated  as lower class, masochistic and self-  sacrificing victims of middle class men.  Woman is born to suffer and endure, man  to be in the world and do interesting  things. Woman is affective, warm, outer-  directed, man is self-motivated and self-  oriented.      ^Mwjgg?'  Hella takes the blame for her lover and  goes to prison for ten years, Solo Sunny  allows a scorned rival to replace her in  the music group,, and Nina, too, is rejected for a younger, childless version  of herself.  Socialist realism as shown here is not the  answer for women striving to improve themselves . Apart from the friendships with  women, there is little collective reciprocity and communal life or division of  labour in the form of sharing tasks and  exchanging roles. These films from East  Germany illustrate why socialism does not  automatically liberate women's sexuality  from assigned roles, why traditional love  remains the trap it always was.  'Something About Amelia' upholds myths  hv Kato Khiro ^-* ■■•■■ +*  by Kate Shire  This ABC made-for-TV movie aired on  January 9/84 argues some of society's  virulent incest stereotypes. The myth of  the provocative victim disappears: Amelia  is only thirteen when she discloses the  two years of assault she had been subjected  to, and she is not conventionally attractive, promiscuous, or flirtatious. Amelia  is physically pre-adolescent. Her assailant is her father instead of a stranger  or Uncle Bob; it's the guy who taught her  football and bowling, who sang her lullabies when she was an infant. The character  Steven is a highly respected professional  man.  But beyond this, the patriarchy gains  ground with 'Amelia'* Not once is it mentioned that she has been raped. She has  been 'touched' yes, has had 'intercourse',  but never is incest explicitly presented  as a violent crime, one perpetrated 90%  of the time by the male gender against  female youngsters.  Offending fathers must have been among  the viewing audience of this movie. I  imagined them breathing repetitive sighs  as the drama unfoldeda "I do 'IT'. You  know, to show her my love. I'm no rapist.  I won't go to jail."  This movie potentially manipulates us.  When Amelia discloses her father's secret  we are to marvel at an impossibly effective guidance counsellor rather than realizing that Amelia's quick trust in the  woman is inconceivable. When the counsels  lor then advises Amelia's mother, we are  asked to believe that a heretofore em-  pathic, if understandably harried mother  (who has already been concerned by her  husband's visible, heavy-handed behaviours towards Amelia) would react puni-  tively. I suggest that most mothers in  Gail's position, shocked though they must  be, would find relief in knowing. Here,  at last, lies exposed the root of household trauma.  Our credibility must stretch still  further as it is implied that the mother's  disbelief leads automatically to child  non-protection, wherein the juvenile  authorities must be called upon to detain  Amelia. Of course, it is rightly the  justice system's responsibility to protect a rape victim, and to do so by incarcerating the offender. Were Gail portrayed realistically and were Steven in  jail rather than released simultaneously  with his arrest, on his own recognizance,  mother and child would not have had to  face damaging estrangement. Yet in Something About Amelia  the involved professionals smell like holy water. Mother  Gail, on the other hand...  Who is/are the victims and who the criminals? We are reminded of the article  run the same day in the Vancouver Province  newspaper in which a young female 9  California incest survivor was sentenced  and spent nine days in solitary confinement after refusing to testify against  her stepfather.  At the police station Amelia sits alone,  for hours, in a dark, dingy detention  room until her placement can be arranged  at a crisis shelter. Fortunately Super-  Social Worker arrives to wing her away  while we are ostensibly left to agree  that she has been saved not only from her  father, but from her mother.  At best incest in this movie is portrayed  as a family's rather than a father's  problem. Amelia's(mother plays her pat-  riafchally-alloted role well, crudely  coming to believe and blame her daughter.  In the end she faults herself. What did  she do? What didn't she do? Incest, as  continued on next page ARTS  Amelia continued from p. 18  with many other societal issues, insures  that women, whether mothers or victims,  end up on the scapegoated end of the  stick. The movie sanctifies Motherhood  Rule #1: Mom is always wrong. We even  empathize with Steven when Gail rails  angrily at him. He's sorry, Gail, c'mon.  To avoid prosecution and jail Amelia's  father chooses to attend family counselling.  The therapist pregnantly pauses before  explaining that a deleterious family dynamic creates incest and that offenders  do not crave sex per se with their child  ren but an otherwise absent warmth, compassion and intimacy. We all have incestuous thoughts, he tells Gail matter-of-  factly. Those who act on them do so because of an irresistable impulse, uncontrollably, he adds. "I'm jealous of  her, God help me," Gail sobs.  In another scene Steven tells his therapist that his wife demasculated him via  paid employment, inefficiency in the  marital bed and assertiveness. We see him  as a terribly misunderstood fella. After  all, while Gail and Amelia continue  distraught and depressed through therapy,  family counselling works splendidly for  Steven who, with nary a tear, is able to  March'84 Kinesis' 19  admit to Amelia that 'IT' was his responsibility. Eventually, he says, he intends  a family reconciliation.  Father did it. But we might have guessed  who made him do it. The message burns:  if you become a mother, stay away from  feminism. Learn your role. Succeed in it.  Or else the price you pay will be incest.  Toss this celluloid, filmmakers. Listen .  to the women's movement. Listen to the  mothers. After all, each of them has  8,736 hours of experience per year per  child. Listen still harder to the victims.  Then try again. Only next time ease off  of the not so subtle misogyny.  Play challenges the Church  by Helene Rosenthal  What price a Catholic education? Whatever  your experience or ideas on the subject,  Christopher Durang 'answers it all for you'  in a satirically devastating, funny and  fast-paced black comedy that nearly succumbs  to self-indulgent bitterness as it moves  towards its denouement, but manages to be  entertaining and instructive nevertheless.  In the current production of Sister Mary  Ignatius Explains it All for You,  success  is largely due to the sheer personality  force of Sister Mary as played by veteran  Canadian stage, radio and television actor,  Betty Phillips. She is ably backed up by  a convincing cast.  This entertainment is upstaged by the marching on stage of a human-legged camel bear-  Sister Mary Ignatius Explains it All for  You, by Christopher Durang, at City Stage  until March 31, 1984.  Energetic, self-satisfied, hypocritical  and sadistic, an intolerant tool of the  Church who epitomizes its worst excesses,  Sister Mary is fascinating as an authority  figure whose self-love is so wedded to  Church dogma in its claim of God-given infallibility that she cannot acknowledge  people's reality, much less feel for them.  Her own sexuality denied, deploring the  sexuality of the laity as a distasteful  but necessary evil in the service of procreation, she stands for Mother Church herself, a construct of men in which a male  hierarchical structure dictates spirituality, morality and ethics in the name of  Jesus Christ. Sister Mary shows us how  she bows her head every time she speaks  her Lord's name.  The slight plot centres around the nun  and her puppet - a seven year old pupil  (the age of reason, she explains; the  child is now considered responsible for  his choices) faultlessly played by eleven  year old actor Bobby Loft. Thomas has  mastered catechism to perfection, as is  demonstrated, each time winning Sister's  approval in the form of coins with which  he is paid off. (The only time she shows  physical affection is when she sits him  on her lap and asks him if he doesn't want  to keep his pretty soprano voice. She has  just been telling us about the beautiful  voices of the castrati  in former times. A  small price, she muses, as we see the plan  taking shape in her mind.) But I'm getting  ahead of myself.  The play opens with Sister Mary teaching  us the basics.of Christian dogma. She  dwells with pleasure on Purgatory. She uncovers a poster showing a baby in diapers  behind bars, i.e. "in limbo", explaining  the fate of unbaptized babies who died  before the 20th Ecumenical Council in 1958  changed the rules. She answers question  cards presumably collected from us, adds  commentary and tells anecdotes about her  family background, all with hilarious  effect. For example, out of 25 children in  her family, 20 joined the church; the rest  were institutionalized, including the  mother.  ing the Virgin Mary accompanied by Joseph.  The entourage introduces itself to the  Sister (who has fallen on her knees in  fear) as a group of her former students  - class of '59. They are here at her invitation, says the spokeswoman - the Virgin  (played by Sharon Timmins), to put on a  pageant. Although puzzled by this, the  Sister agrees and she and Thomas sit down  to watch. What ensues is a lively, ingenuous interpretation of the Nativity story  to which is added that of the Crucifixion  and Resurrection. More of this in a moment.  Sister Mary congratulates the players and  in the process of re-acquainting herself  with them receives one shock after another.  Diane, who played the Virgin, has had two  abortions. Philomena (Lory Dungey) is an  unwed mother who doesn't know who the father was. Gary (Rick Stojan), still a practising "good" Catholic, is a homosexual  who was first seduced at the seminary. And  Aloysius (Hamish Mcintosh), a conventional  husband and father, is alcoholic, beats  his wife and has thoughts of suicide. His  sins the Sister dismisses as merely venial;  her denunciations are for those who have  committed the ones she finds unforgivable.  Diane she "likes the least," Gary fills  her with disgust, Philomena with contempt.  How could her pupils turn out this way, and  why did they come here today? They confront  her; because we never liked you (no, no,  she insists, I was beloved). "We thought  you were a bully," says Aloysius who now  has bladder problems because she would  never let him go to the bathroom, choosing  to ignore his frantically waving hand until he humiliated himself by wetting his  pants. Sister gets so angry she hits him.  She has struck students before. They remember.  Diane, who had been the smartest in her  class, is her chief accuser; she had believed her mentor, which is why she now  hates her, seeing her as having sold them  all a bill of goods. While her mother was  slowly dying of cancer, Diane prayed and  prayed for a quick end to her mother's  suffering, to no avail. In anguish on the  day of her death, coming home, Diane was  raped and cut^up. This was the reason for  the first abortion. Then her psychiatrist  seduced her, resulting in the second. The  randomness in all this undeserved suffering is what unhinges Diane. Sister Mary,  who had been silent throughout the long recitation, impassive, now says "You must be  making this up!" Diane cannot take more;  "Last night I killed my psychiatrist and  now I'm going to kill you," she says, pulling a gun.  No need to divulge the surprises that come  next. Suffice it to say the play climaxes  in a spate of violent acts and ends with a  horrifying image. Although Durang is getting the revenge he clearly craves, he  warns us that the evil portrayed still has  the upper hand wherever, it has the children. This is his message.  Let me return to the play-within-the-play,  for a moment, to show how he makes use of  it to symbolize his thesis. The Nativity  players, with their obliging camel, carry  off the pageant with dash and an unceremonious child-like innocence that gives it  freshness despite its strong hint of burlesque. The crucifixion scene, though, is  a shocker. For it is the infant Jesus we've  just seen insouciantly tossed from the  manger into his mother's lap - a discon- .  certingly realistic baby doll - who is  nailed to the cross. Durang is not playing  here. He is using the stage as pulpit..  He is also being political. The ending  implies that children who, through fear of  being punished by everlasting hellfire,  have been successfully programmed to do the  bidding of their mentors may well turn into  the kind of adults who obey dictators unhesitatingly; who - as in the Inquisition  and witch hunts - will torture impassively  and kill without conscience, having given  it over to Authority. Or, former believers  like Diane, may simply go mad with doubt  and disillusionment. Either way they are  victims; they are destroyers.  What about the artistic merits of the play?  Can we ignore a formal difficulty such as  the author's loss of objectivity in the  overlong focus on Diane's wrenching tale?  Can we come to terms with the ending, a  climax from which all the deliciously wicked humour has been withdrawn leaving only  the bitter pill? What mades one uncomfortable about all this is that we feel the  hurt of the self-exposed child whose trust  was betrayed, who is now crying out for  revenge, whereas, the thrust of the play  is that we should feel adult anger, be  moved to take social action.  The women with whom I attended the performance (women raised as Catholics), found  much of it "too real for comfort," and consequently not amusing. They felt it was  confused in structure. Black comedy, of  course, is meant to disturb. I am inclined,  myself, to link Durang with those Catholic  worker-priests and nuns who defy the Church  or risk its censure to actively support  the oppressed in countries where Church  and State conspire to keep the people in  ignorance, poverty and powerlessness. Go  see the play, if you haven't already. Whatever its faults, it has fun, and best of  all, it has substance. 20 Kinesis March '84  ARTS  by Ann Bemrose  Until 1975 much of children's theatre in  Canada consisted of adaptations of fairy  tales, often presented in a very condescending manner. Jane Howard Baker and  Dennis Foon believed there was a great  void in children's theatre: it was not  revealing truths about children's lives,  and children were not being challenged by  the theatre they experienced. Baker and  Foon formed Green Thumb Theatre for Young  People  to fill that void.  Children face challenges every day, watch  television, and read newspapers. Their concerns are basically the same concerns  faced by adults: fear of nuclear war, of  sexual abuse, of being different from  their peers. Baker and Foon thought that  because children were being denied their  own realities, since their life experiences and struggles were not reflected in  the materials they read or the art they  saw, they were not being given adequate  tools to cope with the problems they face  every day. Green Thumb Theatre for Young  People  strives to provide children with  those tools, so they can cope more effectively and realistically in an increasingly  complex world.  Patricia LaNauze, publicity co-ordinator  for Green Thumb, Says that recognition of  children's concerns does not mean that art  for kids has to be heavy. "Green Thumb  does not strive to be Theatre with a capital T; we want to have as fresh an approach  as possible, with humour; we approach life  and explain problems with humour."  Green Thumb is specifically designed to go  into the schools; instead of the audience  going to the theatre, the theatre goes to  the audience. Not only was there no theatre space available when Green Thumb  organized, but they realized that it's a  lot easier to get kids into the school  auditorium than to organize buses to go  and see the show. Going into the schools  also allows for a greater range of audience, ages, as well as making it possible  for more children to see the plays.  But funding cuts to school budgets has hit  Green Thumb hard. Children's theatre is  seen as a disposable luxury. Half the  company's budget comes from the schools  where performances take place; the other  half comes from municipal, provincial and  federal grants. Not only is Green Thumb  providing a unique and vital service with  the productions' subjects, but, LaNauze  says, "Green Thumb is creating an audience for the future. If those kids are  knocked out by a Green Thumb play, by  getting to talk to the actors, see how  things are done, see the primary relationship between social issues and art, when  they grow up maybe they'll go to the  theatre. Maybe they'll write for the theatre, or be in the theatre."  Green Thumb is always concerned about how  to present an issue, and how the schools^  administrations and faculties will respond  to the issues they bring to the stage.  One Thousand Cranes,  a play about nuclear  war (Kinesis  Dec/Jan,84) is a prime example. "Teachers were very leery about  having someone come in and deal with the  nuclear issue," LaNauze said. "They didn't  want someone to come in and just show one  side of the argument; they were worried  about the very political nature of nuclear  war. But at the same time, kids are obviously affected by that threat these  days. We went to teachers and asked,  'The Bittersweet Kid'  Green Thumb Theatre  Staging children's lives  'What if we were to do a show about nuclear war-what are the concerns you want  covered?'"  "A play like One Thousand Cranes",  she  said "is designed to promote discussion  with the families of the children who see  the play, and with the teachers - discussion outside the performance. Not all the  emotions and thoughts a show might raise  for the kids can possibly be answered by  the show itself. But we believe that if  it gets families talking about it, if it  gets kids talking about it and coming to  Green Thumb does not  strive to be theatre with  a capital T. We want to  have as fresh an  approach as possible;  we approach life and  explain problems with  humour.   their own conclusions, then that's a job  well done."  A few years ago, Green Thumb worked with  school boards .to develop Feeling Yes,  Feeling No: A Sexual Abuse Prevention  Program.   The program was designed to work  with the people and structures already in  place in the public schools, social workers, school nurses, teachers and parent  figures, so that everyone likely to come  in contact with sexually abused children  would have an understanding of the problem and would know what to do about it.  LaNauze says that "the whole point of the  sexual abuse prevention program is to  make kids aware of two basic things.  First, that 'my body is nobody's body  but mine,' which is also the theme song  for the show, and what the difference  between a 'yes' feeling and a 'no' feeling is - like between a hug and a questionable pat on the bottom. The second  important thing is that if they feel a  'no' feeling, that they can go to an  adult figure and it will be dealt with;  they don't have to' carry that 'no' feeling alone. We worked closely with the  schools to make sure that everyone knew  what kids don't like about this, to make  sure that kids would be believed immediately."  But Feeling Yes, Feeling No  is no longer  in the schools, except in the kindergartens, and this only because of the  support and participation of the Junior  League of Vancouver. Green Thumb has been  training Junior League volunteers to take  over the program and take it into the  kindergartens. In a few weeks, Green Thumb  actors are going into rehearsal to produce  a film version of Feeling Yes,  Feeling No,  so that the cost of having a live performance will no longer prevent schools from  participating in the sexual abuse prevention program. The film will also make the  program far more accessible to much larger  numbers of children than ever before.  In early February, I saw one of the first  performances of Green Thumb's latest play,  Peggy Thompson's The Bittersweet Kid.  This  is a play about an eleven year-old girl  who finds out she has diabetes a week before Halloween. Not only does the play  discuss how she learns to deal with diabetes, but it also puts her illness in a 'ñ†  realistic context: Shannon's single parent  father is laid off from his job and concerned about the expense for needles,  insulin and blood testing equipment, and  her best friend Josie is worried about what,  being diabetic means in terms of whether  Shannon can "act normal". The Bittersweet  Kid was made possible by a grant from the  B.C. Division of the Canadian Diabetes  Association. It is both informative and  entertaining, and truly fulfills the objectives of this fine and responsible  theatre company. March'84 Kinesis 21  ARTS  Writer tackles global issues  by Pamela Harris  In her latest play, Foreign Territory,  Vancouver playwright Jackie Crossland gives  us a humorous and thought-provoking encounter between two women and their developing  consciousness of the world around them.  Their struggle to come to terms with the  growing disintegration and confusion of a  world out of control, the choices they face  and the responsibility for action which  they take speaks directly to those of us  who are struggling for personal and global  survival in 1984.  It is rare to find two such complex, independent and successful women who are also  vulnerable to an alienating world, in contemporary theatre.  . Canadian Premiere of Foreign Territory,  March 1 - 4, at ' Theatrespace',, Vancouver's  new alternative theatre company, 310 Water  Street,  Info:  681—818.  Jackie Crossland is a Vancouver playwright  who in the '7.0's could make her livine bv  writing. Today she administrates a project  for adolescents in downtown Vancouver  and manages in spare moments to write,  workshop, and mount a small, low-budget  production of her new play, with dedicated  assistance from actress Pearl Hunt, director Richard Newman, and designer/visual  artist Polly Bak.  In the '80's few established theatres  will take the financial risk of producing  an original script but Joanna Maratta,  manager of "Theatrespace" is risking a  production of Foreign Territory,  March 1-4.  At the opening of the play Emma, an eccentric, ivory tower scientist, is about to  receive a major scientific award for an  electronic flying warrior (android) which  devises programmes to blind enemy naval  and air forces. Margaret and Frederick  (her husband) sell the products of her  labour to both sides as offensive weaponry.  But they also provide Emma with equipment  and a place to carry out her experiments.  Margaret is the business administrator,  a "liberal-minded" diplomat who covers the  tracks of Frederick and Emma.  By assisting Frederick (who we never see  in the play) to sell Emma's wares, Margaret maintains respectability and a comfortable lifestyle, without risking her "liberal" ideals. She seeks order and practicali-  ity even In the buying and selling of war  machinery. Each character in this cosy  triumvirate hides behind the other, and  ultimately from the truth. But no one in  the play is innocent.  Margaret's perfect world is crumbling into  chaos. Emma begins to question her role as  a scientist and her responsibility for  making certain choices. They are both losing control in the situation.  These women are not together by choice,  they have nothing in common, and in fact  they don't particularly like one another.  But the situation demands they develop a  personal understanding. Fear, jealousy,  irony, laughter, loneliness, sadness and  changing levels of awareness are shared  with the audience as these dynamic women  journey through a 'foreign territory' of  world hostilities and destruction.  The play is a powerful statement attacking  both the arms build-up and the "liberal"  attitude of negotiation. Negotiations and  diplomacy only buy time for additional  military build-up and heightened aggressive  principles..As Emma retorts to Margaret,  "If I end up dead, what will their motives  matter to me..."  The design elements in this production by  local visual artist Polly Bak express the  idea of the women's gained perceptions and  changing consciousness. In the play this  happens visually through a gradual loss of  the trappings and possessions of their  physical world. The first scene is in bold  colours, which diminishes to brown and to  ivory in the last scene when all possessions are gone; with the past behind them,  the ivory set gives the illusion of starting afresh.  The two women are blocked in by the geo  metric lines of the set. The lines define  their world when outside all is randomness  and confusion. In the end the women walk  away from the set, leaving the restrictions  and confines- of the lines behind them.  They now pay attention to one another and  attempt to make contact with another human  being (offstage).  The play in writing and design (literally  and visually) tries to maintain a balanced  world-view and a balance between static  forms and three-dimensional reality.  FRUBY  MUSIC  by Connie Smith «   ' .v-/ >—' • ||||  When Aretha Franklin was born, the United  States was extremely segregated, and the  country had just entered World War Two.  Back in New York, a 27-year old Billie  Holliday was singing to white soldiers  she was not allowed to talk to, black  music was considered sepia or race music  and Mahilia Jackson was 31 and travelling  the country singing gospel. Ma Rainey had  been dead for three years, and Bessie I  Smith had been dead for five.  Aretha was born into a gospel circuit  family in Memphis, but she grew up in  Detroit. Her father was the very popular  Reverend C.L. Franklin—preacher and singer. Very little is known about Aretha's  mother, except that she was Mahilia Jackson's favourite singer. For reasons known  only to the family, she left when Aretha  was six, and died four years later. Two  years after her mother's departure, Aretha  taught herself the piano with some help  from James Cleveland. She and her sisters,  Erma and Carolyn, were inspired to sing  by Clara Ward.  Aretha soloed in her father's church when  she was just 12, and by the time she was  14, Aretha was travelling constantly in  her father's road show as the main attraction.  There were no benefits for a teenage gospel singer and Aretha spent four very hard  years on the road with her father's caravan. Although her father flew to each engagement, Aretha*and her sisters travelled  at the back of the bus or by car. Sometimes they'd drive 10 hours a day to make  a performance and often there was no place  for them to sleep or eat along the way.  Most places would not cater to blacks.  While on the road, Aretha married her manager, Ted White, and before she was out  of her teens, she had three children to  care for.  When Aretha was 19, she went to New York  to cut her first demo. She was brought to  the attention of John Hammond at Columbia  Records who had previously worked with  Bessie Smith and Billie Holliday. Although  Hammond was hopeful, Columbia had other  ideas. They signed Aretha to a contract  and then spent the next five years trying  to turn her into a pop singer. Her first  album was called The Tender, Moving, and  Swinging Aretha Franklin.  But Aretha didn't turn out to be the  snappy negress Columbia Records had hoped  for. She lacked the conventional supper  club beauty that white people wanted in a  black singer, and she was often overweight  Toward the end of her term at Columbia,  they let up on her a bit, and in her later  recordings her original sound began to  re-surface.  When Aretha was 24, she walked out on  Columbia and into Jerry Wexler at Atlantic.  Atlantic promised her the artistic freedom she craved. Aretha recorded a single  for them, "I've Never Loved a Man, the  Way I've Loved You", and it sold a quarter  of a million copies in two weeks. Within  five days of that hit, she recorded an  album.  Aretha swept the Grammy awards and then  proceeded to outsell every other female  artist in history. She began arranging  her songs, playing the piano on her recordings and writing more material. She  sangi openly about her feelings—including  her sexual ones—and she was getting away  with it. She urged the women in her  audience to do the same.  But her private life was becoming a series  of headlines. She had.problems with alcohol, she cancelled performances, and  there was violence in her home. Aretha  did her best to stop the press from having  a field day with her personal life, but  she continued to reveal herself in her  lyrics.  Next issue: Part Two.  The civil rights  movement, Aretha's retreat,  her comeback,   .  and her recent lawsuit. '•?& .'?*"<■ 22 Kinesis March'84  Artemis Hates Romance  by Sharon Thesen.  59 pages. Coach House Press: Toronto,  1980.  Sharon Thesen's poetry has a well-established feeling about it. And do it should. As  an instructor at Capilano College (in  North Vancouver, B.C.) and poetry editor  for "The Capilano Review", Thesen lives  and works with words. Her language has a  feel of ease and solidity, as if from long  and constant use. So comfortable is she  with words that she experiments, uses one  form, then another. She writes series of  poems like "Parts of Speech" made up of  poems with titles like "The" and "Person  place or thing". She makes puns in titles,  like "Po-it-tree". And, as the shape changes  by Deb Thomas  The  Small Press Poetry Review is a regular  feature of the  Kinesis arts section.  It  will appear- quarterly.  Releasing The Spirit by Mona Fertig. 22pg.  Colophon Books:,Vancouver, 1982)  ,1am ashamed to admit that, although Mona  Fertig has.been a B.C. poet of some note  for a number of years, this is the first  time I've read her work. I remember hearing her read a few years ago at the college,  in Nelson, B.C., with Cathy Ford; she  chanted her poems rather than read them.  The poems in Releasing The Spirit  are  meant to be chanted. They are, at their,  best, rhythmic sound poems, more intended  for the ear than the eye.  "Ground Humm" is a good example of this:  and there I was  poor and hungry  and dreaming dreams  tasting salt  my toes in the earth  floating like a cup  in the belly of some dark  and next to me...  And so on, each line feeds into the next,  hardly a breath from the first word to the  last.  "Child in the Dark" is a slightly different style. Each sentence has a breath at  the end of it but the breaths do not correspond to the line breaks. It is a well-  written, tight poem about the night fears  of a child. It has one fault. In the midst  of beautiful lines like: "And small sparks  of light I looked for/to break their  shadow backs..." is a potentially good  line with three too many words in it:  "And there was fear the size of caves under  my bed in the basement..." Those three  words "in the basement", which bre"ak the  rhythm for me and mar the line, seem only  to be there out of a need for historical  accuracy, an unnecessary obsession for a  poet.   . ^t^" \j  "Dandelion Wine" is a fun poem about "two  fertile kids" in the basement among the  stored wine, fruit, and nuts with some  racy lines and a nice, though expected,  metaphor around seeds. It is one of Fertig 's good poems, but not one of her best.  There are others in the collection without  the graces of these three. In these, Fertig' s strange little images are obscure  rather than interesting and the language  is sometimes over-worked. The pace becomes  flat rather than rhythmic. For example,  "Basement Gardener" ends with one of those  deliberate kind of lines that stand out  badly: " When/she waters them. She  . thinks of you."  I enjoyed the collection as a whole. It's  short enough (only 18 pages) to read  quickly and easily. In nearly every poem,  there are a few beautifully written lines  to delight the reader and a few of the  poems are tight and well-crafted from  start to finish.  around them, the words sit there, relaxed  in any environment.  It's rare to find this element of ease in  a young poet. This is not to say that I  liked all of her poems, but I did respect  them and the work that went into them.  "Po-it-tree", for example, is the kind of  poem that makes grammarians cringe but has  a delightful, almost reggae, rhythm in it:  It live under the stars.  It be handsome man.  It gather the bay leaf  for a crown  It dance at the wedding party  up and down  Another side of Thesen can be found in  the simple, honest "It being over, there  being no other way". She concludes a segment describing a rainy Wednesday night,  writing poetry with cello music in the  background, her mind drifted to painting  the bookcase green and leaving the brush,  forgotten, in a Mason jar:  Sing Om as ■you take the sausage rolls  • out of the oven./The Gap is real & there  is no such thing as/female intelligence.  We're dumber than hell.  Taken quite literally, this last verse of  the poem is insulting and defeatist. In  the context of the poem, however, it is a  cry of rage at intelligent women (the poet  includes herself) who cannot, ultimately,  make a difference in the world or even  in their own lives; women who write poetry  and doctoral theses and still cook dinner  at night for the family and clean the house.  It is one of her more powerful poems, intensely personal with a germ of universal  female angst.  The title poem of the collection is an  exercise on three themes - Artemis, the  moon, and romantic love - and how they are  related. She begins the poem painting  Artemis as the cold-hearted huntress:  Artemis eats love for supper  her & her hounds  the reckless lover:  For fun she swings  on a rope from a tree.  Watches the moon go in & out of her  vision that makes small things smaller  & big things absurd,  like love. ...  and ends with another suggestion of the  contradictions of womanhood, images of  fertility:  Moon  ovoid shape, egg  or moon  curving out  Thesen is, despite her "Mean drunk" denial,  an intelligent writer. I enjoyed being  asked to reach to understand her message,  to follow her tongue-in-cheek. I didn't  have to enjoy all of her poems. In the end,  it was apparent that respect was more  important than mere liking. This is a substantial and skillful work.  wet green flakes will refuse to  leave the bristles & the whole  damn thing, jar & all, will  wind up in the garbage  after all.  Just like you, my darling.  Better watch out for ladies like me  with lots of books and little patience.  She has the gift of converting the ordinary environment into a vehicle for expressing the emotion of the poem, without  demeaning either. The poem succeeds but  for the ending:  This is a requiem, believe it or not,  Why else would I be listening .  to that cello & writing  sentimental poems  on a rainy, terrified WSMis-''*  night in March  It is too predictable. And the word "terrified" in the second to the last line,  glares. It is too powerful for the commonplace tone she has set.  In other poems, like "Kirk Lonegren's Home  Movie/Taking Place Just North/of Prince  George with Sound" and "Mean Drunk Poem",  she treads a fine line between prose and  poetry.  "Mean Drunk Poem" expresses a common theme  in Thesen's poetry of cynicism and frusta-  tion with the female lot.  ...She always has the feeling she is  translating into/Broken english. Language-  all her life is second language,/the  first is mute and exists...  The poem ends with:  Matinee Light.  By Diana Hartog. 73 pages.  Coach House Press: Toronto, 1983.  Diane Hartog is a local West Kootenay, B.C.  poet whom I have heard read-on several  occasions. She is a reader with personal  power and poems which well suit her sardonic reading style. The poems on paper,  unenlivened by her rich voice, were a  little flat at first.  Halfway into the collection, however, they  began to take on their own life. Hartog's  perceptions of human nature are astute,  intelligent and, delightfully sympathetic  to the human condition.  Not all the poems are brilliant.  Some,  like "The Common Man", are not successful.  Others, however, like "The Man Who Loved  Ordinary Ordinary Objects", glow on the  page, perfect in perception and execution.  The bulk of the poems are good, capable,  interesting, and often (as in "You Know  What Turns Me On") bring a smile of recognition.  That particular talent of helping you to  remember yourself, your own experiences  and feelings, is often crucial to poetry;  it is indespensable to the sort of poetry  Hartog writes:  though he saves arguments,  cupping them  on his palm  the way someone else might display a rare  butterfly - Oh  it had hurt: his moan of despair  and how she went to him,  dropping her  cruelty  like a basket of clothes.  -"The Man Who Loved  Ordinary Objects"  (Review copies of small press poetry by  women can be sent directly to Deb Thomas,  R.R. #2, Bedford Road, Nelson, B.C.  V1L 5P5.) ARTS  by Joan Meister  When I read Voices from the Shadows:  Women  with Disabilities Speak Out by Gwyneth  Ferguson Matthews, my first thought was,  well finally  someone has written it all  down. This sentiment is reflected more  precisely in the 'Introduction': "What  makes this book important is its attempt  to provide Canadian readers with a personal  perspective on the lives of disabled women  in Canada."  ' VOICES FROM THE SHADOWS:  WOMEN WITH  DISABILITIES SPEAK OUT.  By Gwyneth Ferguson Matthews.  After hearing the shock, .outrage and anger  expressed by some able-bodied readers, I  realized that I might not be the best person to review this book. I've 'done some  time' in a rehabilitation centre and was  prepared for the level of anger, frustration and fear that are expressed here.  Most of you will not be prepared.  Matthews, a disabled woman and a freelance  writer living in Nova Scotia, interviewed  45 women in that province. The book is divided into chapters which are generally  thematic, and concludes with a "Resource  Guide" which includes a Bibliography and a  list of Canadian Self-Help and .Advocacy  Groups. The women who speak out are variously disabled and represent a diversity  of ages. Some have been disabled since  birth and some have become disabled later  in life through accident or illness. (If  there is any criticism to be made of this  sampling, it's that you don't get to feel  that you really know any of them.)  Matthews' narrative first provides us with  an intimate perspective on her own experiences with spinal meningitis, a disease  which has rendered her a paraplegic without  the use of her legs and with chronic pain.  At the age of 17, she began dealing with  the adjustments required of her by her  disability; such things as her developing  sexuality, the indignities of institutionalization, and a reconstructed self-image.  Two years later, she was able to say, "That  afternoon, I caught hold of the beginning  of adjustment: of the ability to accept  myslef and my life...For the first time, I  felt almost complete. At peace."  In this first chapter, Matthews establishes  her credentials as a woman who's been there,  as someone who later in her. life has the  right, sensitivity and expertise to ask  the intimate and painful questions that  she raises, with other disabled women in  the succeeding chapters.  And the disabled women speak out with candor, dealing with issues both practical  and personal. They discuss education and  the difficulty that many women (especially  those disabled from birth) have in acquiring it, due to segregation and lack of  accessibility. They deal with accessibility  in general and the need for alternatives  to stairs, narrow washroom doors and lack  of transportation. "We all know that we're  going to have difficulty getting around,  so with resigned sighs and a few well-  chosen curses, we accept the fact. Reluctantly ."  An experience which many able-bodied women  are already intimately familiar with is  summarized in the following statement: "On  the job, we frequently respond to forcing ourselves to be twice  as good as everyone else."  They describe their aversion to the kind  of language and attitudes that label a  person a "victim", "case", "patient" or  "cripple". One woman says, "I like the  definitions in the United Nations book,  Obstacles.   First there's 'impairment',  which is the actual physical disability.  I had polio, and the impairment is the  damage to nerves in my spinal column.  'Disability' is the effect of the impairment; for me,. I can't use certain muscles.  A 'handicap' is an obstacle that prevents  you from doing what you want to do. When  I come to a flight of stairs, they  are  the handicap." Attitudes, behavior and  insensitivity on the part of the medical  profession are criticized with particular  reference to the lack of counselling and  support around childbearing and sexuality.  Perhaps the most disturbing sections are  those on loneliness and extended care fa-,  cilities. On flagging friendships, Matthews  remarks, "They're not careless, just  thoughtless. If they're going to be pals  with me, they're going t6 have to realize  it's not easy.for me to get to them..."  One shudders to think how it goes for those  women, in extended care facilities. The  chapter dealing with this issue points  out the lack of privacy ("no one ever  knocked, or closed doors"), space, adequate  nursing care anc nutritional or apoetizing  Matthews, a disabled  woman and free-lance  writer from Nova Scotia, spoke with forty-  five disabled women  from that province.  Their stories are the basis of her new book|  'Voices from  Shadows.'  food. The disproportionately smaller number  of young peopel are mixed with older, often  senile inmates.  lie ambience generally  leaves something to be desired.  The treatment of sexuality is candid and  refreshing. One woman comes right out with  it, "I'd die if my bladder gave out and I  peed on him!" and Matthews' bottom line on  this one is the development of a vigorous  sense of the ridiculous with the right  partner. However, another woman voices a  common refrain, "But there aren't many.  Not enough to go around." An astonishing  discovery that Matthews makes is that only  20 of the women interviewed had received  sexual counselling. Not surprisingly,  Matthews concludes that disabled women  generally have a low self-image.  Matthews' analysis in "Nickels and Dimes"  is less critical than I expected. She makes  all .the points but doesn't draw enough conclusions. In B.C., we've been experiencirig  the fallout from the Socred budget bomb and  it has hit the disabled especially hard.  If the federal Progressive Conservatives  get in and adopt the Socred approach to  continued on p. 24 '  Women  at Work!  by Janet Kask  When director Anne Henderson set out to  make Attention: Women at Work!  - a recently  released NFB film about women in non-traditional jobs - she was determined to  speak directly to teenaged girls.  Attention: Women at Work!  Directed by Anne  Henderson. National Film.Board release.  "While researching the film I saw too many  career counselling films that 'talked down'  to young people," says Henderson, who also  interviewed 50 Montreal teenagers to "get  into their psyches" before embarking on a  cross-country search for the right working  women to feature in the 28-minute documen- '  tary.  The director's conviction that the film  should be "in the language of teenagers"  prompted her to choose nine "bright and  talkative" 15-year-old girls to provide  an ongoing discussion about their job  expectations and opportunities. Their discussion complements film profiles of four  successful women whose jobs' in the trades  and professions were once deemed suitable  "for men only".  The "stars" of the film are First Officer  Sue Aleock, a 23-year-old Coast Guard  search-and-re-jcue Hovercraft pilot, general  construction journeywomen Chryse Gibson  and Kate Braid and architect Elizabeth  Davidson. All four are devoted to their  work and the film sparkles with enthusiasm  and sound advice.  "You acquire a lot of confidence when you're  operating a machine you know is worth  millions of dollars," says Aleock. "There's  a new adventure every day, I know I'm  helping people, and I make a good salary  for my age." She likes being financially  independent.  Chryse Gibson describes the unique pleasure  of manual work and of knowing that "people  use what I build," and;.Kate Braid describes  her long journey through other "traditionally female" jobs before discovering that  carpentry was really what she wanted.  Davidson, married and mother of a young  daughter, pots great satisfaction when she  surveys the $20 million Ottawa construction  project she had a major role in planning.  Henderson feels it was essential for the  film to make the point that young girls  must plan for their entire lives. "Most  teenagers have a hard time visualizing  life after 30. They plan for those years,  when in fact the largest part of their  lives will be those after 30."  At pre-release screenings in four high-  schools Attention: Women at Work!  proved  to be a highly successful discussion starter.  "Kids just couldn't help leaping into the  fray when they saw the film," recalls  Henderson. "Also it's very important to  me that boys see the film too. They tend  to be most conservative in their, teenage  years."  Because the issues raised in the film  affect just about everyone - they range  from the importance of economic self-reliance to the value of freedom of choice in  work and lifestyle alike - the film's producers see it as a valuable "consciousness-  raising" aid in a wide range of educational  settings. |||$  Attention: Women at Work! is the first of  a planned series of films co-funded by the  NFB and the Federal Women's Film Program,  a unique coalition of federal government  departments and agencies formed a year ago  to promote a better understanding of women's perspectives. Call NFB: 666-1716. 24 Kinesis March'84  ARTS  Domestic workers break the silence  by Cy-Thea Sand       1111111   No housewife if£v,1^'3  is bourgeois any more than pets  are, owner away  from the streets and starvation.  -from "Listening To A Speech",  Marge Piercy  Makeda Silvera's collection of interviews  with Black domestic workers in Canada is  a powerful document in and of itself. But  because it addresses the issue of class  vis a vis women's relationships with each  other, its publication is of paramount  importance. Through her work organizing  domestic labourers in Toronto, Silvera met  with and gained the confidence of 10 women  from the Caribbean countries of Jamaica;  Trinidad, St. Vincent, Antigua, St. Lucia,  Guyana; all of whom work in Canada as domestics on temporary employment visas.  Silenced.   By Makeda Silvera. 132 pages.  Toronto. Williams-Wallace Publishers,  1983. %S9R  Nine of the women are Black, one is East  Indian and all come from poor or working  class backgrounds in their native countries. The women's stories are immediate,  often passionate and told in a conversational style which underlines the horror  of their circumstance:  One thing I don't like though, is that  I have to wash her nylons and her panties  and brassieres by hand...I remember she  told me that her panties are not like my  cloth ones and that this was not the  jungle, but civilized North America...  She also remind me of my age and told me  she could get a younger person to take  my job if I didn't want to wash her  panties and brassieres by hand.   These  things I grin and bear.  . -from "Noreen's Story"  Many of the employers described in Silenced  are women who work outside the home in  professional jobs. Some are businesswomen  or lawyers; others are agihg widows.  Because domestic work is both privatized  and gender-based, all of the domestics  were hired by the women of the households.  Husbands appear mainly as uninvolved,  absentee bosses. However, one woman is  raped by her employer's husband and another  husband encourages the sexual harassment  of his employee by his brother-in-law.  But it is the white middle-class women of  the households described in these stories  who arrange for the West Indian women to  come to Canada, and it is they who so  often abuse and humilate their employees.  I was astonished over and over again at  the insensitivity of the women who could  somehow ignore the humanity of their  domestic labourers. All of the women Silvera befriended came to Canada in hopes  of improving their education and/or to  work for better wages than they could get  back home. Nine of the 10 women support  children in their native countries and  the loneliness is described by Molly as  "almost like a crime. It makes you feel  so, so helpless, so vulnerable, so ashamed."  All 10 of the women in Silenced  tell of  female employers who demand long hours of  work, ignore the worker's right to days  off, pay less than the minimum required  by the Immigration Department and impede  their educational progress. A woman named  Primrose summarizes the essential message  Makeda Silvera  The workers described in this  book are not battling male  bosses. The enemy we witness is  composed of women getting a  bigger piece of the pie while  underpaid, overworked sisters  clean up after them.  of this disturbing book: "They don't care  about you, all they care about is the  work to be done. They don't care if you  are crawling on your knees as long as their  job is done."  In her introduction to Silenced,  Makeda  Silvera discusses the racial aspect of the  exploitation of domestic workers:  What is never talked about, or made clear  to many of these women is the widespread  prejudice they will come up against in  Shadows  continued from p. 23  social services, the disabled will be hit  hard on an even broader scale.  A newly disabled woman explains the dehumanizing process:  You suddenly go from being a very active,  worthwhile person to where you don't  feel very worthwhile. You're trying to  convince yourself, I'm still me, but then  they take everything they can from you,  knock you down in every way, and you  honestly  can't help yourself. You've got  enough problems without them making it  worse, for you.  Clearly what is required are more and  better social services, not fewer and worse.  This is an important book for both the able-  bodied and the disabled. For the disabled,  often living in isolation, it provides  affirmation and a sense of community. For  the able-bodied reader, Matthews has produced a work which will shed light on  those murky aspects of disabilities which  too long have been met with covert glances,  misconceptions, misinformation and false  assumptions.  Canada and the racism imbedded within a  system which thrives on the labour of  women of colour from Third World countries, women who are brought to Canada  to work virtually as legal slaves in the  homes of both wealthy and middle-class  Canadian families.  In the stories documented here many of the  women talk about the employer's children  who make fun of their colour or of employers who lack interest in the cultural  differences between Caribbean and Canadian  lives.  Many of the women complain of constant  hunger and lament being forbidden to  cook West Indian food. As most of these  women are forced to live in - without culinary privacy - food restrictions are  particularily cruel and a subtle but devastating denigration of. a woman's cultua-  al identity. In-her article on the difficulties in organizing domestic workers in  British Columbia (Kinesis,  Feb. '84),  Susan O'Donnell points out that many Phil-  lipino'domestics are well-educated. The  West Indian women in Silenced  are not,  yet both groups of women face insidious  racism in their struggle to survive.  What a,re we to make of this exploitation  of women of colour by white women? If the  housewife in Marge Piercy's poem is in an  economic position to hire a domestic, does  she not then become an agent of the bourgeoisie? The workers described in this  book are not battling male bosses, as in  Jennifer Penney's Hard Earned Wages  (The  Women's Press, 1983), or confronting a  faceless corporation with 'yes'-men mouth  pieces. The enemy we witness is composed  of women getting a bigger piece of the  pie while underpaid, overworked sisters  clean up after them. It is a diquieting  image and an indication of the limitations  of racial feminist theory. As Makeda Silvera states: "no amount of sisterhood can  erase the line between woman-as-mistress  and woman-as-servant."  I suspect that Makeda Silvera's working  class identity hastened the trust these  women had to conjure up to reveal their  lives to her. The fear of speaking out is  great. All the women use pseudonyms. All  live in terror of deportation before they  can qualify for landed immigrant status.  Hyacinth had to sneak out of her employer's  house to meet with Silvera. She has no  days off and can never get enough leisure  time to meet with friends. Silvera tells  us that the interview with Hyacinth took  months to complete and "was often times  very strenuous, reminding me of a spy  movie, since we had to meet at very odd  hours and in weird places."  The book is obviously a labour of love. It  took Silvera three years to complete,  money being short at times for such basic  material as tapes, paper and equipment. I  don't know who to admire more - the group  of women who dared to speak out, or the  one woman who laboured to bring it all  together into a cohesive, memorable whole.  Makeda Silvera was a member of the guest  collective for Fireweed 16,  the special  women of colour issue. She is presently  working with poet Dionne Brand on an anthology of fiction by Black women in  Canada. Her intelligence and integrity  are vitalizing to our feminist literary  community and Silenced bears witness to  this fact. Silenced not only.makes urgent  the need for radical changes in the federal government's policies applicable to  foreign domestic workers in Canada, it  challenges the women's movement to probe  deeper into the roots of women's solidarity - or lack of it. March'84 Kinesis 25  LETTERS  Reader shares  poetic thoughts  Kinesis:  I have read over your paper and enjoyed it  thoroughly. Also, I am impressed at the  tremendous amount of coverage this paper  has. And it's nice to know that I will be  receiving it on a regular basis. I have  enclosed a short verse for other women to  read:  I Promise  I, Woman-Mother take this life,  set before me, and promise  to live it, starting today,  to the fullest.  To love myself as I have loved  all others.  To give myself room to stretch  and space to grow.  I, Woman-Mother promise to be  patient, kind, and understanding  to every move I make -  no matter what direction I take.  To know that, as I grow,  so shall they around me  and they shall also  have the peace and understanding  that comes with love - in abundance.  I, Woman-Mother take this life  and promise to live it  to the fullest.  To grow and change with each  passing day  For ever and ever. Ahmen  Rose Baldry  Group needs  practitioner's input  Kinesis:  We are women who have PID; some of us have  had the disease for a few months, others  for many years. Our lives have been devastated by this serious and painful illness;  we've lost jobs, relationships, mobility,  and incomes. For some of us, PID resulted  from using IUDs and/or undergoing gynecological procedures in which instruments  were inserted into the uterus. For others,  PID resulted from a sexually transmitted  disease such as chlamydia.  Some of us have tried surgery. We've all  been given antibiotics at one time or  another. The results have varied: some  women have been made worse by treatments;  others have experienced improvement. We've  all been affected by sexist and arrogant  attitudes on the part of some practitioners we've consulted. We have had enough of  being treated like crazy, malingering,  immoral women. These beliefs about women  have endangered our health.  Although none of us have been cured, we've  learned a great deal about our disease,  about what helps and what doesn't. We want  this respected by health care practitioners  who will work with us to problem-solve  about what can be done for our health. We  don't expect any practitioner to have a  magic solution to the problem of PID. We  are well aware that there are no easy  answers.  From time to time some of us desperately  need antibiotics, ultrasound, blood tests,  referrals, authorization for homemaker  service to allow bedrest, and so on. Our  access to these services is in the hands  of doctors. We need doctors and other  practitioners because no matter how know-  ledgable we become about PID and about our  own health, we certainly require health-  related procedures that are not available  to us except through the medical profession. More positively, we would like to  participate, as equal partners, with health  care practitioners who will work with us  in a sensitive, creative, problem-solving  way.  We have gathered extensive information on  PID from other women and from medical  journals (in English, French, Italian and  Polish) on both acute and chronic PID. We  would be glad to share it.  We ask the health care community if there  is any practitioner in B.C. who has an  interest in learning more about PID, and  who will respect us and treat us as equals  in the health-seeking process. If interested, or for more information, please call  873"1564' Mary O'Brien  More facts on  Karen Silkwood  Kinesis:  Your arts report on Silkwood (Feb/84) was  somewhat disturbing because it seems that  the writer of the article was unaware of  evidence which answers the question 'Who  killed Karen Silkwood?', and therefore the  implications of the Silkwood case are much  more serious.  The facts that were mentioned in the film  include:  -that Karen knew there was plutonium missing,  -that Karen knew negatives were being  touched up so as to pass safety standards,  -that management was worried that Karen  knew too much,  -that Karen had reported the Company's  actions to the Union,  -that Karen had arranged to meet with a  reporter from the New York Times to expose  Kerr-McGee.  What the film did not mention was:  -that the jury found Karen did not contaminate herself, and that her contamination  was traced to a batch of plutonium that was  available only to Kerr-McGee management  personnel,  -that Karen was under intense surveillance  by company officials and City police,  Socialist  Studies  83  Etudes  Socialistes  A Canadian Annual  THEMES:  • Marxism and  the Eighties  • Socialism and  Feminism  • The State  • Energy and  Independence  Retail  Price  $15.95  CONTRIBUTORS:  LOUISE BLAIS  VARDA BURSTYN  BARBARA CAMERON  FRANK CUNNINGHAM  GERALDINE FINN  C.B. MACPHERSON  STANLEY RYERSON  JULIAN SHER  PAUL STEVENSON  JEAN-GUY VAILLANCOURT  MEL WATKINS  BERT YOUNG  Contact:  Society for Socialist Studies  471 University College, University of Manitoba  Winnipeg, Manitoba R3T 2M8  -that there was evidence obtained by a  private investigator that Karen's car was  pushed off the road by another vehicle,  -and evidence which proves that Karen was  carrying her documents when last seen that  night.  For more information on Karen's trial, the  national education campaign to help  theatre-goers understand the implications  of the trial, and the two lobby campaigns  aimed at getting Congress to solve the  major problems raised by the Silkwood case,  contact the Karen Silkwood Fund,c/o The  Christie Institute, 1325 N. Capitol Street,  Washington D.C., USA. 20002.  Cindy Shore  'Silkwood'O.K.  on working class  Kinesis:  I beg to differ with reviewer Kim Irving's  perception of the working class life in  Silkwood as overplayed (Feb/84). Smoke-  filled cafeterias, fast food and time  clocks are a part of many workers' lives.  "Bubblegum, wigs and red lipstick" are  more a matter of personal taste than class  but Irving judges them as props. She  accuses Karen of being naive for asking  the price of a flight meal; I thought the  question practical and true to my own  experience.  Silkwood  is a brilliant expose of the  nuclear power industry, and it presents  working class life honestly, fairly and  without self-consciousness. Part of my  satisfaction with the movie is in its  respectful, dignified treatment of working  class people in all our complexities,  strengths and weaknesses. Moreover, Silkwood gives us a rarity in movie-going: a  female hero.  Cy-Thea Sand  LESBIAN  INFORMATION LINE  Need Information?  Want to Talk?  Contact L.I.L. — (604) 734-1016  Thurs. & Sun. 7-10 p.m.  eoitmetiVe or write 1501 w- Broadway,  Vancouver  Womerie His-bry  British Columbia  Conference  April 27-28, IW  Camoeun CoWeqe  §25/$ \<5 (ekjdenis $ unemployed)  barbara La+ham  Camosun CoWeqe  3I00 loul Bau Road  ViGT-or/a, B.C V8P 4X8  592- /28/, Local 337 26 Kinesis March'84  BULLETIN BOARD  !  CLASSES  THE OVULATION METHOD OF BIRTH CONTROL is  being taught by the Vancouver Women's  Health Collective. We teach separate  classes for women wanting to use the  method to conceive. All classes include  materials and unlimited individual  follow-up. Fee is $20 for birth control  class per woman or couple, $10 for conception class, and is negotiable. Upcoming classes: March 6 & 13th, 9:30-lla.m.:  March 28 and April 4, 10-ll:30a.m.;  April 16 and 23, 7:30-9p.m. To register  phone Barbara at 253-6725(after 5p.m.),  Pat at 736-5043 or Carol-Anne at 874- I  2007.  A SELF-HELP AFTERNOON FOR WOMEN is being  presented by the Vancouver Women's Health  Collective on March 17, 1984, l-4p.m.  We will focus on vaginal and cervical  health, and will teach cervical self-  exam. We will also discuss vaginal infections, including some standard medical and alternative treatments, Pap  tests, etc. For more info, to pre-register or if you need childcare, phone the  Health Collective at 736-6696.  EVENTS  U. VIC'S WOMEN'S CENTRE CELEBRATES IWD  with a three-day film festival, March  6-8 for 1:30-5:30p.m. in the U.Vic Student Union Building Theatre. Includes  The Originals: Women in Art,  March 6 at  7p.m. and again March 8 at 3:30 p.m.,  and many other films by and about women.  Open to the public. Free admission.  DANCE - WOMEN ONLY, March 9 at Capri Hall,  3925 Fraser Street (at 24th). $5 employed; $3.50 unemployed; 8p.m.-la.m. Childcare available.  IWD PARADE/RALLY - March 10. Parade begins  at Victory Square at 11a.m. Rally begins  at new Art Gallery(old Courthouse) at  noon.  INFORMATION DAY - March 11. Sir Charles  Tupper, 419 East 24th(between Main and  Fraser) 10a.m. to 5p.m. Fifteen workshops  throughout the day; Films and videos  throughout the day; Information booths;  Childcare available; wheelchair access.  OPEN HOUSE, Thurs. March 8 at the Port Coquitlam Area Women's Centre, from 12 noon  to 4p.m. For more info call 941-6311  weekdays from l-4p.m.  mi  IN CELEBRATION OF OUR LEAP into modern  technology and in honour of the arrival  of our new printing press, Press Gang  Printers and Publishers is pleased to  invite all friends of the Press to an  Open House on Wednesday, March 14 at  603 Powell St., Vancouver, from 4-8p.m.  continued from p. 10  graphic design in Krakow. At the age of  nineteen he spoke five languages and had  a brilliant career. Unfortunately that  came to an abrupt end. The police had found  some sketches for a Solidarnosc poster in  his study. He was interned for three months  and returned 20 pounds lighter, with no  teeth, and no possibility of continuing  his studies. Olinka lived with the fear  that her husband would be the next example.  Life in exile was difficult, but to Olinka  the most frustrating thing was the lack  of political direction. Sure there were  no line ups, and day to day life was less  complicated, but some days she found herself longing for the passion. The passion  that comes with the possibility for  change.  INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY BANQUET and Program, sponsored by The Congress of Canadian Women, Sunday, March 11 at 5:30p.m.  at the Russian Hall in Vancouver. Speakers include Dr. Adrian Ross and Alder-  woman Libby Davies. Everyone is urged to  attend. Financial contributions towards  the cost of the banquet should be directed to Congress of Canadian Women, P.O.  Box 65703, Station F, Vancouver, B.C.  V5N 5K7. For further info call Susan  Lockhart at 254-9797.  WORK TO WRITE POETRY SERIES presents  Yvonne Trainer, March 15, 7:30p.m. at  the Mt. Pleasant Library. Free admission.  WEEKEND FOR KIDS series at Vancovuer East  Cultural Centre presents three special  Sunday performances, beginning at 1p.m.  March 11: April and Susan(from T.V.'s  Mr. Dressup); March 18: Major Conrad  Flapps, "Airman Extraordinaire" clown/  musician; March 25: Mere Reflections in  "A Tale of Two Zarfs", a colourful clown/  theatre show. For reservations call the  VECC at 254-9578.  "ANOTHER CAPRI HALL DANCE'"., a women's  dance will take place on March 30, at  3925 Fraser St.(at 24th) from 8p.m.-la.i  Childcare available on site. Tickets,  in advance only, available at Women's  Bookstore, Little Sisters, Ariel Books,  , and Octopus East. Sliding scale: $3-$5.  IN HER OWN IMAGE - PhotoTherapy Experiential Workshop, Sat., April 7, 9-5, $35.  (UBC Continuing Education, Workshop LS  1515-284). Conducted by Judy Weiser,  Director of PhotoTherapy Centre in  Vancouver. No previous training in  PhotoTherapy or photography required.  Call 689-9709 for more info.  STARHAWK - a talk and ritual: "Reclaiming  Our Power: Magic, Sex and Politics".  Fri., March 16. 7p.m. at UBC Graduate  Centre, Main Dining Room(near Gate 4)  $4-$7. Advance tickets advised - Octopus  East, Women's Bookstore, Ariel Books.  ON THE AIR  TUNE ONTO CO-OP RADIO 102.7 FM for  Womanvision on Mondays at 7:30, the  Lesbian Show on Thursday at 8:30, on  Friday at 7:30 Rubymusic.  GROUPS  A SINGLE PARENT SUPPORT GROUP is being  started in Richmond. This group provides  a place where single mothers can get together and share their thoughts and  feelings about being a single parent,  make new friends, give and get support.  The group is part of a network of support  groups sponsored by the Y.W.C.A. Childcare is provided for a fee of $1 per  family. Time of the group: Tues. 6-8p.m.  (6:00 get together for a pot luck dinner)  Pioneer Church, #Rd. & Stevenson Hwy.  For more info call 683-2531, ext. 310  CONCERNED BIRTH PARENTS is a support  organization for anyone who has relinquished a child for adoption. Share  feelings with others who have given up  a child or children. The group meets on  the third Wednesday of every month at  7:30p.m. at Little Mountain Neighbourhood House, 3981 Main St. Contact Sue at  872-4233 for more info.  DISCOVERING AND MARKETING YOUR SKILLS: A  Lower Mainland Youth Conference(for  youth 16-24), April 6-8(Fri., Sat. & Sun)  at Aberthan Cultural Centre, 4397 W.  2nd Ave. (just across from the youth  hostel). Organized by Youth Canada.  Purpose of the conference is to motivate  young adults into making maximum use of  their potential. Register in advance by  mailing name, address and registration  fee(Youth $10; Youth Workers $30) to  Youth Canada, 1811 W. 16th Ave., Van.,  B.C., V6J 2M3. For more info call 732-  3305  3:00 Music  Refreshments  20% off books  by and about  women.  A GROUP OF UNEMPLOYED INDIVIDUALS meet  every Wednesday at 10:30a.m. to give  support, share information on job search  techniques, get feedback on resumes and  how to handle interviews. Anyone unemployed is welcome to drop in to the group  at Little Mountain Neighbourhood House,  3981 Main Street at 24th Ave. For more  info call Ingrid at 879-7104.  NON-VIOLENT ACTION WORKSHOPS will be run  in March for people interested in creating permanent peace affinity groups.  These affinity groups will be formed with  the idea of participating in activities,  scheduled for early April, centred on  Boeing industries Seattle(final assembly  line for the cruise missile). If interested please contact 732-0318 before 10a.m.  or after 10p.m.; 731-6349; 879-1755 evenings.  VANCOUVER INCEST AND SEXUAL ABUSE CENTRE  Society - Support Groups for adult  survivors and mothers of sexually abused  children. To register for upcoming groups  please phone VISACS at 738-3512.  PERFORMANCES  THE FINAL PERFORMANCE OF HEADLINES THEATRE's|  enormously successful play "Under The  Gun: a disarming revue", takes place  Fri., March 9 at 8p.m. in the auditorium  of the King Edward Campus of Vancouver  Community College, 1155 E. Broadway in'  Vancouver. Tickets $5 general; $4 unemployed, available from Macleods Books  and Octopus East and West, or by calling  738-2283.  ODETTA - ONE SHOW ONLY, an Ash Street  Productions Society presentation, Sat.,  March 10, 8p.m. at the New York Theatre,  639 Commercial. Tickets $10 at V.T.C.,  C.B.0. Additional shows March 9 at Courtney Civic Theatre and March 11 at Victoria McPherson Playhouse. March'84 Kinesis 27  BULLETIN BOARD  Wallflower Order and Grupo Raiz will be  'ñ†performing Sunday, March 11 at 8:00 p.m.  at the Centennial Theatre, 123 Lonsdale,  North Vancouver. Wheelchair accessible;  Free childcare. Signing for the hearing  impaired.  Tickets $8-$l0 unemployed; $10-  employed;  $12 at the door.    Tickets  available at Ariel,  Octopus East, Spartacus,  Eighlife Records and Vane.   Women's Bookstore  Vamos a Andar  is the theme as Wallflower  Order, the internationally acclaimed women's  dance troupe, appears in Vancouver March  11 with Grupo Raiz, the popular Chilean  musical ensemble.  Fresh from their fall tour through the  East coast and Midwest, which raised over  $5,000 for medical and other aid to the  people of El Salvador, Wallflower Order  and Grupo Raiz are combining their talents  in a final encore tour of Vamos a Andar -  Let's Get Going.  A blend of feminist choreography and Andean  rhythms, Vamos a Andar  explores the ethnic  roots of North and South America, uncovering cultural and social links between the  two continents. From the Cherokee Indians  who perished on a bitter winter march along  the Trail of Tears, to the African people  brought in by chains by slave traders to  a "new world", to women freedom fighters  in Latin America, the subjects come alive  through dance and music, expressing the  universal desire of all people for peace  and freedom.  Grupo Raiz, as the name implies, is a  "gathering of roots" in a hybrid sound of  Andean flutes, guitars, percussion instruments, and lyrics. All seasoned musicians  in their own right, five of Grupo Raiz'  six members are from Chile, several in  political exile by the country's junta.  The group combines traditional and contemporary music, together with original compositions in songs about the Chilean Indians,  the daily toil of workers and peasants, and  ] the beauty of the Andeans.  LEQN ROSSELSON, well-known political songwriter, will be appearing at the Vancouver East Cultural Centre March 18, 8p.m.  one show only. Tickets $8. For reservations phone 254-9578.  AUTO REPAIR: COMPLETE CAR CARE BY WOMEN  Have us do your spring tune-up. We have  reasonable rates and a mobile service.  Call Susan 254-7090.(We now have an  answering machine).  BEYOND GOOD AND EVIL, a film by Italian  director Liliana Cavani, will have its  Vancover premiere Wed., March 28 at 7:30  p.m. at Pacific Cinamatheque. The film  proposes a highly personal interpretation of Friedrich Nietzsche's private  life, and examines his love affair with  Lou Salome, a totally liberated and  libertine woman who in her private life  was far ahead of any theory Nietzsche  might have proposed. Coming up at  Pacific Cinamatheque in April is a  series exploring the new British cinema,  "British Cinema Now". All films at NFB  Theatre at 1155 W. Georgia. Membership  required($2 at door); admission $3 per  film.  AVAILABLE TO SUBLET, large 1-bedroom apartment at 13th and Fir in Vancouver. Available April l-30th, 1984. Will rent for  full month or by the week. Phone 731-1920.  WOMEN WANTED TO SUBLET in Vancouver, B.C.  for three months Aug.-Oct.'84. A bright,  spacious east end house with two bedrooms,  near park and bus routes. $575/mth. includes all utilities and access to a  Gulf Island cabin. References required.  We would prefer a non-smoking plant  lover. All inquiries to C.T. Sand, P.O.  Box 24953, Station C, Vancouver, B.C.  V5T 4G3.  VANCOUVER FOLK MUSIC FESTIVAL PRESENTS  Marie-Lynn Hammond, March 25, 8p.m. at  Vancouver East Cultural Centre. Appearing with pianist Aaron Davis, she will  present a program of traditional and  contemporary songs. Tickets $7. For  reservations phone 254-9578.  CLASSIFIED  YOUTHI The Little Mountain Neighbourhood  House is sponsoring a youth newspaper.  The paper involves training in all  aspects of publishing as well as a monthly publication. This is a great way to  get experience for future jobs and earn  some extra money now. If you know about  or want to learn about reporting, photography, lay-out, paste up, youth issues  or graphic arts, this is for you. Call  Carol at 879-7104 for more info.  GARAGE WANTED. Women mechanics desperate  for a better garage. We need electricity,  concrete floor, lockable. Can pay reasonable rent and/or will maintain your  vehicle. Call Susan 254-7909.  SHARED ACCOMODATION AVAILABLE in Vancouver.  1-3 women to share clean, bright house  on an occassional basis, i.e. 1-3 nights  per week. 32nd and Victoria.-$200 a month.  Please call Susan, 430-3425.  YARD SALE FOR TRIDENT ACTION GROUP. Sat.,  April 7, 10a.m.-2p.m., 2213 West 13th  (rear), Items to donate? Call Pat(736-  5043) or Sally (430-2013).  RELATIONSHIPS IN THE AQUARIAN AGE: Alternatives to the Marriage Model" is a workshop designed to promote clarity in the  area of relationships. Led by Louise  Pohl, the workshop is from 10a.m. to 2p.m  on April 7. The fee is $20 and pre-regis-  tration is necessary. 685-1695.  GOLDSTREAM GRANGE GARDENS, LTD., a women-  run herb farm on Vancouver Island, is  opening its doors to spring and to the  women of B.C. Work exchanges are available for weekends or weeks. Traveler  or retreat space is open to women and  children, at $3 a night, if not occupied  by work-exchangers. In its second year  of operation, Goldstream has common,  voting shares for sale at $5 per, and  can offer a range of project investments - for instance, bee-keeping, herbal  product manufacture. For your investment  you receive 30% off wholesale herb  prices and a vote in a woman-owned 'coop corp.' For more info about the work-  exchange or to invest in a "growing"  market, contact Sunshine at C-20, Site  260, RR 2, Qualicum Beach, B.C. V0R 2T0,  or call 752-5380, mornings.  VANCOUVER STATUS OF WOMEN  MEMBERSHIP NIGHTS  march 12: Need some help with   your  tax form?  Bring that form and get the  help you need from accountant  Barbara Bell  ALL MEMBERS AND FRIENDS ARE WELCOME  7:30 p.m.  at Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Ave.  phone: 873-1427  "WOMEN6  SPEAK OUT  PRESS GANG IS LOOKING FOR A FREE OR CHEAP  telephone answering machine in good  working order. Call 253-1224.  FOR HEALTH OR FOR PROFIT? The Pharmaceutical Industry in the Third Worid and Canada - is an introductory kit which provides information and alternatives to  the pharmaceutical industry and lists  resources and groups active in the  'pharmaceutical campaign' locally,  nationally and internationally. To obtain copies send $5 per copy plus $1.50  postage to World Inter-action, Ottawa,  P.O. Box 2484, Stn. D, Ottawa, Ontario,  KIP 5W6.


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