Kinesis

Kinesis Jun 1, 1984

Item Metadata

Download

Media
kinesis-1.0045628.pdf
Metadata
JSON: kinesis-1.0045628.json
JSON-LD: kinesis-1.0045628-ld.json
RDF/XML (Pretty): kinesis-1.0045628-rdf.xml
RDF/JSON: kinesis-1.0045628-rdf.json
Turtle: kinesis-1.0045628-turtle.txt
N-Triples: kinesis-1.0045628-rdf-ntriples.txt
Original Record: kinesis-1.0045628-source.json
Full Text
kinesis-1.0045628-fulltext.txt
Citation
kinesis-1.0045628.ris

Full Text

 MJiBk  1 A New Westminster  woman faces 20 years in jail  for bombing the Utton systems plant in Toronto.  5 Lesbians and gays may  soon be ordained in the  United Church. Ivy Scott reports.  7 Is government funding  for feminists a right, a necessity, or a contradiction?  Kinesis presents three perspectives.  11 At Budget University,  women educated each  other, and challenged the  Socreds. Read our three-  lecture mini-course.  12 How does the women's  movement work, and how  can we make it work better?  Nora Randall comments.  16 Small Expectations asks  us to have larger ones about  our old age. Helene Rosenthal gives us the review.  19 Local photographer  Nomi Kaplan documents the  life/death cycle in her show  at presentation House.  21 Storytelling is a women's tradition. Shari Dun-  net looks at stories and  myths, and how they shape  our lives.  COVER: Photo by Joe Craciola, 1980 Womyn's Community Collage Calendar.  Design by Claudia Macdonald.  SUBSCRIBE TO KiMJEJiJ  Published 10 times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8  D VSW membership - includes Kinesis subscription -  $20 (or what you can afford)  □ Kinesis subscription only - $13  □ Institutions - $40  □ Sustainers - $75  Name__   .Amount Enclosed^.  Please remember that VSW operates on inadequate  funding — we need member support!  O  O  \%  to 3  So  ><  CD i  1  as  1  also this issue:  * 2 c  < o  m  <"3  June '84  $1  Women and Aging;  book review  Dionne Brand*:  Rubymusic-  Margie Adam •:•:  Funding and Feminism  3 Perspectives  Budget University  a mini-course  Making jam in  the Kootenays -Ktmsu-  Belmas sentenced,  Hansen on trial  In May, Juliet Belmas of New Westminster  was sentenced to 20 years in jail on several charges, including the October 1982  bombing of the Litton Systems plant in Toronto. Litton manufactures the guidance  system for the cruise missile.  Belmas, who is 21 years old, has filed an  appeal in the B.C. Court of Appeal, asking  that the court take into account the circumstances of the offences: her youth, her  role in the crimes, and the fact that she  pleaded guilty. She has expressed remorse  for injuries incurred by ten people at Litton. Her lawyer said in the notice of appeal that the sentences were "not fitting"  for the crimes.-  The 20 year sentence is for the Litton bombing, conspiracy to rob a Brink's armoured  car, attempted arson of a Red Hot Video  pornography outlet in Port Coquitlam,. car  theft, and possession of stolen goods and  weapons.  In his sentencing, Judge Samuel Toy separated the charges into those he considered  political acts, and those he felt wererthe  acts of "common criminals" influenced by  politica motives.  Belmas' lover Gerry Hannah also pleaded  guilty to his role in the crimes, and was  sentenced:.!to ten years in prison.  Media coverage of Belmas' sentencing has  been sensationalist and misleading, including false reports that she giggled during  sentencing and accounts of the injuries at  Litton, and incorrect reporting of Judge  Toy's remarks. A headline in the Vancouver  Sun  said "Jailed couple traded punk rock  for terror."  At press time, it had been announced that  Ann Hansen would be pleading guilty to related charges on June 4th, and would be calling several witnesses to the stand to prove  the necessity of her actions against pornography and militarism.  The list of witnesses was to include activists against pornography, nuclear power,  and racism: Ken Hancock, who has been part  of the long-term campaign against Litton;  Carl Rising-Moore to speak on the Cheekye -  Dunsmuir nuclear power plant; anti-porn activists Pam Blackstone and Regina Lorek; and  native rights activist Nilak Butler.  Ann will also be presenting a personal and  political statement.  "Education is a right not a privilege" was the motto of Women Against the Budget's Budget University. Kinesis reprints  some of the lectures on pages 11 to 15.  Council acts on porn  Update on VSW  The Vancouver Status of Women (VSW) will  hold its most crucial AGM ever at the end  of this month (see Bulletin Boad p. 26).  The organization's funding crisis continues, with no word at press time on  their funding application to Secretary  of State. Funding from the provincial Attorney General's office ended on May 31.  On the agenda for the meeting is the election of a new Board of Directors, and  discussion of ways to cope with the crisis situation. Board and staff will meeting throughout June to look at possible  areas of work for the coming year. Regardless of the outcome of these discussions,  it is likely that VSW will have to drastically reduce its services, and there  has already been a reduction in staff.  Skeletal operation of the office will con-  timue until further notice of funding is  received, and Kinesis  will continue to be  published.  Membership participation is more important  now than at any other time in VSW's history  Please attend the AGM, >and pledge your sup-  port.   by Esther Shannon  Action against pornography, fuelled by  efforts of Lower Mainland women's groups,  moved into Vancouver's City Council on  May 15th. The council's Committee on  Community Services, which has been discussing the pornography issue, discovered  that Vancouver's existing licensing by-laws  provide for strict limitations on the  display of sexually graphic materials  in retail outlets. Council was informed  that only stores with a special 'Adult  Entertainment License*'are permitted to  sell sexually explicit material.  Vancouver city alderwoman, Libby Davies,  confirmed that the Permits and Licenses  Department have been directed to send  notification to Vancouver retailers  informing them they have 30 days to  remove offensive materials from their  stores. According to Davies, after the  30 days city inspectors will visit  Vancouver stores to ensure the by-law is  adhered to.  The Vancouver Status of Women, in a brief  presented by Pat Feindel, opposed this recommendation, saying.'Vill this mean, for  example, that sexually graphic material  sold in a women's bookstore will no longer  be available? Does it mean that women will  no longer have access to explicit information on sexuality except by going to one of  the twelve 'adult entertainment' s'tores ?  "We sympathize with the intent of the recommendation, especially in this province  where the judicial system has consistently  refused to take action, but we have no  guarantees that a future City Council will  share the same intent. In failing to specify  the real nature of the objectionable material, we think the by-law will put valuable  sexual material in jeopardy."  According to Davies, the city has become  involved in regulating pornography because  the provincial and federal governments  have been "dragging their feet and passing  the buck on pornography." Davies says,  "The police in B.C. have been instructed  not to pursue obscenity complaints until  the Red Hot Video case has been resolved  in court." Red Hot, found guilty of  distributing obscene videos, is am>ealing  its conviction. Davies said," "It's shocking the police can't lay new charges  when it is clear that many magazines in  Vancover stores are outlawed by Section  159 of the Criminal Code."  "City Council," said Davies, "is intent  on acting within the powers available  to it on the pornography issue and is  prepared to fine retailers in the city  by-law court and remove retail licenses  if necessary."  According to Jancis Andrews of the North  Shore Women's Centre the Criminal Code  has clear and ample provisions under  Section 159 to deal with obscene materials.  "The primary responsibilities for importing, publishing, printing and distributing  and retailing pornographic material rests  with the suppliers of the material", said  Andrews. These people are breaking the  law she says.  City Council also dealt with a suggestion  from Jim Pattison, former owner of Mainland Magazines, a distributing company  that sells over 250 pornographic magazines,  to set up a review committee, funded by  distributors, to screen magazines for  offensive material. Mayor Mike Harcourt  endorsed this suggestion on May 11 in  a memo to Council. Pattison's suggestion,  however, has drawn fire from women's  groups and Alderwoman Davies. According  to Andrews, many women at the North Shore  Women's Centre, are suspicious of this  recommendation and see it as an attempt  by Pattison and other distributors to  "shuck off their responsibility", Andrews  said.  "Distributors are trying to fog  the issue and attempt to have others do  their policing."  Alderwoman Davies has similar concerns and  states that a review committee for pornographic materials would only be worth  considering if it was, first, independent,  and second, established under the auspices'  continued on p. 5 2   Kinesis   June '84  MOVEMENT MATTERS  WALXATHON !  About 200 people participated in the 4th  Annual Rape Relief Walkathon, raising  an estimated $18,000. The crisis line/  shelter house, which lost its funding in  1982 after workers refused to release  confidential files to the government,  operates almost entirely on yearly walkathon funds.  "We are definitely pleased at the turnout",  said one Rape Relief member, stating that  although they had hoped for $20,000, this  year's total was better than the $12,000  they raised last year. While this walkathon received more media coverage than  previous ones, organizers feel that  pledges were harder to get, and were lower. Individual pledge sheet totals varied  from around the $700 mark to under $3.00.  Perfect weather, as always graced the  15 km trek around the Stanley Park seawall  and walkers were plied with oranges en  masse to alleviate thirst and hold off  hunger pangs until the picnic feast at the  journey's end. For many, the walkathon is  their only direct involvement with Rape  Relief, though members of such concerned  groups as Men Against Rape and Red Door  Rental Aid Society also pulled their  weight. The afternoon was capped by a  rousing singalong.  KiMMJU-  KINESIS is published ten times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women. Its  objectives are to enhance understanding about the changing position  of women in society and work actively  towards achieving social change.  VIEWS EXPRESSED IN KINESIS are  those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect VSW policy. All unsigned  material is the responsibility of the  Kinesis editorial group.  CORRESPONDENCE: Kinesis, Vancouver Status of Women, 400 A West  5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8.  MEMBERSHIP in Vancouver Status of  Women is $20/year (or what you can  afford). This includes a subscription  to Kinesis. Individual subscriptions  to Kinesis are $13/year.  SUBMISSIONS are welcome. We reserve the right to edit, and submission  does not guarantee publication.  WORKERS THIS ISSUE: Libby  Barlow, Jan de Grass, Vicky Donaldson, Cole Dudley, Shari Dun-  net, Susan Elek, Anne Grace,  Linda Grant, Nicky Hood, Judy  Hopkins, Emma Kivisild, Barbara  Kuhne, Cat L'Hirondelle, Claudia  Macdonald, Susan Mcllroy, Rose-  marie Rupps, Cy-Thea Sand, Judy  Rose, Joey Schibild, Ram Swani-  gan, See Sim Tan, Valerie van  Cleef.  Typesetting and camera work by  Baseline Type & Graphics Cooperative.  KINESIS is a member of the Canadian  Periodical Publishers Association.  On Saturday, May 19, over thirty women in  Vancouver woke up to the sound of a downpour outside their windows and groaned.  "Would three months work be lost today if  Walk and Roll was rained out? Would anyone  participate?"  By 8:00 o'clock, phones were ringing,  radio stations were called with the announcement, "Walk and Roll is still on,"  rain or shine. We all hoped for sun by  11:00. At 9:30, organizers huddled at the  doors of False Creek Elementary School  plotting the rearrangement of all the displays and demonstrations to occur inside  the gymnasium of the school.  At 10:35, a group of eight women arrived  from a seniors' club, ready to start  Walk and Roll. Since their overcoats were  not able to shed the: amount, of water that  was pouring down, organizers, who were  moving in to set up in the school, donoted  , slickers and head gear.     ** .  With a cheer, our first participants headed  for the course laughing at their comical  outfits and thoroughly protected from the  With the final and urgent realization that  our event was actually going to happen, we  scrambled to set up a free food table,  childcare area, tables for groups with exhibits, and music.  By 11:10, Tai Chi was being demonstrated  in one corner of the gym, bicycle tools  were spread out and a bike was being dismantled in another; Rape Relief, the Vancouver Women's Health Collective and a  Prenatal group from the Aquatic center had  set up their display tables.  The first group of seniors arrived back  from the course, shed their rainwear and  joined hands in the center of the gym for  a twenty minute seniors' fitness class.  A group of zealous organizers covered themselves with flyers and sandwich-board style  posters and headed for the Granville Island  Market to recruit participants. They paraded through the market announcing Walk  and Roll, handing out flyers and even approaching people at their tables in  Isadora's. Their efforts recruited a few  more participants, two of whom, an aged  woman and a woman with cerebral palsy, became our most delightful participants.  For the remainder of the day, the energy  and eagerness to participate was maintained. In turn, different demonstrations  took the center of the floor. Pre-natal  fitness, assertiveness, Cardio-pulmonary  respiration, Wendo, and Wheelchair aerobics  were major attractions. Later in the day,  there was a demonstration of croquet,  wheelchair maintenance, and amputee  athletics.  The highlight of the day was definitely  the draw for gift certificates from  Cookies by George. Four gift certificates  were won by participants.  A total of sixty-five women walked,  cycled, wheelchaired, or ran the 1/2 km.  course at least once, some twelve or fifteen times.  There were some dogs and kids  and lots of learning and laughs. By  3:30 the area was clean and organizers,  still high on energy, went to Isadora's for  lunch.  Immediately, at the table, plans  begin with many suggestions for Walk and  Roll for next year.  CAAW&S will be holding Walk and Roll in  conjunction with National Physical Activity  Week on an annual basis. The emphasis of  the event is on participation and information sharing. Anyone interested in doing  an exhibit or demonstration next year,  please write CAAW&S, 1200 Hornby Street,  Vancouver, B.C. V6Z 2E2.  PM6 TtafTMCNT  A West Vancouver women's group thinks there  may be a link between Premenstrual Syndrome  and an enzyme disorder.  Monoamine oxidase is an enzyme found in the  blood and the brain. When there is a  deficiency of this enzyme foods containing  amines cannot be digested. Toxins build up  in the body and gradually destroy its  ability to metabolize sugar. The result is  hyperactivity in children and hypoglycemia  in adults. Along with this, central nervous  system disorders such as migraine headaches  and schizophrenic type behavior may develop,  Major hormonal imbalances are also common  which could be the cause of Premenstrual  Syndrome.  The treatment for monomine oxidase  deficiency (MOAD) is simply to eliminate  foods containing sugar and amine from the  diet. Some of these foods are wine, cheese,  avocadoes, bananas, and tangerines. The  most positive aspects of the treatment are:  it is free, it is painless, it has no side  effects, it is natural and results should  be apparent quickly if the regime is  followed 100%.  A group of women treated for MOAD who were  severe sufferers of P.M.S., have experi--  ienced 85 to 95% relief of all symptoms.  Information P.M.S. is an organization  formed in West Vancouver by Linda Clements.  Its purpose is to stimulate public awareness of the problems of P.M.S. and introduce this treatment of the disability. Mrs.  Clements has printed a booklet that  explains the disorder further and gives the  diet and the suggested vitamin therapy.  Information P.M.S. would like interested  women to.try the program so that results  can be recorded and statistics collected.  The booklet is availalbe for $5.00 at:  Information P.M.S., 455 Keith Rd., West  Vancouver, B.C. V7T 1L6 922-9442 or  926-9013 June '84   Kinesis   3  ACROSS B.C.  NDP convenes  in Vancouver  by Sharon Knapp  While Margaret Birrell did not win the  NDP leadership race, her campaign made an  undeniable impact on the party. It was the  total neglect of issues of concern to women in the 1983 provincial election campaign that convinced many in the NDP Women's Rights Committee that it was necessary to run a feminist contender such as  Birrell.  It was Birrell-s presence and statements-  which sharpened the debate on women*issues  which would not have been raised otherwise.  Her understanding of Tech Change which resulted from her involvement in the committee of the same name (set up by the Women's  Rights Committee) convinced many that  issues that affect women are farther ranging than the stereotypical "women only"  issues such as daycare and pornography.  However, Birrell was" more than a one issue  Should feminists  feel optimistic  about the election of Bob  Skelly as the  leader of the  provincial NDP?  candidate. Her six policy papers, written  from a feminist and socialist standpoint  on topics from labour to economic strategies, were more substantial than any of  the other candidates statements. The red  and white Solidarity Coalition signs  which appeared beneath her yellow posters  Municipal Elections  But are you on the list?  by Susan Harris  A fundamental belief of the political  model of democracy is the right of each  citizen to vote. Models often sound good  in theory. But if we look at the model for  civic elections in the city of Vancouver,  and more specifically, the enumeration  process for the voter, it's clear that  putting your X on the ballot requires a  lot of work to put the theory into practice. Vancouver's process of voting is  still short of the ideal model of democracy.  In British Columbia all municipalities except the city of Vancouver are governed by  the provincial government under the  "Municipal Act". Vancouver is cited as  special, and we have our own governing  act, called "The Vancouver Charter". The  basic difference between the election procedures of the two acts is that anywhere  else but in Vancouver people can register  to vote on the day of an election. It's  a fundamental variation and a major concern  of Vancouver City Council, among others.  It would seem that it is also a major concern of the Social Credit party which, to  date, has not accepted the numerous complaints and formal application of City  Council to allow this "administrative  procedure" to be brought into practice as  in other parts of B.C. The process of  democracy should lead to the development  of an administrative system that facilitates voting, not one that prevents it.  At present, there are two voters' lists:  owners and residents. Owners, and this  includes anyone who owns property - a  home or business - with the exception of  companies, are registered yearly through  the land registry, which is compiled by  ..the end of July. Residents, on the other  hand, are only enumerated each election  year,(every two years in Vancouver).  Residents and owners are enumerated through  a door-to-door campaign by city staff. In  effect, there is a check system in place  for owners, while residents must rely on  the established enumeration system.  The enumerators visit each address twice  if no one is home. On the second visit,  if no one is there, the enumerator leaves  a pink card to be filled in by owner or  resident. The card is in English and while  understandable to a fluent English speaker,  it does require the prospective voter to;  be able .to read and write. sT-y^^p a^*J?>,JP  Many new Canadians do not speak fluent  English, particularly older women, much  less read or write it. Others are afraid  to answer their doors, even to a person of  similar ethnicity, for fear of being deported or even robbed. For them the process is intimidating and alien.  Another major problem of enumeration are  the residents of hotels and rooming houses.  Most of these long-term residents are  constantly "missed" on the lists, especially in the downtown eastside, a community of approximately 10,000 residents. In  some cases, buildings are tucked away in  isolated areas between commercial or industrial properties. Many hotels have  locked front doors with no intercom system.  Even if the enumerator does get in, many  hotel desk clerks, often fearful of officials, will say they will distribute the  cards or let the enumerator know who lives  there, but don't follow up.  The first enumeration is usually completed  by-the end of June but there's another  chance "for prospective voters to register  when the City sets up enumeration stations  at select community centres in August. As  required by the Act,city staff advertise  this registration in community papers,  including ethnic ones.  The last hope for some people comes on  election day, under section 73A, in a  sworn affadavit. Many potential voters  believe that if they did not get on the  list, they can vote under this provision.  But not unless they qualify under the following conditions: a)they haye to be qualified to be on the owner-electors list but  were inadvertently left off, b) were on the  list of register of electors or c) were on  the last list, (i.e. for owners,the 1983  list, and for residents, the 1982 list.)  Affadavit voting entails a sealed ballot  in an envelope that is marked with the  person's name and address and sworn signature. After the elections, these envelopes with sealed ballots are checked  for legitimacy and, if correct, are then  counted. If not, they are rejected. This  process can take a couple of weeks and     continued on p. 23  underscored her advocacy that the party  return to its CCF roots. Unlike other  candidates who urged that the NDP shy away  from affiliation with labour and adopt  big Liberal moderation, Birrell fought for  the direct identification of the party  with the workers, the natural constituency  of the NDP. | .      ^^tif '#^|jr.  The feminist influence of the Women's Rights  Committee which supported Birrell will be  felt oh the provincial executive in the?  coming year thanks to their advance planning. Bob Skelly was caught without a  list of sympathetic members to be elected  to the' executive. On the other hand, The  Women's Rights Committee had caucussed Saturday night and drawn up. d.  list of contenders. By Sunday morning the list was circulating among delegates. Two members of  the Committee, Joan Smallwood as fourth  vice president and Elain Bernard as a  member at large, were elected.  The new executive that Skelly is faced  with is dominated by the old Cocke machine  (Jerry Storey, president, Johanna den Her-  tog, first vice, Robin Blehcoe third vice)  Joy Langan (Labour, second vice, a King  supporter), Joan Smallwood (fourth vice,  Margaret Birrell, as a feminist candidate for NDP leadership, forced the party to face issues of concern to women:  tech change, daycare, and pornography.  Birrell supporter) and ten members at  large, of whom six are women.  The feminist presence on the executive is  particularly necessary to combat the  elitist and bureaucratic tendencies of the  old guard and Skelly's ignorance of the  role of women in the party. During the  campaign he was on record as saying that  if elected, he would make overtures to  the Women's Rights Committee, without realizing that ever since 1972, when they were  created by the provincial council as a  standing committee, they have been providing the party with policy measures.  Although Skelly's election is more palatable to many of us because his positions  are the closest to Birrell's, it remains  to be seen whether or not. he can implement any of his reforms to the party's  structure given an intransigent executive.  Sharon Knppp is producing "Union Made" for  Co-op Radio this summer. 4   Kinesis   June'84  ACROSS B.C.  by Marion Pollock  The recent Socred amendments to the B.C.  Labour Code, embodied in Bill 28, are another part of the long-term Socred plan to  give employers more and more power. Socred  policy systematically strips workers,  women, and the poor, of any rights while,  at the same time, increasing the profits of  big business. The gutting of the Human  Rights Code, the slashing of social services, the new Landlord-Tenant Act, and the  cutting of legal aid are all part and parcel of this programme.  The changes to the Labour Code hurt women,  a fact many union leaders have not acknowledged. In B.C. the majority of the unorganized workers are women. The amendments to  the code are designed to continue this  trend. One of the amendments raises the  majority needed for union certification  (formally becoming union members and requiring the employer to recognize that a  union in in existence). In addition, the  current section 43(3), which enabled the  Socred  Labour Code  hurts women  Labour Relations Board to allow for automatic certification, has been repealed, and  a mandatory vote is now required to certify  a bargaining unit. This makes new organizing especially difficult and encourages  'employers to harass their workers when  they begin to organize.  In B.C. many recent certifications have  mainly involved women—e.g. small social  services, offices, restaurants, etc. In  Eastern Canada many Eatons' and Simpsons'  workers have joined unions in the past few  months. The new amendments are aimed at  stopping this trend.  While certification becomes harder the  Socreds are making decertification easier.  Women's centre loses funds  The Centre, with a staff of two women,,  has been in operation since 1974 serving  women and children of all. ages and.ethnic  backgrounds along the 'skid row' area.  This, safe, warm, comfortable drop-in  centre has been a haven for thousands of  women over the years. The Centre offered  many programmes; English Classes three  times a week; Open Discussion Groups,  baking classes, budgeting classes,  health information classes, escort  interpretation, support, and a place to  have some free tea, coffee and sympathy.  The Downtown Eastside Women's Centre needs  money to survive and keep our doors open  to the women and children who make the  Downtown Eastside their 'home!  Send donations to: 412 E. Hastings St.  Vancouver, B.C. V6A 1P7.  On Friday, the 18th of May, 1984 the  Downtown Eastside women's Centre was  notified that the'Ministry of Human  Resources would terminate their funding  as of August 1st, 1984.  Eastside Family Place axed  by Emma Kivisild  In mid-May, Eastside Family Place received  notice from the BC provincial government  that its funding would terminate at the  end of August, 1984.  The move stunned workers at Family Place,  who felt they had been given no indication  that a complete cut was likely. In fact,  they had been doing their best to conform  to Ministry of Human Resources (MHR) guidelines on moving towards privatization: increasing their fundraising, numbers of volunteers, and applications for private  funding.  Eastside Family Place is a drop-in for parents and children which serves an esti-r  mated 700 families per year, on average  fifty people a day. The building houses a  large playroom, a trampoline, arts and  crafts, and dress-up areas. It also offers  programs in.childraising and parent effec-  tiveness training, and an assertiveness  Kinesis  regrets the following errors  which appeared in our May '84 issue:  The column "Publications in Review",  which was not credited, was written by  Joy Parks.  In Judith Michaels' article "Learning  to Like Food", the sentence "Dieting  which is natural and life-sustaining..."  should read "Eating which is natural..."  Our apologies to the authors of the articles.  training course for women. There are two  staff members (the third was laid off following an earlier funding cut of 20%), and  a large complement of volunteers, including  a volunteer board composed largely of parents who have used the facility.  Neither of the other two Family Places in  the city were cut off, though all were informed that funding would be drastically  reduced. The government's targetting of  the East End for more severe measures deals  a devastating blow to children and parents  in the area. The East End has fewer parks  than other parts of Vancouver, and no public facilities, besides Family Place, for  children under three.  Annabelle Bradshaw, spokesperson for East-  side Family Place, says that without continuing funding the organization will not  be able to stay in operation. She is ,  however, hopeful that the centre's comp--  . liance with MHR regulations and guidelines  will qualify them for interim funding at  least until Christmas. They are also applying to the city for emergency funding,  and to various private foundations.  "Our hope at the moment is that we can convince Grace McCarthy to change her mind,"  says Bradshaw. Staff and volunteers have  been conducting an extensive letter-writing and telegram campaign to McCarthy  since they were informed of the cut.  Women interested in helping with the  fightback can drop by, 1034 Commercial  Dr., Vancouver, or leave their name and  phone number at 255-9841, or 255-4122.  The new act calls for an automatic decertification vote if 45% of the workers sign a  petition. Jt is easy for an employer to  'strong arm' workers into signing such a  petition, and the rules have changed to  allow the employer to flood the place with  anti-union employees just prior to any vote,  It's now harder to join a union but easier  to get out.  The Cabinet, and not the Labour Relations  Board*(LRB) has the power to set the rules  for all of these votes—an example of political control by a group of people who have  shown themselves to be blatantly anti-union,  The new bill prohibits secondary picketing  (picketing of the same employer at other  sites) unless the LRB gives permission—  an unlikely proposition. The recent experience of women restaurant workers in Ottawa  provides an excellent example of the need  for secondary picketing. These women and  their supporters picketed all other restaurants of the man who owned the struck  establishment. It was this kind of broad  economic pressure that finally allowed the  workers to win.  Other amendments to the Labour Relations  Act designed to weaken the labour movement and the role of women workers are  numerous. They include barring unions  from using any constitutional (internal)  discipline to reprimand members except  where the LRB deems it appropriate. This  means that if any union takes internal  action against a sexual harasser,, that  discipline is not valid unless the LRB  okays it. Since we have no Human Rights  Branch, this gives the green light to  sexual harassment.  The section prohibiting coercion by any  person against any other person to induce  them not  to be a union member is repealed.  It is replaced with a similar section  directed only against unions using such  coercion. Employers are free to use intimidation legally.  All political or community protest job  actions such as those by Solidarity are  now outlawed. In effect, this means that  citizens have no right to protest government actions by stopping work. If any  worker defies this she/he will be subject  to fines of $1,000.00  The provincial cabinet can determine  whether or not a construction site will  be unionized. They can declare any site  "of special economic importance" and require both union and non-union workers to  work side by side. The situation could  develop where a union carpenter making  over $12.00 per hour will be forced to  work with someone making $8.00 per hour.  In this case no one wins but the boss.  The non-union workers won't be able to  join a union to get better wages and the  union, workers will find themselves increasingly out of work.  The mainstream trade union movement is  doing nothing about the new Labour code.-  Instead they are trying to re-establish  a social contract with the government—  a stance that the events of 1983 have  already proven futile. The non-action of  groups like the B.C. Federation of Labour  will mean that women will be marginalized  economically even more than before. The  refusal to take action means virtually no  union organizing in B.C. This is an unacceptable position.  As feminists we not only have to be able  to publically criticize the union leadership for doing nothing, but also have to  work with groups who are prepared to fight  back. In addition, through our statements  and our action, we have to show how this  labour code hurts women. June '84   Kinesis   5  ACROSS CANADA  Halifax  woman speaks  out against war  by Kate McKenna  On Tuesday, May 2nd at six o'clock approximately 200 people met at the. south commons  in Halifax to protest the presence in the  harbour of the U.S.   submarine,  Casimir  Polaski.  'ñ† They marched to the citadel and  down through the city,  stopping traffic  on Barrington Street with a symbolic "die  in", and ended at the waterfront where the  submarine could be seen moored in the middle  of the harbour.  The following is a copy of a statement that  was made at the demonstration by Kate  McKenna,  amember of Voice of Women and the  Co-operative for Non-violent Action. The  demonstration was organized by the Sub  Committee, an ad hoc group with members  from various local peace groups; Project  Ploughshares,   Voice of Women,  Dalhousie  Disarmament Society, Co-operative for Nonviolent Action,  etc.  Yesterday we learned that a U.S. nuclear  armed submarine had arrived in Halifax  and that the monster was being moored in  full view, in the middle of the harbour,  making its presence all the more blatant.  This submarine carries sixteen Trident  nuclear tipped missiles. Together, these  missiles are the equivalent to 520 Hiro-  shimas. It is impossible to comprehend the  meaning of this, but we must try.  To understand this submarine say the  word 'Hiroshima'.  Reflect on its meaning for one second.  Say and understand 'Hiroshima' again.  And again. And again. 520 times.  Assuming you're able to understand Hiroshima in one second, you'll be able to  understand this submarine in 8 1/2 minutes.  This is the nature of the monster we are  harbouring here.  We must look at the reason these nuclear  submarines visit Halifax up to a dozen  times a year. Why do they call at this port  when their own are so near?  The reason they 'visit' here is the same  reason we must protest loudly and strongly.  The submarines in our harbour play a similar role to that played by the cruise .  missiles being tested in Alberta. It is  essential for Americans to establish the  legitimacy of their policies - and Canada  plays an important role in that legitimizing.  The reason we are testing the cruise  missiles, the reason nuclear submarines  'visit' Halifax, is because it is essential  that Canada be seen to be a part of that  policy, part of escalation, part of the  planning.  Through the presence of the submarines we  continue to be asked to play our well  rehearsed role of accomplice to the war  preparations which endanger us all. Through  the 'visits' we are woven into their web  of violence and U.S. policies of intervention and repression.  Randall Forsberg, author of the nuclear  freeze proposal, has come to the conclusion  that many have reached: "The nuclear arms  race had nothing to do with defense, little  to do with deterence, and everything to  do with a monopoly of U.S. intervention  in other countries while blocking Soviet  intervention."  Because of these interventionist policies  many people are already living "the day  after". For those who are living an actual  holocaust, the atomic holocaust of tomorrow  becomes remote and almost unreal. The east/  west conflict often acts as camoflage for  the very real economic and political injustices of north/sough relations. Where  is this submarine coming from? Has it been  off the coast of Nicaragua?  We are told that nuclear weapons are responsible for maintaining the "peace" we  now enjoy. We come together to defy this  myth of peace.  We are not at peace in a world where military spending takes priority over human  needs. Peace is a myth when 42,000 children  will die today for lack of food and inexpensive medicines - the same world which  spends $800 billion per year on the military.  We are not at peace when children see  nuclear war as inevitable and wake screaming  in the night. We are not at peace when  women cannot walk freely, without fear of  violence or rape.  We come together to reject the use of the  threat of force as an instrument of politics.  We are at the belly of the monster. We are  the justification our government uses to  legitimize its acceptance of these weapons.  We refuse to legitimize this perpetuation  of violence in our name. We know peace is  not possible without justice.  The bottom line is that these weapons must  never be used; we must not even pretend  we are going to use them. The time for  saying NO is passing us by. We must act  now out of a sense of urgency and necessity  in our efforts to bring about real disarmament.  Realizing that peace can only come when  militarism and violence of all kinds have  been eliminated - we refuse to play the  role of accomplice by welcoming this submarine in our harbour.  Rid the earth of nuclear weapons.  Let us begin in HalifaxI  of the provincial Attorney General. "If a  review board", said Davies, "had the right  to recommend charges against violators  then I would be willing to consider the  establishment of such a board."  According to Pat Feindel, of the Vancouver  Status of Women, the review board would  act to protect magazine distributors from  criminal prosecution. "Our major opposition," said Feindel, "stems from our concern that such a board would not represent  the interests of women without so severely  compromising us that its value would be nothing more than political cosmetics."  Jancis Andrews also voiced concern that  a board made up of a diverse cross section  of the community could discriminate  against those vulnerable to society's  condemnation, such as homosexuals.  Andrews, however, is confident women  should explore action at the municipal  level. She noted that West Vancouver city  council is being approached by area  churches to pass a by-law regulating the  display of obscene materials.  Libby Davies noted that a similar board,  set up in Ontario under the auspices of  magazine disbributors has been faced with  some clear conflict of interest problems.  One of the lawyers on the Ontario Review  Board is acting for a distributor who is  charged with distributing obscene videos.  Jim Pattisons decision to sell Mainland  Magazine instead of retaining control  and removing pornographic materials also  drew angry criticism. Andrews noted that  Pattison, who has been convicted in  Ontario for distributing pronography still  controls Neonex Ltd which continues to  distribute questionable material in Ontario and Alberta. The sale of Mainland is  only another opportunity to make money  off the pornography industry.  Church may  ordain lesbians  by Ivy Scott  The United Church of Canada may decide in  August to ordain and commission lesbians  and gays. Supporters of the move are confident that the General Council will accept  a report which recommends that sexual orientation should not in and of itself be a  factor in determining membership in the order of ministry.  The report, prepared by the Task Force of  the Division of Ministry Personnel and. Education, states that neither heterosexuality  nor homosexuality is a superior state, and  acknowledges the role that the church has  played in perpetuating the oppression of  gay people.  Some of the 12 Canadian regional conferences  of the United Church had asked that policy  be determined after the church's report on  human sexuality did not address the ordination of lesbians and gays. The conferences  are now deciding on the positions they will  bring to the bi-annual meeting of the General Council this summer in Manitoba.  The B.C. conference recently voted to accept  the report's recommendations, while the Toronto conference voted to defer the decision  until 1986.  Opposition to the change has already come  from the Toronto area, where two congregations initiated petitions asking the church  not ordain self-declared active homosexuals.  Another threat to the reform comes from the  Renewal Fellowship, a particularly conservative element within the church, which believes that homosexuality is sin, and that  religion cannot be separated from politics.  Lobbying for the change has come largely  from Affirm, the church's lesbian and gay  organization, formed in 1982.  Two issues would remain to be dealt with if  the Sexual Orientiation and Eligibility for  the Order of the Ministry is accepted: that  of reaction by homophobes within the general  membership, and that of the imposition of  a code of behaviour for gay people.  Bill Siksay of Affirm told The Body Politic  that he hopes that those within the church  whoithave skills dealing with prejudice will  counsel those who lack understanding of homosexuality.  The church, which tolerates heterosexual sex  sexual activity only within marriage, will  probably place restrictions on gay sexuality  as well. The report says that"We would see  longstanding fidelity, love, and commitment  among the key principles in any partner relationship, ruling out promiscuity for both  heterosexual and homosexual persons."  This suggests that the reform will not be a  great step towards sexual freedom, and that  homosexuals will be asked to imitate the nuclear family structure as nearly as possible.  Feminists need to address also the question  of whether any amount of reform will make  the church an egalitarian institution. Many  feel that oppression cannot be ended within  a hierarchical structure.. However, even in  this case, any questioning of oppression  within the church will be useful. I,  Kinesis   June '84  INTERNATIONAL  Women in China  Making change  by Frances Brownell  I came back in July 1983 from eleven months  living and working in southeastern China.  I taught third-year composition and  fourth-year Amefican Literature to college  students at the Guangzhou Foreign Languages  Institute just north of that city of five  million which most westerners still call  Canton. While there I read Chinese  English-language newspapers and periodicals (including the monthly periodical,  Women in China)  and talked extensively  with individual students in private, as  well as with groups in and out of the  classroom.  I talked to these individuals  and classes at times about the changing  role of women in the modern world. And  they talked to me about it.  In some ways, women in China are less oppressed by cultural sexist views than are  women in Canada. But some of the sexism  that creates serious problems for many in  China is much more visible and striking to  the western eye. Female infanticide sometimes still occurs. We know of its occur-  rance largely because the Chinese press,  at the behest of the government, has been  publicizing it in order to warn the people  in the farthest corners of the country of  the government's condemnation of this  practice and of the serious consequences.  Specific investigations, arrests, and jail  sentences were publicized throughout the  year I was there.  What struck me in the newspaper accounts,  was the government's earnest and continuing efforts to educate the public. The  articles drawn from various papers, including the prestigious People 's Daily,  which  I read reprinted in English iii the China  Daily,  soon developed a new and effective  label: "feudal sexism." This feudalist  sexism was not only denounced but also  analyzed repeatedly in both newspapers  and magazines, to spread awareness of the  causes as well as the Communist Party's  condemnation of "feudalist sexism."  The fact that the top level of the Chinese  government is strongly and openly opposed  to sexist prejudice, and constantly advertises this fact, impressed me strongly.  Can you imagine a Canadian newspaper known  to represent any Canadian Prime Minister's  views, announcing, "Every Party member has  the obligation to fight sex prejudice"?  Not only is the status of women undergoing  extensive, continuing improvement because  of the advertised condemnation of sexism  by top leaders, but also there is continuing stress in the media on the important  role of women in the Communist Revolution,  as well as on the rapidly developing role  of women in leadership roles on the political scene today. This is the second  area in which I'm afraid we Canadians must  take a back seat to the People's Republic  of China.  While I was in China, the 6th National  People's Congress met, and, among other  changes, announced the increase of women  deputies to 21.2% of the total. Some of  these women are active members of the highest Standing Committees, as well as special  committees. A featured article on a woman  holding a cabinet-level position did not  focus on her gender, but on her economic  views. The prestigious and influential  Chinese People's Political Consultative  Conference (CPPCC) elected as President  Deng Yingchao, a woman who helped organise  and participated in the Revolution from  1914 to its successful conclusion in the  late '40's. She was seriously wounded in  the Long'March, but still was one of the  survivors of that epic journey. I asked  several of my students privately if she had  been elected primarily because she was the  widow of the beloved Chou En-Lai. They were  surprised at my question, and said she had  long been held in the highest esteem on  her own merits.  Many women in China as in Canada are active at the lower level of politics, but  in China each year more hold leadership  positions, and women leaders in business,  education, science, and politics are  frequently the subjects of feature articles in magazines and newspapers, serving as important role models for Chinese  girls and young women..For example, in  1983, 70% of the counties in Sichuan Province had women as their heads or deputy  heads. More significantly, in 1983 the  first woman governor of a province was  elected in China, Gu Xiulian of Jiangsu  Province. When will a woman serve as premier of a province in Canada?  There are many Women's Federations in  China, including the highly respected  and very active All-China Women's Federation, in which the founders of the women's  associations in the party in the 1920's  and 30's, Cai Chang and Deng Yingchao,  have continued to work in the early '80's  in an advisory capacity with middle-aged  and young women leaders.  This Federation has provided guidance to  many women's federations at county level  and above in setting up legal advisory  groups to protect (and widely publicize)  women's and children's rights under the  new constitution, which has established  a strong, extensive legal system, with  law schools mushrooming, public legal aid  and information stressed, and the appointment of a large number of new judges—  many of whom are women.  The Standing Committee of the All-China  Women's Federation in April 1983 issued  The top level of the  Chinese government  is strongly and  openly opposed to  sexist prejudice. Can  you imagine a Canadian Prime Minister  announcing "Every  Party member has  the obligation to fight  sex prejudice"?  a statement echoing (though they may have  helped establish) the Communist Party  official analysis of the basic problem:  "mistreatment of women is the result of  feudal ideas."  Women are rising rapidly not only in politics and business, but also in the realm  of the creative arts. The block-buster  best selling short novel while I was there  in 1980 was Shen Rong's novel When One  Enters Middle Age,  about the collapse of  a woman intellectual, a doctor. (Chinese  writers are not into catchy titles) You  can read this novella in the Panda Books  paperback, Seven Contemporary Women Writers  Shen Rong's novella was made into a film,  which achieved enormous popular success  and won the Chinese equivalent of an  Oscar in 1983. Some of my students, male  as well as female, told me the film had  moved them to tears. (Chinese men do not  seem to share our western men's resist- ...  ance to showing emotion.)  Another of the female authors included in  that collection of long stories, Zhang Jie,  recently wrote a new novel which one of my  former students praised highly in a letter  to me a few months ago. The novel, Ark,  is  about three divorced women (a film director, an interpreter, and a critic), struggling together against the strong prejudice in China towards divorced women.  They establish themselves with great difficulty as women who don't rely on men,  but who instead consider themselves equal  to men. "They are like an ark sailing in  the sea of public opinion," writes my  friend.  She finds this novel the best of  the recent novels dealing with women's  dignity and rights in China. Though it is  apparently not available in English at  present, it is interesting to know that  such a novel by a highly rated young woman  writer in China is having such an impact  on young women there.  Obviously education is a necessary road to  travel for many women in China as in Canada, in order to catch the attention of,  win the respect of, and change the attitudes of these men (and women) still suffering from "feudal sexism." The People's  Republic of China -inherited from the preceding rulers a grossly inequitable educational system. They have made great  strides, but they still have a way to go.  A Chinese representative at the U.N. noted  from the March issue of China Quarterly  1983,  that women did not enjoy complete  equality with men in education, employment  or in government; in 1981, for example,  the proportion of girls in primary, secondary and higher education was 43.9, 39.0,  and 24.4 per cent, respectively. But in  1983 the caption under a photo of Beijing  (Peking) aspirants writing the national  college entrance exam specified that over  half of those writing the exam in Beijing  in 1983 were females.  When I was in China in 1983, all of my  college classes were roughly 50% women,  and many of my Chinese colleagues were  women, some of them full professors. But  in language and literature study women  broke through early in North American Universities, too, so I don't know how repre  sentatlve this sampling would be. In China  there are many women doctors, dentists and  increasingly more scientists, but there  are still some inequalities. A student  told me of a woman friend who wanted to  take the test for the U.N. translators'  institute in Beijing, but was told flatly  she would not be considered unless she had  the highest score of all the applicants  taking the test. Obviously, there is room  for improvement.  But there are many women, and an increasing number of men, including Deng Ziao-ping,  the man at the top, who want to find and  break down those last walls. Would that  we had a leader of any major Canadian  party as willing to recognize and actively,  publicly oppose feudal sexism here. June '84   Kinesis   7  FUNDING  We will survive  by Helen Maier  Whenever and wherever women have fought for  change, for the vote, .for an end to violence  for simple protection, for legislative  reform, for decent working conditions., we  have wondered where we would get the money  to pay the bills. Where we would find  money for handbills, for leaflets, for  postage, and then for rent, for food, for  care for our children, for the education  we wanted, for all the things we need to  fight a war.  For many decades these fights were paid  for from the purses and wallets of various  ladies and gentlemen bountiful. Women and  men with social consciences (.consciences  which were tempered by their class and  race interests, but consciences nonetheless)  paid the bills, rented the halls, bought  the train tickets, paid for the handbills  and the advertisements in newspapers,  found and paid the lawyers. For decades  the fights were for the right of women to  vote, to own property, to control money.  Battles were fought on behalf of others  less "privileged", for slaves. - both  economic and sexual, for women, men and 'Ģ  children who were deemed targets for salvation by the christian god.  Since the late 1960's the second wave of  the women's movement has organized around  our right to control our own bodies. Ours  are slightly different battles, but we  are certainly fighting the same war our  fore-mothers struggled in. We stand on the  ground those women cleared for us, but we  are different women in different times.  What I want to discuss here is something-  about the nature of these times, the war,  and where the money comes from to pay the  bills.  If you read this newspaper regularly you  cannot help but be aware of the nature of  the funding for the women's liberation  movement in this province and in Canada.  Money for women comes from women's own  pockets, from the purses and wallets of  some of those same ladies and gentlemen  bountiful, from few religious organizations  and from all levels of government (municipal, provincial and federal). There are  the odd dollars from foundations and from  corporate interests, but the majority of  money for the organized women's liberation  movement comes, one way or another, out of  the pockets of the people that movement  works for.  My bias should be stated here. It is my-  position that it is the responsibility of  the women and men of any community to pay  the bills of those organizatins and services which exist to further the aims of  the women's liberation movement. I think  that this responsibility can be dealt with  in two ways, money goes from you and I  into the credit union or bank accounts of  organizations we support, or it comes from  the tax dollars we pay to government to  provide the services we all, or most of  us anyway, agree we need to be a humane  society.  And this, of course, is where the crunch  comes. In the last eleven months we have  seen much of what women have worked for  over the last 15-20 years attacked by the  government of the province of B.C. The  organizations vulnerable to attack have  been those which received, or receive reduced, funding from that government. Those  organizations which manage to fund themselves, or those that are funded in part  or whole by other levels of government are  not (yet) vulnerable to attack from right-  wing Socred misogynistic policies. (I  guess those three words all mean the same  thing, but you get the picture.)  Instead of looking yet again at the depressing list of women's organizations and services affected by funding cuts from this  government, I want to use this space to  ask some questions, and to begin to form  what seems to me to be some answers. We  have had some not very pleasant experiencs  in Vancouver, and all over B.C., with  government funding, with fights about who  applies, who gets it and why. I think we  must continue to discuss what is going on  and why, as well as what we are going to  do about it.  When did we ever think that government,  particularly a Socred government, would  willingly fund organizations fighting for  the rights of women? When government funding stops, must women's organizations fold  up their offices and go home? Do we stop  doing the work because the.government  won't give us the money? Why is it that  we seem to be able to get money from government only when times are "good"?  There are undoubtedly women who feel like  throwing up their hands (and breakfasts)  and quitting when the government cuts  funds they have come to rely on to provide  the services they offer. While I find this  an absolutely understandable reaction, it  isn't the one which will continue the  work of women's liberation.  Government only funds what is DEMANDED,  and usually only that which is demanded by  particular groups to which that government  feels accountable. The Socreds are not  accountable to women. They are taking back  When government funding stops, must women's organizations fold up their offices and go home? Do we  stop doing the work because the government won't  give us the money?  what they see as having been given foolishly by the NDP government of 1972-5. They  are taking it back because they do not  perceive the women's movement as a part  of the community to which they have any  responsibility. They see the women's movement as being outside, as being other, and  being in opposition to all they consider  to be holy. They are right. We are.  What they are wrong about though is their  understanding of the importance to the  community of the services that women have  build. In a survey that the NDP did some  months ago the people who responded made it  very clear that Transition House was a  service they wanted protected. We can assume  that most people in B.C. are not like Les  Bewley, that most people believe that services for sexually abused children and  women, women with post-partum depressions,  women and children who are raped, women who  are battered, exist because they are necessary .  Nonetheless, the government has eliminated  or cut funding to services of this kind.  They have done it because it is no longer  politically convenient to continue to fund  them. They have done it, like other abusers,  because they think they will get away with  it. I heard a woman on t.v. talking about  the sexual abuse of children say that only  those who were in favour of sexual abuse  would oppose its elimination. It seems to  me that the Socreds have certainly exposed  themselves to the community as opposing  women's liberation. The Socreds have a lot  to lose.  I think there's only one answer to the  questions-1 asked above. The Women's Liberation Movement is a dangerous one. We are  not naive, we know we will be attacked.  And like any guerillas fighting for liberation, when that happens we will fall back,  but only a little, and regroup. And then we  will carry on the war.  We must continue to do the work we see  needs doing. We cannot stop, we cannot look  back. We must continue because we are women who helieve that women working together  will accomplish women's liberation. We do"  not wait for men to figure it out for us  and then do it to us. We are doing it for  ourselves. When we can get it we will use  money, our money, from government. When we  can't we will use our own pennies, our  boundless energies. We will survive. We  will win. ^I^SsM- Kinesis   June '84  June '84   Kinesis   9  Our  taxes  are for us  Although women will keep organizing within women's groups with  or without government funding,  we must demand a large share of  the tax dollar be allocated to the  promotion of the status of women,  as an assertion of what we know is  our right, and as a step towards  economic equality.  by Susan O'Donnell  Susan O'Donnell is a VSW Board member.  The Vancouver Status of Women, along with  many other women's groups in the province,  has recently been faced with the devastation of a total cut in operating funds.  The women's movement has long been in disagreement about whether or not we should  be receiving funds from the government at  all. In fact, many feminists might now  say that the Vancouver Status of Women  would be in a much better postion if it  had learned from the start to operate  without government assistance—that not  only does government money ensure co-  option and endless months spent in fulfilling grant criteria, but that operating on insufficient funds has a more  harmful effect than operating on no funds  at all.  All of these arguments merit discussion  and thought. But putting these principles  into practice raises some important contradictions for feminists. We.have long  been aware that economic equality is an  important cornerstone in the liberation  of women, and from this we have developed  our positions on equal pay for work of  equal value, affirmative action, pensions,  etc. We know that the distribution of  wealth in general discriminates harshly  against women, and that the distribution  of our tax dollars simply reflects this  discrimination. To demand that a large  share of tax money be allocated to the  promotion of the status of women is simply  'to assert what we know is our right.  The work that women's organizations must  do, does not come cheap. The printing,  organizing, programming, research, childcare requirements require more resources  than any number of bake sales can provide.  Our movement is increasingly becoming  dependent on poverty line salaries for  its workers, with no fringe benefits, and  no union protection. More and more collectives are arguing about make-work projects which demand unemployed women work  for their earned U.I.C. benefits. And as  the chances for decent pay become less  and less, we become more and more dependent on that feminist ghost, volunteerism.  The internal dynamics of any women'.s  group are bound to become strained as the  organization sees its limited resources  cut back again and again. Collective members become divided around what areas of  work must be chopped, which areas of work  shall be blessed with the few resources  that are left. Focus on internal survival  tends to become greater than focus on  outside work, and the potential for the  movement to grow becomes limited.  The trade union movement has understood  for years the importance of a strong economic base. It is fortunate that within  its membership is a structure to ensure  that base. Although it is somewhat jeopardized by unemployment of its members, to  date it has been able to ensure enough  funds to withstand our provincial government. Its economic independence is to be  envied.  As the women's movement has no hope of a  structure that will allow it to be supported by its members,and its possibility  of growth is limited by funds available  from fund raising and volunteerism it  seems clear that an economic base can  only be achieved by a strong government  commitment to the equality of women. The  stand of this provincial government on  funding for women's groups is a dangerous  one/ The Social Credit Party makes a big  leap when it argues that feminism is not  only political, but is by its very  nature, partisan. In defining women's  groups in this way, it is also saying  that the inequality of women is not only  acceptable, but desireable.  There is no doubt that women will keep  organizing within their women's groups  with or without government funding. The  success of the women's movement over the  last few years can be seen in the phenomenal difference in the way women support each other, and in the way our expectations for ourselves have changed. No  amount of cuts can stop this momentum,  although the structures we build may have  to change.  However, it is clear that the resources  The resources required for a strong commitment to the position of women must come  from government, but the government  funding agents must realize that the best  analysis of the way to go about the equality  of women must be defined and evaluated by  women themselves.  No one knows better than feminists that  we serve a constituency that cannot support us economically, and that the reason  is systemic discrimination and not an unwillingness to pay on the part of women.  If we accept that a feminist analysis  is crucial to an understanding of the inequality of women then we must demand a  society that pays for that analysis. In  fact, it is the continued existence of a  feminist analysis independent of other  institutions that can provide women with ■  the ammunition they need to fight for  their equality.  required for a strong commitment to the  position of women must come from government. Further, the government funding  agents must- realize that the best analysis of the way to go about the equality  of women, must be defined and evaluated  by women themselves. This means government abandoning their policy of "We'll  do it if we can afford it after everything else has been paid for".  Women's groups such as the Vancouver  Status of Women have historically commit-  continued on p. 13  FUNDING  living  by Joni Miller  for Vancouver Rape Relief and Women's Shelter  One of the things I did while avoiding  writing this article was to co-design a  skit and an alter ego for the demonstration  •May 26 put on by the Vancouver Coalition  against the C.S.I.S. (Civilian Security  Intelligence Service). Maybe that's a place  to start.  In August of 1982, my home was broken into  in a manne/r that suggests a visit from the  secret police. I live, everyday, with the  emotional certainty that I am being bugged.  Where's the wire? In the bedroom? In the  kitchen? Certainly in the telephone. (Quick  - did you know that your telephone should  start making that obnoxious beep beep sound  within about seven seconds of being off the  hook and not connected to another line?  If it doesn't, it could mean that your  phone is open to the police.)  Last year, I went through the painful  break-up of a long distance affair - know*-  ing that some "Corporal Johnson" from  "Dissident Groups" was listening to every  word, perhaps entering it into the "General  Feminist File". When I fight with my  friends, I imagine every controversy is  being noted to be used sometime later to  nurture a political split between us.  C.S.I.S. - that's the baby of the Federal  Liberals. Government.  I visit Ann Hansen in Oakalla prison.  There's a government funded project for  you - bars, guards, rifles, barbed wire,  show your I.D. at the gate, the gun turret  out in the field. I can't get Ann out of  prison - and I virtually can't get rapists  in. Last week a woman I've been in contact  with for about three years actually saw  the man who raped her sentenced - an  event rare enough to be almost astounding.  to  ray: vlsioa $tH feminist future.  WMK* n&t accountable to some  higher authority for the way we  <fo things.   At my very first Rape Relief collective  meeting, five years ago, a woman read out  a document leaked from the secret files  of the B.C. Attorney General's office. It  said that Vancouver Rape Relief was overrun by lesbians and communists - so was the  Victoria Centre, and they weren't sure  about Terrace. These were the same people  paying our bills and spying on us - the  Socred provincial government.  We marched in those huge hopeful masses  of last summer: feminists, trade unionists,  ordinary people out beating the pavement  thinking this time we can't fail. The optimism dissolved into the bitter taste of  defeat - more cutbacks, more unemployment,  more Mega projects, the A.L.R.T. cutting  through my neighbourhood, more control.  Government.  Again and again, in the course of my everyday work, I find women who experience the  impediment of their lives by government  officials. Sometimes it's individuals acting in accordance with government policies,  and sometimes it's small time officials  stepping over their mandate. We all know  the stories - a woman fighting immigration  and the threat of being sent back to an  unfriendly home country because her husband  has dumped her; or welfare cutting her off  because she left the man who beats her and  they think she should be back; or welfare  apprehending her kids; or waiting six  hours in the Burnaby police station trying  FUNDING  without government money  to get someone to take seriously her plea  that this particular man must be taken off  the street.  It's pretty hard for me to imagine the  question of government funding as some kind  of theoretical argument, considering how  much evidence I have that the governing  bodies are in fact enemies of women, of  labour, of children, of radicalism - of  everything that matters to me. I think,  however, that when these same bodies are  paying the bills, it's easier to imagine  them as friends.  What may be necessary is to be able to take  the money when it's available, but to keep  a critical perspective.  Governments have a  tendency to pay for things I don't want to  do, and to refuse to pay for things I do  want to do. As a movement, we need to maintain a clear idea of what it is that we  want to do.  In B.C., taking government money or not  taking government money is becoming a  redundant question. When the B.C. Coalition  of Rape Crisis Centres was cut off two years  ago, it was a lonely, frightening process.  We didn't know then that we were riding the  crest of a huge wave of Socred policy making.  Now I look around, and see that we have  plenty of good company. Every group in the  phone book under "Birth Control" is cut off.  The Women's Health Collective, V.S.W, Post  Partum Counselling, Child Abuse Teams -  cut off. W.A.V.A.W. - cut back 5%. Transition House - turned out to be grabbed by  the lowest bidder.  When we were first cut off from our government grant, it was easy to feel overwhelmed.  When we were forced to consider closing  down as an option, we chose not to, for a  number of reasons. Every time anyone of us  answers the crisis line, it-hits home again  that to close down, even for an hour, leaves  women desperate. Violence against women is  very fundamental to every woman's experience  of her own oppression.  As a front for the women's movement, a 24-  hour line is very valuable - for example,  when the media wants the "women's movement"  opinion on something,. we frequently get  called, because we're always here.  When I was attacked on my-own street eight  years ago, I didn't know about Rape Relief,  so I called the police instead, a government agency. They told me that only whores  walk alone in the city, and if I stayed  off the streets, these things wouldn't  happen to me. It's a good story, and I tell  it often, usually getting gasps from the  audience, but I wouldn't ever want to be  back there in the middle of the night with  my bruises, my torn coat, my terror and no  one to turn to except that jackass of a  policeman whose name, to my eternal regret,  I didn't get.  Last year, in response to a crisis call,  I helped mobilize 100 women to confront  a group of violent men on Dumphries Street.  In the old days, I might have worried that  such an action might upset our funding.  That night, I was free to keep my attention  on the woman who had been attacked - to  watch her terror turn to strength. No  official was in a position to ask her  whether it had really happened or tell her  how it was her fault for being there, or  to tell me to stay objective.  Existing without government funding brings  my work closer to my dream of what might  be - my visions of a feminist future. We  are not accountable to some higher authority for the way we do things. One result  is that often we have received women into •  our house after M.H.R. has refused to  grant them another extension in one of the  I have much  evidence that  governing bodies  are enemies,  of women,  of labour,  of children,  of radicalism....  However, when  these same  bodies are paying  | the bills, it's  | easier to see  I them as friends.  government supported transition houses.  We can work with greater flexibility -  since we are not subject to rigid time  limits, each woman's stay in our house can  be suited to what she actually needs.  It is possible to experience a greater  sense of community as a result of the  fund raising work we do than we could ever  get out of negotiations with the government funding agency. Someone's desire to  get active can be quickly translated into  concrete terms. In the last five years,  we've raised some $200,000. We're currently  renovating the third floor of our building,  all on a shoestring budget, with men agreeing to donate labour under our direction.  Women who stay with us see that we're as  poor as they are, that nobody gets a salary, and feel more inspired to be involved.  There is something they  can do - something  we all can do. I note with pride that most  of our new recruits are women who either  lived in the house or came to us through  the crisis line. I see women who came to  us originally in the middle of a crisis  returning to walk in the Walkathon, help  put up blackberries for the women yet to  move in, or bring her friends and neighbours along to walk in the I.W.D. parade.  It seems to me that an important barrier  has been removed between myself and the  women I'm working with, now that I am no  longer, in any way, a representative of  the government.  Existing without government funding also  increases £he number of times I wake up  in the night wondering if we can really  afford the materials for another great  project I have in mind. For the first  time, the democratic budgeting for this  organization is a real thing to me - not  just numbers on a piece of paper. If I  think we should purchase something, a  gestefax machine, for example, it's not  my responsibility to argue the economics  of it as well as the usefulness. What I  don't have to do is persuade the Department of Health and Welfare that we need  this machine. Because we actually are in  "control of the money raised in our name,  we can'decide to send office supplies to  |a Nicaraguan Women's office, or to buy  300 roses for the I.W.D. parade, or to just  (increase our paper supply.  JI am quite certain that governments do not  pay for services to women out of the pure  goodness of their hearts. There is always  an agenda that seldom meshes exactly with  what we're trying to do. Perhaps this particular grant is to buy favour, votes, to  mobilize opposition to this  government's  political enemies, or simply to buy control  over progressive movements. When we are  forced to constantly seek their approval  - what's called "being accountable" -  when we don't constantly seek another way,  then our organizations can be shut down  by a mere withdrawal of ,our operating  grant.  Although at times it may be worth it to  some governments to pay some money to some  women's groups for some projects - I am  certain that there isn't a government  grant that will foot the bill for total  feminist revolution. I am also practical  enough to realize that every fight back  plan requires money. I will continue to  support women and women's groups to force  governments to fund projects, and I'll  also continue to find other ways to fund  my work so that I'm not totally dependent  on government approval, and the threat of  withdrawing money is not a weapon of total  annihilation.  Sometimes, playing one government branch  against another or one political party  against another gets us concrete results,  and is not a tactic to ignore. Independently funded projects are also very worthy of  consideration. Within my group, we started  by deciding to reduce our dependency on  government by 10%. The result was that we  got more publically daring in what action  we were willing to take. Twovyears later,  when we were,asked to hand over our files  as part of an "evaluation", we were bold  enough to refuse, and that's when we lost  the other 90%.  The good news is that we have survived,  we continue to grapple with the results  of our decisions and to look ahead. There  is much more to say on this subject, and  I hope women will continue the debate. Kinesis   June '$  BUSINESS!  photo by Georgette Ganne  Kootenay women  in business  by Susan White  It's an idyllic setting: a cedar-sided  building on a sunny hillside, a stand of  pine trees above it, cows grazing nearby,  the sound of wind in the trees, and the  river running over rocks in the valley  below. This is Crescent Valley in the  Kootenays, the locations of a women's  jam making collective known as Emma's  Jambrosia.  %  J0  "■"'"  ' "*!»'  IIIj  - ■•  fl'yS>  the production line in the fall of 1983.  Along the way, there were many struggles  - and learning experiences. The decision  to operate as a collective, with consensus decision making, has sometimes proven  difficult in view of the critical business  decisions that are constantly being made,  sometimes on short notice. And running  their own business was a new experience  for most collective members. Learning has  been diverse: the collective wrote its  own lease, does its own advertising and  assembled the fruit freezer, a massive  123 cubic metres that holds 45 tons of  fruit.  At present there are 13 women in the  collective, five of them working full-  time. I spoke with Heather Gibson and  Georgette Ganne, who have been collective  members since Emma's beginning. Heather is  a fulltime worker; Georgette is not, but  has worked as a spare in the factory.  What's it like to work at Emma?  Heather: It's different from any other  job because I'm controlling my work  environment. Because of consensus, I'm  in agreement with all the decisions  affecting my work. Another difference is  that it's by far the physically hardest  work I've ever done. And there's no  glamour, not even a hell of a lot of  satisfaction, in unloading 8 tons of fruit  I by hand. %*£$&£<  Georgette: It's also different working  with other women, only women.  Heather: It's empowering, working like  this. It's never a situation where, 'this  is your job, you have to do it'...  Georgette: There's a consideration of  each other that I've really noticed.  There are some skills that aren't shared,  but then there's a striving to understand  different skills, different responsibili-  does Emma work?  Georgette: I don't know why it works.  There's an incredible diversity. Most of  us come from different backgrounds...  Heather: To me, it works because we have  a single focus: to keep Emma alive. Emma  almost exists as a separate entity in herself: it's as if we feel protective  towards her, maternal.  Georgette: It's been two and a half years,  and we (the collective members) still  socialize together, have fun together - and  most of the same women are still in the  collective.  Heather: The commitment is the same throughout the collective, working and non-working. Women are willing to take the long  view about decisions...We've run into  crisis points all the way along that seemed  catastrophic. We overcame them...Now, where  we are is another major hurdle: how do we  sell enough jam to make the business viable?  Emma, with^ five fulltime workers and a  production of 9000 j"ars of jam a month,  didn't even exist as an idea two and a  half years ago. At that time, women at  the Nelson Women's Centre became aware  that the federal government, through the  Local Employment Initiatives Programme,  was willing to provide seed money to start  businesses which would reduce chronic  unemployment. With unemployment critically  high, women wanted to create some work for  themselves; but they wanted an alternative to government employment. The core  group from the Women's Centre came up  with three ideas: making children's  furniture, obtaining ethyl alcohol from  Jerusalem artichokes (for use as fuel),  and jam making. With federal funding, the  women carried out feasibility studies on  each idea and concluded that jam making  was the one to pursue. Once that decision  was made, it was eighteen months until  the first jar of jam actually came off  Hi  K==5«fe:  IN  jpwwwH^jjy'  Jambrosia produces a very high  quality product: no one else in Canada  produces a low sweetness, no preservative  jam. With a combined fruit sweetness and  honey content of 25-30%, Emma has too  little  sweetness to be allowed to call  itself anything but a "melange": federal  regulations stipulate sweetness (sugar or  honey) contents of over 60% for jam,  jelly, preserve, or spread. This meant  extensive experimentation with jam recipes  for the women of Emma, who wanted a fruit  product, not honey.  They also wanted to cook the fruit quickly,  to retain food value and taste. That meant  a long search for a special fruit pectin  that ended in Denmark, where they located  a type of pectin that allows them to cook  fruit for less than ten minutes. And the  search for high quality fruit is constant:  this year it may mean that Emma is able  to add only one new variety, instead of  two, to the present selection of raspberry,  strawberry, and peach.  There's a conscientiousness that pervades  every phase of Emma's Jambrosia: a consciousness and commitment to the collective  process and consensus decision making, an .  awareness and enforcement of high standards  for fruit and finished product, a conscientiousness about the working environment that]  leads to an atmosphere where women sing  and dance on the production line. Is this  enough to make Emma a successful business?  As Heather says, "We're a women's collective, a small company, we make a very high  quality product...we're not making a cent  on this jam, yet. We need to sell more, or  we won't survive. It's as simple as that." June'M   Kinesis   11  BUDGET UNIVERSITY  Women Against the Budget,  the feminist arm  of anti-Socred work,  has a history of creative activity. From the first "This budget  hurts women" button to the stone soup lun-  \  cheon at Grace McCarthy 's house,  the group  has brought a vital,.women's, perspective  to the fightback.  Budget University,   WAB's most ambitious  project to date, was a series of six-week  courses,  with lectures delivered by women,  $fa..a range of topics essential to building a better understanding of the present  state of events in British Columbia.  As the  brochure - or should we say course  catalogue    - states:  The Budget University is intended as a contribution to building Solidarity in struggle. We all need facts, information, and  analysis so we can do our political work  better...especially now."  Fice courses were offered.   "Newspeak is  alive and well and living in British Columbia, " "Grim Fairy Tales: the mythology of  the New Right," "How the Right got it together and why the left had better,"  "Everything is for the best in this best  of all possible worlds:  the new technologies," and "Cut along the bias: what's happening to B.C. 's educational system."  The sessions were capped off with a graduation dinner and dance,  complete with Glee  Club, and academic presentations.  by Linda Ervin  Volunteers - who I define as persons who  expand an institutions's goals and objectives , and do not replace paid workers -  are important and essential to most women's  organizations, but volunteerism is rife  with pitfalls. Volunteers, especially  women, are always in danger of being  exploited, and the present political  climate in B.C. only aggravates the situation. It is time we developed a strategy  to cope with the demands being placed on  volunteers.  There are many reasons to volunteer. It is  an opportunity to improve and touch up  skills, allows the volunteer to develop  self-esteem and confidence and provides .  something for her/his leisure time.  Volunteers have a right not to be exploited  or abused. In order to be fair to its  volunteers, an organization that chooses  to work with them has certain obligations.  It should be able to provide the volunteers with meaningful work, and give  them an opportunity to share skills. ,a£§i§s|p<  Volunteers need training and a support  system. They need to be oriented to the  community and to the organization's goals,  including its political and social analysis. In addition, it is essential that  volunteers be given an opportunity to  feed in to the organization, be accountable to someone or group, and have their  work evaluated.  In my opinion, volunteers should not be  so essential and integral to an organization that by their removal the organization disintegrates, or needs to change  its operational functions. If the organization is dependent on volunteers to  fulfill its purpose, goals, and objectives,  then the work should be paid employment.  While I realize that many organizations  are heavily dependent on volunteers, and  are not able to get adequate funding to  employ people, we should consider the  various options this dilemma presents. We  can continue in this fashion, i.e. using  volunteers to do the work. We can close  Are  we exploiting  our volunteers?  the organization down because there is  not money to pay employees, or we can  pay some of the staff and not others -  which raises its own problems.  My main worries and fears about volunteers  in Bennet's B.C. are related to this  problem of expecting volunteers to cover  what should be paid work. Grace McCarthy  and the Fraser Institute have said that  the church should pick up the social  services cut by the Socreds, because this  has traditionally been the church's arena.  This is ridiculous. We are not  in the  sixteenth century, there have  been major  shifts and good ones, in social service  policy since the days when the church  took responsibility for it. We pay taxes  for social services and we are not  getting them. Social service work is a  particular sort of work that requires,  specific training and skills. The fired/  'redundant' MHR workers who have those  skills should be hired back to do the  work.  Instead, the Socreds are asking church  volunteers to take over the'social  services. This proposal is regressive,  and can only prove to be a disaster for  the people who use those *  One key concern I have stems:-from the  varieties of philosophies among churches.  Let's look at the area of sexuality, for  instance. Battering, abuse, and sexual  harassment are seen by some denominations  as the male's prerogative. He is the head  of the household, and a woman's role is  to be submissive. Or the church does not  want to talk about these issues, quietly  pats the woman on the head, and says it  will go away. And, because these issues  are not meaningfully addressed and acknowledged, there is considerable sexual  harassment within the church itself. The  system created would in all.likelihood  be a helping hand that would- strike out  rather than help. Social service workers  would not have a social-political analysis,  but rather a stake in the hierarchy of  the present system.  In this situation, it is not only the  users of the service who suffer; the  volunteers are also exploited. They are  doing work that should be paid work but /  working for no real wage. Volunteerism  is, in short, in danger of devolving into  nothing but an exploitation of the poor,  primarily women. Volunteerism becomes a  method of handling the excess labour prob-  lem-rather than establishing paid jobs,  the government institutes volunteerism  and makes it the patriotic responsibility  of all citizens. It is usually poor women  who do volunteer work. A new class - poor  volunteers - is created. In addition, as  more and more people volunteer, and organizations become dependent on them,  resistance to and pressure on the government to follow through on its rights and  responsibilities becomes less and less  visible.  Charity is not the answer to Socred policy.  We must recognize that social service  work needs to be paid for - volunteers  cannot and should not replace social  service workers. It is imperative that we  not ask volunteers - women - to pick up  after the Socreds.  This article is taken from notes which  Linda Ervin used to deliver her talk on the  panel "If women won;t go the extra mile,  they 're just mean-spirited,"as part of the  Budget University course "Grim Fairy Tales:  the mythology of the Right." 12   Kinesis   June '84  BUDGET UNIVERSITY  How  long  will  we be  adhoc?  Nora Randall spoke on a panel entitled  "What is to be done ?" as part of the Budget University course "How the Right got it  together and why the left had better. "  Other  'lectures ' looked at the Fraser Institute,  and the Solidarity experience.This  is an edited version of a transcribed tape.  Other speakers on the panel were Cynthia  Flood and Hilda ~~  Nora Randall is a writer who has been active  in the Vancouver women's movement for the  past 12 to 13 years.  by Nora Randall  I want to talk about the ways that the  women's movement has been organized and  share with you a description of the  structure of the women's movement and  how I think it functions.  I think it is more important that we look  at the structure of what we do because  this is where I think women have really  lost out in terms of making our work  effective.  One of the ways I would describe the  Vancouver women's movement is "The  longest living 'ad-hoc' committee,"  because we've been 'ad-hoc' for 15 years,  and I want to talk about how that happens.  What we do, and we do it well, (you know,  I love the women's movement — it's  amazing I) what we do well is we organize  around work. I remember when I used to  work at the women's centre, sometimes  people would call up and say "Hello, is  this the women's liberation movement?  Where do I join?", and we would say,  "Well, what are you interested in? Do  you want to work on a newspaper? Do you  want to work at a bookstore? Do you want  to get involved in a political party?"  Because if they had something that they  wanted to do, there was a group of women  who were doing it.  What women relate to is work. That's what  we're socialized into, but also we do it  really well. Even now, in Women Against  the Budget, if we call the phone list and  say "We've got this action," they say,  "Great, we'll be thereI" But if I call  about a meeting, they want to know if  The Vancouver  women's movement  is "The longest  living 'ad-hoc'  committee.''  we're doing anything before they become  enthusiastic. &§$sk'W"  What that means is that we're basically  reactive, that we don't have a planning  capacity, because when the task is  finished, when we've done it, we tend to  dismantle, or fall apart, or ...  It has been both our strength and our  weakness that if there's work to do, we  come together around something we agree  about. We agree, for instance that we  should save Transition House. Everybody  who agrees that we should save Transition  House gets together and we give it the  old one-two. Then, when the work is done,  or when that particular task is past, a  kind of formlessness develops, and if we  don't form around other work again,  disagreements can come up.  Disagreements come up when you're thinking about what to do. People have different ideas about what to do, and what  happens when women disagree is that they  stay home. It's as if we all come together,  and do something we agree about, and then  one by one we stay home as these different ideas come up and we don't like them.  We're basically  reactive, we don't  have a planning  capacity.  It's like the tide coming in and the tide  going out.  Another fascinating thing about the way  we work is how we 'join' the women's  movement. One of the things that I think  is quite beautiful about it is that every  woman basically joins within herself.  There's that moment in your life when  somebody says "Well, you aren't a feminist  are you?" and you say "Yeah!... or "You  don't believe in that women"s liberation  stuff, do you?" and you say "Yeah, I do!"  You know?  How a woman joins the women's liberation  movement is by identifying herself as a  member of it. But then what happens is  that we all come to a meeting. We walk  into the room, fearful that we're going  to be taken to task for our politics,  that every other woman in the room  doesn't really believe that we are real  feminists. You can work your heart out,  and you secretly believe that the only  How a woman joins  the women's  liberation movement is by  identifying herself  as a member of it.  person who believes that you belong to  the women's liberation movement is you.  We organize the way we do for a reason.  I'm bringing up these things that 1  see  about the way we work in groups because I  want us to look at our strengths and our  weaknesses, and design a way of organizing  that's based on what we know about ourselves  so that we're organized along a continuum.  While considering what is to be done, and  what the women's movement thinks, I decided  that the answers of current popularity are:  join the NDP; organize for the collapse of  capitalism; visualize all male institutions  being sucked up by the goddess... and some  women are having babies! These are the  answers!  We're not all in one place.  If we try to think about organizing all the  women in the women's movement to go in one  direction with one thought and one purpose,  it's not true to how we've organized our-  We don't know  about all the  different things that  are being done by  different women in  our own movement. June'84   Kinesis   13  BUDGET UNIVERSITY  selves, it's not true to how we've come to-  gether, it's not true to our strengths.  Sometimes it seems that the women's movement  isn't getting any bigger or that we're all  talking to a group of our friends. Well,  it seems we tend to joint the women's  liberation movement in 'glomps.' For example, when I first got involved it was  around the Pedestal  (an early feminist  newspaper). I met these women, and some of  the same women helped with the bookstore,  and some of the same women were around  Makara  (a Vancouver based feminist magazine)  I've gone through the women's movement with  a certain 'glomp' of women with whom I  share a lot of the same background, feelings about what to do and when to do it,  and what we want. But at the same time as  I'm moving through the women's movement in  Vancouver, there are all kinds of other  women who have organized around other things  and they move through in 'glomps.'  Some of the people we know we're moving  parallel to. We know that the NDP Women's  Committee is out there, that WAVAW and  Rape Relief are out there. Some of them are  identifiable, but one of our disadvantages  is that we don't know about all the different things that are being done by different women in our own movement. We don't  know what outreach is going on; we don't  know about women in Delta who may have  decided on an action, or come to a reali-  When women show  up at a commission  and say "I want to  speak," no one is  surprised anymore.  zation, or have organized something, or have  demanded that a woman head some committee.  Now I would like to talk about one of my  favourite things: finances. You wonder how  I got to money, right? Well, one of the  reasons that we organize on an 'ad-hoc'  basis is because we don't have any money.  It's easy to come together to do something  in one big rush, and.do it and get it done,  but you can't sustain that on  volunteer  work, or if you're doing it after hours,  or in the cracks. You can do that for two  months, but you can't do that indefinitely.  Which is why we're at a disadvantage that  the Right doesn't have and it's also a disadvantage that unions don't have. They have  enough money to put people on salary.  We do have some ongoing funded groups in  the women's movement, and they're all  funded by the government. We don't support  anything of our own. The Vancouver Status  of Women is a really good example of how  a funded body can function. It gives us a  basis for planning. An organization like  that is a piece of entrenchment  it's  an entrenched piece of the women's  movement.  What that means is that there's a place for  a reporter to call if they want a remark  about the Vancouver women's movement, that  there's actually somebody who's on a salary  who has the time to sit down and work out  the theory when the government brings out  a pensions bill — to sit down and figure  out whether or not this pensions bill is  going to empower or hinder women who haven't  worked for wages ever in their lives, and  then write a paper and go to the Commission  and be on record, so that here is an actual  feminist point of view in the works.  They appear before commissions, they  develop positions, they can do planning,  they can do theory, they can present it.  They can make a body of Canadian history.  They're also in the phone book. You can  call them up, you can find out what the  women's movement thinks about certain  issues, and they maintain a visible profile.  We almost had it. We've been swept out to  sea here, but the idea that it is necessary to find out what women think, that  women are going to have an opinion on  what you've said, that we have a right to  be heard from, that we're going to have  a separate position — that has all been  entrenched. People expect that. When women  show up at commissions and say "I want to  speak" no one is surprised anymore, whereas in the very beginning there were lots  of fights over that one, that women didn't  have a particular point of view.  So that kind of entrenchment is what we're  losing, and one of the reasons that we're  losing it is that we never financed it,  and that has to do with our poverty. I  don't know exactly what we're going to do  here. I suggested at one point that we  open a feminist franchise, but that was  a sillier moment.  The whole point of talking about .the  'ad hoc' nature of the women's movement  and how we work is that we're at a point  in time where it's really important for  us to sit down and think "what do we  want?",1 and to plan and to ask what we  want to look like in five years. Do we  want the women's movement to be signed  up in the NDP? Do we want to have a solid  block of women in the B.C. Federation of  Labour?  One of the people attending the Budget  University said that you're not supposed  to plan because a planned economy is a  Communist plot. But capitalists are planning  they plan all the time. It's only us who  are not supposed to plan!  I want us to design  a way of organizing  that's based on  what we know  about ourselves.  We need to organize within ourselves. We  need to know what the women in Delta are  doing. We need to know every time a woman' goes into a gift shop and says "I  don't want you using that woman's body,  nutcracker." We need to develop a  structure.  One of the reasons we have developed our  'ad hoc' style is that we have a fear of  power being stuck in a structure. Our way  is to take power, do something , then put  it down and move on. The belief is that  if power is entrenched, or if someone  continues to be something, or if a hierarchy is created, it's going to get old  and jaded, and become inflexible, and  unusable.  It does all those things, but it also  projects us into the future and gives us a  way to plan. If we want to be in the NDP o]  want the goddess to get the Socreds out of  office, or whatever it is that we plan,  we have to have a structure that is going  to stand up over six months, and most of  the structures that we know of that stand  up over six months are really not comfortable to us.  So we need to come up with a' structure of  our own based on how we organize and we  need to come up with a way to deal with  disagreements that's more constructive  than staying home.  WOMEN  AGAINST  THE BUDGET  ' %   Presents  The Opening Semester  (Spring 1984)  of  THE  BUDGET  UNIVERSITY  Featuring  1 Introductory Lecture  Courses to choose from  (or take all of them!!)  Taxes for women continued from p. 8  ted a large part of their time to service.  We are the place that women come to  through telephone or visit when there is  a problem. The service component has  always been crucial for an overview of  women's experience, which in turn provides a basis for analysis and strategies  for change.  Good service cannot be carried out without  staff, and staff need to be paid. Consequently, the service component of an  organization is always the first to go  when funds are cut. This leaves a large  hole in the ability of an organization to  perform its analysis properly. It is  ironic that all governments will admit  the need to assist victims of discriminatory policy. This need apparently excludes women.  It seems crucial that in future women  fight for a government that will put  their money where their mouth is, or  where their mouth ought to be. With 45%  of us in the workforce, our taxes should  amount to adequate" services and organizations which carry our needs and interest. Considering the amount our women's  groups have been able to achieve so far,  the sky would be the limit with proper  funding. Kinesis   June '84  June'84   Kinesis   15  BUDGET UNIVERSITY  Newspeak:    alive and well  When the Socreds slash social services, fire public employees, and  pour money into megaprojects,  they call it 'restraint.' They are  using language to convince us,  against the painful evidence of  reality, that what they are doing is  good for us.  by Wendy Frost  Welcome to 1984, and the Socred's New Reality. Most of us are probably all too aware  of the effects that the Socred's last two  budgets are having on our rights and living standards. We know that they have  gutted social services, cut funding to  education, eliminated human rights, slashed welfare rates, fixed thousands of government workers, neglected the unemployed,  made a concerted attempt to smash the  labour movement, and poured their money  into megaprojects and multinationals.  We also know that this is just the beginning; the Socreds have clear plans to  turn this into a high-tech,non-unionized  province, a "safe" climate for investment,  with a quiescent labour movement, massive  unemployment, and responsibility for  social services thrown back onto the volunteer efforts of women, the family, and  the churches.  The Socreds, however, have a slightly  different story about what exactly it is  they're up to:  November 1983 was a decision month for  British Columbia. Major unions accepted  as part of their collective agreements the  fact that restraint in government is an  essential base on which private sector  recovery will grow.  It was a long,  hard road from February,  1982 when Premier Bill Bennett led the  nation in introducing the first significant restraint measures through the Compensation Stabilization program.  It took an election, a deficit budget and  a major legislative package to convince  many of the special interests and organized sectors of the province that they  too must share in restraint...  Significant,  long-term benefits will flow  to British Columbia through the negotiated acceptance of the government's restraint program...  (Restraint and Recovery  Booklet)  These are two entirely different pictures.  The painful reality we see around us, the  growing repression and hardship, and the  rosy picture of a province of patriotic  British Columbians, all pulling together  "with co-operation and effort" to create  new prosperity and the promised land, are  in complete contradiction. Both these  pictures cannot be true. They're not. One  of them is a lie.  What I want to look at now are the ways in  which Socreds propagate those lies, the  ways in which they use the ideology of the  Right;, and mostly the language of that  ideology, to make us swallow those lies.  They need our participation, or at the  very least, our acquiescence. And they  need to get re-elected. To do this, they  must convince a majority of the public  that what they're doing is good for us.  So, how are they achieving this? How are  they selling us this idea of restraint?  I'm going to define ideology as a system  of ideas and representations which falsifies reality, which presents a picture of  the world which is not accurate, but whose  acceptance serves the interests of those  who control these ideas. It is the mechanism by which dominant groups make their  actions acceptable to those they have  power over.  Language is an integral element of ideology. Language is not neutral; it is a  potential force of social control. Having  control of the language means having a  certain measure of control over how  people think, even over what it is possible for them to think about.  George Orwell's vision of 1984 offers a  chilling^ example of thought control by  'newspeak'. His vision is a useful warning of the direction in which they're  headed. In some places, already, this  abuse of language has become a reality,  as, for example, in this comment:  "The Polish words for socialism, socialization, and internationalism today designate respectively the existing social  The Socreds' ability to persuade  and not simply lie to us is very  sophisticated. They operate by  half-truths, distortion, and lies of  omission.  order, state ownership and subordination  to the interests of the Soviet Union. The  term 'anti-socialist force' is used to  denote any form of political opposition."  (Michael Szkolny)  Again things aren't quite that bad here—  yet. We still have avenues of dissent, we  still have the illusion of free speech,  although we're coming to realize that  free speech can be very expensive. But  the Socred's manipulation and distortion,  and theft, of language is a very real and  powerful part of their program.  I'm focussing on the Soereds because that  is the emphasis of this series, but don't  imagine that they're alone in this.  Reagan, Thatcher, the Moral Majority—  their tactics are similar. Think of "making the world safe for democracy" as a  justification for imperialist aggression.  Think of "right to life" as a slogan  meaning "no right to reproductive freedom'.'  A Trudeau aid was recently quoted as saying: "There is no truth, only the ability  to persuade." That's a line that could  have come straight out of 1984. The Socred  ability to persuade and not simply lie  to us, is very sophisticated. They operate by half-truths, connotations, unspoken associations, distortions, elimination  of alternatives, and lies of omission.  The word 'restraint' itself has a wealth  of associations. Control, order, discipline, hierarchy; it suggests a reaction  to the permissiveness of more prosperous  times, the 'let it all hang out' of the  60's, the "Me' decade of the seventies,  and a return to more sober, mature  values, individual responsibility and the  Protestant work ethic. Something we can  all do, something we can all share in.  Hardship, of course,-"tightening our  belts"- but hardship in a good cause, a  common cause. The government is providing  leadership by restraining itself; as good  citizens we are urged to follow its example.  The message is clear: 'good' British  Columbians will pitch in, co-operate, and  practise the virtues of self-denial. 'Bad  British Columbians' want to picket their  way to prosperity. Everyone knows "that  the sure road to prosperity is hard work;  and equally, everyone knows the corollary,  that those who aren't prosperous simply  haven't worked hard enough.  What's the literal meaning of "restraint"  as the Socreds are implementing it? Slashing social services, firing public employees, and pouring money into megaprojects. What's the ideological meaning, the  emotional impact, the coercive message?  Hard times mean hard work. Everybody pull  together, and we'll all have good times  again.  This one word, of course, doesn't operate  alone. It's bolstered by many other acts  of re-definition and verbal sleight-of-  hand.  One major one is re-definition of democracy. Democracy, according to the Socreds, means dropping your ballot in the  box every four years, and then keeping  your mouth shut and doing what you're  told. This is co-operation. You want some  participation in the process? You can  have "meaningful dialogue and consultation" .  The fact that the consultation process is  totally meaningless, as there is no accountability and no onus on the government to be bound by the process, is be-'  side the point; you've had 'input'; that  should more than satisfy you. That does  not satisfy us, and we take to the  streets in the thousands? That's called  confrontation, and we all know that confrontation is a terrible thing. We've  read it in a hundred Sun  editorials.  "Confrontation1,' Bennett tells us,"is  self-defeating and will only make things  worse in our province. You cannot strike  your way to job security. You cannot  picket your way to prosperity."  This use of language reverses reality.  Those who allow themselves to be robbed  of their democratic rights are cooperating, and by implication, are playing their legitimate role in the democratic process. Those who exercise their  alleged democratic right to organize are  trying to short-circuit the democratic  process, trying to re-fight the last  election, and are just 'special interest'  groups.  Asked in October if he thought there was  a real threat of a general strike, Bennett replied, "No, I think that most  British Columbians want to work."  Implication? Those thousands of people  in the streets are just idly layabouts,  BUDGET UMVERSITY  •    •  dependent on government handouts, who  think you can restore good times to this  province by picketing, not by hard work.  Another prop to the restraint program  is the language used around the cuts  themselves. One ploy is to characterize  the cutbacks in social services and the  firing of public employees as "lean and  efficient" government. Who could quarrel  with that? Downsizing, flexibility, productivity, and of course, privatization.  This evokes the image of a ponderously  top-heavy civil service, glutted with  bureaucratic paper-pushers, who produce  nothing, enjoy lifetime security and  feed at the public trough. Clearly,  everyone could applaud "down-sizing"  them in the name Of "lean" government.  In reality, it's front-line workers providing essential social services, who've  been cut, along with their programs.  But the Socreds have an answer to that  too,—there are no cuts, only new programs . Consider these headlines:  Those Most in Need Sheltered by G.A.I.N.  Actual content: welfare cuts.  New Student Aid Program:Actual content:  Student grant program cut completely.  Budget Stresses Health Care  Actual content: Health Care Maintenance  Surtax.  Sounds similar to Socred terms. "Downsizing " means cutting programs and firing  workers. "Management flexibility" means erosion of the rights of unionized workers.  "Productivity" means more work for less  pay. And "privatization," which according  to the B.C.  Government News  means "giving  the private sector an opportunity to take  over various functions and activities which  do not fit the basic government role" and  ostensibly creating jobs in the process,  actually means two things.  It means that those government services  which could turn a profit will now be handled by the private sector, at greater  cost, lower quality, and with non-union  labour. And those that are not profitable,  such as Transition House, and care for abused children, will either be taken over  by community groups, which will lower the  quality of service, or become the responsibility of volunteer agencies and the  family.  This justification for the restrain program also needs a justification for smash  ing the unions, since that's integral to  the program.,Or, in Bill Bennet's phrase,  achieving "stable industrial relations."-  The first attack on the public sector was  characterized as "efficiency;" the second  wave, the attack on the private sector unions, is just shaping up. What did Bennet  tell us on TV ? There must be no discrimination between workers; everyone has the  Right to Work; confrontation is a luxury  we can no longer afford; there are no  longer any special privileges. This is the  new reality, and only the tough will survive.  The term Right to Work is a pretty mind-  boggling piece of Newspeak in itself,  since it essentially means the right to  hire non-union labour, at low wages in un-  ur-  Wt'3k'  **  ; .- ■ .   m.  who faty ottew%M(tf WBqP  fi JornrnTwi), ft fym^ qfy&~  w\) <fV rijj& tf*m»u5h} tyt***  safe working conditions. To proclaim this  in the name of ending discrimination is  sheer audacity, coming from a government  that has gutted the Human Rights Branch.  But again , the message is clear. Those  greedy construction unions are going to  spoil Expo for us. British Columbia has a  golden opportunity to shine in the eyes of  the world, if we all just pull together,  but if some of us can't forget the luxuries of the past, can't adjust to the new  Socred terms. "Downsizing"  means cutting programs and  firing workers. "Management  flexibility" means erosion of  workers' rights. "Productivity"  means more work for less pay.  reality...well, kids, we may just have to  cancel Expo.  It'll be rough, but better  embarrassment now than six months down the  road. This isn't about ideology, this  isn't about politics, it's about survival.  That's the Socred restraint ideology in a  nutshell: rights are a luxury, hardship is  a necessity, if you're a good British Co-  olumbian with real B.C. spirit you'll  pitch in and do what your government asks  of you, and good times will be just around  the corner. This is all in your interests.  Trust me. Father knows best.  Another essential part of this package is  blaming the victim - finding a scapegoat.  In this case, it's the unions.  Unionized construction workers, who have  already suffered long-term unemployment,  are going to be held accountable if Expo  doesn't get off the ground. Their hard-  won rights and protections have become  dispensible luxuries, and their struggle  to retain those rights becomes the selfish  actions of a "special interest group."  Another outrageous example of this ploy is  an article by Walter Block on rent controls.  Walter Block is a leading member of the Era  ser Institute, the Socred's economic advisors.  Consider the case of Margaret Mitchell, a 72  year old handicapped pensioner who rents a  small one-bedroom apartment in this affluent  and luxurious neighbourhood.  When rent control was recently eliminated in B.C. by the  Social Credit government of Premier Bill  Bennet, Margaret Mitchell's rent rose from  $184 to $375 a month,  an increase of 104  percent.  She was quoted as saying,   "I've got a $265  a month federal pension.  The end of rent  control is going to put me on welfare."  Now don't get me wrong.  I'm as moved by the  plight of the unfortunate,  the elderly,  and  the poor as anyone else.  Nonetheless,  all  the tears in the world cannot justify rent  control as a good means of alleviating the  plight of the less well off.  It is as if we had had price controls on  automobile rentals,  and Margaret Mitchell  was fortunate enough to to able to lease a  Rolls-Royce limousine for $50 a month.  Then,  when this iniquitous system was ended,  and  the rental rose to a more reasonable $300  rent, we complained about the  increase, instead of about the situation before.  (Vancouver Sun)  We hear this same message in news of welfare  cuts: the poor have been getting it easy,  and the free ride is over. Now, before you  get emergency welfare, you have to use up  "your own resources" - this is a euphemism  for getting into debt. The Socreds are exploiting widespread fears and resentments:  resentment between employed and unemployed,  non-unionized and unionized workers, private  and public sector. People are scared and  looking for answers, and the Socreds are  providing one.  And they're doing it by distorting reality.  This talk was delivered as a part of the  Budget University course,  "Newspeak is a-  live and well and living in British Columbia, " which also included a talk on how the  news is processed, and a hands on workshop  on getting our message out.  Wendy Frost is active in Women Against the  Budget and one of the founding mothers of  University.  She, has a Master'  English from Simon Fraser University.  and living in B.C.  ill 16   Kinesis   June '84  ARTS  The politics of aging  by Helene Rosenthal  By the year 2000, there will be approximately two million women aged 65 and older  in Canada: a dramatic increase in our  century from a mere 132,000 at its outset.  Then, as the author of this timely and  embattled book says, "society could afford  to ignore us." That it no longer can  because of the magnitude of our plight and  numbers, and that we as women must begin  to use our political strength to change  society's appalling attitude towards, and  treatment of, older women is Cohen's  admirable twin thesis.  Small Expectations: Society's Betrayal of  Older Women,  by Leah Cohen. McCelland &  Stewart. Toronto. 1984.  Small Expectations  is a shocking expose of  the conditions under which most older women live. It is also a deeply informed  feminist analysis which proposes concrete  solutions. Written in a clear, direct style  refreshingly free of the deadly passive  voice and sociological jargon of so much  academic writing, it draws you in from the  first sentence. Extensive quotations in  every chapter give individual women a  voice and a presence. Cohen interviewed  hundreds of women ranging in age from 25  to 104 in her four years of research conducted in Canada, the U.S. and Great Britain. She unobtrusively uses the first  person voice to include herself.  The book begins with a discussion of self-  image and sexuality, and succeeding chapters  deal with problems "of health care, housing,  violence and over-riding poverty as these  affect older women. This gets more and more  depressing. But the last two chapters are  hopefully upbeat, the penultimate consisting of the testimonials of a number of  "Magnificent Survivors".  The last chapter focuses on "The Emerging  Political Activists", primarily the women-  initiated Gray Panthers, "who pioneered  the concept of militancy in old age," and  two older-women's political organizations:  Displaced Homemakers and the Older Women's  League (all American).  Though the vanguard of this movement is  relatively*small, "it has begun an irreversible process of mobilizing older women  ...one of the fastest-growing segments of  society, whose needs a responsible government cannot afford to ignore." Finally,  Cohen debunks the myth that our society  cannot afford women a dignified, financially secure and rewarding old age.  The greatest fraud of all is the belief  that as a society, we take collective  '   responsibility to provide for our old.  The two poorest groups of people in  Canada are women and the old; the  poorest of the poor are the old women.  -cited by Cohen from  "Women and Poverty", .  a Report by the  National Council of  Welfare, 1979.  What does the loss of dignity through  poverty mean in lived terms for this large  group (women outlive men by an average of  seven years)? It means that we lose control over our own lives. It means living  in situations that render us helpless  against acts of violence. It means victimization: being at the mercy of anyone who  wants to terrorize, demean and humiliate  us. (The individual accounts make horrifying reading).  But poverty is not the total issue, says  Cohen. The loss of dignity begins early  for women who are taught to value our  worth mainly in terms of sexual attractiveness to men and our ability to mother, i.e.  reproduce and work at unpaid labour in the  home. How we are socialized to want and  accept this as the natural order of things  is, along with poverty, a "root cause" of  the erosion of dignity in our lives. Men  suffer from the prejudice against the  old as well, but not in the ways or extent  to which women do, who start off destined  to suffer economic inferiority.  Cohen analyses the consumer society in  her first chapter as a distorted environment in which, from infancy on, women  are objectified as sex objects and thus  iy Naomi Stevens, from The Female Eye, Lorraine Monk  robbed from the outset of confidence in  our intellects and abilities, let alone  the freedom to make real choices and  participate as equals in the work of the  world along with men. High anxiety about  our appearance is inevitable where youth  and the "cult of sexuality" dictate our  rewards, so that we "fiercely deny and  fight our physical aging if we wish to be  perceived as sexually attractive women."  And, of course, billions of dollars are  invested in highly profitable industries  to ensure we do so.  -  When older women live alone,  the only places they can afford are  rooming houses in deteriorating,  high crime areas. They live a  terrorized life, rarely venturing  forth from their dehumanizing  isolation. Even so, they are the  victims of bullying, thieving, male  roomers, landlords, and thugs  who break in.  Cohen's reminder of our perceived worth  and consequent status in our culture,  inevitably takes on sombre inplications  when we begin experiencing the circumstances that start pushing us, in mid-age,  to the sidelines. For whereas men in  their forties "experience an enhanced  self-image, often until retirement, which  is fed by their accomplishments and their  accumulated possessions," women experience  themselves as losing their attractiveness  and thus their intrinsic value, menopause  signalling that they are on the downward  slide to being regarded as repulsive and  useless. Women who have remained single  and independent, already occupying lower  status than their married sisters, are  disdained as sexless, dried-up spinsters.  So here we find ourselves, in our prime,  about to be discarded. Only then is it  borne in upon us how we've been betrayed.  The maturity and wisdom we've gained in  dealing with the profoundly personal side  of life while juggling the practicalities  of our diversified roles are counted as  nothing. Discarded too are our working to  supplement family income, when we had to  or, for our own study and development,  needed to. Our real power finds scant  outlet; our potential power has been undercut from the beginning. With advancing  age, there's no hiding from the fact that  the system has already decided we're expendable. What exists for us then is merely  a shameful cover-up of that fact.  Although Cohen does not, here or elsewhere  in the book, overpower you with statistics,  the ones she presents to support her case  are succinct and irrefutable.  Here I'd like to inject a criticism of  the book, (which I otherwise admire highly).  It's this: the study appears to focus  exclusively on heterosexual white women.,  There is absolutely no reference to the  large percentage of lesbians in the combined populations of the three countries  encompassed, or to North American native  women, or to other large and obvious  minorities of women of colour. 3y excluding  or subsuming these women, by not naming  them, Cohen contributes to the invisibility  of those suffering the worst effects of  combined racial and sexual prejudice,  poverty and ageism and, in effect, invalidates these women's existence. Because it  Helen Rosenthal is a local poet and a i  ular contributor to  Kinesis. June'84   Kinesis   17  ARTS  is already so precariously margina^^fiT*"'"  most cases, the reality of the Lives of  our most oppressed sisters must be made  manifest. That it is not manifest in Cohen's  book, is unconscious, I am sure, given the  empathy of her concern for aging women  and her anger over the raw deal we get.  But the omission is a serious defect.  For one thing, it misses out on examples  which might well be instructive and provide some models. For instance, older  lesbian couples and ones of mixed ages can  be seen enjoying the friendship and support  of younger -women in a milieu based on  affinities and shared interests and outlook,  rather than on appearance or age similarities. As in the feminist community at large,  lesbians (who may not be feminists) tend  to accept each other on common ground.  Though I have no direct and very minimal  other knowledge of how our aboriginal  women or others of colour are perceived,  perceive themselves, and are treated within their traditional communities, whether  positive or negative their experience is  vital to our understanding, to our struggle,  in fact, and should be addressed.  Inasmuch as we all suffer varying degrees  of oppression under the one patriarchal  white power structure, the vast majority  of women facing retirement, or left as  unprovided-for widows late in years but  before retirement age, share the problem  of how they'll manage on a greatly reduced and inadequate income. Men at this  stage of life - wage or salary earners  for most of it - have at the very least,  in Canada, Canada Pension Plan or Quebec  Pension Plan, and private company pensions  they've paid into all those working years.  Most women don't qualify. The minority  who have worked at steady jobs all their  lives mainly earned incomes far below those  of men, with resulting lower benefits  to fall back on. But most women still  marry, and up till recently spent the  major part of their lives bringing up  children and maintaining a home for the  family. Even if .they've worked part-time  as many do today, they are not eligible  for such benefits. Divorced and abandoned  women are regularly cheated of their  legitimate share of an ex-provider's CPP.  All lose out.  The best we can look forward to on reaching age 65 is the universal Old Age '  Security (OAS) pension. It was never intended as' an adequate retirement income  but as a supplementary one. In the first  quarter of 1983, the sum was an across-  the-board $251 a month. Since "most retired women depend exclusively" on OAS,  says Cohen, "this dependence keeps us  well below the poverty line." That hardship  is only slightly mitigated by the Guaranteed Income Supplement which, unlike OAS,  is means-tested, and in the event of any  outside income is reduced by half the  amount of that income, a penalty which  "too frequently outweighs the gain" of the  Supplement. All these are sore points to  which Cohen- pays special attention in  presenting her own strong views and corrective remedies.  Because "Policy makers and politicians  rely consciously and unconsciously on  our ignorance of the pension system," it  is imperative we assume responsibility  for cutting through the confusion most of  us are in about it. One of the virtues  of Small Expectations  is that Cohen  challenges us to have large ones. As elsewhere in the book where she offers  practical suggestions for getting started,  she has some useful advice on challenging  the pension system. In the chapter entitled  "To be Old, a Woman, and Poor," she begins  by demystifying pensions and taking us  step by step through the premises and  A he horror most aging  women have of nursing  homes is well-founded.  They are places where  you wait in misery to  die among indifferent  and often sadistic  people who have power  over you. Even if you  are rich, you are at  their mercy.  complexities of how our government pensions  are conceived and administered.  She then discusses, and takes issue with,  the National Action Committee on the  Status of Women's detailed response to  the federal government's 1982 Green Paper  on the future of the Canadian pension  system. NAC's document, entitled "Pension  Reform - What Women Want", purportedly  reflects the views of its members who  include over 250 groups comprising three  million women. NAC, a voluntary organization that considers itself non-partisan  (the bulk of its funding, however, comes  from Ottawa), is Canada's largest feminist  lobby. Its document on pension reform  created huge controversy among women(see  coverage of Vancouver Status of Women's  position, Kinesis,  Oct. '83; April '84;  May '84).  Cohen's objections are based, not on its  "technical and operational details," but  on "the basic premises and philosophical  orientation that underlie NAC's approach."  That '.approach, she says, "can only be  described as middleclass, elitist and,  indeed, touching upon chauvinism." Her own  appraoch to income security for women  in old age is unequivocal. Countering NAC's  proposals for including homemakers in the  CPP(QPP) which divides them into three  groups on a hierarchical scale of deserv-  ingness, she argues that "the simplest,  most equitable way to reach our goal is  to fight for the expansion of the universal,  non-contributory Old Age Security."  I have left Cohen's discussion of violence  to the last, perhaps because it is so  painful. As in the chapters on health  hazards and housing (which I don't have  space to deal with), the stories women  have to tell here are heartbreaking and  enraging and eye-opening. The pervasiveness  of the violence, the extent and degree to  which old women are physically and psychologically abused must, because of the  silence that has covered the subject,  come as a shock to most of us. Cutting  through this silence of unreported and uninvestigated or ignored cromes, Cohen  shows they include everything from family  to institutional violence. This is to say,  wife battering; battering by children and  other relatives (as well as other cruel  treatment); rape; institutional and home  care abuse; "granny-bashing" on the streets,  and in cheap rooming-houses.  The most horrifying revelation implicates  mid-life daughters as the most common  batterers - in Great Britain and the U.S.  In Canada, it is more common for sons,  and male in-laws to be the batterers.  Where women live alone things are possibly  worse. Because the only places they can  afford are rooming houses in deteriorating,  high crime areas, they live a terrorized  life, often ill and certainly undernourished, behind multiple-locked doors, rarely  venturing forth from their dehumanizing  isolation, and then only in daylight.  Even so, they are the victims of bullying,  thieving male roomers, landlords, and thugs  who break in.  The medical profession, which as Cohen  shows, is aware of the physical .abuse,  refuses in the main to believe, or even  enquire into, its causes. (Old women are  far too ashamed to report their children,  or fear reprisals. They are also too  ashamed to report rape; nobody believes  them in any case.) Court records and the  media likewise avoid the subject. Older  women living with their children are also  afraid that if they complain or admit to  illness, they will be thrown out with no  place to go, or will be put (by children  who can afford it) into an institution.  The horror most aging women have of nursing  homes is well-founded, according to this  study, not only for the treatment meted  out by an unqualified and poorly paid  staff (most such facilities are profit-  oriented) , but because being put in such  hands means you utterly give yourself up  to uncaring strangers. They are places  where you wait in misery to die among  indifferent and often sadistic people who  have power over you. Even if you are rich,  you are at their mercy, as the evidence  shows. As Cohen points out elsewhere in  the book: "as we age, we are progressively  infantilized by doctors, gerontologists,  drug companies, the media and volunteers."  It is no wonder that so often we end up  forgotten in isolation, or totally powerless and dependent on those who regard us  as a burden, which we feel we are.  Small Expectations  warns us we must take  action if we want change. Grounds for  change exist in the political impact the  increasing aging female population can  have on the body politic. Grounds exist  in the decline of the traditional two-  parent family with a concommitant increase  in the number of independent women, who,  Cohen believes, will not "tolerate  an impoverished and demeaning old age"  as easily as did our more passively conditioned elders. With the growing power  of feminist thought and action to make  the conditions of our aging a political  issue, and as our personal aging focuses  the concern, we can look forward to our  movement's literal coming of age as it  tackles this enormous social problem. 18   Kinesis   June '84  ARTS  by Linda Hale  The first thing that struck me about these  two books of poetry by Dionne Brand, a  Toronto poet and activist in the black and  feminist communities, is how different they  are in content and style, even though there  is only a year's difference in their date  of publication. Primitive Offensive  is  composed of 15 loosely structured cantos,  varying from a page to 12 1/2 pages in  length, whereas the epigrams (a form which  is, by definition, condensed) are short,  from one to 35 lines long, and focussed.  There is also a striking difference in  mood between these,two books: the first is  permeated with images of decay and death,  fragmentation and entrapment, while in the  more recent volume, a more direct expression of anger, in conjunction with wit and  irony, makes the mood comparatively lighter  and the poetry more accessible.  Primitive Offensive,  by Dionne Brand.  59 pgs. Williams-Wallace, Toronto, 1982.  $5.95.  Winter Epigrams and Epigrams to Ernesto  Cardenal In Defense of Claudia,  by Dionne  Brand, ed. with an introduction by Roger  McTair.  38 pgs. Williams-Wallace,  Toronto,  1983.  $4.95.  On immersing myself more fully in these  two books, however, the similarities became more apparent. First of all, this is  heavy stuff; Brands's poetic vision is an  identity, a stance from which to view and  assess the world, a place from which to act.  Her work is consciously and sensitively  political. The fact that she is from  Grenada, a country which, until last November and the American invasion, was in the  process of transforming intself into a  socialist state, has a great deal of bearing on her committment to political change,  something that is clearly evident in her  poetry. About her work, it is more appropriate to say that "the political is  personal", rather than the North American  feminist formulation of that concept, "the  personal is political". And both books are  Brand  draws poetry  from her anger  characterized by an impassioned and revealing honesty.  Primitive Offensive  is a search for that  which is significant and lasting in human  experience, a search that probes both history and pre-history, that ranges across  continents, that explores language itself.  (Test your word knowledge on the following:  prurigenous, obsidian, hegemon, stellate,  houngan, antillian, cowry). In this search,  the poet confronts exploitation, slavery,  racism, loneliness, death, and existential  terror. The uncompromising rigour with which  Brand explores the dark aspects of the human  experience accounts for the darkness of the  mood of these cantos, but finally the resolution is positive, all the more positive  because it is so unflinching in its awareness of all that is negative:  Naked woman, run  aloneness comes in the end  it covers ground quickly  but to be a bright and beautiful thing  to tear up that miserable sound  in my ear  I run  my legs can keep going  my belly is wind      .      5g)  The first half of the later book is composed of 54 epigrams devoted to the theme of  a Toronto winter. This theme gives her rich  opportunities to express the anger which is  so fundamental to Brand's creative inspira-  tion. There is also a tenderness, counter-  pointing the anger, which is poignantly  expressed in Epigram 53:  Two things I will not buy  in this city,  mangoes and poinsettia;  exiled,  I must keep a little self-respect. ,  (p. 18)  More interesting, though, is the second  set of 54 epigrams "to Ernesto Cardenal in  Defense of Claudia". As Roger McTair explains in his Introduction, Cardenal, a  Nicaraguan priest, poet, Marxist and  humanist, wrote a series of epigrams to  his capricious (and bourgeois) lover,  Claudia. Though-inspired by these epigrams,  Brand's epigrams are, for the most part,  not directly concerned with Claudia and/or  Cardenal; what is important is the broader  theme of the tension between feminist and  socialist values. Take Epigram 12, for  example:  How do I know that this is love/  and not legitimation of capitalist  relations of production in advanced  patriarchy? (p. 24)  And Epigram 47 deserves to be quoted for  the benefit of Kinesis readers who don't  have the opportunity to read the Epigrams  in their entirety:  you want me to...  to what?  no, I can't tap dance  at the International Women's Day rally.  (p. 35)  The importance of anger in inspiring and  shaping Brand's poetry merits special mention. The power and liberatory potential  of this emotion has tended to be undervalued  especially in poetry: anger enables us to  reject what is dehumanizing, to centre us  in our own power. And Brand has used it well  the power of anger, given direction by  political awareness, polished by irony, to  cut through that which impedes our progress  toward a more liberated, more just world.  The poet's own words:  It is not a treasure, not a sweet,  It is something hot in the hand,  a piece  of red coal. _ .    'Äû_ ,  ...  Epigram 35,(p. 31)  More women performers at this year's Folkfest  The Vancouver Folk Music Festival has a reputation as one of the best festivals of  its kind in the world. No small part of its  success rests with its emphasis on the participation of women, not only as staff and  volunteers, but also as performers who  bring women's music and a feminist perspective to the event.  The line-up for the Seventh Annual Vancouver  festival (July 13, 14, and 15 at Jericho  Beach Park) has been announced, and once  again, almost half of the 200 performers'  appearing are women - proportionately more  than at any other folk music festival in  North America.  Some Canadians making a welcome return include Cathy Fink, Nancy White, and Ferron  (whose latest album has been making critical waves in the States), all of whom have  contributed enormously to past festivals.  Jane Sapp returns, bringing the U.S. black  women's experience as only she can do. The  incomparable Robin Flower, who was a part  of the festival in 1981 with Holly Near,  and returned in 1982 with her band, will be  back with her new band to combine traditional hot flat-picking with her own range  of styles and issues.  There are a number of women coming to the  festival for the first time, but whose  names and politics are familiar to many feminists. Californians Teresa Trull and Barbara Higbie will be on hand. Deborah Sil-  verstein, a founding member of Boston's  "New Harmony Sisterhood,* a five-woman  stringband, brings her solo repertoire.  Judy Small is an outspoken songwriter, singer and poet from Australia - the land of  the 'Bruces' and 'Sheilas' - Judy writes  and sings from a feminist point of view  from the land 'down under.' No easy task,  but she does it. Rita MacNeil recorded the  first women's album in Canada, Born a Woman,  ten years ago. Rita's voice and songs from  Cape Breton are long overdue on the west  coast.  Closer to home, Almeta Speaks, who is now  from Vancouver, incorporates her knowledge  as a long-time student of black history into her music. We Three, a Seattle a capella  group, sing jazz, folk, blues, et al, joyfully and politically. Girls Who Wear  Glasses are accomplished vaudevillians,  whose music can only be described as 'avant-  garde folk."'  There is a lot more to 'folk' than music -  it's the tradition of the spoken word that  really keeps it all alive. There are two  special women at this year's festival: Lillian Allen of Toronto's West Indian community brings a living pulsing poetry to life:  dub poetry. As Lillian says, "Dub,Is to poetry as reggae is to music." Jackie Torrence  'The Story Lady' from Granite County, North  Carolina, preserves a great chunk of American history and attitudes through her Uncle Remus Tales.  There are a number of instrumentalists at  the festival this year, such as Kathy Kal-  lick of Good 01' Persons, and Laurie Lewis  of Grant Street String Band.   Festival organizers feel that the participation of a large number of women at the  event has been critical to its success. This  year's programming certainly reflects that  feeling.  Earlybird tickets are now on sale. See notice page 25 for details. June'84   Kinesis    19  ARTS  by Jill Pollock  A time to be born, and a time to die;  a time to' plant, and a time to pluck  up that which is planted.  Ecclesiastes 3:2  Death is a fact of life, of the life cycle.  We acknowledge, however unconsciously, that  everything living will die. Someday.  In all forms of artmaking, the life/death  cycle has played a prominent role. Whether  it is overt political art, abstraction,  performance or music,.et al., human beings'  fascination with/horror of our mortality  has been a common concern.  The 'big' questions of why are we here? or.  what does death mean? have been tackled  from almost every perspective and within  almost every medium.  For women., dominant in our lives has been  the question of-quality of life. Not only  within the forum of birth control or not,  abortion or not, nuclear energy or not; we,  as child-bearers (or not) have been and  are presenting our ideas, from our own  viewpoints, on the life cycle.  Quite distinct and apart from the prevailing patriarchially-defined ideologies,  women who are artists have put forward  their thoughts with varying degress of  success.  The most recognizable names, including  Georgia O'Keefe, Judy Chicago and Louise  Bourgeois have extended the platform for  other women's voices to be heard.  Nomi Kaplan is an artist who works within  the realm of both sculpture and photography. Her work can be considered overt  in terms of discussing the life/death  cycle but its implications are subtle and  far-reaching.  Kaplan's way of working as well as the  Artist  documents  life and death  rituals and mythologies that have existed  for many centuries and in many countries.  Two of her photographic series, Grave  Marker  and Transfigurations,  exemplify her  interest in and thoughts on 'the nature of  things'.  Kaplan's methods are time-consuming,  meticulous and ritualistic. In both series,  she repeated processes, worked outside and  made sculpture which she then photographed.  Grave Marker  grew out of finding a dead  bird in her backyard. Kaplan made an above-  ground burial site, and encased the bird  in leaves, grass and flowers. After the  bird was nestled among those natural materials, she began the photographing. As she  had done in previous series, Kaplan decided to take the work to what she saw as its  natural conclusion.  Over the course of a year, the grave site  grew and changed.  Kaplan added to the site, tended it as one'  does a garden. She cultivated it, but left  it intact insofar as the weather and  seasons dictated. Grave Marker  became the  photodocumentation of the changes, both  natural and manipulated, that took place.  The site was a rounded ovoid shape, reminiscent of an egg. It remained nestled (or  nested) admist leaves or grass or snow.  All the while, the bird was decomposing  underneath.  She lived with the piece, watched its  transformation. Similar to journal entries  on a day's events or one's thoughts, Kaplan  preserved the experience of the changes  through photographs.  "The photography is just the document of  the work because the work is not going to  last forever. Also, it's interesting to  see how it changes." (Nomi Kaplan)  Parts of these changes were imperceptible,  yet some were dramatic and obvious. Kaplan  gained an intimate knowledge of the grave  site through repeated observations and interpretations .  All of this is present in the final series  of photographs through implied knowledge.  We as viewers see the process but cannot  experience the process - except by our  With Transfigurations,  Kaplan is presenting us  with a range of possibilities within the cycle of  life. Who we are today is  not necessarily who we  will be tomorrow.  photo by Nomi Kaplan,  Transfigurations, July 24,1982  identification and interpretation of our  own lives. Kaplan started with a dead bird  and gave it a new life, a form of immortality. She preserved the essence of a life,  in a manner similar to the Egyptian tombs  or to the rituals we still enact.  As she says, Grave Marker  is more about  the natural life cycle than about the bird.  It used the bird as an artifact', as a  beginning point...the bird was long gone  ...the bird was in evidence only for the  first four photographs, then it was just  the bird's grave site."  Kaplan followed through with this approach  of using metaphor in the series Transfigurations.  Again in her backyard, this time she used  a plum tree as the starting point. She made  a figure on the grass out of plums. Initially in outline, she then filled it in,  first with plums, later on in the year with  grass or leaves or flowers. At one point,  she encased both the tree and the figure  in a 'cocoon' of netting.  Although this body of work began, as did  Grave Marker,  with an existing as-it-stood/  laid object, it took a decidedly different  form. Kaplan gathered, tended and main-  Nomi Kaplan at work on Transfigurations  tained the figure. She consciously planted  flowers in a shape. The photographic angles  she chose altered the way in which the  figure appeared. Sometimes whimsical,  sometimes threatening and violent, sometimes  peaceful, the figure changed not only as  the seasons changed but according to  Kaplan's vision of the figure.  The figure began as a cut-out or skeleton,  'matured' and then decayed. It completed  the life cycle and indeed, had a life.  Kaplan personified the figure, dressed it  with plums and decorated it with flowers.  Young children play with dolls, imagining  a life for them and adorning them with  appropriate costumes for whatever fantasy  they are having the dolls enact. Usually,  those fantasies have mirrored prevailing,  acceptable social behavior; with minor  exceptions.  Kaplan seems to have taken that situation  of animating objects and elaborated on it.  She chose a vulnerable stance for the  figure and in certain photographs, the tree  appears to be the phallus. In others, it  acts as a weapon, stabbing through the  middle of the figure. In still others,  the tree seems to be the offspring with the  figure representing the roots or source.  The motivating force behind Kaplan's art-  making could be "I wanted to see what  would happen" and Transfigurations  embodies  that sentiment.  We as viewers see the many and varied  possibilities, both in terms of seasonal  cyclical changes and in terms of the  different persona inherent in human beings.  Everyone has their viewpoints and perspectives. Ask a room full of women for a  definition of feminism and most likely, as  many women as there are in the room, there  will be definitions. Each, according to  who they are, will be right. Each, according to their own experiences, will understand the other's interpretations.  With Transfigurations,  Kaplan is presenting  us with a range of possibilities within  the cycle of life. Who we are today is  not necessarily who we will be tomorrow.  Outside forces and circumstances affect  our lives profoundly and although we can  maintain some measure of control over our  lives and take responsibility for our  actions, we are not immune to external  changes. Be they political, cultural,  spiritual or social, Kaplan is saying that  what we can do is to be aware of them,  judge accordingly, and incorporate them  into our lives in such a way that they are  of greatest benefit, and least harm to us.  Her intention is positive. She is not  presenting us with a powerless victim in  the form of a plum fugure. Kaplan's  Transfigurations  is about working within  the limitations of life, giving it a run  and having a damn good time.  (Nomi Kaplan's work can be seen from June 7  - July 1 at Presentation House Gallery in  North Vancouver.) . 20   Kinesis   June '84  The third annual Vancouver  June '84   Kinesis   21  Fassbinder:  disturbing epic  by Brig Anderson  Berlin Alexanderplatz  West Germany 1980  Director: Rainer Werner Fassbinder  A profoundly disturbing and depressing  epic of exploitation and despair,  Berlin Alexanderplatz  is a fifteen hour  melodrama serialized in four "parts of increasing 'Rembrandtesque' darkness. First  shown on German television in 1980, the  frenetic, faithful adaptation of the 1929  Dflblin novel caused its director to proclaim he was Franz Biberkopf, a man who  tries but fails to make good after a four  year prison term for savagely beating his  prostitute wife Ida to death. The grimly  realistic scene is replayed in every episode as Biberkopf, overwhelmed by desires  and forces he does not understand, tries  to understand his past.  Fassbinder's usual leitmotifs are here—a  romantic lyricism achieved through framing  and soft focus lighting, especially in the  few love scenes; his use of proletarian  characters who are on the fringes of the  underworld living off crime and prostitution, and his use of expressionistic realism in the Bracht/lbsen manner. He is complex yet subversive, generous and gentle,  but also soft, soggy and unfocused in his  humanism. His seductive heroines are all  alienated and £11 at ease in a world which  condemns them to be the victims of violence and sexual exploitation, victims of  their own vulnerability—only Eva (Hanna  Schygulla) escapes this fate by being promoted to a rich man's prostitute, who,  like all Biberkopf's women, works to keep  him in comfort, and brings him new  'fiancees'.  Fassbinder is more interested in the power  struggle between Franz and Reinhold—not  only do they exchange women, but Reinhold  is the Satanic figure who loves men but  cannot leave women alone, though he loathes  them. (The questions of coming out raised  in Berlin Alexanderplatz axe  fully explored in Quevelle,  Fassfinder's latest movie  before his death aged 36.  'Dishes' doesn't  live up to promise  by Linda Grant  Dirty Dishes  France 1982  Director: Joyce Bunuel  Here is a film that promises a lot. It is  directed by Joyce Bunuel, daughter-in-law  of the great surrealist film-maker, and  seems, in the beginning, to take Bunuel's  characteristic "eye", so often turned on  the foolish foibles of the bourgeoisie,  and focus it on the absurbities of the  housewife's day-to-day existence.  When the heroine tries to pull her vacuum  cleaner into another room by the nose  attachment the audience giggles. When the  canister becomes stuck behind a corner we  bellylaugh.When in one final tug, the plug  pulls out of the socket and the moaning 1  beast digs into ineffective silence, we  are struck by a painful sense of recognition. These are, the tragedies of the  housewife, no less tragic for being absurd.  For the first third of the film, incident  follows incident in this way, each one  promising to come closer and closer to the  heart of a character whose existence is  defined by trivia. But the promise is not  to be fulfilled. At some point the heroine  becomes part of aFrench Diary of A Mad  Housewife.  Initially, the heroine is trapped by the  mechanical monsters of her home which overwhelm and rule her. Toward the end of the  film, she gives in to the logic of madness  and turns on every appliances in the kitchen, throws eggs at the wall. Her admirer,  an architect working in a nearby office,  sees her through the window, comes over,  and rapes her oh the kitchen table, amid  the bedlam of blenders and microwaves.  Earlier in the film the family is picnick^-  in a park, when a apparent psychotic, displaying every symptom of misogyny,attempts  to mow them down in his car. The scene is  all the more terrifying for its lack of  connection with what precedes or follows it-.  Both scenes, are suprisingly violent for  a film made by a woman. Both seemed to me  to be overindulgent, symptomatic of a  loosening of control over the material. The  - heroine when seen trough her relationship  with her workplace, the home, is funny and  even mysterious. As the film declines  into a chronicle of her sad attempts to  break out of her domestic prison, this  startling vision is lost. She is Mary  Hartman without the humour.  Sociology and'  surrealism, in this case, do not go  together.  Feminists  document hookers  by Heather Wells  Hookers... On Davie  Canada 1984  Directors: Janis Cole and Holly Dale  By now, almost everybody has heard about  the new film on Vancouver's prostitutes,  "Hookers...on Davie" by Janis Cole and  Holly Dale of P4W Prison for Women  fame.  Dale and Cole picked Vancouver's Davie  Street because of the pimp free working  environment and the politicized prostitutes.  They were impressed with the way hookers  help each other in what is daily a dangerous situation* Queens move in to protect  women harassed by street customers and  women in turn help them blend in with the  female foliage.  The street-wise hookers who appear in this  film apparently took a couple of months  to open up to the two women filmmakers but  once the bond of trust was established,  the rapport provided great results. The  radio mikes worn by the hookers let us in  on some of the candid exchanges between  hooker and customer.  It is a film which is a very gentle towards  its protagonists. The camera eye, in fact,  bears more resemblance to the good listening ear of a terapist, dwelling nurturingly  and unjudgementally on the monologues as  the hookers are personally interviewed. In  this supportive framework, all the better  for extravaganzas like Michelle - the  transvestite the film gets us closest to -  to wreak playful havoc across the celluloid.  A perfect public relations type, it's  Michelle who helps organize with ASP, the  Alliance for the Safety of Prostitutes.  (ASP prints a bad trick sheet and the film  shows members Sally de Quadros and Marie  Errington on their weekly stroll to check  working conditions.)  As I sat in the Ridge I couldn't help  wondering how the clean-up-the-streets  crowd will receive this film. The most  callous heart will likely twinge at the  monologue dejlivered by Michelle)A  mother.  Her prescence gives the film the :>nly other  really involved voice that is "hot a hooker's  - and she is articulate, humane and genuine.  The powerful moments she delivers to the  film include a statement about men in this  society thinking "it gives them license to  murder" just because hookers are out on  the street.  Michelle's mother has reason to worry as  Tiffany, another transvestite, Jackie,  a transexual, Bev, a hooking mother, and  Rickie another pro, all testify to  experiences with street violence. As we  flocked to the Ridge to see the flick this  month, hookers were stabbed and beaten  even as we sipped the cappucinos and nibbled the nanaimo bars.  While filmmakers Cole and Dale leave us to  draw our own conclusions, I personally  hope thefilm jogs some minds into supporting ASP's plea for the decriminalization  of prostitution and a stop to child prostitution in this city. For those from both  sides of the fence the film is well worth  viewing.  Born in Flames  feminist landmark  by Linda Grant  Born in Flames  U.S.A. 1983  Director: Lizzie Borden  Feminist filmmaking is largely an underground activity. Hollywood won't touch  it unless it stars exercise-wear entrepreneur Jane Fonda. The National Film Board  will consider it, but only if it is  "serious" like Not a Love Story.  And filmmaking being the expensive business that  it is, it's rare that we get a chance to  see films that explore the issues, debates,  preoccupations, dreams and fantasies of  the women's movement itself. And if we do,  well frankly, we do tend to take ourselves  a trifle over-seriously. Enter Born in  Flames  by director Lizzie Borden, a sci-  fi documentary about America ten years  after the social democratic revolution.  The film begins with the proposition that  without an independent women's movement  continually exerting pressure on the State,  the liberation of women will be neglected,  Berlin Alexanderplatz  Marianne and Juliane  International Film Festival  compromised and eventually sold out to the  greater good of the Party. Of course.  What makes this film such a thriller is  that it shows us feminism as a living  thing, a continuous process of modernity  linked to history: an all-women's New Wave  rock station playing the music of the  revolution is continually cut in throughout the film. We see images of laid-off  women construction workers in hard-hats  angrily shaking the fence of the worksite,  and the Women's Army receiving its ideology from an old" black woman leader.  The film is technically brilliant. A  student of cinematography could comment  better than I on the sophistication of the  photomontage techniques and pacing. Some  scenes are inserted into the film like  dream is inserted into daily life: women  soldiers in khaki uniforms perform weapons  manoeuvres against a khaki desert and sky.  My major criticism is that while Lizzie  Borden understands the Women's Movement  very well (the English Party member is  just like  Labour Party women in Britain,  right down to the "mode of discourse"),  she doesn't seem to have a very good handle  on social democracy, which, contrary to the  Party in the film, has never claimed to be  a revolutionary movement but a reformist  one. As a result, the Party's politicians  and functionaries are cardboard cutouts—  images from a Democratic Party convention.  And, one wonders, how was the revolution  doing outside of New York City?  But Born in Flames  is really a landmark  film for feminists. Encore. Encore.  Davis shines in  disappointing film  by Joan Blair  The Winter of Our Dreams  Australia 1981  Director John Duigan  Audiences have come to expect excellent  performances from Judy Davis (My Brilliant  Career  and Heatwave).  In this The Winter  of Our Dreams  is no exception.  The storyline of the film itself, however,  is quite disappointing. Its focal point  is Lisa, a very disturbed young woman with  a history of prostitution, drugs and earlier times on the political left, who commits suicide in the first twenty minutes  of the film.. Her funeral brings together  Lou (July Davis), a prostitute, and  Rob,(Bryan Brown), a pseudo-intellectual  book store owner. Rob was a friend of  Lisa's in her political university days  and Lou a friend to her on the street. The  film follows them as their relationship  develops into one of Rob as insecure protector, and Lou as innocent prostitute  trying to get off drugs and off the street.  Underlying The Winter of Our Dreams  is a  subplot which is brilliant in its subtle  suspense. Lou becomes obsessed with a  dairy which Lisa has left behind. As the  film progresses Lou begins to take on the  characteristics of her dead friend, begins  wearing her headband, playing her guitar,  and finally renting her apartment. She  even experiences rejection from Rob as  Lisa had. This haunting undertone saves  the film from being yet another 'what happened to the kids you went ot school with'  movie.  Director John Duigan has offered audiences  a film that is brilliantly acted yet sadly  lacking in its insight into street life.  Kipperbang mixes  fantasy and humour  by Janie Newton-Moss  cricket team will win the Ashes, and that  the postwar peace will last.  His romantic pursuit is in sharp contrast  to Tommy's entanglement with Miss Lands,  Alan's teacher and producer of the  school play who gives us an insight into  the dilemmas facing a "spinster" who does  not chose to be celibate. Unlike Tommy,  Alan learns from his experience, and  kissing Ann symbolises his rite of passage  from child to young adult. Given the  success of Puttnam's other movies I am  confident that Vancouver audiences will  be given another chance to see "Kipperbang", which rates among his best.  England 1983  Director: Michael Apted  In stark contrast ot the current slew of  teenage sexploitation movies, "kipperbang" is a breath of fresh air. Jack Rosenthal, whose T.V. play "Barmitzvah Boy"  received critical acclaim as a poignant  insight into the workings of hte adolescent mind, brings that same skill to  "Kipperbang's" screenplay..  Set in 1948, when, despite rationing,  hopes were still high that a new country  could be built, fourteen year old Alan  Duckworth represents the new generation  and has his own eccentric view of the  future. He confides in Tommy, a young war  veteran and the school's groundsman:  "In time everyone on earth, irrespective  of race, colour or creed will have a  teasmaid." (a teasmaid is an electrical  tea maker that works as an alarm clock,  much sought after in Britain.)  He is given tomaking such sweeping statements and along with two mates forms an  elite club based on using unnecessarily  long words, much to the irritation of  their fellow students.  He is equally passionate about cricket  and his classmate Ann who is unfortunately  already involved with the sophisticated  Geoffrey who not only wears long pants  (even today many adolescent boys in British private schools are forced to wear  short pants), but has recently been  voted "the most dishiest boy in the  class". It seems Alan's chances with  Ann are slim until all three are invited  to appear in the school play.  The film is a wonderful mixture of fantasy  and humour. The "new wave" of British  cinema to which producer David Puttnam  has been an important contributor,  relies on these two elements while weaving a tale of the loss of innocence  through the pursuit of dreams. Alan's  world is framed by school and his lonely  nights in his bedroom where, his hands  encased in boxing gloves to prevent him  from pursuing that activity that will  surely result in blindness, he prays that  he will get to kiss Ann, that England's  Winter of Our Dreams Kipperbang  Born in Flames  Film looks at  sisters, revolution  by Caroline Bell  Marianne and Juliane  Germany 1981  Director: Margarethe Von Trotta  It is the early seventies in Germany.  Juliane is a writer for a Woman's Liberation magazine. Marianne is a miiitant revolutionary. (Her character is based on  Gudrun Ensslin of the Baader-Meinhoff  group). The moviewopens with Werner,  Marianne's lover, trying to convince  Juliane to take care of his and Marianne's  child Jan. Werner has writer's block,  Juliane has her job at the magazine. Jan  goes to a foster home.  One night Marianne turns up at Juliane's  house, with two cat-like fellow revolutionaries. The welcome they get from Juliane and her lover is cold. They leave,  and are captured.  !^^^  Juliane visits Marianne in prison. They  fight; their politics are very different,  but Marianne says, "When we were little,  our undershirts buttoned down the back.  Even when we hated each other the most,  we always helped each other with our undershirts." So shared past experiences keep  the sisters close, as does concern over  the events of the present. In a tirade  against the prison system, Marianne tells  Juliane, "They keep the lights on all the  time. There is no talking. In here the  silence softens the brain. That is what  they want."  While abroad with her boyfriend, Juliane  sees on the news that Marianne has died.  The authorities say it is suicide. Juliane knows it was murder. She reads medical reports, goes through the personal  effects of her sister and by reconstructing the death proves that murder was done.  However, the press is no longer interested.  Time has passed. No one cares anymore. In  the meantime, Marianne's child, Jan, has  been tracke,d down at his foster parents'  home and torched by anti-revolutionaries.  He recovers, and Juliane (having split  from her lover) takes care of him. In the  final scene, Juliane is writing. Jan sees  a picture of his mother on the wall and  tears it up. "You shouldn't have done  that," says Juliane. "Your mother was a  fine woman."  "Will you tell me about her? Everything?"  asks the boy.  "Everything I can."  "Begin." orders Jan.  This movie succeeds in all areas. Natural  acting, fluid cinematography and the honest spareness of the script point toward  the competence and sensitivity of director Margarethe Von Trotta (first woman  director to win the Golden Lion award at  Venice Film Festival).  1 22   Kinesis   June '84  ARTS  Womenl  and stone  by Shari Dunnet  I recently met a woman who is a storyteller. Telling stories is her trade. This  intrigued me, and I decided to take in a  storytelling session at the Children's  Festival held in Vanier Park May 7-13,  where she, Mary Love May, was performing.  Seated in a bright orange tent were about  30 children and 20 adults. Mary Love was  seated on a small stage and began to tell  stories: stories of animals and their relationships and conversations, and spirits  of nature in the forms of trees and rivers  and salmon people, and their relationships and conversations. The stories were  fun and held elements of excitement, suspense, and drama. The kids listened intently, laughed, and when it came time to  tell of the wind, they all joined in to  "whoosh" and wail.  Mary Love May, now living in Vancouver,  is from the Southern States and began  storytelling after seeing two women from  the mountains of North Carolina telling  stories publicly. She was, as she put it,  "enchanted"i found the telling visually  beautiful, and powerful as an experience  where the audience and the performer are  taken together into a trance-state where  deep levels of communication and trans- ■  ference could take place'. -  Storytelling is^ a vehicle through which  the story comes alive. The teller and the  listener take part in an emotional, conceptual experience using the powers of  the imagination and creative thought.  Powerful impressions and imaginary scenes  created in an awakened dream-state give  the listener a full sense of participation. It is in a sense, a meditation; where  insights, realizations and a sense of  healing can occur on an experiential  level, identifying or rather living  the  characters, and being temporarily in an  altered state of consciousness, a more  receptive mode of being.  This is where the magic takes place,  where the mind's capacity for transformation is freed and the soul is stirred.  The storyteller, as oral poet and bearer  of knowledge (wisdom) can take us back to  our roots, stirring our memory, while  simultaneously looking to the future. Unlike other forms of telling stories where  the listener is a more passive recipient,  (television being an obvious example), in  live story telling there is a strong  sense of a shared present moment, and the  listener is the projectionist, the seer,  conjuring the images. In this way, storytelling possesses a power like no other  form, the power of its psychic presence  and creative visualization as a group, or  tribal experience.  Mary Love May told me a story with a similar message that I would like to share  with you. It's about an anthroplogist who  brings a TV set into an African tribe.  Village life stops, the people of the  tribe all cluster around the TV, and for  a week and a' half they watch it night  and day. And then suddenly, for no apparent reason, they go back to their work  and their lives. The anthropologist does  not understand what's going on. He stops  one of the people and asks, "Why aren't  you watching TV? Everyone was fascinated.  Why have you all stopped?" The tribes-  woman answered, "We have a storyteller in  our tribe and we really don't need your  storybox." The anthropologist replies,  "Yes, but that box has so many more  stories than your storyteller could ever  know." And the woman agrees."Yes,", she  1 says, "it does have many more stories  I than she knows. But our storyteller knows  ME."  Storytelling is an acient tradition, for  as long as humans have communicated with  one another, stories have been told.  Stories .have been passed down through the  ages in the form of myths, folktales and  fairytales, carrying the wisdom, ideals  and values of cultures long since past.  As stories and their mythology express  the value system of a culture, they also  condition people's attitudes and behaviour. Because they are usually simple and  interesting, because we hear them as  children and because they often describe  rewards and punishments, stories (or  myths) are a powerful influence on our  actions and values.  There is a deep connection between story  and experience. Experience creates story  and story shapes experience as their  strong messages influence our sense of  self, our world view and ultimately our  world itself.  As a child I remember especially loving  the stories I knew, the stories I could  tell.  We, as women have a long heritage as  storytellers, or "gossips", ("Gossip is-  an archaic word for woman, originally  "godsib"— one related to the gods, and  the conversations of the "gossips"—or  old wives' tales). Telling our stories to  one another is what we have always done -  over the garden fence.  But through the stories told of women and  the very language used, we see that the  creation of the stories told through time  has not been in our hands, but merely  passed through them.  As women, our own  stories have been lost,  altered or never told, through the centuries of patriarchal telling, and to a  great extent our true heritage has been  forgotten. We need to create and recreate, tell and re-tell the- stories of  our own experience. An integral part of  reclaiming our power is acknowledging our  new women's mythology, our roots in civilizations past and ourselves as mythmakers.  We need stories of strong women, of union  with nature and of co-operation among  people. We need affirming myths of women  who are free, strong, wise and self-  determining. This mythology is of our own  stories of our lives, inherent elemental  wisdom, visions and values, not a patriarchal version of what our lives should  be like.  By consciously creating our own mythology  and expressing it in our own language, by  examining and reshaping both our collective and individual mythologies, we give  birth to a new.world and can change the  political and economic realities of our -  society while transforming our lives and  our selves.  By thinking about myths, having grown up  strongly rooted in the Christian faith, I  could finally separate the Christian myth  from the word 'truth'. I realized now,  that a myth is really only a story. Yet,  a story can have great power, as the  Christian myth has proven. It can indeed  shape the world.  Understanding this, some myths that have  held me back, lost their power. I see vast  possibilities in the power of myth and in  our ability as women to spin and create a  mythology, a deeper understanding.  I have discovered, for example, that the  Christian myth is only one  of several  creation myths from ancient times. In  another one, the "Pelasgian Creation  Myth," Eurynome, the Goddess of All Things  rises up from Chaos and creates Sea and  Sky, so she has something to dance on.  She then creates the great serpent Ophion,  by rubbing the North Wind. In time she  became a dove and lays the Universal Egg  on the Ocean. She orders Ophion to coil  around it, and from this egg all Nature  is born. Later Ophion claims to be the  creator of the Universe, and Eurynome exiles him.  In another story, Mother Earth emerges  from Chaos while asleep and gives birth  to her son Uranus. There is a relatively  j_  passive creation. He then impregnates her  with rain and she produces plants, animals and birds.  Through hearing these myths, these stories  of the spirit, something resounds. Connections are made. There is a spark. There  is an understanding of how profoundly  our myths shape our world.  As women, we must transform the tradition,  change the stories, return them to their  sources and to our  sources, and tell them  again. One inspiring example of this retelling is a new myth told by a woman  named Judith Plaskow which grew out of  the Grail ville Conference of Women  Theologians, which I discovered in a wonderful book entitled Womanspirit Rising,  A Feminist Reader in Religion.  This myth  represents the experience of learning  from the separated aspects of women's  experience." It is a new story written  about some of the old characters in  Genesis. In Jewish elaborations of Genesis  Lilith, the first woman created, was exiled from Eden because she refused the  subordinate position in intercourse. Legend turned Lilith into a demoness. However, we can see Lilith as the archetypal outcast woman, maligned by the  supporters of a system she challenged.  In the new story Lilith and Eve meet, and  as the story goes, "They talked for many  hours, not one but many times. They  taught each other many things and told  each other many stories", and laughed together, and cried over and over, till the  bond of sisterhood grew between them."  Their meeting signifies a new becoming '  in the world. The story concludes, "God  and Adam were expectant and afraid the  day Eve and Lilith returned to the garden,  ready to rebuild it, together, bursting  with possibilitii  In a society in which mythology denies  women and language excludes women from  its stories of mankind,  great sweeping  changes are needed in order to bring this  Chaos into balance. Through our collective  storytelling, our communal and personal ■  affirmation of our deeper selves, and the  creation of our own language, we can  bring about these changes.  Prophetic words from over two thousand  years ago, from Euripides' Medea,   spoken  by a chorus of women:  Flow backward to your sources,  sacred rivers,  And let the world's great order  be reversed.  Story shall turn my condition to  a fair one,  Women shall now be paid their due.  No more shall evil-sounding fame  be theirs.  Women's stories, our perceptions, perspectives and our powers have great potential  for transformation.  Telling our stories may possibly spark  the beginnings of a great revolution,  setting afire the power to turn the  world's great order around.  For Workshops for Women:   "Telling our  Own Stories",  contact Mary Love May at  733-6402  For further reference: WOMANSPIRIT, A_  Guide to Women's Wisdom, Halie Iglehart  (Harper & Row),  Womanspirit 'Rising, A Feminist Reader in  Religion, edited by Carol P.  Christ &  Judith Plaskow (Harper & Row)  The Woman'8 Encyclopedia of Myths and  Secrets, Barbara G.  Walker (Harper & Row) June '84   Kinesis   23  ARTS  by Connie Smith  My strongest memory of Margie Adam is from  the California NOW Convention in 1975.  Margie and Cris Williamson were the featured performers at the evening concert;  two thousand women were in the audience.  The atmosphere was heavily charged, as is  the way when a large number of women are  assembled. The concert had been in progress  for about an hour when suddenly, halfway  through a song, Margie and Cris stopped  playing. Everyone was silent. From different parts of the room I could see women being rounded up. There were maybe a dozen  being lead to the main aisle. I saw a couple  of women holding friends or lovers as guards  came up to separate them. It was at this  point that Margie and Cris told us that  these women were from the women's prison.  They had been allowed to come to the convention for. the day, but now they had to  go back behind bars. Margie and Cris said  something about women and freedom, but I  didn't hear them. The crowd was on its feet  ...cheering, screaming, pounding. The women  raised their fists as they were lead out  of the room. It was one of those moments  in women's movement history when I knew  who the enemy was. It was also one of my  earliest experiences of that emotion called  sisterhood; that combination of feeling  that comes from being in for the fight and  in for the love. Margie Adam's music was  part of that.  In 1976, Margie released Songwriter.   It  was hopeful music. It celebrated all the  things we were discovering about ourselves  and each other. Margie Adam asked us to  tapdance on the moon, believe in unicorns  and the ones we love, and to reach out to  women who were suffering. Then something  happened. It seemed there were more women  suffering than there were helping hands.  The mood was darkening; the anger was  deepening. The issues were growing more  complicated. Women began to split off  from each other. Sisterhood was painful.  I stopped listening to music which explored relationships between women. Instead, I turned to music which was less  introspective and attacked the outside  forces; music which was loud and angry  llllllllllillllllllllllllllllllllllllll"  On the list? continued from p. 3  although a provision of the Charter, it  can be demoralizing to voters and an obstacle to say the least, for both voter  and returning officers alike.  With these constraints and bureaucratic  hassles, different communities and political parties, especially COPE, have helped potential voters on to the voters' list  in the past. One good example of this campaign was a coalition of three downtown  Eastside community organizations, the  Downtown Eastside Residents Association,  the Carnegie Centre and First United  Church in 1982, the last city election.  The coalition, a non-partisan group called  "Double the Vote," started working together  MARGIE ADAM  At the other extreme, I listened to music  which said nothing. Nonetheless, I was not  listening to Margie Adam.  Then last month, I received a copy of  Margie's latest album, Here is a Love Song,  in the mail. Before I finished listening  to the first side, it all came back to me.  No, I had not grown cynical with age. I  had just forgotten the power and simplicity of those first feelings.  Margie Adam is a Californian. She was born  and raised in small-town Lompoc, the  daughter of a newspaper publisher who  writes songs, and a classical pianist and  organist. With her parents' love of music  to inspire her, she began studying the  piano at age five, singing in the church  choir soon after, and composing and  arranging in her teens. By the time Margie  was a senior in high shcool, she had  written several instrumental pieces and  a full piano concerto.  Although music seemed to be the main  force in her life, she majored in English  at university and taught English for  three years. In 1972, after a friend  suggested she take a year off to see if  music was what she really wanted to do,  Margie moved to the country to write  songs.  That same year, she recorded her first  demo tape at the listener-supported KPFA  in Los Angeles in exchange for a live on-  air performance. But she was a reluctant  performer. She was more interested in  having other people sing her songs than  doing them herself. Besides, she had  never seen a style that she wanted to  pattern herself after and she wasn't  interested in creating an act that she  would have to do over and over again.  Despite these reservations, Margie performed her music at the 1973 women's  music festival in California, organized  by Kate Millet. It was here that she  realized that being herself on stage might  be enough.  It was three years before Margie released  in January of 1982. Their work paid off  not only in an increase of registered voters, but the actual voter turnout was up  by 8.5% since the previous vote in 1980.  At election time, approximately 40% of  elegible voters actually turn up at the  polls. Professor Paul Tennant at UBC said  in a Vancouver Sun article,dated Nov. 12,  1982, "Those most likely to show up at the  polls are property owners, professional  people and those with high incomes and  education". He states that those on the  west side (traditionally known as the  bastion of this group) show up at 50% and  those on the east side (known as a low  income neighbourhood) show up at around  30%.    her first album, but in the meantime,  she and friend Barbara Price formed their  own record label, Pleiades Records.  Almost ten years later, Pleiades is still  an active women-owned and operated recording company responsible for all of Margie's  recordings.  Following the release of Songwriter,  Margie  went on a 50-city concert tour which  ended in 1977 at the historic National  Women's Conference in Houston. It was here  that Margie performed her spng, "We Shall  Go Forth", for the first time, with the  accompaniment of ten thousand women singing three-part harmony, this song became  one of the anthems of the American Women's  Movement and is now in the archives of the  Division of Political History at the-  Smithsonian Museum in Washington, D.C.  Her second album, Naked Keys,  was released  in 1979. About her motivation for this  album, Margie said, "Traditionally women  musicians have been viewed as singers,  no matter how stunning their instrumental  work. It occurred to me that if I ever  wanted to be identified as a pianist, I  would have to stop singing for a while."  But she was also interested in recording  a work that would be "nurturing and healing" by virtue of its clarity and simplicity. Thus, Naked Keys  is an album of solo  piano pieces.  As Margie continued with her roadwork,  her reputation grew. She was great in  concert. Her conversation between songs  was spontaneous and pointed. She was  funny. She said something. It made sense  that her next album should be an in-concert recording. We Shall Go Forth became  the album which captured the relationship  between Margie and her audience. It was  recorded live in San Francisco in 1982,  during a series of concerts produced by  Barbara Price and Women In Production.  The reviewers called her lyrics "affirmative and symbolic". Margie said, "High  passion and involvement are always what  my music is about." The album is dedicated to Malvina Reynolds.  The mainstream press thought highly of  Margie's latest album, as well. A man  who writes for the San Francisco Examiner  called Margie a first-rate pianist whose  "orchestrations are frequently astonishing in their delicacy." He called Here  Is A Love Song  a "compliment to Adam and  her all-women crew."  In Austin, Texas, the Chronicle called  Margie one of the legends of women's  music, and the Hartford (Connecticut)  Current said she was one of the leading  lights of the women's music movement.  Usually I don't like the media telling  me who my leaders and heroes are, but  this is different. I'm always glad when  a woman isn't written off in the press  because of her beliefs or sexuality. With  Here Is A Love Song,  it would have been  so easy to do because the album is completely concerned with love between women.  Margie Adam is now 37. She still makes  her home in California.  Connie Smith also hosts the "Rubymusic"  show on Co-op Radio.  A system which sets up two voters lists  (owners and residents) and is weighted in  favour of property owners (who tend to  be wealthier, more conservative and bet1-  ter informed) is the manifestation of provincial government control on our city  and its voters. The true test of democracy  is how well it is put into practice - for  all people.  Want to enquire if your area has been  enumerated? Don't know if you are eligible  to get on the voters list? Call  The Registrar of Voters 873-7681 or  go to 2512 Yukon Street, Vancouver, B.C. 24   Kinesis   June '84  ARTS  by Cy-Thea Sand  Saga of The Wet Hens    by Jovette Marches-  sault. Translated by Linda Gaboriau. 134  pages. Vancouver: Talonbooks, 1983.  Jovette Marchessault describes her play as  essentially a work about women's culture:  "by women's culture, I mean the whole ot  our productivity, in our kitchens, our  studies, our schools and our hospitals...  I also mean the entire scope of our visions, our energies and our memory."  The structure of the play is a mythic conversation between four Quebec women writers, all of whom have inspired Marchessault  - Laure Conan, Germaine Guevremont,  Gabrielle Roy ("the first one who dared  speak the language of working class men  and women") and Anne Hebert. The tensions  nuances, conflicts, and connections between  the four women direct the play's energy  and purpose.  Marchessault intersperses the actual body  of the play with excerpts from her correspondence with feminist critic Gloria Oren-  stein, to whom this work is dedicated.  Both the letters and the play exalt the  creative potential in women's friendship.  I especially like the idea Marchessault  promotes about the relationship between  artist and critic, within a feminist context, being a dynamic, sustaining one  crucial to both parties.  Gold Earrings by Sharon Stevenson, Introduction by Robin Endres.  Ill pages.  Vancouver: Pulp Press, 1984.  Sharon Stevenson published only one book  of poetry before her suicide in 1978. A  group of close friends worked to bring  this selection of her other poetry, as  well as excerpts from Stone  (Talonbooks,  1972) to print.  The incisive introduction by Robin Endres  locates Stevenson and her work within a  framework of left wing feminist ideology.  But what is most important about this  framework is that Stevenson was a working  class woman herself, and approached political questions, not academically, but as  felt and lived. Endres gives us an exciting portrait of a Canadian working class  artist and activist as well as outlining  the contradictions Sharon struggled with:  "the debate between the Old and the New  Left (specifically their respective analyses of the Canadian working class); the  unresolved theoretical contradiction  between Marxism and feminism and most important, the problem of politics and  poetry."  Endres' introduction made my reading of  the poems themselves more fulfilling.  The selection of the poems is balanced  and symmetrical and I finished the book  A    I  Little  Night  Reading  with a strong sense of Sharon Stevenson's  importance as both a poet and a thinker.  The Promise  by Wanda Blynn Campbell. 129  pages. Vancouver: Pulp Press, 1983.  An American by birth, Campbell has lived  in Quebec since 1974 and situates her  stories in that province. This first collection of the sounds, sights and characters of Northern Quebec resound with an  appealing humanism. Campbell is at her  best when dramatizing the intensity in  human relationships, best illustrated in  The Baby  and The Thaw.  Both of these tales  - my favorite two of the collection -  contain sometimes subtle, sometimes explosive, scenes of passion. The scenes are  curled around everyday language and charged with an immediacy and stark beauty.  There is an ambivalence about the death  of animals in many of the stories which  concern the hunting and trapping cultures  of Northern Quebec; it is an ambivalence  which I think serves to dignify both the  subjects and the characters of Campbell's  imagination. The Promise  is a satisfying  work - diverse, entertaining and  well-crafted.  WORK AND MADNESS The Rise of Community  Psychiatry  by Diana Ralph. 216 pages.  Montreal: Black Rose Books, 1983.  An analysis of community psychiatry from  a Marxist perspective, Work and Madness  is a convincingly argued treatise on psychiatry as social control. The book gives  an historical outline of the rise of psychiatric services in the Western World  from 1900 onwards, and asserts that the  proliferation of community psychiatry has  its roots in military and industrial interests.  Ralph argues that industrial psychiatry's  role was the control of workers to increase efficiency and productivity. Dismissing four other theories about community psychiatry as false or limited - the  benevolent government theory, the mental  health lobby theory, and anti psychiatry  theory and Marxist theories, - Ralph postulates a labour theory which: "proposes  that community psychiatry developed primarily to control the productivity damaging side effects of worker alienation. It  suggests that the major innovations of  community psychiatry have been motivated  by management's fears of labour militancy  on the one hand, and worker and potential  worker breakdown on the other."  The author acknowledges that the impact of  sexism and racism on the labour movement  and on industrial relations are not within  the scope of the book. However, her analysis - especially of the dramatic increase  in the prescribing of psychotropic drugs -  suffers from this limitation.  The work is accessible to lay readers,  which is admirable. However, I would have  preferred an introduction which discussed  the author's overall insights and experiences as Diana Ralph is a social worker,  teacher and community activist. The general appeal of her book would have been enhanced by a lively introduction which  drew from both her work and her intellectual understanding. But overall I was  enthralled and educated by this work and  would recommend it.  'ñ†ROOM OF ONE'S OWN,  tessera,  A Special  Issue.   Vol.   8 No.   4.Vancouver: Growing_  Room Collective, 1984.  The purpose of this special issue of  Room of One's Own is: "to bring the theoretical and experimental writing of Quebec-  ois feminists to the attention of English  Canadian writers, to acquaint Quebec writers with English-Canadian writing, and to  encourage English-Canadian feminist literary criticism..."  tessera was inspired in part by the 1983  Women and Words Conference in Vancouver,  where the issue of racism within the  women's movement was discussed, but evidence of the need for more of these discussions lies in the editors' opening  remarks. For example, when referring to  some of the concerns women of colour have  expressed about literature, Kathy Mezei  argues that we have had enough talk about  content and it's time to get down to the  theoretical. Barbara Godard continues:  "We were talking about stages of development and the fact that the native women  and the black women are going through this  process ofnaming themselves and self-  discovery. They're not ready to face the  question of language, but this hasn't been  true in Quebec, nor has the French feminist  criticism gone that way." The work of  French feminists is celebrated within a  competitive, linear framework I find distasteful and dishonest. My faith in the  revolutionary potential of academic literary criticism wears thin at the best of  times, but reading such dismissive, condescending remarks renders it non-existent.  However Andrea Lebowitz' essay "Is Feminist Literary Criticism Becoming Anti-  Feminist?" addresses many of the concerns  I have as a critic and is well worth  reading. Slip  Fireweed 18, Atlantic Women,   108 pages.  Toronto: P.O. Box 279, Station B, 1984.  I was extremely impressed with this collection of stories, interviews, research,  poetry and photographs by women who live  East of Central Canada. As Pam Godfree  writes in her editorial: "the mainstream  and alternative English language press -  including the feminist press - have consistently operated as if the boundaries  of Canada extend from Vancouver to Toronto  ..." Fortunately anthologoes like this one  should help diminish such cultural chauvinism, introducing as it does some fine  writing and thinking from a uniquely Atlantic perspective. I was excited to  learn of the Nova Scotian women's a cap-  pella quartet Four The Moment, to read  excellent short fiction by Veronica Ross,  Mary Goodwin, and Helen Porter and a  beautiful mother and daughter conversation  with Sylvia and Marie Hamilton.  While Black women are represented, I was  disappointed that neither native nor Acadian women submitted work - a fact that  Pam Godfree mentions in her introduction.  But overall Pam and the rest of the Fire-  weed Collective should feel proud of this  stimulating, unique and diverse anthology.  Cy-Thea Sand is a regular contributor and  columnist in Kinesis, and former editor of  the Radical Reviewer. June '84   Kinesis   25  LETTERS  Feminism  is not a war  Kinesis:  I enjoyed your informative supplement on  body image (May '84), but I feel I must  comment on some of the language used by  Emma Kivisild in her introductory article,  "In the name of beauty..." She refers to the  "fronts on which feminism is fought. Pornography, sexual assault, choice on abortion,  battering, alternative health care, lesbianism, sexual harassment - all are  battles for the territory of our bodies."  The article ends with, "Body image is one  of the lynchpins of feminism. Until we win  this battle, we'll be nowhere near winning  the war."  I strongly object to this use of war imagery  in a description of feminist issues. Surely  the point is that we want our bodies to  stop being the battlegrounds for anything.  Living, as we do, in a highly militaristic,  war-oriented society, it is not surprising  that metaphors of war are so prevalent in  our language. But using this imagery serves  only to perpetuate the mentality of domination and battlegrounds that we are working  so hard to change.  Feminism is not a war to be won, but a  process, a movement towards organic, funda-  'mental changes that have nothing to do with  the superficial reversals and the devastation that result from war. Just as we try  to make our personal lives reflect the  political and social realities we are trying to achieve, so must we make our personal language reflect more accurately our  visions and our goals.  Sandy Kalmakoff  Incest film:  reviewer responds  Kinesis:  I was pleased to read Jeanette Poirier's  rebuttal of my 'Something About Amelia'  review (Kinesis March '84). Dialogue on  child sexual assault/incest is critical  to effect its eradication.  As a therapist and educator on child  sexual assault/incest I would disagree with  Ms. Poirier's assertion that a daughter's  disclosure "typically" provokes a punitive  maternal response. It is one possible  scenario, certainly, but in my experience  mothers are far more likely to believe and  support their youngersters through disclosure.  When a mother doesn't believe her child(ren)  there is, as Poirier states, a "trust"  Acadian * A Capella • African * Bluegrass • Blues • British Isles • Celtic * Country • Dance * Eastern European • Feminist • French * Gospel  Greek * Jazz • Jewish • Laotian * Latin American * Native * New Grass * Old Ttmey • Poetry • Punjabi • Spoken Word * Vaudeville  Over 200 Performers  from around the world!  • Main Stage Concerts each Evening  • 6 Daytime Workshop Stages Sat. & Sun. Ch  • Crafts   • Food  and introducing:  The Little Folks Music Festival  Girls Who Wear Glasses  Denis Pepin & Lisa Ornstein  Good 01' Persons  Punjabi Dance Ensemble  Yank Rachell with Peter Roller  Grant Street String Band  Mitch Greenhill & Mayne Smith  George Gritzbach  Deborah Silverstein  Grupo Guazapa  Judy Small  Gwinyal & Sukutai Marimba Ensemble  Almeta Speaks  John Dee Holeman & 'Fris' Holloway  Strlngbadn  Themba Tana & African Heritage  Comhaltas Ceoltoiri Eireann  Kansas City Red  Klezmorim  Jackie Torrence  Trapezoid  Teresa Trull & Barbara Hlgble  Lao Deum Folk Ensemble  Laughing Moon Theatre  Valdy  Townes Van Zandt & Mickey Whit  Brownie McGhee  We Three  Ellen Mcllwaine  Nancy White  Cathy Fink  Rita MacNell  Robin & Linda Williams  Dan Womack  The Robin Flower Band  Adrian Mitchell  Winston Wuttunee & Janet Delter  Vasilios Galtanos  JULY 13,14,15 1984  JERICHO BEACH PARK  SAVE UP TO 40%! with Early Bird  weekend tickets before June 16] Early  Birds are available only at the outlets  indicated (*), or by mail through the  Vancouver Folk Music Festival Office.  Please include $2.50 per mail order to  cover registered mail costs.  All Mail Orders, Group Sales, Early  Birds and Regular Tickets, too:  Vancouver Folk Music Festival  3271 Main Street  Vancouver B.C. V5V3M6  B.C. Outlets  •Vancouver Ticket Centre/Concert  Box Office  * VTC/CBO has outlets in all Woodward's and Eaton's stores, throughout the Lower Mainland & Fraser  ,   Valley, and in Kelowna, Kamloops,  Prince George, Victoria, Nanaimo,  White Rock and Bellingham, Wa.  Call (604) 280-4411 for the outlet  nearest you, or charge by phone:  (604) 280-4444  •Victoria Folklore Centre (383-3412)  539 Pandora Ave., Victoria  •Carl's Drugs Ltd. (365-7260)  64618th Ave. S., Castlegar  Through the Looking Glass  (352-3913)  305 Baker St., Nelson  'Early Bird Outlets  issue. Women are conditioned to excuse,  protect, support and believe 'their' men  above all others (even children). Secondly,  incest is a secreted and invisible crime;  that is, mother is not its witness. Thirdly  incest is a gross and violent criminal act,  one difficult for any rational mind to come  to grips with, especially during initial  disclosure shock. Remember what it is we  are asking mothers to accept here: heinous  repetitive violations occuring without her  knowledge, under her own roof, against a  child(ren) she nurtures and loves. The  imagination recoils. Mother probably reacts  not so much against the child as against  the deplorable nature of the crime, though  she might vent this as disbelief. I suspect role dependency is only, at least  initially, minimally influential.  I wonder if Poirier's letter was edited,  for the balance of it is unclear and un-  focussed and I cannot, therefore, comment.  However, I can refer her to Julie Brickman's  keynote address excerpted in June '82  Kinesis.   Some excellent information is  contained therein.  In her last line Ms. Poirier implies that  my review was "unfeminist" and filled with  "gross inaccuracies." I am happy to hear  that someone has finally got the 'correct'  line on what feminism is and the most  accurate analysis of child sexual assault/  incest. I do hope she will forward copies  of these to me soon. I'd hate like hell to  believe I'd formulated my analysis without  them.,.  Kate Shire  (Ed.  Note:  printed i  Jeanette Poirier 'i  i its entirety.)  $100 Off  VtB?s *-  FRI - SAT - SUN  JUNE 22, 23, 24  10 A.M. TO 10 P.M.  IN THE HEART OF THE CITY  BROADWAY near OAK  Bring Friends & Family  For 3 Great Days of Fun,  Food, Learning & People  Price of Admission includes Unlimited free Workshops  ONLY $6 ADULTS; KIDS 50<t  Enjoy 150 exhibits, 200 free performances & workshops  16,000 square feet, under the big top tent. INFO 733-2215 733-4415 26   Kinesis   June '84  BULLETIN BOARD  JOBS  PRESS GANG IS HIRING. We are a feminist  anti-capitalist print shop and book  publisher, in operation since 1974.  We will be hiring one full time staff  person for August 1st. The deadline for  applications is June 30th. The new  collective member will be primarily  responsible for bookkeeping and cash  flow management in a small worker-  controlled print shop. Applicants  should have some money management or  small business experience, with an  understanding of payables and receivables. Some training can be provided.  Equally important is an interest and  experience in working collectively.  For more info call 253-1224, or come  down to Press Gang at 603 PoWell St.,  Vancouver to fill in an application.  GROUPS  CONCERNED BIRTH PARENTS is a support organization for anyone who has relinquished  a child for adoption. The group meets  on the third Wednesday of every month  at 7:30p.m. at Little Mountain Neighbour-  ; hood House, 3981.Main Street. Contact  Sue at 879-4233 for. more info.  SUPPORT GROUP FOR UNEMPLOYED PEOPLE meets  every Wednesday at 10:30 a.m. to share  information and get feedback. Anyone  unemployed is welcome to drop in to the  group at Little jMou^t^n;Neighbouijhopd.  House. Call Marsa a*? $T4^^$*<?*i&-%*~-  MOMS & TOTS programme "every Tuesday and  Thursday morning from 10a.m. to 12p.m.  Qualified childcare workers will keep  your children busy with crafts, games  and songs while you meet and talk with  other women. Guest speakers come monthly  to the programme at Little Mountain  Neighbourhood House.  SUPPORT GROUP FOR IMMIGRANT WOMEN is being  organized by the Vancouver YWCA. For  more info call Sheena Lowson at 879-7104.  EVENTS  ANN HANSEN WILL BE PLEADING GUILTY on Mon.',  June 4th at 10a.m. at her sentencing  hearing. She will call witnesses to  speak on the struggle against the institutions she has admitted to attacking and  make a statement on the necessity for  those actions. There will be demonstrations of support outside the courthouse  everyday. On June 11 at 10a.m. in the  New Westminster Court the B.C. Hydro  charges will be heard.  FLY BY NIGHT THEATRE announces the opening  on July 4th of Beyond Therapy  by Chris  Durang,. a cock-eyed look at relationships in the '80s. Show times: Mon -  Thurs, 8:30; Fri and Sat, 6 and 9.  Tickets $8 adults; $7 students and  seniors. Group rates available. Some  two for one shows. For more info call  Lesley Ewen at 254-9914.  "A YEAR'S WORK", figurative paintings  by Phyllis Serota at the Winchester  Galleries. 1545 Fort Street, Victoria,  B.C. June 3 until June 15th, 1984.  RADEIS INTERNATIONAL, a 4-member company  from Belgium, presents a unique brand  of mime, circus, gibberish, cabaret  and cartoon. Their newest production,-  "Scaffoldings", opens June 7 at the  Vancouver East Cultural Centre for a  limited engagement. Phone 254-9578 for  details and reservations.  WAVY GRAVY is presenting an adult comedy  event at the Vancouver East Cultural  .Centre, June 10, 8p.m. Wavy Gravy -  entertainer, trickster, provoker - is  currently spearheading the "1984 Nobody  for President Campaign" Phone 254-9578  for info.  RUBY-FRUIT.ANNOUNCES A. DANCE FOR WOMEN: ;.  Emily-s Housewarming and coming-out . .  party,.Saturday-,  June 16 at 8:30 pm at  the Errington Community:"Hall (Errington  Road off Hwy 4 to Port Alberni). For \  further directions and/or info call  248-9095 or 248-5410 (eves). This is- a  benefit for Emily' s- Place, a ;space for  workshops, retreats and all-weather ,  camping. All women welcome.  WOMEN INTERESTED IN PLANNING A RITUAL/  Action!!?!...Last August 80 women  gathered in Cole Bay, Saskatchewan  for a Peace Camp/Ritual/Action to protest cruise missile testing. Any women  interested in doing something similar  this summer, or in planning something  closer to home, come to CRS Worker's  Co-op, 1239 Charles (near Clark), Wed.  June 20, 7:30p.m.  SINGLE MOTHERS SUPPORT GROUPS IN THE VAN-  couver Area: Carnegie Community Centre,  401Main St., Vancouver, Thursdays 4-6  p.m. Rita Greenlaw 665-2220./Champlain  Heights Community Centre, 6955 Frontenac  Street, Tuesdays 6-8p.mr, Bev Waldron  438-4041/False Creek Community Centre,  1318 Cartwright Street, Wed. 5-8p.m.  : Robyn Fisher 688-9478/Kerrisdale Community Centre, 5851 W. Boulevard, Wed.,  5:30-8:30p.m. Brigitte El Assiouti 266-  8331./Kiwassa Neighbourhood House, 600  Vernon Drive, Tues. 5-8p.m., Janice  Corrada 254-5401./Little Mountain Neighbourhood House, 3981 Main Street, MOn.  5r-8p.m. Sheena Lowson 879-7104/Downtown  YWCA, 580 Burrard Street, Wed. 10-lp.m.  April English 683-2531/Richmond (South  "Arm United Church), No. 3 Road & Steves-  ton, Tues. 6-8p.m. Sheena Lowson 879-7104/  Teen Mothers, 3981 Main Street, Thurs.  non-2p.m., Sheena Lowson 879-7104. ^siSs,*"-"*  COMMON GROUND FAIR - three days of workshops and over 100 booths/exhibits  covering a wide range of interests from  arts to women's organizations and  services; June 22,23 & 24, 950 W. Broadway. Advance tickets - $5 at CBO/VTC.  For info call 733-2215/733-4415.  ARIADNE IS COMING! June 24, 25, 26'.  Goddess/Priestess/witch—slide presentation and workshops. For more info phone  Pat Hogan 732-5153 and watch for posters.  EXPERIMENTAL DANCE AND MUSIC (EDAM) summer  school. A 2 or 4 week course. Classes  are a blend of technical and improvisa-  tional aspects of dance, plus work with  rhythm and unusual musical forms.  Scheduled for July 15-28; July 30-Aug. 11;  and July 15-Aug. 11. For more info call  738-5474. Register at 2910 W. 5th, Van.  B.C. V6K 1T7.  RUN WITH PRIDE, a 10 km.race and 2.2 km  fun run/walk for lesbians, gay men and  their friends, June 23rd at Seward Park  in Seattle. Check-in and registration  ($4) from 7:30 - 8:30a.m.; race starts  at 9:00a.m. Age classes for both women  and men. Seward Park is located along  Lake Washington, south of the Mt. Baker  Tunnel (1-90), along Lake Washington  Blvd. For more info call Nora at Lesbian  Resource Centre (Seattle) 632-9631, or  write 1325 N. 46th, Seattle, WA 98103.  JULY COMMUNITY CALENDAR at.the South Surrey/  White Rock Women's Place Association  includes the following events: Sun July  1 - "Sunday Afternoon at the movies"  (film & discussions), 2-4p.m.; Thurs.  July 12 - "Women's Night: An Evening for  Yourself",- 7:30p.m., BY0 Wine & Cheese  .Social,.Other regular events include  Mom &. Tot Drop-In, Tues & Fri,,.9:30 -  12 noon; Everywoman's Drop-In, Weds.  9:30-12 noon.. ,For. further info phone  536-9611, or write to Women's. Place  Association, 1425 George•Street, White  Rock,. B.C. V4B 4A2, 'l^^^^ff^m  VANCOUVER  STATUS OF  WOMEN  ANNUAL  GENERAL  MEETING  Thursday,*/*28  JAastBtoadway  7:30 p.m.  If you're getting too much news  and too little information,  our Public Affairs programmes  offer a real alternative  The Rational Mon - Fri 7 - 7:30 pm  daily news and analysis from the left  Nightwatch Wed 7:30 - 8 pm  in-depth look at the issues  Union Made Wed 8:30- 9:30pm  by labour for labour  Redeye Sat9am-noon  music, arts and news analysis  CO-OP RADIO  Womanvision Mon 7:30 - 8:30 pm  feminist current affairs & arts  Coming Out Thurs 7:30 - 8:30 pm  gay and lesbian perspectives  The Lesbian ShoWThurs 8:30 - 9:30 pm  B. C. 's only lesbian radio  America Latina al Dia sat noon -1 pm  Latin American news and music  0®a57-[FM  Call us for a free programme guide 684-8494 June '84 Kinesis 27  "YOU CAN'T HOLD A GUN TO THE HEAD OF THE  MUSE", an evening cabaret featuring  original music by C. Bell & Blues with  Diane Levins and surprise guests, June  23rd at Women in Focusx, 456 W. Broadway,  8:30p.m. Tasteful refreshments available.  $4 at the door.  NEIGHBOURHOOD SUPPER: A delicious full  course meal including soup, dessert and  coffee or tea is only $2.50 every Fri.  from 4p.m.-6p.m. at Little Mountain  Neighbourhood House, 3981 Main Street  at 24th Ave.  FLASH DANCE, BREAK DANCE, JAZZERSIZE,  Modern Dance and Martial Arts are offered at the Youth Dance Club on Saturdays  from 5:00p.m. - 6:30p.m. at Little  Mountain Neighbourhood House, 3981 Main  Street. The cost is $1 per class. Pre-  register by phoning Carol or Debrah at  879-7104.  WILDERNESS CANOE CAMP, a 6-day outing for  youth, will run from July 1st through  August 31 at Stave Lake, Manning Park  and Secheldt Inlet. Week-long trips cost  $100. For details call the Little Mountain  Neighbourhood House at 879-7104.  SUMMER DAY CAMP at the Little Mountain  Neighbourhood House, for ages 6-12 years.  Four 2-week sessions beginning July 3,  Mon.-Fri. 9:00-3:00; $20 per session,  to register phone 879-7104.  SINGLE MOTHER SYMPOSIUM, sponsored by the  YWCA, will be held for the sixth time  in October, 1984. Anyone wanting to get  involved in planning this event contact  Debbie Anderson at 683-2531,  A PLAY ON PEACE AND DISARMAMENT, produced  by Le Theatre Parminon from Quebec, will  be touring in French and in English in  Ontario and in the West in 1985. Centred  on two clowns who are well informed on  war games, this 45-minute play treats a  serious subject in a light way. All  performances are followed by a public  discussion which focusses on collective  solutions to the social issues presented  in the play. Le Theatre Parminion would  like to hear from any group who would be  interested in bringing this play to your  community. Please write or call collect  as soon as possible: Danielle Roy, Le  Theatre Parminion, La Cooperative des  travailleuses et travailleurs de theatre  des Bois-Francs, C.P. 158, Victoriaville,  Quebec. G6P 6S8. Tel(819) 758-0577.  CLASSIFIED  ARIEL BOOKS - CLEARANCE of cards, children's books, cookbooks, hardcovers.  June 11-16. 2766 West 4th.  MEDIA WATCH needs billets for women during  their A.G.M., June 21-24th. Some remuneration available. To sign up call  Lucy or Jo at Media Watch, 873-8511.  MEDIA WATCH IS LOOKING FOR VOLUNTEERS.  Learn to evaluate the media differently.  We will be starting a training program  in July. For more info contact Tova  Wagman at 873-8511.  EARLY BIRD SPECIAL for the Vancouver Folk  Music Festival, week-end passes on sale  for $37 until 5p.m. Sat., June 16. After  June 16, weekend tickets are $42; Fri.  only $15; Sat. or Sun. only $23. The  7th Annual Festival will take place  July 13, 14 & 15 at Jericho Beach  (see ad this issue)  s"c',al.lm«P«'e^mbeIsc.»  MHeg  fdzmotiJL(uU.& centre  HiEASTEND  FOODCOOP  I'M WORKING ON A PROJECT WITH WOMEN ACTORS,  creating a theatre piece about stereotyping and inequality of women in the  media. I would like to hear accounts  of women's experiences. Contact Gillian  Henmann, 3150 Bainbridge Ave., Burnaby,  V5A 2S8. Tel: 420-3905.  WILL PATRICIA MORRIS (who left Vancouver  to study in Boston in 1983 and possibly  since returned) or anyone knowing her  please write Christina at 606 Shaw St.,  Toronto, Ontario M6G 3L6.  TRYING TO GET IN TOUGH WITH A WOMAN I met  briefly at last summer's Women and Words  Conference. You were kind enough to  give my friend and I directions to a  certain building at UBC. Later we  chatted again for a minute downstairs  at Sister's Restaurant. I was wearing  a grey cap and was with a blond woman.  If you're out there anywhere please  drop me a line. My name is Denny and  my address is 13416-127th Street,  Edmonton, Alberta. T5L 1B7. Thanx a  whole bunch!  LESBIAN INFORMATION, LINE COLLECTIVE  nMNGB  JUNE 22-8-30P.m.  CAPRI  HALL-53-$5  3925  FRASER STREET—  Tickets  available at-  uuomen  only  Ariel Books  Women's Bookstore  Little Sisters  Octopus east 8- west  AGORA Food Co-op  Open House Shopping  non-members welcome  for June, July & August  3307 Dunbar (at 17th)  closed Mondays  Call us for more information 228-9115  BEAUTIFUL BRIGHT HOUSE with a large yard,  a piano and a cat to share with 2 women,  non-smoker. $183. Call 430-3425.  Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Avenue  W

Cite

Citation Scheme:

        

Citations by CSL (citeproc-js)

Usage Statistics

Share

Embed

Customize your widget with the following options, then copy and paste the code below into the HTML of your page to embed this item in your website.
                        
                            <div id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidgetDisplay">
                            <script id="ubcOpenCollectionsWidget"
                            src="{[{embed.src}]}"
                            data-item="{[{embed.item}]}"
                            data-collection="{[{embed.collection}]}"
                            data-metadata="{[{embed.showMetadata}]}"
                            data-width="{[{embed.width}]}"
                            async >
                            </script>
                            </div>
                        
                    
IIIF logo Our image viewer uses the IIIF 2.0 standard. To load this item in other compatible viewers, use this url:
http://iiif.library.ubc.ca/presentation/cdm.kinesis.1-0045628/manifest

Comment

Related Items