Kinesis Dec 1, 1996

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 S \P Speefcf Cofiediois Serial  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997      Nix those Nikes...pq 6       CMPA $2.25  News About Women That's Not In The Dailies  Attack on Aboriginal Justice Centre  Vancouver takes on APEC  Fighting homophobia:  It's Elementary  Metro Days of Action  in Ontario Inside  KINESIS  #301-1720 Grant Street  Vancouver, BC V5L 2Y6  Tel: (604)255-5499  Fax:(604)255-5511  Kinesis welcomes volunteers to work  on all aspects of the paper. Our next  Writers' Meeting is Tues Jan 7 for the  Feb issue and Mon Feb 3 at 7 pm at  Kinesis. All women welcome even if  you don't have experience.  Kinesis is published ten times a year  by the Vancouver Status of  Women.lts objectives are to be a non-  sectarian feminist voice for women  and to work actively for social change,  specifically combatting sexism,  racism.classism, homophobia,  ableism, and imperialism. Views  jexpressed in Kinesis are those of the  writer and do not necessarily reflect  VSW policy. All unsigned material is  the responsibility of the Kinesis  Editorial Board.  EDITORIAL BOARD  Fatima Jaffer, Lissa Geller (on leave),  wendy lee kenward, Agnes Huang  PRODUCTION THIS ISSUE  Dorcas, Rachel Rosen, Marlene del  Hoyo, Sandra Kerr, Judy Miller, Nancy  Pang, Coral Mcintosh, June Pang,  Anne Webb, Caitlin Byrne, Fatima  Jaffer, Lisa Valencia-Svensson,  Celeste Wincapaw, Shannon e. Ash,  Agnes Huang  Advertising: Sur Mehat  Circulation: Audrey Johnson, Chrystal  Fowler  Distribution: Fatima Jaffer  Production Coordinator: Swee Sim Tan  Typesetter: Sur Mehat  FRONT COVER  Singing "No to Apec": Monica Urrutia,  Mable Elmore, Jane Ordinario,  Charlene Sayo, Cecilia Diocson, Hetty  Alcuitas and Sheila Farrales [see  page 3\. Photo by Fatima Jaffer  PRESS DATE  November 28, 1996  SUBSCRIPTIONS  Individual: $20 per year (+$1.40 GST)  or what you can afford  Institutions/Groups:  $45 per year (+$3.15 GST)  VSW Membership (includes 1 year  Kinesis subscription):  $30 per year (+$1.40 GST)  SUBMISSIONS  Women and girls are welcome to  make submissions. We reserve the  right to edit and submission does not  guarantee publication. If possible,  submissions should be typed, double  spaced and must be signed and  include an address, telephone number  and SASE. Kinesis does not accept  poetry or fiction. Editorial guidelines  are available upon request.  DEADLINES  All submissions must be received in  the month preceding publication.  Note: Jul/Aug and Dec/Jan are double  issues.  Features and reviews: 10th  News: 15th  Letters and Bulletin Board: 18th  Display advertising  (camera ready): 18th  (design required): 16th  Printing by Horizon Publications.  Kinesis is indexed in the Canadian  Women's Periodicals Index,  the Alternative Press Index, and is a  member of the Canadian Magazine  Publishers Association.  ISSN 0317-9095  Publications mail registration #6426  News  Solidarity rally against APEC 3  by Fatima Jaffer  Remembering the Dili massacre 4  by Wei Yuen Fong J *\  Vancouver Aboriginal Justice Centre loses funding 5 W  | *ljf   '  by Agnes Huang ^^jM^mmm^^a^^^^m  Nike exploits workers in Vietnam 6    Aboriginal justice centre .  by Fatima Jaffer  Features  Indigenous struggles in the Cordilleras 10  by Bernice See as told to Fay Blaney  The potential of bartering systems 12  by Shannon e. Ash  Commentary  An analysis of the Metro Days of Action .  by Andrea Ritchie and Bev Bain  Centrespread  Sovereignty struggles in Hawai'i   by Haunani-Kay Traskas told to Michelle Sylliboy  Arts  It's Elementary, talking about lesbian and gay issues 17  reviewed by Robyn Hall  Janis Ian at the Cultch 18  by Janet Askin  Reviews from the Vancouver International Writers' Festival 19  by Cy-Thea Sand  A quick chat with Daisy Zamora 19  by Monica Vanschaik  The view from A Hot Roof 20  by Laiwan  An interview with Beth Goobie, Scars of Light 21  as told to Cathy Stonehouse  Two CDs from Susan Crowe 23  reviewed by Emma Kivisild  Regulars  As Kinesis Goes to Press 2  Inside Kinesis 2  What's News 7  compiled by Fatima Jaffer, Sandra Kerr and Shannon e. Ash  Movement Matters 9  compiled by Caitlin Byrne  Bulletin Board 25  compiled by Lisa Valencia-Svensson  Susan Crowe  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 As Kinesis goes to press, the Royal  Commission on Aboriginal Peoples has released its final report-five years later, 3,500  plus pages and 440 recommendations long.  So far, the response from Aboriginal  leaders has mostly been positive. Viola Thomas, president of the United Native Nations, an organization representing Aboriginal people in BC, says the report is quite  comprehensive and broad in scope, and  contains a lot of good recommendations.  What is important now, she says, is to continue the lobbying process to ensure recommendations are implemented.  The report has not received a warm  reception from the federal government, and  likely won't receive one from a lot of misinformed "mainstream" Canadians. It will  be a challenge and responsibility for all of  us to support justice and self-detemination  for First Nations people.  The provincial government's standing  committee on the BC Treaty Commission  and the Nisgaa Agreement is set to arrive  in Vancouver to hold hearings in early December. Some Aboriginal groups will be  making presentations at the hearings—being held across the province—and others  will be holding a parallel action to express  their dissatisfaction with the treaty process  currently in place.  Throughout, Aboriginal women have  not been adequately included in treaty-  making, land claim and self-determination  discussions. Recently, Kinesis learned that  efforts made to solicit women's perspec  tives on the treaty-making process culminated in a report called "Aboriginial  Women and the Treaty Process." Prepared  by Kathy Absolon, Elaine Herbert and Kelly  MacDonald for the Ministry of Women's  Equality, it was completed last March but  appears to be sitting on someone's desk at  the ministry collecting dust.  When Kinesis asked Minister of Women's Equality Sue Hammell about the status of the report, she replied she had just  had her attention drawn to its existence, but  hadn't seen it yet. She said it would be a  high priority for her to follow-up on the  issue. Kinesis will follow-up with her on  that.  There was good news for women out  of Victoria recently. The BC provincial government admitted it erred when it changed  the Workers' Compensation Act in 1993.  The amendment resulted in hundreds of  women, whose husbands had died in  workplace accidents, being denied access  to pensions because they had remarried before April 7,1985. The case brought against  the government by 270 women was boosted  by a recent court ruling in their favour.  As for the status of women on a federal early November, Hedy Fry,  secretary of state for the Status of Women,  released a report on the role of the Status  of Women. The report was the result of consultations held last Spring with an invited  list of stake-holders—individual women,  women's organizations, and non-profit organizations serving women.  As a part of the report, Hedy Fry announced the creation of a $1.2 million Independent Policy Research Fund (EPRF) to  study the impact of government policy on  women. Don't be fooled-this isn't the federal Liberal government committing new  resources towards advancing women's  equality. No, the money for this fund comes  out of the dismantling of the CanadianAd-  visory Council on the Status of Women in  the Liberals' February 1995 budget.  Fry says she is committed to making  the IPRF "independent, relevant, accessible..." But what about "feminist," we ask  (which is what many women pushed for  during the consultations.) The fund will be  administered by a five-member committee,  chosen from women nominated by SWC's  constituents. Nomination deadline is December 18. Nominate feminists, we say.  Still on the federal scene, Reform Party  leader splashed onto the headlines of the  mainstream Dailies with his announcement  that, if elected government, his party would  hold a national referendum on abortion. We  know what his vote would bespeaking of anti-abortionists...two of  them tried to crash a recent International  Women's Day organizing meeting held at  the Vancouver Status of Women. The two  women, from the anti-choice group PRICE  (Patients Rights Informed Consent Ethics),  disrupted the meeting and were asked to  leave. (At last year's IWD event, the women  deceptively got a table at the info fair and  set up their anti-choice propaganda.)  Our appreciation to the following supporters who became members, renewed their  memberships or donated to Vancouver Status of Women in November:  Cathy Aikenhead * Liz Bennett * Jennifer Bradley * Susan Boyd * Elizabeth  Brumberg * Dorothy Chunn * Veronica Delorne * Margaret Denike * Ellen Dixon *  Michelle Dodds * Nancy Edwards * Marion Fisher * Margaret Fulton * Christopher  Gainor * Beverly Gartrell * Noga Gayle * Carole Gerson * Lynn Giraud * Penny  Goldsmith * Barbara Grantham * Marion Gropper * Leona Gum * Vivian Guthrie *  Cheryl Heinzl * Heidi Henkenhaff * Jo Hinchliffe * Janet Kellough-Pollock * Deirdre  Kelly * Else Kennedy * Karen Kilbride * Sonya Kraemer * W. Krayenhoff * Joan  Lawrence * Karen Malcolm * Catherine Malone * Alyson Martin * Patricia Matson *  Margaret McCoy * Florence McDowell * Judith Miller * Myrtle Mowatt * Lauri  Nerman * Carol Pettigrew * Michele Pujol * Arvilla Read * Robin Rennie * Adrianne  Ross * Kame Rule * Mary Schendinger * Marion Smith * Shannon Steele * Penelope  Tilby * Neysa Turner * Sheryl Ty * Gale Tyler * Judith Walker * Sue Watson * Susan  Wendell * Barbara Wild * Kim Zander  And a special thank you to our donors who give every month. Monthly donations  assist VSW in establishing a reliable funding base to carry out our programs, services and  Kinesis throughout the year. Thanks to:  Wendy Baker * Barbara Curran * Nancy Duff * Jody Gordon * Erin Graham * B.  Karmazyn * Sadie Kuehn * Barbara Lebrasseur * Lolani Maar *Sheilah Thompson  Corrections  Big ooops! We accidentally mis-placed the Women Work Society of Victoria, BC. In  our Movement Matters' story "Women Work Society" in the November 1996 issue of  Kinesis, we announced that the Society, a wing of the Single Parent Resource Centre, was  created this year to help single mothers and low-income women start businesses and  gain independance. However, we wrote it is located in Vienna (Austria) and not Victoria.  We got a tongue-in-cheek letter from them saying "Maybe the Austrians have a similar  group...but could you please put this group back where it belongs?" Yeah, shucks, okay.  The women refused to leave and tried  to provoke the IWD women by photographing and tape-recording them. The  meeting had to be re-scheduled to prevent  the PRICE women from further harassing  the IWD organizers.  Needless to say IWD organizers are  extremely upset. Some are planning to file  harassment charges against the anti-choice  women. (Our sources tell us that PRICE  consists only of four or five very persistent  anti-choice women who are determined to  make a nuisance of themselves.)  There is a positive side to this story..the  turnout for the organizing meeting-the first  one for IWD 1997-was incredible: over 35  women showed up, representing diverse  communities of women. It is a clear sign  that feminist organizing in this city is alive  and strong!  Finally as Kinesis goes to press, here's  an update on a couple of stories Kinesis reported on in our November 1996 issue:  Anti-choice protester Maurice Lewis has  decided to appeal the BC Supreme Court  ruling upholding the province's Access to  Abortion Services.  And a US federal court judge has issued a restraining order against Proposition 209—California's anti-affirmative action ballot initiative approved by voters last  month—because he believes it is unconstitutional.  That's all for this month...and  Kinesis goes to press. Have a happy winter  and a warm read.  It's cold. We're cold. We have colds.  Truly, the weather in Vancouver is  amazingly grey. It's colder than we remember from past winters. Still, neither the barometer 's constant plunge, the lack of heating in the building nor ill health kept us  from working on this issue. So a big thanks  to all those who struggled through sheets  of cold Northern-monsoon rains and street-  lakes to get to the production room to help  get Kinesis out.  It will be our last cold winter at our  Grant Street location. Vancouver Status of  Women and Kinesis are moving! We will  open again in a new location, as yet uncertain, at the end of February. We'll keep you  posted. But rest assured we will continue  to be accessible to our volunteers and the  women who use our services.  Meanwhile we'll need lots of help organizing and cleaning the office and packing up stuff. If you are interested in helping out, please callAudrey at 255-5511. It's  going to be a sad task for those of us who  have been around at this location for some  of those six years. Ah, if the (thin) walls  could talk, the stories they could tell, the  herstories they have recorded...  Speaking of herstories...we celebrated  VSW's 25 th anniversary in November, with  many from VSW's past, present (and future) in attendance. Due to some difficult  decisions made by VSW's Coordinating  Collective and the anniversary organizing  committee, there was a gap in terms of reflecting adequately on the work done in the  late 70s and much of the 80s. We are not  qualified to fill that gap, but as we look  through the archives and old copies of Kinesis, we can say that those were some of  the most vibrant and interesting years of  activism, analysis building, decision making, developments in feminist thought and  action, and radicalization of the movement.  We hope there will be other opportunities  to celebrate those achievements.  The Kinesis Editorial Board is setting  up a committee to develop ideas and actions around promoting Kinesis subscriptions and sales in March, around International Women's Day. If you're interested in  helping spread News About Women That's  Not in the Dailies around in various ways,  call Agnes at 255-5499.  We'd like to say a string of thank yous  to women new to Kinesis who gave their  volunteer time and energy to this issue.  New writers are Bernice See, Andrea  Ritchie, Bev Bain, Haunani-Kay Trask,  Monica Vanschaik, Daisy Zamora, and Beth  Goobie. New production volunteers are  Coral Mcintosh and Celeste Wincapaw  We'd also like to thank our photographers and graphics-searchers this issue-big  thanks to Sheila James, Lani Montreal,  Fanny Yuen and Mary Gellatly (and Dina  Ladd, Melanie Liwanag-Aguila and  Andrea Ritchie) for the photos from Metro  Days of Action. Thanks also to Lisa Valencia-Svensson for finding the graphics for  the story on page 10-11.  That's all for now. We're closed in December, hence the double issue this month.  But fear not, we'll be back with more in  January, rejuvenated and ready for a new  year of recording news about women's  movements for social change! Until then,  have a great December!  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 News  APEC and global capitalist imperialism:  No no no, absolutely not!  by Fatima Jaffer  On a wet Monday morning in November, over one hundred people came together on the streets of Vancouver to march  and rally in solidarity with people in the  Philippines who were protesting the opening of the 4th annual leaders' summit of  APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation)  [see Kinesis, October 1996]. The summit,  being held this year at Subic Bay in the Philippines, brought together 17 leaders of the  18 member countries. The group aims to  create the world's largest free trade zone  by the year 2020.  While hundreds of thousands of people were in the streets of Manila, carrying  banners and shouting slogans such as "Resist Imperialist Globalization" and being  prevented by police cordons from reaching  Subic Bay, the protestors in Vancouver  marched along the streets of the Downtown  Eastside to the Philippine consulate. Curious passers-by stopped to stare at demonstrators—mostly representatives of various  women's, workers', seniors', student, people of colour, anti-poverty, and Downtown  Eastside organizations. There were  speeches about why we need to organize  against APEC, and how similar protests  were being held in the other Asian and Pacific Rim APEC countries that day.  The demonstrators then marched on,  wheeling a huge papier-mache skull wearing a hat painted in the stars and stripes of  the American flag; people carried banners  and chanted. At the Canada Trade and Convention Centre, in the presence of dozens  of police, we rallied in front of what we  heard is the proposed site of next year's  APEC leaders' summit. Each APEC country gets the opportunity to chair and host  APEC. Next year is Canada's turn. APEC  leaders' will descend on Vancouver in November 1997.  The rally began with speeches from  members of the NO! to APEC Coalition, the  group which hosted the Vancouver demonstration. NO! to APEC stands for the Network Opposed to Anti-People Economic  Control and is made up of grassroots  groups-women's, youth, student, people  of colour, anti-poverty, environmental and  social justice -and community centres.  "In the Philippines," Jane Ordinario of  the SIKLAB, an organization for Filipino  workers abroad, a key  member of NO! to APEC,  told the rally, "APEC means  the further export, not only  of its raw materials and  natural resources, but of its  working people being exploited in the global market  of capitalism."  Ordinario, who is also  a staff person with the Philippine Women's Centre,  was referring to the Philippines' number one export:  people. About 2,000 people  leave the Philippines each  day for work in other countries. Most are women. Of  the 45,000 who come to  Canada each year under  specific migrant worker immigration programs, the majority are domestic workers.  People in the Philippines are among  many who stand to lose from APEC's continued path toward trade liberalization, a  term that means the free movement of  trade, money, and therefore profits over  borders. In fact, APEC primarily serves the  interests of the corporate elite in the US and  those in some member nations. APEC was  formed in 1989 as a loose trading group.  But when the US hosted the first APEC  Summit in 1993, the Americans pushed for  formalization of APEC as atrading bloc.  This was partly to prevent bids by Japan  and Malaysia to control Asian and Pacific  Rim trade and economic development in  free trade blocs that would exclude the US.  Since, APEC primarily serves to supplement and speed up the work of the  World Trade Organization and the International Monetary Fund, which impose policies that encourage the flooding of poorer  "developing"countries with surplus or  overpriced products and services, in exchange for underpriced raw materials and  migrant labour power.  The countries in APEC are: Australia,  Brunei Darussalam, Canada, Chile, China,  Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia,  Mexico, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea,  the Philippines, Singapore, South Korea,  Taiwan, Thailand, and the United States.  No! to APEC protesters march to the Canada Trade and Convention Centre.  Demonstrators march alongside the skull of Uncle S(c)am (the US) on Granville Street,  downtown Vancouver.  At the rally, SEKLAB's Ordinario also  spoke about the attempts in the Philippines  to detain and deport foreign delegates who  are in the Philippines to expose APEC as a  mechanism of imperialist countries to increase profits at the expense of people and  resources in the region. Delegates from  South Africa and Vietnam, in particular,  were held in temporary detention. South  Africa has already formally objected to the  detention of its citizens, said Ordinario.  Flor de Maria Salguero, a women's organizer in the maquiladoras (free trade  zones) of Guatemala, who was in Vancouver to share information about organizing  efforts, told people at the rally that thousands of women in Guatemala were demonstrating that same day against violations  of human, labour and women's rights in  the maquiladoras.  "I'm uniting over what's happening  here today with what's happening to  women in my country...we are denouncing  the violations of the rights of all women."  Salguero held up a long-sleeved  sweater and told the crowd that the sweater  cost $40 in Canada. "The person who made  it received 35 cents in Guatemala. She has  to make 1,400 of these a day." Salguero said  there are 90,000 women workers in the  maquiladoras, over 50 percent of whom are  under 15 years old. Working conditions and  the health of workers are primary concerns,  she said.  While Guatemala  is not presently in  APEC (it apparently  falls beneath the standards of APEC economy  requirements),  Salguero urged solidarity between workers in  all countries. "There  can be no borders on  humanity," she concluded.  Many of the speakers drew parallels between APEC and  NAFTA (the North  American Free Trade  Agreement). Terrie  Hendrickson of End  Legislated Poverty said ELP stood in solidarity against APEC because it understood  the impact free trade has had on people.  "Look at the increased unemployment  and the decrease in social programs since  NAFTA was passed... You just have to look  at the streets of major cities in this country  to see increased homelessness due to so-  called global restructuring..." Hendrickson  said. "Free trade pits the workers of one  country against another, leading to lower  wages and poorer conditions. That is why  ELP says no to APEC."  Vancouver Status of Women's Ema  Oropeza pointed out that over 1.4 million  jobs were lost between 1989 and 1994 as a  result of free trade agreements, including  more than 500,000 in the manufacturing  sector. Over 78 percent of these workers  were women. She added that the Union of  Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees (UNITE), the union representing  factory garment workers in Canada, says  it lost 60 percent of its membership in Ontario alone after NAFTA came into effect.  "Free trade benefits those who have no  conscience about making profits through  exploiting women, indigenous peoples and  their land, and the environment." said  Oropeza.  "APEC makes the Free Trade Agreement look like a dime-bag deal in Pigeon  Park," said Bud Osborne of the Carnegie  Centre, referring to pot deals in an area of  the Downtown Eastside. The Downtown  Eastside is Canada's lowest income urban  neighbourhood. It has a vibrant community of activists, social workers, single  mother families, Aboriginal people, people of colour, sex trade workers, mental  health patients, drug users and dealers, and  homeless people.  Osborne pointed out that the communities of people living in the Downtown  Eastside have been the first to feel the effects of Vancouver's preparations for the  APEC conference.  "The Downtown Eastside community  of vulnerable and afflicted human beings  is being destroyed by global economic  Continued on next p  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 News  Remembering the Dili massacre:  Flowers never forget  by Wei Yuen Fong  Carnations—273 carnations—placed at  the steps of the Indonesian consulate in  Vancouver served as a reminder of the 273  East Timorese people known to have been  killed when the Indonesian military  stormed a cemetery in Dili.  On November 12, 1991, hundreds of  innocent civilians were gunned down by  Indonesian soldiers at the Santa Cruz cemetery in the capital of East Timor. While  273 people are known to have been murdered, it is estimated that, in fact, more  hundreds East Timorese are still missing.  The average age of those murdered was 20;  the youngest was 10.  To commemorate the 5th anniversary  of the massacre, over 200 people gathered  at the Vancouver Art Gallery on November 16. One of the speakers that day was  Bella Galhos, who herself escaped being  killed in the massacre by climbing over the  cemetery wall. Many of her friends were  not so lucky.  Galhos fled East Timor for Canada. She  is now living in Ottawa and continuing the  fight for East Timor self-determination. "I  want to remember my friends who died  beside me five years ago, and all the peo  ple who have died since Indonesia invaded  our country [in 1975]," she told the crowd  at the art gallery.  And referring to the recent awarding  of the Nobel Peace Price to East Timor independence activist Jose Ramos-Horta,  Galhos added: "It's important to celebrate  the Nobel Peace Prize on behalf [of all the  victims of the Dili Massacre. ] All those people just wanted peace for East Timor."  After the rally, protestors marched to  the Indonesian consulate and read out the  name of a known victim of the massacre  attached to each carnation.  Also in front of the consulate, Galhos  and a friend sang the very moving Timorese  independence song. And others made impromptu speeches and yelled out chants  that called on multinational corporations  and national governments to end their role  in the continuing oppression of East  Timorese people.  One such chant was: "Nike, Nike listen up/Your complicity has to stop/It's  about time you realize/You're involved in  genocide." ("Nike" was also substituted  with ["Canada"] "Chretien" and [Indonesian president General] "Suharto.")  The demonstration in Vancouver was  a culmination of East Timor Awareness  Week, involving a series of talks by Bella  Galhos, a film night, candlelight vigils and  protests. East Timor Awareness Week actions were organized in several places  across Canada by the East Timor Alert Network (ETAN), a national association of Canadians supporting independence for East  Timor, and including churches, trade unions and women's organizations.  Overall, ETAN-Vancouver organizers  say, more than a thousand people attended  events during the week. They added that  likely thousands more heard about East  Timor self-determination and Canada's  complicity in the oppression of East  Timorese people on Radio Free Timor! programming all week on Vancouver's Cooperative Radio and from other media coverage.  ETAN says the Canadian government  has refused to support self-determination  for East Timor, and had authorized export  permits in 1995 for over $362 million in  military equipment bound for Indonesia.  ETAN is calling on the Canadian government to publicly support self-determi  nation for East Timor; to ban all%iilitary-  related sales from Canada to trleTndone-  sian government; and to push for the release of all political prisoners in East Timor  and Indonesia.  On the Thursday after the rally, two  members of ETAN-Vancouver returned to  the Indonesian consulate to hand-deliver  the carnations to the consul-general in person. They were refused a meeting with him,  and told by consulate staff to leave the flowers and get out, otherwise they'd call the  police.  As the ETAN members were leaving,  one consulate official pointed to the flowers and said loudly: "Don't worry, they will  be in the garbage by morning."  For more information about the Dili Massacre, the struggle of East Timorese people for  independence, and about participating in a letter-writing campaign, contact ETAN: PO Box  33733, Stn D, Vancouver, BC, V6J 4L6; tel:  (604) 261-7930; fax: (604) 325-0086.  APEC, from previous page  forces-the same forces that are destroying  real communities all around the world."  The area has seen a three-times increase  in police patrols as part of the gentrification  of the area and attempts to clean-up eyesores, much like the "clean-up" of poor  peoples that Vancouver experienced prior  to the opening of Expo 86. As with Expo  86, it is expected that thousands of media  people, business people and tourists from  around the world will converge on Vancouver during the 1997 APEC Summit.  Pigeon Park, outside Vancouver's  community Co-op Radio station, was once  home to many of the area's homeless and  addicts. By late November, the park had  been emptied of people. Police cars sit on  every other street corner in the area.  Harrassment by police of local residents is  a daily occurrence.  NO! to APEC organizers say there was  a similar "clean-up" in the Philippines in  the year leading up to the 1996 APEC Summit. Demolition of squatter camps, considered eyesores by the Philippine government, affected more than 25,000 families.  There was also forcible and illegal displacement of hundreds of thousands of urban  poor by police to make way for high scale  development projects, such as a park to  mark the APEC Summit in Metro Manila.  Osborne pointed out that the effects of  free trade agreements like NAFTA and  APEC are also similar in poor communities across the world: "an increase in  violence, crimes, service cutbacks, desperation, suicide, [and] overburdened community organizations in conflict  with one another for ever-dwindling re-  Throughout the rally outside the Convention Centre, there were attempts by the  NO! toAPEC organizers to bring out members of BC's unions who were coinciden-  tally attending the BC Federation of Labour's annual convention inside the Centre.  Demonstrators were refused entry into  centre by security officers. BC Fed Community Relations Officer Dennis  Blanchford repeatedly told us that the BC  Fed would not endorse the rally, speak at  it, nor allow a speaker from NO! to APEC  to attend its convention to educate its members about APEC. Blanchford said BC Fed  would be debating a motion pertaining to  APEC, but did not specify what it said.  Fatima is a lesbian, feminist and anti-racist  activist living in Vancouver.  An obvious sign.  Signs of trouble ahead if APEC gets its way.  APEC is anti-democratic, anti-  woman, anti-worker, anti-...!  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Vancouver Aboriginal Justice Centre:  News  LSS cuts centre funding  by Agnes Huang  Justice for Aboriginal people was dealt  a blow when the Legal Services Society of  BC decided to terminate its funding agreement with the Vancouver Aboriginal Justice Centre.  On November 4th, the Chief Executive  Officer of LSS, David Duncan, walked into  the VAJC office and handed its staff and  board members a letter detailing the reasons for the termination.  LSS claims that the VAJC is in arrears  of its agreements with LSS and responded  too late to their concerns. However, the  VAJC tried to address LSS's concerns in a  letter dated October 22nd, challenging  some of its charges, and making attempts  to set up process to deal with LSS's allegations that VAJC, at times, had acted in a  "disrespectful and unprofessional" manner.  The termination of the contract is to be  effective January 3, but Duncan also said  that LSS would immediately be withholding any further payment of monies to the  VAJC. Essentially that has left the Centre  without any operational funding to pay  staff and other costs, and put their clients  in jeopardy.  "When a person walks  into the Centre,  they walk in as a whole  person and not just  what qualifies them for  legal aid..."  -Bernice Hammersmith  The VAJC was opened in 1994, after  years of lobbying by Aboriginal leaders to  convince LSS of the need to fund Aboriginal-specific legal services in Vancouver. The  Centre is housed in the Downtown Eastside  area, which has a large population of Aboriginal peoples.  The VAJC is one of the 15 Native Community Law Offices (NCLOs) spread across  the province. NCLOs operate with independent boards and receive the majority of  their funding from LSS. Still, less than one  percent of LSS's total budget (more than $80  million) goes to services provided by and  for Aboriginal people, even though Aboriginal peoples are the most over-represented people in the Canadian justice system.  Among the stated purposes of the  VAJC are: to act as an advocate for Aboriginal people in relation to legal rights and  to provide them with quality legal representation; to provide and promote public  legal eduction about Aboriginal rights; and  to provide valuable and quality training for  Aboriginal law students, paralegals and  other support staff.  Rhonda Johnson, a staff lawyer at the  VAJC, says the Centre has never turned  away any clients. She says the Centre finds  alternatives for those clients who don't  qualify for legal aid. Clients denied legal  aid are referred to paralegals working at the  VAJC, to UBC law students and their supervising lawyer who run a free legal clinic  out of the the Centre, or to one of the Aboriginal lawyers who do pro-bono (free) work  for clients of the VAJC. In addition, the  VAJC takes in over a thousand legal aid  cases a year alone.  Bernie Hammersmith, Vice-Chief  Counsellor of the board of the VAJC, says  the Centre has always been committed to  delivering justice services for Aboriginal  people in a broader sense, not just to giving legal aid.  "When a person walks into the Centre, they walk in as a whole person and not  just what qualifies them for legal aid.  There's all kinds of issues they're dealing  with, such as housing, poverty, inherent  rights..." says Hammersmith.  "We don't just look after people legally.  Sure, we help them survive the legal system. However, there are all these other systems that people have to survive as well.  "With closures of centres like this, it  only adds to the problems; it doesn't look  for solutions," says Hammersmith. "To  shut us down is a slap in the face for any  real treatment of Aboriginal people in this  province."  On the Friday following Legal Services' decision, the VAJC held a public gathering and press conference. Over 150 people jammed into the reception area and  stairs of the VAJC. Most of the people who  came out to support the Centre were from  the Aboriginal community. But there were  also a significant number of people from  women's organizations, anti-poverty  groups and community organizations in  the Downtown Eastside.  The gathering participated in traditional prayers, a smudge, and songs celebrating the courage of Aboriginal people  and women in particular. The speeches  from clients, Elders, staff, board members  and friends of the Centre carried a central  message: the importance of the Centre in  their lives, and the critical need for its continued existence.  At the press conference that followed,  Hammersmith said the primary issue in the  shut-down of the VAJC is control. "You will  hear excuses from LSS such as lack of professionalism, disrespectful conduct, mismanagement, poor communication and  lack of fiscal responsibility. These are  merely pretexts, all without any foundation  in reality, which are being used as smoke  and mirrors to accomplish the ultimate  objective of controlling the activities and  operations of the Centre."  Viola Thomas, president of the United  Native Nations and a former staff member  of the VAJC and Native Programs at LSS,  spoke at length at the press conference  about how LSS's action is an example of  systemic racism.  Theresa Tait, Charlotte Smith, Viola Thomas, AnneWannock, and  Rhonda Johnson at the gathering in support of the Vancouver  Aboriginal Justice Centre.  She said she finds it disheartening that  Legal Services is willing to shut down the  VAJC and to allege that the Centre has been  disrespectful to LSS.  "When you examine the past relationship between LSS and Aboriginal peoples,  you'll find that in the past two years, there  have been two out-of-court settlements  with Aboriginal women who had worked  at LSS, where Legal Services violated human rights law. Now LSS is alleging the  VAJC has been disrespectful," Thomas said.  At the end of the press conference,  Rhonda Johnson read an excerpt of a letter  received that day from LSS board chair,  Pinder Cheema. In it, Cheema said the  board would not reconsider its decision,  and hoped the VAJC would wind down its  operations in an quick and orderly manner.  David Duncan confirmed to Kinesis  that LSS considered the matter to be purely  a contractual one, and that the board had  no intention of reviewing its decision.  When asked what LSS is doing to ensure that Aboriginal people will have access the culturally appropriate services,  Duncan replied that LSS is currently consulting with theAboriginal community. He  would not specify the process or timeline  of the consultations.  After receiving LSS's letter, the VAJC  wrote to the provincial Attorney General  Ujjal Dosanjh appealing LSS's decision.  Ministry commmunications spokesperson  Toby Louie toldKz'nesis that theAG's office  had received the letter but that the ministry was not prepared to intervene in what  it considered to be an internal operational  matter between LSS and the VAJC.  However, the UNN's Thomas says the  Attorney General has the ability to intervene in this situation. "Legal Services has  violated the LSS Act with respect to the  right of Aboriginal people to have culturally appropriate services, not to mention its  own previous board motions upholding the  same," she says. It is the Attorney General  office which appoints the Legal Services  Society board.  Kinesis asked whether theAG's ministry would consider directly funding the  VAJC. Louie responded that "The province  is not prepared to provide funding to more  than one venue for legal aid," and that the  province has a statutory obligation to deliver legal aid services through LSS. He  added that, in the VAJC's letter, the Centre  did not ask that a direct funding arrangement with theAG's office be negotiated.  But the VAJC's Hammersmith confirmed that the VAJC plans to seek a new  relationship with the province which "recognizes that Aboriginal people require culturally distinct legal and justce services, and  one which provides for greater security in  the funding base for the services the Centre provides."  Already, the VAJC has gathered over  two thousand signatures on a petition calling for a direct funding arrangement that  it will send to the provincial government.  As Kinesis goes to press, the VAJC is  preparing to take Legal Services to court  over the matter.  The funding agreement between LSS  and the VAJC was to have run until the end  of April 1997. The immediate concern for  the VAJC is how to keep its doors open for  the people who need its services, and for  the community that supports it. The VAJC  has put out an urgent appeal to the community to write letters of support, sign its  petition, and make financial donations.  For more information or to send letters of  support and donations, contact the VAJC: 191  Alexander St, Vancouver, BC, V6A 1N3; tel:  (604) 684-2121; fax: 684-2177.  Agnes Huang is a Chinese feminist activist living in Vancouver.  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 News   Exploitation of women workers in Asia:  Nix those Nikes  by Fatima Jaffer  Women with old Nike shoes are being  urged to mail them off to the company that  made them: the US-based multinational  Nike Corporation. The "mail-your-old-  Nikes-back" campaign is part of an organized boycott of Nike products launched in  solidarity with the mostly women workers  who make Nike shoes in factories in Vietnam, Indonesia, China and Pakistan.  Nike employs mostly women workers  in these countries, who work in boot-camp  style assembly lines making $120 shoes for  20 cents an hour. There are numerous infractions of labour laws and the women  workers are often targetted with physical  and sexual abuse.  One of the activist groups spearheading the boycott is the Nike in Vietnam Action Group (NVAG), an ad hoc coalition of  volunteers in New York with members nationwide that focuses on the exploitation  of women workers, mostly in Vietnam.  NVAG says the boycott of Nike products has already begun to pay off. As a result of the pressure activists in the North  are putting on Nike, the corporation is  slowly changing. It has also begun a process of establishing dialogues with the nongovernmental organizations lobbying it to  change, including NVAG.  Recently, CBS television news in the US  broadcasted an investigative report on  Nike's labour practices in Vietnam. NVAG  is among groups that have cited the information given in the CBS news report in  their protest letters to the Nike Corporation.  Nike responded by claiming CBS's report  was inaccurate. NVAG conducted its own  investigation, contacting various people including lawyers in both Vietnam and the  US. NVAG found that not only was Nike  in violation of several Vietnamese laws, it  was also in violation of its own code of conduct.  According to facts gathered by NVAG:  • Workers in Nike manufacturing  plants in Vietnam make on average 20 cents  per hour. Team Leaders at Vietnam's Nike  plants make only $42 per month, below  Vietnam's legislated minimum wage of $45.  Nike claims the $45 minimum wage  figure applies only to Saigon and not to Cu  Chi, where the Nike factory is located.  However, according to Vietnam's legal code  which came into effect this July, the minimum wage applies to foreign-invested ventures in all areas, including Cu Chi district.  Nike also claims that the workers are  paid a lower wage because Vietnamese law  allows for a training wage less than the  minimum wage. Vietnam's legal code,  however, specifies that the training wage  can be paid only for a "trial-period" of 30  days, whereas many workers at the Nike  factories in Cu Chi district are paid the  training wage for at least 90 days.  • Fifteen Vietnamese women told CBS  News that they were hit by their supervisors for bad sewing. Two women were sent  to hospital afterward. As well, 45 women  say they were forced by their supervisors  to kneel down with their hands up in the  air for 25 minutes.  Nike claims it immediately disciplined  the supervisors. But at a shareholders meeting in September, Nike Chief Executive  Officer (CEO) Phil Knight minimized the  first incident, stating incorrectly that only  one worker was struck—on the arm, and  not on the head, as the women had reported.  • A Nike plant supervisor fled Vietnam after he was accused of sexually abusing several women workers. Nike claims  the supervisor was fired and sent back to  Korea. In effect, this translates to Nike enabling the supervisor to leave Vietnam to  avoid facing criminal charges for his acts.  Meanwhile, the government of Vietnam has  instigated extradition procedures against  the supervisor to bring him back to Vietnam to stand trial.  • Women workers are forced to work  overtime to meet a [unrealistically high]  daily quota. Most workers at Nike plants  in Vietnam are forced to work more than  600 hours of overtime per year—well above  Vietnam's legal limit of 200 hours per year.  This is partly because Nike is in control of its subcontractors. Nike dictates the  price per shoe and even the cost of operation to its subcontractors in Vietnam, Indonesia, China and Pakistan, which forces  them to set high quotas for their workers  and to pay low wages. A British non-governmental organization has estimated that  the labour cost involved in making one pair  of Nike shoes is only $3, yet the shoes may  sell for $100 US.  • While Nike can afford to give some  of this profit margin back to its factory  workers, Nike is not investing in the "third  world." Nike claims to be responsible for  the economic development of Japan, Taiwan and Korea, which is where 90 percent  of Nike shoes were manufactured in the  1980s. However, as soon as the local minimum wage was raised in these countries,  the corporation shifted its shoe and apparel  manufacturing plants to countries in the  Asia Pacific that offer the lowest wages—  Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, China and  Pakistan.  Nike also does not contribute to its supplier countries either through worker training or human resource investment.  By continually shifting its operation to  countries in the Asia Pacific with the lowest wages, Nike is not only keeping to 19th  century imperialism, which removed profits from the South and into the North, but  also to the trade mandates of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) [see  page 3, this issue].  The Nike in Vietnam Action Group has  members all over the US and works with solidarity groups in Canada. Their e-mail address  is nike-protest@saigonxom. They are asking  people to boycott Nike products and write letters and/or send old pairs of Nikes to: Nike  CEO, Phil Knight (or its Labour Practice Department head, Dusty Kidd), Nike Corporation,  Nike World Headquarters, One Bowerman Dr,  Beaverton, Oregon, 97005 USA.  Information for this article came from the  Campaign Against Labour Exploitation in Vietnam via the internet. For more information,  check out their web site: http://  Fatima Jaffer is a regular writer for Kinesis.  Thanks to Thuyen Nguyen of NVAG for .the  information.  Thanks!  Vancouver Status of Women celebrated its 25th anniversary in style  on Saturday, November 2, 1996 at the Vancouver Public Library. The  fundraising party was also a book launch for Politically Speaking, by  Judy Rebick and Kike Roach, published by Douglas & Mclntyre. Over  200 people attended what will undoubtedly be remembered as the  feminist social event of the year. The evening was marked with inspiration and reminiscences from the likes of Rosemary Brown, Gene  Errington, and Fatima Jaffer and Agnes Huang. Good food, fabulous  entertainment and lots of fun rounded out the festivities. VSW thanks all  those who attended and all those who helped make our silver anniversary event a success.  Special Thanks to:  Rosemary Brown * Jolene Clark * Jean Elder * Gene Errington *  Erin Graham * Agnes Huang * Fatima Jaffer * Meredith Kimball *  Laiwan * Shona Moore * Susan Penfold * Marion Pollack * Judy  Rebick * Kike Roach * Joan Robillard * Rochelle Rocco * Sawagi  Taiko * Elizabeth Shefrin * Helen Shore * Natasha Tony  25th Anniversary Volunteers  Balbi Basran Kalia * Christine Cosby * Chrystal Fowler *  Melissa Fowler * Hillary Hall * Jennifer Johnstone * Barbara  Kuhne * Jane Loop * Bridgette Rivers Moore * Rachel Mulloy *  Kathleen Oliver * Ema Oropeza * Nancy Pang * Esther Shannon  * Roberta Sciaretta * Jehn Starr * Michelle Sylliboy * Gale Tyler *  Claire Walsh and Alana * Elsie Wong * Pauline Youngs  25th Anniversary Committee  Audrey Johnson * Alex Maas * Joanne Namsoo * Nancy  Pollak * Barbara Pulling * Gayla Reid * Melina Udy  Community Supporters  Brussels Chocolates * Canadian Union of Public Employees *  Hospital Employees Union * BC Federation of Labour * Douglas &  Mclntyre * Lotus Miyashita Designs * Over the Moon Chocolate Co.  * Printcrafts of BC Ltd. * Purdy's Chocolates * Ed's Linens * The  Sony Store-Port Coquitlam  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 What's News  Sri Lankan women  "disappear"  by Fatima Jaffer   Krishanti Kumaraswamy was detained one September morning by the Sri  Lankan armed forces on her way back  home from school after writing an examination. That was the last time people saw  her alive.  Her mother, Rasammah went out in  search of her daughter with the help of her  son, Krishanti's 16-year-old brother  Pranaban, and a neighbor, Kirupakaran  Sithamparan. They had been told by people in the area that Krishanthy was seen  being arrested by the army at the sentry  point. The three went to the sentry point,  and were seen entering the army camp later  that afternoon. They were not seen alive  again either. Surviving relatives inquired  about all four people at the sentry point,  but soldiers denied taking any of them into  custody. Days later, people found the bodies of all four in an abandoned house.  The     only     surviver     of     the  Kumaraswamy family, Krishanthy's sister  Prishanthi, wrote a public letter to the Sri  Lankan president, Chandrica  Kumarathunga calling for an investigation.  The government gave the bodies back to  the family under the condition that they be  cremated within two hours. No one has  been allowed access to the autopsies performed by the government. So far, no one  has been charged with any offences. The  four "disappearances" were also brought  to the attention of the Sri Lankan president  by a member of parliament. The Deputy  Minister of Defence reportedly asked for  two weeks to provide a response. There has  been no reply to date.  The disappearances of Krishanthy, her  mother, brother and neighbour are four  among six such disappearances within  days of each other in the Jaffna peninsula  in Sri Lanka. In fact, there have been numerous reports of arbitrary arrests, torture,  rape, disappearances and extrajudicial executions in the region since late 1995. That  was when the Sri Lankan armed or "security" forces regained control from the Liberation Tigers of the Tamil Eelam (a group  fighting for sovereignity for the minority  Tamil people in Sri Lanka).  The reports have been hard to verify  due to strict control on travel to and from  the area. Only a few journalists have been  permitted to visit the peninsula. Those who  were allowed in were given limited freedom of movement.  A Human Rights Task Force (HRTF)  was officially set up to safeguard the welfare of detainees during this period. It was  to have regional offices in various parts of  the country, but has reportedly not been  allowed to open an office in the Jaffna peninsula. As a result, the HRTF is unable to  investigate reports of disappearances in this  area. Human rights activists say that the  lack of presence of the HRTF or any other  civilian groups has led to a feeling among  those in the security forces deployed in  Jaffna peninsula that they can act with impunity.  Human rights activists are urging the  Sri Lankan government to open an HRTF  office in Jaffna and to allow HRTF officers  to visit places of detention on a regular basis, thus preventing widespread torture and  disappearances. They say having an office  for the HRTF would provide an on-the-spot  channel of communication for the civilian  population to make complaints and inquiries regarding the security forces.  Activists are also calling for security  forces to be instructed at all times to adhere to Sri Lankan presidential directives  issued in mid-1995 to safeguard the welfare of people arrested and detained. Further, they are asking that observers be allowed to visit the areas as additional preventive measures against further human  rights violations.  Amnesty International is following the  case of the disappearances of Krishanthy  Kumaraswamy, Rasammah Kumaraswamy,  Pranaban Kumaraswamy and Kirupakaran  Sithamparam, and of Subramaniam and  Ganeshu Sri Ram from Kaitadi. For further  information, contact the Amnesty International  office nearest you. To protest the disappearances  and lobby for a Human Rights Task Force Office to be set up in Jaffna peninsula, write the  High Commissioner for Sri Lanka, His Excellency Walter Fernando, at 333 Laurier Ave.  W, Ottawa, KIP 1C1, or call (613) 233-8440,  or fax (613) 238-8448.  compiled by Sandra Kerr   Rise in child labour in  the south  The International Labour Organization  (ILO), a United Nations agency, reports that  from the brothels of Asia to the carpet factories of Pakistan, almost twice as many  children ages five to 14 (250 million) as previously thought (73 million) are employed  in countries in the south. About 250 million children are employed in all, half of  them full-time.  The ILO report, based on in-depth surveys and interviews, estimates 153 million  children are working inAsia, 80 million in  Africa, and 17.5 million in Latin America.  The ILO also called for a new international  accord that would ban the harshest forms  of child labour: prostitution, slavery, and  work in hazardous industries. (The new  accord would replace the 1976 child-labour  covention, which has only been ratified by  49 UN member countries.)  Michel Hansenne, director-general of  ILO, states that child labour only perpetuates an endless cycle of illiteracy and poverty. He added that "slavery" is still practised in parts of South Asia, Southeast Asia  and West Africa, where children are "sold"  by their impoverished families and forced  to work in factories and as prostitutes.  The ILO notes that child trafficking for  the sex industry is increasing despite better international awareness, purportedly as  a result of the AIDS scare causing men—  many of whom are from countries in the  north—to want to have unprotected sex  with "pure" individuals, namely young  girls and boys. The reported number of  child prostitutes in Asia is about one million and rising, and the numbers are on the  rise in Burkina Faso, the Ivory Coast,  Ghana, Kenya, Zambia and Zimbabwe. As  well, sex networks have resulted in children  being taken from their home countries to  countries in Europe and the Middle East.  Hong Kong woman wins  back wages  A woman in Hong Kong has won her  appeal for back wages against her former  employer, Wellcome Supermarket, after the  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997  High Court ruled she had been fired from  her job without cause. The company was  ordered to pay Chong Sau-yun back wages  in the amount of HK$5,580 (Cdn. $945).  In her ruling, Justice Doreen Le Pichon  said she found Chong's story more credible than the employer's, and pointed to the  absurdness of her dismissal. The judge  overturned a previous ruling by the Labour  Tribunal against Chong.  Chong worked at Wellcome as a  cleaner and lived above the supermarket.  Some of the market's customers were her  neighbours and she often said hello to  them. Chong was fired 'on the spot' for talking to customers after working there for just  over three months. Wellcome's management also charged that Chong picked discarded lucky draw coupons and had used  those tickets herself, which was a breach of  company rules. Chong countered those allegations, saying that picking up the tickets was part of her job as a cleaner and that  she "threw them in the dustbin."  Factory linked to cancer  in women workers  Excessive noise, stressful conditions  and radioactivity resulting in reproductive  cancer-related illness and death are the conditions faced by women working at the  Yasaki Emi Export Processing Zone and the  Bonding, Pre-Assembly and Final Assembly Departments of the Yasaki Emi Electronic Company in Imus, Philippines. The  company has been in operation for six  years.  Since 1995, two reproductive-cancer  related deaths have been reported, as have  numerous operations on women working  in the factories to remove cancer inflicted  ovaries and malignant uterine cysts. Intense  heat emissions from wires are the suspected  cause of the various forms of radioactivity  linked to illness and death among workers.  Thelma Gloria, vice president of the  Kristong Manggagawa Union, noted many  of the workers could be afflicted with work-  related cancer of the reproductive organs  and are in peril because of these poor working conditions. Conversely, the company  continues to ignore these facts and thrives  on the backs of these women's work. To this  day, gross violations of health and safety  standards continue on the part of the Yasaki  Emi management.  Pay equity in Quebec  put on hold  An onslaught of protests by business  leaders in Quebec has led the provincial  government to introduce amendments to  proposed private sector pay equity legislation. The amendments essentially extend  the time frame for employers to create pay  equity plans.  Originally, businesses were expected to  immediately start the process of implementing pay equity plans when the legislation came into effect on January 1,1997.  Under the new bill, employers will have  an additional year to start the process.  After that, companies will have four  years to develop plans and set up pay equity committees and another four years to  implement the plans. Pay equity is not expected to be fully implemented until 2006.  However, companies in financial difficulty  will be applying for an extension of up to  three years.  Small businesses—where many  women work—won't be affected. The new  legislation applies only to companies with  more than 50 employees, covering just 52  percent of the total number of businesses  in Quebec.  The pay equity legislation has long  been opposed by business leaders who contend the program would cost too much. But  Louise Harel, the minister responsible for  the status of women in Quebec, challenges  that claim and says she will continue to  fight the "good fight" in spite of continued  pressure from business leaders and cabinet seesawing. The bottom line is that  women in Quebec still earn 30.7 percent less  than men.  Two-tiered justice in  Manitoba  Aboriginal people from reserves in  northern Manitoba marched to Winnipeg  to protest against what they say is a two-  tiered justice system for Aboriginal and  non-Aboriginal people. The demonstrators  showed up at the provincial legislature to  express their frustration to Justice Minister  Rosemary Vodrey. They were protesting the  slow progress in the investigation of the  death of Dorothy Martin, a Cree woman  from Le Pas.  In their statements, a number of people drew parallels and connections to the  killing of another Cree woman from Le Pas,  Helen Betty Osborne, 25 years ago. Osborne  was brutally murdered and it took 15 years  before anyone had to stand trial for her  death. At the conclusion, only one of three  men charged with her murder was convicted.  Dorothy Martin was killed in a struggle over a shotgun on April 26. The accused, her common-law husband, Gerald  Robert Wilson, faces only minor weapons  charges. Aboriginal leaders charge that the  police and Crown have been dragging their  feet in laying murder charges in the case  because the accused is the son of the sheriff in Le Pas, Gerald Wilson.  "The justice system is unfair and the  officials that are there for us are not there,"  Vivien Young, Martin's sister, said at the  rally. Phil Fontaine, leader of the Assembly  of Manitoba Chiefs, described the justice  system as being absolutely incapable of  dealing fairly and justly with Aboriginal  people.  The demonstrators also pointed out  that Sheriff Wilson was found to have withheld information—a confession—in 1971 in  the Osborne murder case which hindered  the conviction of the men who murdered  her. Wilson did not produce the information until 1986. He was demoted, but later  reinstated after the conclusion by provincial officials that, at the time, there was no  legal obligation for him to report a murder  confession.  Manitoba premier Gary Filmon told  members of the legislature that the Martin  case is being taken seriously. And the RCMP  have told Vivien Young that they are waiting for the results of blood-spatter tests,  which they say will be completed by the  end of December, before proceeding with  the case.  What's News, continued on next page What's News  compiled by Shannon e. Ash  Multiculturalism funding  tightened  Some anti-racism activists are voicing  concerns that the federal government's new  multiculturalism policies may result in organizations with programs deemed "controversial, confrontational or too political"  losing their funding or being deemed ineligible for multiculturalism grants.  Their concerns follow comments last  month by Hedy Fry, the secretary of state  responsible for multiculturalism, that  multicultural groups seeking federal funding will have to prove they will use the  money to promote specific government  goals, such as improving race relations.  The announcement came in the wake  of a report commissioned by the federal  government. The survey, by the private  group Brighton Research, states that Canadians don't understand the purpose of  much of Canada's multicultural policy and  suspect it's a program for "special interests." Brighton Research concluded that  direct grants to "ethnic" organizations  should stop and that future funding should  go to Canada-wide public agencies for  projects "related to identity, citizenship and  social justice."  Fry says that while she does not agree  with all the report's recommendations, she  does support funding being based on fulfilling the government mandate for  "multiculturalism," rather than being given  to an organization just for being an ethnic  cultural group. She added that the government "isn't going to gut multiculturalism,"  but wants to ensure the $18.6 million given  to ethnic organizations produces "tangible  results."  Examples given of programs the government would support are legal educational materials for new immigrants, and a  program teaching anger management skills  to Vietnamese youth.  Later, Fry also announced $24 million  for the establishment of a Canadian Race  Relations Foundation, promised for years,  based in Toronto. As well, she has stated  that lesbian and gay groups may be eligible for multicultural funding, under the  goal of improving relations and reducing  anti-gay violence.  Innu vote to move from  Davis Inlet  Innu people living at Davis Inlet, a tiny  island community off the coast of Labrador, have voted to relocate their community to the mainland. More than 97 percent  of the ballots cast on October 29 approved  the agreement between the Innu Nation  and the Newfoundland and federal governments. >    '  Under the agreement, the community  will move to Sango Bay, a mainland area  18 kilometres south of its current location.  Says Innu Chief Katie Rich, "...we have  overwhelming support from the community to sign the agreement. For us to heal,  we need to get away from Davis Inlet."  This is not the first time the Innu people have been moved. In 1967, the federal  government forcibly relocated the Innu  people to their current, isolated community  at Davis Inlet. The move to Sango Bay is  not expected to happen for at least four  years.  The critical situation for the Innu people at Davis Inlet gained national attention  more recently when reports surfaced of a  number of teenagers getting high off gasoline fumes and talking about committing  suicide. The Innu have also been engaged  in a long battle with the federal government  to get the military to stop low-level flying  over their land.  Davis Inlet leaders have blamed the  isolation of their community for problems  such as poor housing, sanitation, and substance abuse. The new Sango Bay site is to  provide running water, sewers, room to  expand, and easier access to the mainland.  Child poverty in Canada  While a recent study indicates that  most Canadian children are relatively well-  off, it also shows that a substantial and  growing number of children—20 percent,  or 1.4 million children—are living in poverty. This is a major conclusion from the Canadian Council on Social Development's  study. The Progress of Canada's Children  1996, drawn from Statistics Canada data.  The reason the majority of kids are  doing well, says Katharine Scott, the project  director, is that "government, communities  and families have put an enormous investment into the well-being of our children."  However, she says, the positive situation  for most kids is largely due to the social  programs and institutions which are now  under attack by funding cuts.  "Our concern is that there are a number  of danger signs on the horizon, and without continued investment in public education, health programs, and other community services, the well-being of kids today  could actually deteriorate in the future,"  says Scott. For example, funding for kindergarten classes is being cut, depriving  children of access to high-quality preschool  programs. As well, the study reports that  the "market income" of the poorest one fifth  of Canadians fell by 29 per cent from 1984  to 1994. The study did show that including  unemployment insurance, child benefits  and other government transfers received resulted in a modest increase in total income  over the same period [for that population].  Currently, the federal government is  proposing a new child benefit plan, that  might replace child welfare benefits with  the new benefit being made available to  people working poor as well. But Scott  notes that this government initiative to  combat child poverty comes amid two  years of federal cuts to social programs,  including UI.  The Council's study indicates that even  though most children have two parents  who work outside the home, family income  has dropped, particularly for young families. Another conclusion is that while 80  percent of children under the age of 12 live  with two biological parents, the number of  single parents is increasing, and single parent households—most of which are headed  by women—are much more likely to be  poor.  Parti [Poverty lies from  Harris  In early November, a number of  women from women's groups, unions and  student groups showed up at Queen's Park,  the provincial legislature of Ontario, in  aprons to present Premier Mike Harris with  a bag of oatmeal and a one-way ticket back  to his home town of North Bay. The women  staged the action in response to comments  made by Harris about hungry children and  their mothers.  The day before, in announcing a new  breakfast program for students,Harris  made it a point to deny there was any link  between this need and the government's 22  percent cut to social assistance. Instead, he  blamed children coming to school hungry  on mothers no longer being "in the kitchen  with a hot breakfast cooking when everybody woke up."  Later that same day, during a debate  about the breakfast program, another Conservative goverment MPP, Tony Spina, told  New Democratic Party MPP, Marilyn  Churley to "go home and take care of your  own children."  Judy Darcy, president of the Canadian  Union of Public Employees (CUPE), says  the Ontario government has a very outdated way of thinking about child poverty  and hunger. "Their agenda is about turning back the clock on women's rights; it's  about turning back the clock on children;  it's about literally taking food from the  mouths of hungry children in this prov-  Part 2: Poverty lies from  Klein  Meanwhile inAlberta, Family and Social Services Minister Stockwell Day was  busy bragging that the province's lowest  welfare caseload in 14 years was a result of  Albertans on welfare "achieving independence thanks to our employment training  programs and restructured benefits." The  number of Albertans receiving social assistance has dropped by 56.8 percent since  March 1993, according to the Conservative  government.  Like Harris, Alberta premier Ralph  Klein has drastically slashed funding for  welfare and introduced stricter eligibility  criteria. As well, his government has been  dismantling the province's other social programs, all the while wholeheartedly promoting the right-wing corporatist agenda  of driving down wages.  Anti-poverty activists inAlberta aren't  sharing the Conservative's toast to "success," saying that the decline in the number  of people receiving welfare does not mean  a corresponding decrease in the number of  people living in poverty. In fact the opposite is more likely to be true.  Terry Wilson, the executive director of  the Calgary Inter-Faith Food Bank, says  demand at the Food Bank rose six percent  in the first 10 months of 1996, and more  than a quarter of households using the  Food Bank are working at jobs that pay so  little they can't make ends meet.  "It's not just a question of going off  welfare, it's a question of sustainable employment," Wilson adds.  Ontario women lose  "Spouse in the house"  case  According to an Ontario court, women  can be made economically dependent on  their common-law male partner. The court  upheld the legality of Ontario's "spouse in  the house" rule for people receiving welfare.  The new regulations, introduced in  October 1995 by Mike Harris' Conservative  government, state that a live-in partner of  the opposite sex is a "spouse" and has an  obligation to support the welfare recipient.  The regulation also puts the onus on a  woman to prove that no spousal relationship exists the minute she moves in with a  man.  The three-judge panel of the Division  Court said that the "Spouse in the house"  rules are within the provincial legislature's  power, but one judge agreed that the rules  violate the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.  Two of the judges ruled the the Charter  challenge was premature and that the complainants should have taken their case to  Ontario's social assistance review board.  The third judge ruled the legislation was  unconstitutional because it discrimates  against sole-support parents.  The four women who brought forward  their cases had lost social assistance benefits because they were living with men.  Before the new rule, welfare recipients  could live with a partner of the opposite  sex for up three years before that person  was deemed a spouse. Because of the new  regulation, over 10,000 people—89 percent  of whom are women—have been deemed  ineligible for social assistance.  Rogers cuts community  cable access  Rogers Cable is closing two Vancouver-area Community Television studios  and three neighbourhood television offices,  leaving many areas without local access.  The staff of the Vancouver East Neighbourhood Television Office was given notice on November 19 that they must close  the office in less than a month; the office  locks were then changed. The more than  50 production volunteers who work out of  the Vancouver East office were not consulted or warned of the coming closures.  Neither were the many Eastside groups and  centres which have benefited from this access.  The Vancouver East office has produced award-winning community cable  shows. Community access TV is often the  only way independent TV producers and  community groups can be seen and heard  on television. The office has also provided  women volunteer technicians secure and  safe access at all hours of the day and night  to the production equipment.  The Rogers volunteers believe the  move is a result of an anticipated CRTC  (Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission) ruling that will  end Rogers' cable TV monopoly. The volunteers criticize the CRTC for neglecting to  protect grassroots community access to TV.  The CRTC has the power to mandate that  all future cable TV providers unite to continue community television, but instead,  say the volunteers, "it is putting a shameful emphasis on corporate interests over  community interests."  The Vancouver East Community TV producers are asking people to call or write to the  CRTC and Rogers Cablesystems to complain  about the closures. CRTC: 530-580 Hornby St,  Vancouver, BC, V6C 3G6; tel: (604) 666-2111;  fax (604) 666-8322. Rogers Cablesystems: Attention: Vera Piccini or Glenn Wong, 1600-  4710 Kingsway, Burnaby, BC, V5H 4M5; tel  (604) 439-1111; fax (604) 431-1000. Please fax  copies of letters to (604) 251-6073. Movement Matters  listings information  Movement Matters is designed to  be a network of news, updates and  information of special interest to the  women's movement.  Submissions to Movement Matters  should be no more than 500 words,  I typed, double spaced and may be edited  for length. Deadline is the 18th of the  month preceding publication.  compiled by Caitlin Byrne   December 6th  memorials in Vancouver  A number of events will be held in Vancouver on Friday, December 6th—the national day of action against violence against  women—to remember all women who  died as a result of male violence.  FREDA, the Feminist Research, Education, Development and Action Centre,  will be holding a ceremonial event from  noon to 1:30pm at Simon Fraser University  Harbour Centre, Room 1420 Seagal Centre.  The event will feature songs and poetry  readings. (For more information call FREDA  at (604) 291-5197.)  Later in the day, from 4:30 to 6:00pm,  a memorial service will be held in the theatre of The Gathering Place, 609 Helmcken  St, to honour the women who have died in  Vancouver's Downtown South, Downtown  Core and West End.  Speakers will include women from the  Downtown Eastside Women's Centre and  PACE, an organization advocating on behalf of sex trade workers. As well, a prayer  and a smudge ceremony will be performed  by Harriet Nahanee, an Aboriginal spiritual  leader. (For more information call Emily  Howard at (604) 665-2391.)  After the rally, women will march to  the Vancouver Art Gallery to join in the  candlelight vigil organized by WAVAW,  Women Against Violence Against Women.  The vigil, starting at 6:30pm, will feature speakers from the Philippine Women  Centre, Pacific Association of First Nations  Women and WAVAW. Names of the 14  women murdered at Ecole Polytechnique  as well as names and stories of other  women murdered by men will be publicly  read. This will be followed by a musical  performance.  Candles will be available by donation.  Childcare services and bus fare reimbursement will be provided. An American Sign  Language interpreter will translate the  speeches and stories.  For more information and bus fare reimbursement contact WAVAW Monday to Friday  9:00am to 5:00pm at (604) 255-6228 (voice)  and (604) 258-0110 (TTY).  Housing needs of  domestic workers  The Philippine Women Centre in Vancouver recently produced a report called  the Housing Needs Assessment of Filipina  Domestic Workers. The assessment, the first  of its kind in Canada, extensively outlines  the housing-related needs and issues of  over 50 Filipina domestic workers living  and working in their employers' homes  throughout the Lower Mainland in BC.  A Participatory Action Research (PAR)  method was used where the participants  were involved in planning, designing and  carrying out the project.The women's stories regarding the challenges they face as  women marginalized by class, race, and  gender reflect the urgent need for Canada  to scrap its Live-in Caregiver Program  (LCP).  The major findings of the report detail  the conditions of women as live-in employees. It addresses issues such as lack of  proper accommodation, lack of privacy, isolation, loneliness, and employers' disregard  for their cultural customs and habits.  Some women opt to live out on the  weekends but usually face overcrowded  living spaces, high rents and safety concerns. The assessment reviews the strategies and capacities women have to meet  their own housing needs and lists recommendations for the future.  To order copies of the needs assessment,  contact the Philippine Women Centre: 451  Powell St, Vancouver, BC, V6A 1G7; tel/fax:  (604) 215-1103. The report costs $10 and funds  raised from sales will go towards supporting  the Centre and its work. Please add $2 for postage and handling.  Black history cultural  events in Vancouver  Zampro, a collective of Black lesbians,  recently formed in Vancouver to program  a series of events for Black History Month  in February.  Throughout the month, Zampro will  host a literary event and a film and video  series which truly depict the lives of Black  lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered  persons, who are not adequately represented in Vancouver's cultural scene.  The events will stimulate broad based  dialogue in the Black community and beyond, and foster progressive anti-racist,  anti-sexist, anti-homophobic, anti-imperialist politics in today's right -wing Blacklash.  Presently, Zampro is soliciting work  from film and video producers in Canada  and the US. The collective seeks writers to  read their works and plans on having a  panel discussion on Black lesbian and gay  history and politics.  Among the films and videos being considered for screening are: Black Nation/  Queer Nation, directed and produced by  Shari Frielot; Dionne Brand's new film Listening for Something; and Thomas Allen  Harris' video Vintage: Families of Quality. As  well, Zampro hopes to feature films on the  life and words of Audre Lorde.  To ensure the events can take place,  Zampro is putting out a call for donations  of venues to screen works and hold their  literary event, money, letters of support,  and publicity of their activities.  Individuals or organizations wanting to  support Zampro can contact E. Centime Zeleke  or Nadine Chambers at 1631 Grant St, Vancouver, BC, V5L 2Y4; tel: (604) 253-3710;fax:  (604) 255-5511; or e-mail:  Eyes On Mexico  gathering  Eyes on Mexico is organizing a gathering for Vancouver on Saturday, December 7th, to discuss challenging neo-liberal-  ism and developing alternatives to the corporate agenda. The day-long event will be  held simultaneously with gatherings in  other parts of the world.  The gathering will be conducted "in  the spirit of the Zapatista Encounter" held  in Chiapas, Mexico, last August. The First  Intercontinental Encounter for Humanity and  against Neo-liberalism brought together  groups and individuals from over 40 countries to discuss the effects of neo-liberal  policies, and to develop concrete strategies  to create an alternative social, economic, political and cultural vision.  The December 7th gathering will feature presentations by Eyes on Mexico, and  workshops on themes such as Zapatismo,  democratic process, global economic restructuring, and APEC (the Asia-Pacific  Economic Cooperation). In the afternoon,  there will be small group discussions on  alternatives in the spirit of participatory  democracy. A closing plenary will bring  together the various discussions and ideas  for action.  The gathering will take place at Britannia  Community School, 1661 Napier St, from  10:00am to 5:00pm. Registration will begin at  9:00am. For further information call 253-0304  or 254-1463.  Women's Health  Collective turns 25  In 1971, a woman extremely dissatisfied with the service she received from her  doctor ran an ad in a newspaper inviting  women to meet and share their similar experiences. The advertisement drew plenty  of responses; from them, the Vancouver  Women's Health Collective (VWHC) was  born.  Over the past 25 years, the VWHC has  provided self-help clinics, a woman's  health information and referral library, a  help phoneline, and support group workshops.  VWHC has consistently taken an active role in the health care reform process.  Since 1971, it has taken the lead in helping  women make healthy choices about their  health care which usually results in less  surgery and medication, greater user satisfaction, and a better educated population,  less dependent on the medical system.  Today, VWHC continues to "help  women to help themselves" in accessing  their health care needs through various activities. These include ongoing free counselling sessions, special events and workshops on current women's health issues,  outreach projects such as the health advocates training project, and networking with  many organizations on a local, provincial  and national level.  To celebrate its previous and continuing success, the VWHC is hosting a 25th  Anniversary fund-raiser event, Wednesday,  December 4th, 8:00pm at Richard's on Richard's. Seattle singer Laura Love will be  there to perform from her new CD. As well,  the VWHC will unveil the "Women's  Health Information Network (WHIN)", a  computerized women's health information  database.  For tickets and information call the Vancouver Women's Health Collective at (604)  736-4234.  Women in the  Downtown Eastside  The Downtown Eastside Women's  Centre in Vancouver is putting out a call  for donations of money, food and unwrapped gifts during the holiday season.  Throughout the year the Centre provides hot meals, laundry, showers, and  other immediate services for women. In  addition there is a legal advocate, crisis  counsellor and victim assistance worker to  assist the women. Each year in December,  the Centre holds a holiday party for the  women who use the drop-in centre. The  party will include a Christmas dinner,  presents, and a food basket for over 300  women and their children.  Non-perishables, baked goodies,  Christmas candy, candy canes, turkeys,  Safeway gift certificates and suitable gifts  for food baskets are greatly needed and  appreciated, as are toys and games for children of all ages and gifts for adult women  such as small housewares, warm clothing  size large, linens, and toiletries. (If you wish  to contribute gifts, please make sure they  are new and unwrapped.)  Please drop of donations to the Downtown  Eastside Women's Centre, 44 E. Cordova St.  For more information please call Cynthia at  (604)681-4786.  Benefit party for Indian  Homemakers'  The Indian Homemakers' Association  of BC will be hosting a "Benefit Night" at  the Vancouver Aboriginal Friendship Centre, 1607 E. Hastings St. on Friday, December 6 from 6:00pm to 10:00pm. There will  be a raffle (50-50 draw), a silent auction, a  fashion show, local traditional music and a  traditional dinner. Tickets are $5 per person, $10 per family, and $3 for seniors and  students. Admission includes dinner and  a chance to win door prizes.  The Benefit will support the work of  the Association, which is a non-profit charitable organization that provides programs  and services to the grassroots Aboriginal  community Vancouver.  The Association is also currently looking for gifts, non-perishable food and donations to give to families in need during  the holiday season.  Send gifts or donations to the Indian  Homemakers' Association ofBC, 208-175 E.  Broadway, Vancouver, BC, V5T1W2, or drop  by in person. If you wish to make a sizable contribution, arrangements can be made to pick it  up. Please call Crystal Philips at (604) 876-  0944.  Women map Grandview  Woodland community  Our Own Backyard: Mapping the  Grandview Woodland Community is inviting  a wide range of community groups and individuals in the Commercial Drive neighbourhood to express their perceptions and  experiences of the neighbourhood through  visual, oral and written forms.  This process will allow people to identify what is important to them in their community; build community awareness, identity and involvement; and acknowledge the  diversity within the community.  The project is a collaborative project between Britannia Community Education, the  Institute for Humanities at Simon Fraser  University and local residents of Vancouver's Eastside.  As a vital part of the neighbourhood,  women are strongly encouraged to produce  maps which will contribute to developing  a grassroots imagery of place. Women may  get involved in various ways: by creating  their own maps, attending public map-  making workshops, or helping to organize  women-only workshops. When completed,  the maps will be exhibited throughout the  neighbourhood and documented in local  library archives.  For more information, call Karen Martin,  Co-ordinator, Our Own Backyard at 254-  9276.  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Feature  Indigenous peoples'sovereignty struggles in the Philippines:  Feature  Undermined by corporate  greed  by Bernice See and Fay Blaney  Bernice See works at the Cordillera Women's Education Centre (CWEC) in the  Cordillera region in the Philippines. Fay Blaney  is Homalco First Nations. She is a member of  the Aboriginal Women's Action Network in  Vancouver and a vice-president of the National  Action Committee on the Status of Women. See  and Blaney met and talked in Nicaragua last  October. Both were there as members of  WOMEN, the Women's Observer Mission for  the Elections in Nicaragua.  Fay Blaney: Bernice, can you tell us a  little bit about yourself and where you  come from?  Bernice See: I come from the Cordillera  region in the Philippines, and I am here [in  Nicaragua] as a representative of  INNABUYOG. INNABUYOG is a federation of different women's organizations in  the Cordilleras. Most involved, if not all,  are indigenous women. I act as the secretary general. I also work in an NGO which  services all these organizations.  The name INNABUYOG is derived  from one of the languages in the region and  means "self-help." All indigenous communities have the system of helping each other  during times of heavy work on the farm,  helping each other to survive, build homes,  open new areas for settlement or rice fields,  or whatever.  Blaney: As indigenous peoples, we  share so much in common in terms of the  history of our people and our cultures.  Could you tell us a little bit about the history of colonization in the Cordilleras?  See: In 1521, Spaniards invaded our  country They landed in central Philippines  and subjugated the people there. By the end  of the 16th century, they had established  their government in most of the islands,  and set up their government in central Philippines.  Then the Spanish went up north and  subjugated the people in the lowlands.  They discovered there was gold and  jewelry along the coast and were told it  came from the mountains, so they tried to  invade the mountains. They sent several expeditions, but were unsuccessful, so they  simply established a Catholic church in  some areas.  Despite more than 300 years of Spanish colonialism, these mountainous areas,  that they named "The Grand Cordilleras,"  were never under their control. Although  they may have established forts in certain  areas, they never imposed their rule on the  people.  During the same period, the lowland  peoples were subjugated, learning the culture and religion of the colonizers. As part  of the divide and rule tactic, the Spanish  called the mountain peoples "pagans, savages, barbarians." The lowland peoples  came to consider the mountain people, who  were collectively called Igorots, as different from them.  This minority-majority dichotomy had  been established between the mountain  peoples [a minority of the population] and  the lowland peoples [the majority] when  Spain ceded its colonies to the American  colonial government in 1898. These same  policies of discrimination continued under  American rule.  The Philippine islands were claimed by  the Spanish colonizers in the name of the  King of Spain. When the Americans took  over, they continued this doctrine that the  territory was claimed in the name of the  state. This conflict continues up to the  present.  The Americans passed laws in order  to gain the right to exploit resources. The  Americans were looking for markets for the  excess amount of goods produced in the  US, and for sources of raw materials for  their industries. They passed the Land Registration Act in 1902, which stated that all  lands must be registered within a certain  period of time or else they would be declared public land. And in 1905, they also  passed the Mining Act, which gave equal  rights to both Philippine and American citizens to exploit mineral resources.  With respect to the Land Registration  Act, the Igorots consider the land as something that is not to be owned, although they  do have a system of private ownership.  Lands which have been invested in with  labour, which have been developed continuously for a certain period of time, are  considered private property.  But Igorots also have what we call family or clan lands—these may be woodlots  which a family or a clan has taken care of.  A great part of the territory of a community is considered communal. Everybody  has free access to the resources there. At the  same time, everybody has a collective responsibility to maintain these resources.  With the Land Registration Act, it  seemed odd that there was this so-called  state requiring people to register ownership  of land that was already recognized in the  community. We knew who owned certain  lands and the exact boundaries. That is the  conflict in the concept of land. Land is not  simply the soil or the surface; it includes  the air above the waters and whatever minerals are underneath.  One of the features of the Mining Act  was to segregate the surface rights and the  mineral rights: mineral rights took prec-  Clearing the mountainsides for  cash crops  edence over surface rights. When the time  comes that the mining company needs the  surface, it has the right to "compensate" the  people there and drive them away. All of  these laws were just declared without any  consultation with the people.  With these laws, we were declared  squatters in our own land. Until now, these  laws have never been repealed. In the 1970s  under the Marcos dictatorship another law  was added, the so-called Forestry Act. This  Act stated that land 18 degrees in slope is  considered public land, which means that  the state has the right to dispose of it. This  law was based on American law in which  18 degrees is the slope on which you cannot use a tractor. If an area is deemed public land, you cannot go there and cultivate  it because it's supposed to be a forestry area.  All of our communities are more than 18  degrees in slope because we are in a very  mountainous area.  The big issue now is the Mining Act of  1995. This law, passed without consultation  with the people, gives foreign and national  mining companies the right to reach a Financial and Technical Assistance Agreement (FTAAs) with the government to exploit 81,200 hectares for mining. It gives  them right to what we call "easement  rights", they can ease off the surface inhabitants. It gives them water rights and so  many other rights that the communities do  not have any more rights at all.  In the 1970s, the Marcos dictatorship,  along with the IMF (International Monetary  Fund) and the World Bank, planned to dam  the major river system which passes  through two provinces in our region [the  Chico Dam project]. The people banded  together under the indigenous peace pact  system to successfully oppose this endeavour. Women were in the forefront of the  main struggles.  One good thing which came out of this  is that communities became politicized. We  would like to hold onto the militancy in  organizing communities and the commitment of the people to defend the land. Land  is a central issue in the struggle of indigenous peoples. We are in the midst of a campaign to inform communities about the  implications of the Mining Act.  There are about 57 applications for  these financial and technical agreements in  the Cordilleras, covering about 80 percent  of our lands. The Act allows for bulk mining and strip mining. Jobs have been promised to people, but we know they are not  going to employ anybody. We know that  our land will be degraded, and will never  be able to return to a usable state. Our material culture will be lost. We call this  ethnocide and development aggression.  Blaney: With things like laws and government policies, how do you translate that  into a form that people can use and understand at the community level? How do you  organize?  See: With the mining issue, the foreign  mining companies went to some communities with the government agents regulating the mining concessions to "consult"  with the people. These consultations were  so one-sided that they painted glowing pictures of the development they would bring  into the community. In communities which  had been organized in the past or which  are within the Cordillera People's Alliance,  community representatives inquired with  us about the mining concessions or FTAAs  with the government. Some communities  had actually agreed to allow their communities to be claimed.  In April this year, we had a regional  mining conference and called on most of  the communities affected by the applications for FTAAs. We provided information  on the mining law. Many communities are  now calling on us to conduct educational  campaigns for them.  Some of the communities affected by  these applications are also communities  which were involved in the struggle against  the Chico Dam project. Usually the municipal officials may agree to allow the companies to come in, but they don't consult with  the people. They simply say they are elected  representatives and so they can make decisions for the people. We know that many  communities are very far from each other,  so we don't know the degree of consultation the officials are conducting among  their constituencies.  Blaney: Can you describe what community life is like? It sounds very similar  to the type of day-to-day lifestyle Aboriginal people in Canada had before contact,  where you didn't need a wage economy.  Your work was towards gathering food, developing culture, all the things that create  an autonomous nation, a self-determining  nation.  See: li we look at Cordillera society at  the present, because of colonization there  are already varying modes of production.  But a traditional Igorot community would  be one that is self-sustaining and self-reliant. The environment may be harsh because  we are a tropical country and at the same  time our terrain is so mountainous that we  do not have much land area to cultivate  crops on.  Whatever land is available is utilized  for several purposes. In a typical traditional  community, people are subsistence farmers. They have permanent gardens and rice  fields. If you look at the production system  in a subsistence rice production economy,  the women play a very important role there  since they are the subsistence farmers.  Many of our communities have a warrior tradition so the men were hunters,  warriors and the council of elders in the  community. We still have these councils  existing in many communities side-by-side  with the government council.  We don't produce all the food we need,  so there is also bartering between communities. Salt was taken from the lowlands. It  was a very precious commodity before the  roads and transportation systems came.  Many of our cultural traditions were  changed by the American colonizers. For  example, they imposed Protestantism and  their own government systems and public  schools on our communities. They also sent  our children to live in dorms while they  went to the American schools.  Blaney: Did that affect the language at  all?  See: Even though they used English in  the schools, we have maintained our language. Although Christianity was there, we  practised our own animist traditions side-  by-side with it. There was some sort of coping mechanism in the communities because, although traditions were eroded,  some still remain.  But with the introduction of the cash  economy, many communities changed. For  Pounding rice  example, a wide area along a highway was  transformed into a commercial vegetable  production area. This area had been logged  over by a forestry company, which was a  subsidiary of a mining company, because  mining companies needed logs for timbering inside the tunnels. After that, people  transformed the lands into vegetable areas,  growing temperate vegetables like cabbages, lettuce, potatoes—cash crops—  which the American colonists wanted.  The downstream areas have all been  destroyed by silt, so the rice fields are now  gone. Above the tunnels in the mining communities, there is no more water so you  cannot plant crops there. Some rice fields  are even being transferred to commercial  vegetable production in more interior ar-  10  Blaney: Regarding the shift in economy,  why did some of the communities go along  with what the mining companies and other  corporations were trying to do in their communities? That happens in our communities as well, where they divide the community and set each part against the others.  See: That's exactly what is happening  now and what happened before. In the  mining areas the people were very hospitable. Traditionally, small-scale mining was  gold panning in the river banks or small  tunnelling in the mountainsides called  dugholes. The dugholes might be owned  by a family but everybody was welcome  to share in the wealth of the earth. If someone didn't have a dughole, they could go  into your dughole and request some ore.  When the American and Canadian  prospectors came, they requested to be in  the community and were allowed. They  were even given areas to open their own  dugholes. What the people didn't know  was that there was this mining law of 1905  which allowed the foreigners to claim areas as mining concessions.  When the foreigners found out that the  dugholes were so rich with minerals, they  staked wide areas, whole communities, as  mining claims. They brought in machinery,  fenced off areas, and the hosts were now at ■>  the mercy of the foreign mining companies.  This is how the law drove people from their  land. The whole area became the property  of the company and the community suddenly had no rights to the land.  One company has already extracted so  much from underground, it now wants to  go into strip mining because it's too expensive to go deeper into the earth. It wants to  economize to maintain and even increase  its profits. The company wants to drive out  communities so it can strip mine the mountain, and the technology is now available  for it to be able to extract every last ounce  of ore from the earth.  This conflict has also heightened because of the economic crisis [in the Philippines]. The company is retrenching a lot of  people. From 5,000 people before, it now  employs only 300 miners because it has  machines to do the work of the miners.  Blaney: What organizing are you doing to try and stop people from being  driven off their lands?  See: Some small scale miners are self-  organized. But when the confrontation  came to a head, some asked for assistance  from our organization. We are giving them  a background of the history since many of  us do not know how we were disenfranchised from our land. We are giving them  leadership training so they are able to articulate their own issues. We are giving  them paralegal training in a human rights  framework as defined by us so that they  will be able to explore several options in  their struggle.  Many people have been barricading  the bulldozers from coming into their communities, and many have been arrested.  The problem is, the Philippine government says companies have the right to do  this because they have a claim over the area.  Even though the government is run by our  >&■  1 9  March to end triple-discrimination—national, class and ethnicity  own people—because basically the Philippine population is all indigenous—they are  working against our people in the community.  Blaney: They've become institutionalized. Can you tell me a little bit about what  happened in Beijing [at the 4th World Conference on Women in September 1995]? I  understand you met with a lot of other indigenous women there.  See: It was interesting to be at the NGO  [non-governmental organization] forum in  Huairou. We had an indigenous women's  tent. We knew that indigenous women had  not been visible at many international conferences, so we thought we should have a  specific tent for indigenous women to come  together. We conducted several caucuses.  The major one was a round table discussion involving lots of leaders from the different countries sharing their history and  their present struggles. Everybody agreed  we should come up with an indigenous  women's declaration.  Another interesting thing was that the  struggles of the indigenous peoples all over  the world—which women carry with  them—are all the same. Our histories, our  development was jeopardized because of  the entry of colonial powers. Some indigenous people were not allowed to speak  their own language. Many indigenous communities, especially in Asia, are not recognized as indigenous; they are simply called  national minorities, but are not given any  special rights.  Most indigenous peoples were not allowed to practise their own religion, culture, traditions because they were supposed  to be assimilated into the so-called mainstream. That happened in our country. During the American colonial period, they put  up this Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes to  assimilate us in the north, the mountain  people in the south who call themselves  Lumas, and the Moro people who are Islamic.  When the Philippine government took  over after the second world war, this bureau was transformed into the Commission  of National Integration. The government  claims it does not have an integrationist,  assimilationist approach, but of course it  does.  The problem is also that we are also  being mainstreamed into the global [capitalist] economic order. This is dangerous  because they want monoculture,  monoeconomic production, all these mono  things to make us all uniform, under one  power and one framework of development.  These are the things that indigenous peoples have to consider: the right to self-determination, the right to our ancestral territories, the right to be different.  Blaney: Are you going to maintain the  links that you established in Beijing?  See: We are maintaining the contacts.  This trip to Nicaragua is very helpful because, especially here in Latin America, we  are getting in contact with the women. As  well, the Cordillera People's Alliance, of  which INNABUYOG is a member, has several contacts among indigenous peoples all  over the world because it is active in the  UN Working Group for Indigenous  Populations.  We are widening and strengthening  these contacts, especially in terms of information sharing. Our basic issue that we  share with these people is the issue of global imperialism. Even if you are in a remote  area of the world—and many indigenous  peoples are in remote areas of the world—  you'll always be caught in the agenda of  the WTO, the World Trade Organization.  We know we cannot escape this because  most governments signed the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade].  As indigenous peoples we have to take  this on. As indigenous women struggling  for our rights within our own societies, we  have to be involved in national and international issues because these things link us  together.  Blaney: In the colonial process we've  internalized a lot of the patriarchal system.  Indigenous women are oppressed by our  own men within our communities. Can you  comment on that?  See: We have to restudy our culture and  our herstory so that we will see what  women-friendly traditions we have. We've  discovered that in our communities  childcare was, to a large degree, a shared  responsibility. As well, wife battering was  taboo in our traditional societies, and rape  was considered as murder, punishable by  death. We have to reclaim these traditions  that are women-friendly and transform  negative ones.  Women are very active in trying to  transform the negative traditions and  propagate the positive ones for our women.  There are definitely patriarchal systems existing in our society. We don't claim that  [our traditional society was] entirely  women-friendly, but at the same time we  know we have to unify the community because we have a bigger enemy out there to  fight.  As activists in the communities we  have to balance all of these. At certain stages  we may address exclusively women-specific issues, but at other stages, we might  be addressing broader community issues.  This is what we are doing in our organizing and education work. We call this integrating the women's struggle into the  whole struggle of the people. Being so  marginalized, we cannot afford to have a  completely autonomous women's movement. We have to be part of our liberation  movement.  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997  11 Feature  A tool for social and economic empowerment:  Bartering for change  by Shannon e. Ash  Suzy Hamilton is a freelance writer living in Nelson, British Columbia. In 1993,  dismayed by the editorial stance that the  major BC newspaper which employed her  (the Province) had taken on the anti-clearcut  logging protests at Clayoquot Sound, she  knew she had to put some of her writing  energy into something positive.  "I wanted to publish an environmental and social justice newspaper in Nelson  but couldn't figure out how to get the advertisers to support it... I didn't want them  dictating the content," says Hamilton. "I  was standing in the supermarket line and  saw [a magazine article] on hometown  money in Ithaca, New York...The minute I  saw it, I knew a barter system was going to  fund this newspaper."  Along with a few friends, Hamilton  ordered an information package on the  Ithaca barter system and proceeded to set  up the Kootenay Barter System. With some  start-up money they printed a "barter  buck": paper currency, called "scrip."  Kootenay Barter Bucks were first issued in  April 1994. She now publishes the Kootenay  Barter Bulletin, a newspaper that serves as  both a bulletin board for the barter system  and carries articles on environmental and  social justice issues.  A workshop on bartering  This past July, Hamilton gave a workshop on barter systems at the Community  Development Institute. This second annual  "school" for people active in social and  environmental concerns, sponsored by  SPARC (Social Planning and Research  Council) of BC, was held in Nelson this  year. I attended the workshop and also had  a chance to talk to Hamilton afterwards.  In the workshop, the two main formal  barter systems in existence today—HOURS  and LETS—were discussed, with the  Kootenay Barter System used as a case  study. (Informal barter has always existed,  even under corporate capitalism.) Both the  benefits of the two formal systems, and  barriers and problems were talked about.  Formal barter systems can allow indirect exchange: bartering a good or service  to someone, without necessarily getting its  return value (in the form of goods or services) from that specific person; one can earn  credit or scrips that one traded with others  in the system. In Nelson, the system helps  fund a community newspaper. What else  can a formal community money system do?  "It can provide work for the under- and  unemployed," says Hamilton. "It can give  a sense of self-esteem to those who can't  find work but yet are very talented. It can  recognize and inventory the skills within a  community...whether people are working  at a nine to five job or not. It can also be  used as a way to influence social change,  to streamline your money to particular  projects that you believe in. So there's a lot  of social implications as well as an economic implication."  She adds that "[The barter system] acknowledges that everybody has something  to offer...which we don't acknowledge in  our society right now. We put people down  for their lack of ability to do the work that  we have prescribed they can do. That's a  backwards way of doing things."  The HOURS system  The Kootenay Barter System is based  on the HOURS system, which was born out  of the environmental movement in Ithaca,  New York. The HOURS system issues paper scrip that represents time, rather than  money. The amount of hours is printed on  each bill—in the Kootenay system, there are  one hour, half hour, and quarter hour denominations. Each hour is valued as  equivalent to ten Canadian dollars. However people can negotiate to be paid more  per hour (for example, one and a half hours  in barter bucks in exchange for one hour of  work).  In the Kootenays, people were signed  up, and potlucks were held to get the system going, with grants of scrip. The Barter  Bulletin lists services and goods offered and  wanted. Participants pay a fee for listings  and receive a subscription to the Bulletin.  Advertisers in the Bulletin can pay with  barter bucks, and the newspaper pays its  workers in barter bucks.  The Kootenay system has been run as  an independent business, and has a fairly  loose structure. Hamilton recommends a  non-profit organization (as opposed to a  business) as the best model for a system.  The most difficult part, says Hamilton, is  getting retailers signed up. Some local businesses will take barter bucks, but most want  some cash payment as well.  The LETS system  The Local Exchange and Trading System (LETS) was developed by Michael  Linton of Courtenay BC in 1983. It has  spread to other Canadian communities,  including Victoria, and to Australia, New  Zealand, and Western Europe.  LETS is a system of accounts. Each  member has an account in the LETS registry. When a transaction occurs (goods/services provided or received), a person phones  the coordinator (usually on voice mail or  an answering machine) and asks that their  account be credited or debited for the transaction. All transactions go on a computer;  there is software designed for LETS. A  newsletter/directory is necessary.  People can have different accounts in  different communities. LETS can also be  integrated with other money systems; for  example, an alliance with a credit union  could allow people to have their LETS accounts at the same place as their federal  money accounts. However, some people  have concerns about being too closely allied with the dominant money system and  new "smart card" systems.  Another type of barter system discussed during the workshop was "Community Way," which is being developed in  several communities (including Vancouver  and Toronto) as a way for social service and  community organizations to raise funds. In  this system, businesses would issue local  currency, granting it to these organizations.  The public could purchase the local money  with federal money that the non-profits  need. The public then uses this local money  to purchase goods and services from participating businesses.  Concerns were raised by workshop  participants about the power of business  in this system; business decides which or  ganizations get local money, and sets the  terms and conditions of receipt. However,  the public can choose which businesses to  support, based on public knowledge of  what the businesses are doing.  The barriers to bartering  Both LETS and HOURS systems need  manipulation, caution Hamilton and Victoria LETS coordinator Stephen  Demeulenaere; they do not run themselves.  Action must sometimes be taken to correct  imbalances in the system: people with too  much or too little credit/scrip, and "passive" members who rarely participate. One  problem, says Hamilton, is that some people don't trade a variety of services or items,  or don't actively seek out people with  whom to trade.  Hamilton describes the imbalance in  the system as caused by the lack of demand  for "luxury" items and services, such as  massage or writing services, and jewellery.  There is great demand for repair services  and items such as food, clothing, and furniture. In a sense it is still a market system,  shaped by supply and demand, she says.  Those whose services are not in demand  may be left out, while those in great demand may have a lot of credit but nowhere  to spend it. Hamilton thinks people should  allow themselves to spend barter credits on  "luxuries" if they do so with federal money.  In a small, contained cultural or geographic community, barter bucks work  well. LETS may be more appropriate for  larger communities. In Calgary, the system  gained the support of a number of nonprofit organizations.  Barter systems are also lacking in providing access to vital needs such as food  and housing, although there has been some  advancement. The weekly Nelson farmer's  market allows food to be bought with barter bucks after 2 pm (the market's official  closing). And the Ithaca barter system now  has the local credit union involved; people  can use scrip in payment on mortgages and  some other fees.  An economic alternative?  When I interviewed Suzy Hamilton, I  brought up criticisms I'd heard about barter systems: that they only involve a small  group, are not accessible if you don't have  anything to trade, and are not really an economic alternative.  Hamilton responded by saying that:  "The system we're working under now is  not an economic alternative, because we've  got a growing number of poor people...  Money is getting scarcer, jobs are getting  fewer, and more and more young people  are spending [large amounts] on their college education and face few work prospects. Having a few barter bucks in your  pocket is not going to solve this, but those  barter bucks...represent a huge attitude  shift.  "The unwillingness of peope to change  their attitudes is immense. If they've got a  job, they're not going to care about other  people who don't...When you get into a  system like this, you're changing your  thinking. You're understanding that you  can only go as fast as the slowest hiker.  "...I don't think we're going to see [the  system's effect] over three or four years.  Getting people used to the idea of trading  their skills and goods for something other  than money will take a longer period of  time...I would say the economics of it aren't  going to have as much impact as the social  implications."  Both Hamilton and Demenlenaere  commented on women's "staying power"  in barter organizations.  "I would have to say it's a women's  system, really, because women have been  doing this trading back and forth, so they  can accomplish other things outside the  home," says Hamilton. "They've been bartering with each other to take care of the  kids, or do their chores, or clean their house,  and they've been doing this for a long  time."  "We found there are many people who  expect a lot from the barter system, and if  it doesn't meet their expectations, they're  gone..." she adds. "This is not a product  where if it has maybe one loose screw then  it's defective; this only works if we make it  work. Women seem to understand it better, and stay in the system longer."  For more information about the Kootenay  barter system write to PO Box 843, Nelson,  BC, V1L 6A5.  There will be a LETS system starting up  in Vancouver in the very near future, as early  as December 1996. The Vancouver LETS group  will be signing up members and applying for  non-profit society status. To contact Vancouver LETS: phone (604) 451-5463, fax: (604)  451-5453, or write to Vancouver LETS 141-  6200 McKay Ave, Box 795, Burnaby, BC, V5H  4M9.  Shannon e. Ash is a writer in Vancouver. She  also cooks really well, has some books to trade,  and would really like some lined rubber boots  for the winter.  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Commentary  Metro Days of Action in Toronto:  Where do we go next?  by Andrea Ritchie and Bev Bain  In late October, Canada's largest city  rose up and fought back against the  rightwing tide sweeping the province, the  country and the globe in one of the largest  demonstrations in the nation's history.  Toronto's Metro Days of Action were  organized in response to the corporate-  driven policies of the current Conservative  government in Ontario, which have included brutal cuts to social assistance rates;  funding for women's shelters, centres and  services; non-profit housing; and organizations representing and serving the province's communities of colour, First Nations,  and people with disabilities. Since taking  power almost a year and a half ago, Ontario's Tories have dramatically rolled back  workers' rights, social programs, employment equity, and environmental protections  in an almost daily barrage of funding cuts  and regressive legislation.  The Toronto strike was the fifth in a  series of one-day shutdowns of Ontario cities, part of widespread and ongoing opposition to the Tories' policies. Other strikes  were held in London, Hamilton, Peterbor-  Suong Au and Karen Dick of UNITE, the Union of  Needletrades, Industrial andTextile Employees.  ough, and Kitchener-Waterloo. The Metro  Days of Action, timed to coincide with the  Conservative Party's policy convention in  Toronto, were a week-long series of rallies,  public forums and workplace actions,  which culminated in a one day city-wide  strike and a massive demonstration by  more than a quarter of a million people. For  two sunny days in late October, Toronto  was alive with resistance, people filling the  streets in protest, and high spirits.  The question that remains, a month  after the success of the Metro Days, is what  the political and strategic significance of  this mass action really was. For us, juxtaposed with feelings of being a part of something significant in terms of sheer numbers  and broad range of the groups of people  that came together, was an uneasiness  about the message that was being sent.  Amid cries of "This is just the beginning!", "We are building a movement!",  "No Justice, No Peace!" and "Hey Mike,  Hey Mike, how would you like a general  strike!", we had to ask ourselves: what issues, vision and alternatives were being put  forward, and what kind of movement  would emerge after the dust of these two  heady days had settled and the good feelings had died down?  But first, the details: Although excitement about the protest was running high  leading up to the Metro Days, it seemed  that the issues motivating the action were  conspicuously absent from the mainstream  media coverage. Its primary focus was on  what services would be shut down, and  particularly whether or not Toronto's transit system, the TTC, would be closed despite a court injuction against protesters  won by TTC management.  The media also focused on how emergency services would be handled, and what  businesses were doing to cope with the shut  down—how employees would be sleeping  on cots and matresses in offices, or booking into hotels downtown to avoid difficulties getting to work on the day of the strike.  The cuts and rollbacks and their devastating impact over the past year and a half,  were definitely not at the forefront of public debate.  Nevertheless, excitement was at a pitch  on the eve of the protests: pickets went up  as early as Thursday night at the central  postal plant as the shift changed—the mainstream media broadcast  images   of   jubilant  postal workers kicking  off the strike. Pickets  continued through the  night,     as     people  successfuly gathered at  TTC yards at 2:30 am to  prevent the morning  shift from coming in,  despite the injunction.  By 5:00 am, pickets were  up at most postal services and government  buildings, as well as private workplaces  (Oshawa food terminal,  Ford, Nestles Enterprises, AT&T, CN Tower Restaurant, Bombardier Havilland, Loomis Courier Services, Honeywell Ltd, Air Canada and Canadian Airlines, Laidlow Transit Limited,  Art Gallery of Ontario, and many more).  By 7:00 am, the TTC was still not running, and news of protest actions across the  Descending on Queen's Park—the provincial legislature  city was trickling in: provincial and federal  government offices were shut down, municipal services were cancelled, and hospitals were only providing emergency service. Taxis and dumptrucks clogged major  highways by driving down them, three  abreast, at ten kilometres per hour. Otherwise, the predicted traffic chaos didn't happen: the protest had worked, the large majority of people had stayed at home. The  streets of Toronto were empty except for  protesters and roving pickets.  Spontaneous demonstrations and  marches continued throughout the day, including bands of cyclists blocking intersections by conducting bike "sit-ins", frustrating those who did dare to drive into the  downtown core. About 1,700 people  marched to a noon rally in North York in a  rare mobilization of Toronto's suburban  communities.  At 11:00 am, over 5,000 people gathered at the Toronto Stock Exchange for the  first major rally in the downtown core.  Some people broke through the doors, filling the atrium with loud chanting which  echoed throughout the building. The announcement that there would be no TTC  service that day was met with proud cheers.  Later, the ralliers marched up to the provincial Education Ministry at Bay and  Wellesley, where the Canadian Federation  of Students had organized a demonstration,  with about 30,000 people. Throughout the  day, people stopped by "Harrisville", a tent  city behind Queen's Park coordinated by  local anti-poverty organizations, to hear  speakers and music.  Friday's shutdown was so successful  that the media went out of its way to minimize and undermine the effect of the strike.  "Business as usual," screamed the headlines. The stories were full of disinformation about picketers swinging baseball bats and violence on the line, and tales  of people who tried to get to work and  couldn't because of protesters. Nevertheless, anyone on the streets that day knew  that it was by no means business as usual  in the city, and that the protest was firm,  strong, and peaceful.  Saturday's march began in the south  end of Toronto near the Metro Convention  Centre where Ontario premier Mike Harris  and his soldiers of the Common Sense  Continued on page 16  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Indigenous peoples'sovereignty struggles tfi Ha\  mm  Reclaiming oufNaoauage and our land  by Haunani-Kay Trask as told to  Michelle Sylliboy   Haunani-Kay Trask is descended of the  Pi'ilani line of Maui and the Kahakumakaliua  line ofKaua'i. She is a prolific writer and poet.  Her books includeLight in the Crevice Never  Seen (Calyx Books, 1994), and From a Native Daughter: Colonialism and Sovereignty in Hawaii (Common Courage Press,  1993). As well, in 1993, she produced an award  winning film, Act of War, about the overthrow  of the Hawaiian Nation by the United States  in 1893. Active in the sovereignty movement,  Trask is a member ofKa Lahui Hawaii, a native Hawaiian initiative for self government.  Currently, she works as a professor of Hawaiian Studies and the Director of the Centre for  Hawaiian Studies at the University of Hawaii.  Michelle Sylliboy is from the Mi'kmaq  Nation. Originally from Wunama'kik (Cape  Breton), she has been living in Vancouver since  1990. She is an artist and poet currently studying at Emily Can.  Trask and Sylliboy had the opportunity to  talk last October over a smoked salmon dinner  while Trask was in Vancouver to read at the  Vancouver International Writers' Festival.  Michelle Sylliboy: What is your role as  a poet in Hawaii?  Haunani-Kay Trask: If you look at it traditionally, poets documented what was  called a mo'okuauhau, which is the genealogy of the people. Their job was to keep  the history of the people orally.  When our language was banned in  1896, all of our newspapers and school systems, including our traditional ways of  teaching, disappeared, and were supplanted by English ways. Hawaiians lost  our language on both written and oral levels. We were silenced because we didn't  think anymore in Hawaiian or chant or recite the genealogies anymore. My father's  generation isn't even bilingual like my  grandfather's; they are now English-only  people.  Many Hawaiians were forced to go to  schools where they had to speak English  and learn the English language. Even so,  what they learned was substandard English. By the time it came to my generation,  writing was considered a haole thing, a  Western thing.  Hawaiians writing poetry is really an  amazing feat because number one, we  aren't supposed to be able to write, and  number two, we're so oral that many of  us—even those of us who are now writing,  chanting and thinking in Hawaiian—still  don't want to write it down. But writing is  resistance on lots of levels. For us, it's kind  of an amazing survival strategy, because  we're not supposed to be writing period,  and certainly not in English.  I've had to learn Hawaiian as a second  language and I have learned that all these  feelings I have have names in Hawaiian. I  didn't know that. We'd lost the power to  communicate on a very basic human level,  and the references between the land and  our language. There are no references in  English for all kinds of things we have in  Hawaii.  For example, islands have very specific  cloud formations. Our divinities, our gods,  are reflected in the various parts of the land,  including the clouds. But I didn't learn any  of this until I re-learned the Hawaiian language. I learned that the trees and the fruits  are manifestations of divinities. So when  you refer to coconut or breadfruit trees, or  any number of other things indigenous to  Hawaii, those are all manifestations of different gods. All that was lost to us, so to  write in English and still try to communicate the spiritual and metaphorical references to nature is very difficult.  English is not the language connected  to the land. When I write now, I have to  use more and more Hawaiian words to describe Hawaiian things. My glossary is getting longer and longer. But I don't know  Hawaiian well enough to connect the  words into thoughts and feelings, so they're  pretty much confined to just description.  My students and friends keep telling  me to stop writing in English, and write in  Hawaiian, but the acquisition of a written  language is very difficult. Although I've  studied my language and can understand  Hawaiian, I'm not competent enough to  write in Hawaiian, especially poetry. I don't  think I'll ever learn Hawaiian well enough  to write in it—I'm too old. I think the next  generation is doing a lot better than me, but  it makes me angry. It's a wound that will  never heal because I don't have the time to  heal it.  Sylliboy: We have a written language  in my culture, and so for me writing is a  vital part of my being. It has always been  there for my people, but the way it was used  and abused by the colonizers—and how  they re-translated history and texts—just  devastated our people. When I hear of people who come from an oral background, it  hurts very much to think of how colonialism has inaccurately recorded the histories  and stories of indigenous peoples.  It's also quite interesting what a difference geographical location makes. For  us, if you lived near a city, the dominant  language you used was English. We were  lucky; we lived far enough away from the  nearest city, so I grew up speaking my language. And I'm really glad my dad wasn't  in school long enough to lose his language,  like some other kids of his generation did.  Trask: The same is true in Hawaii. The  rural communities have more native speakers; Honolulu...forget it. There's so few native speakers there except among people  who moved to Honolulu from the rural  areas for employment or other reasons.  It is true that urbanization takes everything away from you. That's what rural  people hate because then their kids come  back from school and they don't act the  same, they don't talk the same.  I went to a school only for Hawaiian  children that brought in students from all  over the archipelago. The great thing about  it was that it was for Hawaiians; the bad  thing was that it was a missionary school.  We had Christian education every Thursday; we had church every Sunday. The girls  all had to wear white dresses, white socks,  white shoes, and for the boys it was a totally military school. (That has more to do  with Pearl Harbour and Hawaii's military  colonial status, than Christianity.)  You don't realize until you're much  older how totally shaped and formulated  Hawaiians are by what happened to the US  during various periods of its history. One  of the influences was militarization, because part of the second world war happened in the Pacific.  Because we're in the middle of the  North Pacific, we had all these military  bases. That changed our history, our relationship to the world superpowers, and our  relationship to the American military. We  have a national military cemetary in  Hawaii, and people from all over the Pacific who died in World War II are buried  there.  Having this as part of your history  leaves a people with a feeling you're nonexistent in the history of the twentieth century—you're just a little dot that happened  to be very important at one moment in the  history of the superpowers.  And then when you try to save your  language and your culture, other people get  upset because you were supposed to all  have died out, [laughter]—died out culturally or physically through all the various  wars Hawaii was engaged in. The fact that  I write at all, when I think about the history of Hawaii is amazing. The fact that  we have a sovereignty movement is amazing.  I have four nephews and nieces who  all speak fluent Hawaiian—they're bilingual. The language is in an incredible state  of revival, and there's no shame attached  to speaking Hawaiian as there was when I  was growing up. Then, people who spoke  Hawaiian were strange and sad because  they couldn't speak English or spoke broken English. Now it's the opposite. There's  all this pride by people who are under  twelve. And they make fun of people like  me and say: "Poor Auntie, she doesn't  speak Hawaiian." Of course, it was our  generation which built the language  schools they go to, but that's okay, [laughter]  Sylliboy: When I read your poems and  other writings, I realize that everything you  talk about happened here too. There's no  difference between us other than you're Hawaiian and I'm Mi'kmaq.  Trask: It's wonderful that Native people say that to me, because when you're  writing you think that it's so specific to  yourself. And then I've had people from the  Okanagan Nation, the Mi'kmaq Nation, the  Maori Nation, tell me they understand and  relate to my writings.  Where does that connection come  from? The history of colonialism of the  world; that's where. Nobody can really understand unless they've actually been  through it. You can't talk about the things  we talk about as Native people unless  you've suffered it because your subject  would be completely different. You  wouldn't talk about things like language.  That's why I can't read writings by most  White people at all. Not because they don't  write well; they do. They write beautifully;  it is their language. But it's boring to me.  Sylliboy: Can you talk a bit about the  sovereignty movement in Hawaii?  Trask: The sovereignty movement in  Hawaii is about twenty years old and has  three essential positions. One is total inde-  Haunani-KayTrask and Michelle Sylliboy  pendence from the US, but scratch that—  that will never happen unless we're willing to wage a war. The second one is total  cooperation with the state, which is what  we have now, and which is not sovereignty.  And the third one is the one which our organization, Ka Lahui Hawai'i supports,  which is a nation within a nation with definable boundaries, a land base, a government, a nation-to-nation relationship with  the state and the federal government, control over taxation, over the school system,  everything.  Sylliboy: Do Hawaiians have a connection with First Nations peoples' treaty negotiations in British Columbia?  Trask: Well, the first thing is we don't  have any treaties. We were invaded, occupied, overthrown, so we're closer to Puerto  Rico in that sense. The US just put this all-  white sugar planting aristocracy in place,  did away with our language, and took our  lands. All of the lands that our current sovereignty movement lays claim to are government lands of the Kingdom of Hawai'i.  We are making no claims against private  property, which is very important because  Americans are obsessed with private property.  Sylliboy: Canadians too.  Trask: Yeah. It's that thing about "if it's  mine I don't care what happens two inches  beyond it, but just don't touch anything  inside that line." They have a very narrow  sense of what they call property and what  we call land.  Ceded lands are really stolen land. For  example, the University of Hawai'i sits atop  stolen government lands of the Kingdom  of Hawai'i. So we make claims against it.  We have a plan. Start out with monetary negotiations. First, what are we owed  for those years that the colonizers had the  land? Second, what do we get as perks? I  want every Hawaiian who wants to go to  the University of Hawaii to go for free: free  tuition, free housing, free parking, [laughter] because parking actually costs more  than the dorms now.  I think we could negotiate these, but  there'd have to be some recognition that the  overthrow was wrong, that Hawaiians  were injured by the overthrow, that there  has to be recompense for the injury, and that  we have to get on it right now.  Hawaiians are out-migrating at an  enormous rate and those living in beach villages on public lands are being evicted.  Meanwhile, tourism is expanding at an incredible rate—so that means more large-  scale resorts. There used to be one hotel  here, one there. Now it's 2,000 acres of re-  zoned—formerly sugar cane—land turned  into tourist land. When you upzone land,  the value of it goes up, so the profit margin  goes up.  If we don't have some kind of settlement soon, from my point of view, we're  going to lose more people to out-migration  and to criminality, because poverty gives  rise to theft and all kinds of criminal behaviour. Our prison population is already  about 60 percent native Hawaiian. Sentenc  ing is twice as long even for the same crime,  petty theft for example.  And we're going to see more family  violence, family disintegration. Hawaiians  have a very high rate of child abuse but a  very low rate of child neglect. It took a long  time to figure out a cultural explanation for  that. I think it goes back to "individualism"  [imposed by Americans]: Hawaiians don't  like being alone, but there's so many internal problems in the family that you get high  rates of violence and abuse.  We've got all kinds of social problems,  but we're not going to be able to address  them unless we get a land base. Native people need a place, and that place has to be  where their heart is, where their genealogy  is, where their history is.  Once the state gives us a land base we  can control and manage, we know we're  going to be beset by lawsuits, similar to  what Aboriginal peoples in the US and  Canada are having to deal with. Here for  example, there's a trust called the Hawaiian Homelands Trust, which is kind of like  reserves. The state of Hawai'i has been administering it since 1959 and it's supposed  to have set aside 200,000 plus acres for  Hawaiians to occupy.  Well, the state leased those lands to  other individuals and agencies, so only  60,000 acres are available for native Hawaiians. We have a waiting list of twenty-two  thousand families. The Department of Hawaiian Homelands says they needed the  money, so that's why they leased the land.  The Trust wasn't set up to make money; it  was set up to give Hawaiians land.  Some of us in the sovereignty movement have told the state government, "You  don't have to put in roads and water and  electricity just give us the land." The state  is very reluctant.  Part of the sovereignty movement is  focused on land, and another part on cultural sovereignty. We want the opportunity  to open our own language schools, to educate our children in our own language.  Right now there is a language school, but  it's all privately funded by the parents, the  people least able to pay.  What we'd like as part of reparations—  restitution really—is to get monies from the  state to maintain the school. Now, can the  state afford it? They say no. Well, they've  got airports,municipal projects, public high  schools, refuse dumps on our land. All of  those could be taxed to raise revenues for  us.  The State of Hawai'i doesn't want to  pay. So it has decided to work with the federal congressional delegation from Hawai'i  and [US president] Bill Clinton to say this  is what we're going to give Hawaiians.  They've set up a "false front nation"—a  "government" created by the state, instead  of a true indigenous nation—that's not going to have any land. We already have one  called the Office of Hawaiian Affairs, which  was founded in 1980 by the State of  Hawai'i. It has turned into exactly what  those of us in the sovereignty movement  said it would: a huge boondoggle for nine  trustees. They have control of all this money  Governor MililaniTrask of the Kingdom of Hawai'i (right) and  Professor Lilikala Kame'eleihiwa marching for sovereignty.  and they use it pretty much for their own  benefit.  If the state gave me $600 million, I'd  spend all of it on Hawaiians. I'd just go out  there and build them houses,get them water, or whatever else they needed. But [state-  created agencies] never do that. Never  mind investing money—investing money  is a capitalist enterprise. You invest it and  you get a two or ten percent return, and  then you take that profit and build houses.  Well, forget it. Everybody will be dead or  out-migrated or too sick to benefit if we  wait that long. We fight about what should  be done with monies that are given by the  state in reparations all the time.  What we have is a resource distribution problem; we have a government problem; and we have a consciousness problem.  We've done more than anybody towards  raising people's consciousness about the  overthrow. The US invaded and took away  our land base in 1893, but for years, we all  grew up not knowing about this.  The gift of my generation is books and  films and consciousness about that event.  If we live long enough, we'll get to a place  where we're actually sitting down across  the table from the American government  and the State of Hawai'i and say, "okay now  we're going to do something."  We just had a false election—what's  called a demonstration election in the third  world—where the State of Hawai'i created  a question on the ballot, which they misnamed a plebiscite, asking if Hawaiians  should elect delegates to form a native  Hawaiian government.  Our position as the lead sovereignty  group was to boycott the election. There  were 60,000 eligible voters and only 22,000  voted. Of those, only 13,000 voted yes. So  our position is we won—we told the Hawaiian people to boycott [the plebiscite]. We  had no newspaper, no radio station, no  money, but obviously many people listened  to us because they didn't vote.  Those people who supported the plebiscite also claimed victory. The local news  papers supported them but didn't report  our press conference. Now, the government  Hawaiians are planning to hold a constitutional convention on December 14.  So our next strategic decision is to decide if we should invade the convention,  put forward our agenda and take it over,  or say forget it and go in our own direction. It's a very serious moment for us as a  sovereignty group. We don't know yet what  we're going to do.  Sylliboy: It's seems that they're working on a pretty tight timeframe.  Trask: That's exactly what's wrong with  it. We've been colonized for a hundred  years, and now here's a self-government  proposal. Why are we rushing it? Thaf s one  of our critiques of the plebiscite process.  Hawaiians look at us in the sovereignty  movement and wonder who they should  believe—the state or us. Do you think we  get paid for this? No, so we must be telling  the truth. Why else would we do it? We  aren't getting anything for it, except death  threats, hate calls and unbelievable attacks  in the newspapers...but that's another  whole interview. Racism in Hawai'i is alive  and well. All the propaganda that we are a  paradise of race relations...Lies, all lies.  The University  of Hawai'i sits  atop stolen  government lands  of the Kingdom of  Hawai'i. So we  make claims  against it. Commentary  Days of Action, continued from page 13  Revolution [Ontario Tories] were meeting  to count their victories. [Ed note: The "Common Sense Revolution" is the Ontario Tories'  name for its neo-conservative political agenda  for the province].  Their "revolution" is being waged eco-  nomically and ideologically against  women, poor people, immigrants and refugees, people of colour, First Nations people, people with disabilities, children, and  workers. It is a "revolution" that is meant  to hasten the pace of global economic restructuring in the interest of the corporate  elites. Despite the focus on the Harris government, it is a "revolution" which has been  carried forward by Margaret Thatcher in  Britian, Ronald Reagan, George Bush and  Newt Gingrich in the United States, Ralph  Klein in Alberta and now Mike Harris in  Ontario. As far as Harris and his cohorts  were concerned, the war was already won.  The people of Ontario represented by  their respective unions and community  organizations came out and filled the streets  from the lakeshore to Queen's Park to tell  Harris they would not let him destroy their  province. There is no question that the more  than 250,000 people who showed up to  march and voice their discontent through  boisterous chants, songs, and speeches  clearly made an impact. When you have a  large proportion of the people in a province out on the street telling the government  to take its economic policies and shove  them you know where, you can bet something is terribly wrong.  The economic war waged by the Ontario government is directly aimed at those  who are vulnerable. However, unlike previous economic policies, which sometimes  frustrated the middle class but were then  followed by some form of compensation,  the economic policies of the Harris government go right to the heart of the middle  class. They threaten pension and job security for workers and attack the health care  and education systems, making this particular class conscious of its vulnerability.  In North America, we talk about workers as if they were poor people, but unlike  workers in the South, many of the workers  in North America protected by unions are  really part of the middle class. The Days of  Action against Harris were spearheaded by  the middle class who at this point have the  most to lose. Poor people, it seems, might  have already lost—issues once at the forefront of the debate such as welfare cuts and  workfare are no longer central.  So then, what was the impact of these  days of protest? Were any links forged between poor people, the middle class,  women, labour, women of colour, lesbians,  and people with disabilities? Labour and  the mainstream social justice organizations  played a significant role in the organizing  of the Metro Days of Action. Organizers  said the aim of these days of protest was to  build a mass movement to fight the policies of the Harris government. But the organizers also  hinted that the  building of a new  political party or  the rebuilding of  the Ontario New  Democratic Party  from this mass  movement was another goal. "Democracy" was the  watchword of the  day.  Starting from  the ground up as a  process of building  has always been a  strategy of grass-  Friday, October 25...  Meanwhile, several blocks south, mounted  police guard the Toronto Stock Exchange  Protest in front of McDonald Block where a number of provincial government offices are located  The picket lines went up in front of government offices on Wellesly St.  roots organizing and makes a lot  of sense. However, none of the  speeches we heard spoke to concrete strategic ways of building  from the ground up.  We struggled with the idea  of a mass movement and what  that means especially when  many critical issues and their relevance for women of colour, lesbians and gays, the poor, people  with disabilities were not being  raised by those chosen to speak  speak at the rally.  And while there were a few  speeches from people from those  communities    (Joan    Grant  Curnmings of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women  was one), they too did not provide an analysis of issues or present alternatives to the  Harris agenda.  It was clear that the aim of the protest  was to present a united front of labour and  other groups. However, this united front  also resulted in a submerging of analysis  and strategies related to countering  workfare, cuts to welfare benefits and  mothers' allowance; cuts to women's shelters, rape crisis centres and other women's  services; cuts to services for immigrants  and people of colour; the threat of taking  back gains made by the lesbian and gay  communities; and cuts to services for people with disabilities.  Despite the efforts to present a united  front, it is clear, given the government's dismissive response to the protests, that they  knew that neither the labour movement nor  the rest of the sectors are united on alternatives to counter the Tories' offensive.  We have had several days of action  across Ontario and, after each, we are left  with the burning question—what's next?  First of all, we should not stop the actions and the disruptions even though  Harris and his capitalist friends may deny  the impact of a citywide shutdown and  claim that it only gives them more time to  play golf.  The truth is, these actions have been  significant. However, these days of protest  will not stop the global economic destruction by the New Right unless we have a  comprehensive strategic plan. And it  should be a plan that clearly articulates the  issues and their impacts for women,  women of colour, poor people, people with  disabilities, workers, lesbians and gays,  youth and children.  Bev Bain is an instructor in the Assaulted  Women and Children Counselling Advocate  Program at a college in Toronto, an anti-racist  and anti-oppression trainer and group  facilitator, a Black feminist, a lesbian, and an  activist in the anti-violence movement. She is  also a past Executive Director of the National  Action Committee on the Status of Women.  Andrea Ritchie is a young(ish) white-skinned  Black lesbian feminist who hails from Jamaica  and Montreal and many points in between. She  has worked in the women's, labour, and social  and environmental movements. She worked  with Bev Bain at NAC. She currently lives in  Toronto.  Are you an illustrator?  contribute your skills to Kinesis  255~5499  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Arts  Talking about lesbian and gay issues in school:  "It's no big whoop!  jj  by Robyn Hall  IT'S ELEMENTARY:  Talking About Gay Issues in School  Directed by Debra Chasnoff  Produced by Helen Cohen  Women's Educational Media,  San Francisco, California 1996  It's Elementary: TalkingAbout Gay Issues in School was screened in Vancouver this  past October at the Vancouver International  Film Festival. The film, produced by Helen  Cohen and directed by Academy Award winning director Debra Chasnoff through their  non-profit production company Women's Educational Media, documents how elementary  and middle school students in several schools  in the United States respond when teachers use  creative ways to stimulate discussion about homosexuality and heterosexism.  Early in the documentary, a boy makes  the simple yet profound comment about  lesbians and gays: "It's no big whoop!"  With this statement he accomplishes one of  the film's major goals: to counter the right-  wing hysteria opposed to any mention of  homosexuality (in a positive way, at least)  in schools.  It's Elementary is designed as a tool for  social change and is targeted at straight and  gay parents. Its other major goal is to en-  courage early education as a way of preventing anti-gay violence, homophobia and  heterosexism.  Chasnoff and Cohen filmed six teachers at six different schools, talking to students of varying ages in a classroom setting about lesbians and gays. The students  in the film ranged from ages five to 13. The  interactions between the students and  teachers, and between students and students, are at the core of the film. It's Elementary shows that it is possible, and important, to have meaningful discussions about  homosexuality and homophobia with children, starting at a young age.  Chasnoff says she was inspired to  make the film when her oldest son entered  elementary school. She was concerned  about the quality of information he would  receive at school about his own lesbian  mothers. By second grade her son reported  that his classmates had already begun using gay or "faggot" as an insult on the playground. As Chasnoff has said: "They don't  necessarily know what it means, but they  know that it's bad."  In the film, the teachers facilitate the  discussion in various ways. Methods used  include brainstorming, asking the students  to debate each other about gay marriage,  and talking about famous lesbians and  gays. The filmmakers visited one elementary school that played host to a photo exhibit about lesbian and gay families, and a  school that held an assembly on gay pride  day.  It's Elementary does not particularly  focus on lesbian and gay teachers, or on the  lesbian and gay communities. The film  makes the point that homophobia is of concern to everyone and that teaching children  respect for lesbians and gays is teaching  them respect for all people.  Although some of the teachers shown  are gay, many are not. One teacher, a het  erosexual woman (known by parents to  have recently remarried) says she feels responsible for raising these issues in class  because her lesbian colleagues fear parents'  reactions if they generate the discussion.  The dialogue with the kids is the key  structuring element of the film (and funny).  One girl's jaw literally drops in disbelief  over and over as her teacher "outs" Melissa  Etheridge, Elton John and others. Another  girl convinces two boys of how unfair it was  that they couldn't get married if they  wanted to. In the end the boys realize  "they'd be mad" about it too.  The children's attitudes differed with  their age. The younger children were generally more open to the idea of fairness. The  older children identified more with homophobic social attitudes, and talked about  the complexities of dealing with homophobia among their families and peers.  Discussions like those shown in the  film do not erase the anti-lesbian and anti-  gay information kids get from other  sources, such as media and family, but they  create a space for dialogue. They normalize the idea of talking about lesbians and  gays in a positive way, and provide better  information to kids than they might get  elsewhere.  It's Elementary also counters one of the  major objections parents and teachers have  with discussing homosexuality in school:  talking about sex. As one teacher in the film,  Cora Sangree says: "I don't think talking  about gay and lesbian sex is appropriate  with elementary school kids. And I don't  think they'd really have any interest in hearing about it from their teacher...But talking  about people in different communities, biases and discrimination and how that affects peoples lives is appropriate."  The him demonstrates how age-appropriate teaching can work. For example, the  film shows a group of young lesbian and  gay volunteers speaking to a class of grade  eight students. This strategy allows the students to ask questions of people closer to  their age, and the speakers act as role models for the lesbian and gay youth who may  be in the class. Also, for this particular class,  the students were mostly African- and Hispanic-American, as were the volunteer  speakers. When asked what she learned  through the discussion, one girl said she  realized that all gay people weren't white,  even though the lesbians and gays shown  on TV are overwhelmingly so.  It's Elementary could be criticized for  avoiding a discussion of the homophobic  social context that makes such a film necessary, but this kind of discussion would  not have fit with the strategy of the film.  The film focuses on one solution to stem  homophobia and tries to show that it is everyone's responsibility to be part of that solution.  It should be noted that the schools were  chosen for the film because they are "gay-  friendly"; that is, ones in which teachers  were already talking about lesbian and gay  issues with students. Some of the schools  included are private schools, like a Quaker  school called the Cambridge Friends School  Debra Chasnoff (right) and Helen Cohen answer questions from a group of  first graders about It's Elementary. photo by Phyllis Christopher  "The pink triangle is okay to wear! ...if you are a lesbian, it is okay. No one is  supposed to make fun of you... Hey, hey, ho, ho! Homophobia has got to  go!" wrote Tori, one of the children featured in It's Elementary, under her  drawing of lesbian and gay families.     photo courtesy Women's Educational Media  in Cambridge, Massachussetts. It may  prove more difficult to have these types of  discussions in schools controlled by districts with more anti-gay sentiments.  Chasnoff says that lesbians and gays  must be included when "American values"  of tolerance and respect for individual freedom are discussed. She links homophobia  with other oppressions, especially racism.  The film's strategy succeeds if it convinces parents that teaching lesbian and gay  issues in school is not about special rights  or interests, but about fairness and respect  for all. "When you come to an issue of gay  and lesbianism I think people, because of  their religious beliefs, sometime fall from  behind the banner (of no discrimination),  but I have to say to them that if I'm going  to protect your religious beliefs, then I'm  asking you to respect the stance I take in  tolerance for others," says elementary  school principal Jane Hand.  However, in focusing on people's  "common ground," the film tends to erase  any differences between lesbians and gays  and heterosexual people. By doing so, it  avoids the complexity of lesbian and gay  life and identity, and concentrates on aspects of lesbian and gay culture that are  easily understood, such as gay pride day  and pink triangles.  Still, It's Elementary will prove to be a  useful tool for teachers and parents who  are interested in having these discussions  in school. The film also raises our hopes of  what we should be able to expect from our  educational system, and about the part  teachers and schools can play in creating a  less discriminatory world for lesbians and  gays.  To purchase or booklt's Elementary, contact: Women's Educational Media, 2180  Bryant St, Suite 203, San Francisco, CA,  94110 USA; tel: (415) 641-4616; fax: (415)  641-4632; e-mail:  Robyn Hall is a regular contributor to  Kinesis.  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Arts  Jan is Ian in concert:  Mesmerizing performance  by Janet Askin  The Janis Ian concert that my partner  and I attended in Vancouver was one of the  best I have ever attended (in the top ten out  of hundreds and hundreds!) I went with  rninimal expectations as I was unsure what  the evening would bring.  Although I was familiar with Janis  Ian's history, political stance and writings  published in the Advocate [a US-based lesbian and gay magazine], I was not familiar  with her music. My partner, who is ten  years older than me and a music afficianada  to boot, was very enthusiastic about going  to the show. She kept listing song titles but  wouldn't go so far as to hum the melody  of any of the tunes.  I knew that Janis Ian had written and  recorded "Society's Child," a song about  the pressures on a white girl dating a black  boy, in the mid 1960s, when barely a teenager, I knew. I also knew that the song was  viewed as a militant protest and banned by  radio stations across the US until conductor/composer Leonard Bernstein heard the  song and featured it on a CBS television  special and Ian gained overwhelming  popularity, and was nominated for a spe  cial Grammy (the first of her nine nominations), I knew.  What I did not know was how mind  bogglingly gifted a performer Ian is. Playing solo to a near sold out crowd at the Vancouver East Cultural Centre, with no set,  props or gimmicks, unassuming in her  black tights, Converse runners and black t-  shirt bearing the logo: "Godlike," she  started her 75 minute set with a bang with  "Ready for the war."  After the thunderous applause had  died down, she talked to the audience in a  funny, friendly and extremely comfortable  fashion, creating a feeling of intimacy and  good vibes that few performers ever pull  off, let alone with the virtuousity that Ian  appeared to effortlessly command.  Sharing with us the first of many humorous and poignant anecdotes she interspersed between songs, she told a hilarious story of trying to find corporate sponsorship for her tour and not wanting to be  sponsored by a capitalist conglomerate or  worse. She said all she ever got for her efforts were a free pair of runners (the ones  she was wearing.)  PROJECT COORDINATOR  Vancouver Status of Women needs a project coordinator to revise and  oversee production of the 1997 edition of the Single Mother's Resource Guide.  The term of the position is for 16 weeks. All applicants must be currently  on or eligible for Employment Insurance, or must have been on unemployment insurance anytime within the past three years, or the past five years  due to parental leave. The position is to start as soon as possible. Affirmative action principles will be in effect. Aboriginal women and women of  colour are strongly encouraged to apply. Preference will be given to a single mother. Wage = $15/hour.  The applicant will:  • Work with staff to research, update and compile information on  resources and services available to single mothers in the Lower  Mainland.  • Write contents of the Guide  • Coordinate and oversee production with designer and printers  • Contact and process orders from agencies using the Guide  • Develop and implement a publicity and distribution strategy  • Develop and implement an evaluation questionnaire to accompany  the Guide  Qualifications:  • Strong research and writing skills  • Familiarity with single mothers' issues and services  • Ability to work independently  • Experience with computers  • Desktop publishing an asset  Vancouver Status of Women is a leading feminist, non-profit organization which undertakes education, advocacy and service work to ensure the  full participation of women in the social, economic and political life of our  communities.  Application deadline December 9,1996  Please mail or deliver resumes to Vancouver Status of Women, #301,  1720 Grant Street (at Commercial Drive) or Fax 255-5511.  (Only those shortlisted for an interview will be contacted.)  As she started strumming her guitar  again, the crowd enthusiastically shouted  out request after request to which she responded with good humour: either playing the request, stating that she would  rather play something from her new CD  Revenge, or explaining that she thought  someone else had done such a good job  with one of the songs she had written that  she never learned how to play it.  When she played her song "Jessie"  (which Roberta Flack made into a top 10  hit in 1973), you could literally hear a pin  drop.  From the balcony where we were sitting I had a good view of both the stage  and of the entire audience. I have rarely  seen an audience so mesmerized and transfixed by a performance. I observed many  people smiling, tapping their feet and crying from the sheer beauty of the musical  experience shared that evening.  I worry that I am gushing or will run  out of adjectives to describe Ian, but her  playing custom made Santa Cruz guitar  (with Bell strings) made me weep. It was  one of those performances where one guitar sounds like three guitars or a guitar,  drums and vibes. It would be remiss of me  not to mention that the acoustics were fantastic and the sound technicians did a wonderful job of supporting her performance.  photo by Eleonora Alberto  The warmth of her playing, intensity  of expression, technical prowess, engaging  rhythms and pure sound were entrancing,  as was the stunning guitar on "Welcome to  Acousticville," "Good day to die" and  "This train still runs. "Vocally, her style  seemed effortless, yet her range was immense dipping from a deep power to a restrained angelic lilt.  I was most struck by the efficient simplicity of her lyricism, embodying emotion  but not sentimentality. I learned that  evening that her songs have been recorded  by a huge number of other artists, ranging  from Etta James to Amy Grant to Cher to  Mel Tor me.  Although I enjoyed every single one  of the songs she performed, I was especially  attracted to the harder-edged songs of her  newest release, Revenge. It was a thoroughly  enjoyable concert given by a woman whose  politics are admirable and integrity uncompromising despite working in the mire  of "show biz." Ian's music is like warmed  jam that you want to savour slowly one  drop at a time and yet devour quickly because it is so damn good.  Janet Askin is a social activist, singer/songwriter and dedicated volunteer currently living and working in East Vancouver.  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Arts  The Vancouver International Writers (& Readers) Festival:  Characters choose the writer  by Cy-Thea Sand  At this year's Vancouver International  Writers (& Readers) Festival held in October,  Cy-Thea Sand had the opportunity to catch  several of the events featuring women novelists, poets and activists. Below, she provides  Kinesis with her review of the readings and  words of Anne Michaels, Joy Fielding, Belle  Yang, Jane Gardam and Daisy Zamora.  Anne Michaels at the  Freddy Wood  Through public appearances, writers  gather readers to the shore of their vision.  Unfamiliar as we may be with their work  in particular, we are gradually introduced  to the revelations, designs and rhythms an  artist may have spent years with. Some  perform this magic better than others, and  I am delighted to say Anne Michaels does  it extraordinarily well.  Her evocatively textured novel, Fugitive Pieces, draws her audience in easily  enough, but the added treat in listening to  this poet and novelist is her voice. Melodious, intense and brushed with grace, it in  vites the audience into a revelry of pure  pleasure whether or not one has read this,  her debut novel, which was shortlisted for  the Giller Prize.  Fugitive Pieces is the story of Jakob Beer,  a young boy rescued from the Holocaust  in Poland during World War II, the man  who saves him, and the professor inspired  by his poetry. After Michaels' finished reading, the audience became quiet, rapt, enveloped by both the power of the narrative  and the storyteller herself. Watching  Michaels on stage reminds me of the original meaning of the word "virgin": a woman  whole unto herself. Michaels approaches  her text with such focus and concentration  I entertain the paradox that though the  room is warmed by a hundred or more  people, the writer is actually reading to herself.  Fugitive Pieces resounds with rich archaeological and geological images. After  the reading, Michaels responds to a question about the significance of her love affair with the earth by saying simply that  her characters' redemption lies in it. She  also tells us that it was her characters who  helped motivate her through the  decade it took to produce the  novel.  When a woman in the audience asks Michaels why she  chose to tell the story through  male rather than female characters, she responds by saying—without rancour or condescension—that there was  nothing political about the decision and that her characters  chose her. (This reminds me of  Alice Walker's description of the  walks she takes with her characters during which she listens with  as much calm as she can muster  to what they are trying to tell her.)  Michaels adds that by using the  male perspective she was able to  explore female characters in a different and  satisfying way.  Two days later, Michaels passes me  while I'm on my way to another festival  event. It's an unusual impulse for me, but I  want to stop her, shake her hand and thank  her for the beauty and compassion Fugi-  Anne Michaels  photo by David Laurence  tive Pieces dramatizes, and for drawing me  so lovingly into a world where, to quote  her book: "Questions without answers are  embarked on slowly."  Continued on page 20  Nicaraguan poet Daisy Zamora:  Everyday life in poetry  by Monica Vanschaik  Daisy Zamora is a poet, a painter, a psychologist, and a professor of literature. Born in  Nicaragua in 1950, she fought in the  Sandinista National Liberation Front. After the  triumph of the revolution in 1979, she was  appointed Vice-Minister of Culture and the  Director of the Institute of Social and Economic  Studies. She has also been an active member of  groups working on women's issues. She is the  author of three volumes of poetry in Spanish,  and two in English; her most recent work in  English is Open Message. The North American audience for Daisy Zamora's writings has  been increasing rapidly since she appeared in  Bill Moyer's documentary called The Language of Life, broadcast for PBS in 1995.  Zamora recently came to Vancouver to  read at the Vancouver International Writers'  Festival. After one of her readings, Monica  Vanschaik caught up with Zamora and asked  her a few questions for Kinesis.  Monica Vanschaik: Can you talk about  the work you have done with women in  Nicaragua?  Daisy Zamora: Women in Nicaragua  have organized ourselves around a broad  movement called The Women's National  Coalition. This movement organizes  Daisy Zamora  photo courtesy Festival Communications  women from all political parties, individual  women, as well as women from feminist  organizations. What we Nicaraguan  women want is to develop a new way of  doing politics. Because of the recent elections that took place [in October], we unanimously decided to formulate a minimum  agenda [of demands] and present it to all  the presidential candidates. Our main purpose was to have a voice in the country's  national matters.  The newly elected president, Dr.  Arnoldo Aleman [of the right-wing Neo-  Liberal Party, which defeated the Sandinista  government], was the only candidate who  refused to sign our agenda. Nevertheless,  women who are members of the Neo-Lib-  eral Party as well as Coalition members, are  actively trying to influence the party internally. The fact that Aleman refused to sign  the minimum agenda, signifies he is not  willing to make commitments to any sector [women, workers, indigenous peoples,  and so on] of Nicaraguan society. Regardless, we are determined to fight for our demands until what we want is accomplished.  Another interesting aspect of the Coalition is that we are trying to encourage civil  organizations and the population in general have sufficient strength to excert pressure on the Nicaraguan political process to  ensure matters are not just decided by compromises made betwen [political] parties.  Vanschaik: Why do you think your poetry has been so well-received in North  America?  Zamora: I believe it's because my poetry talks about life, women, family experiences, and anything that is human: love,  pain, death. I believe my poetry is accessible. In North America, people live in in a  permanent fantasy: in a Disneyland sold by  the media. In North America, as well as in  Latin America, the media presents a way  of life that is not available to everyone. This  has meant a permanent anguish for many  North Americans trying to obtain those  standards. In the case of Latin America,  [Uruguayan writer and activist] Eduardo  Galiano says that "if the North American  way of life that is sold by the media  throughout the world was established, in  six months, all the planet's resources would  be used up."  Maybe poetry that deals with deeply  human issues is the kind that attracts those  people who see on television a world that  is not possible within their own homes. As  mothers and as couples, we are all faced  with everyday problems, and the act of living together generates conflicts. That is the  topic I talk most about in my poetry.  Monica Vanschaik was born in La Serena,  Chile. She has lived in Vancouver for two years  and is a member of the editorial collective of  Aquelarre, a bilingual Latin American magazine. This interview was conducted in Spanish and translated into English by Magaly  Varas. Thanks also to Pat Ortiz for her input  into the translation.  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Arts  A review ofk Hot Roof;  Surprisingly clever look at  oppression, and fun too  by Laiwan  A HOT ROOF  Directed by Lee Min-Yong  Soon Film Company  South Korea, 1996  A Hot Roof is a refreshing satire that  cleverly avoids being rhetorical or depressing. The well-written screenplay, which  won the Choonsa Award, surpasses the  many sad attempts by Hollywood to write  intelligent, meaningful comedy. Screened  at this year's Vancouver International Film  Fest, Lee Min-Yong's debut film is inspiring particularly for its woman-centred, progressive perspective which is so contrary  to Western expectations, especially of a film  made by an Asian man and coming from  the "third world."  The story begins with the hottest  heatwave of the year in Seoul, Korea. The  oppressive heat makes the tenants of a  closely built, badly-ventilated apartment  complex find relief under the shade in the  central courtyard. The women sit chatting  and eating watermelon under one awning,  while some of the men sit under another  playing cards and joking among themselves. Suddenly, one of the tenants, Chong  Hee, flees from the apartment building into  the courtyard followed by her abusive husband. He, with belt in hand, wildly pur  sues her to continue the beating in drunken  jealousy.  All the tenants are unexpectedly witness to something that otherwise would  remain behind closed doors. The women  are shocked and outraged and call on the  men to assist Chong Hee. The men do not  want to get involved and comment that it's  none of their business. So the women take  action and intervene. Propelled by a shock  and embarrassment of their wives' action,  the men attempt to stop them. A big hitting  and kicking brawl ensues, so much so that  the riot police arrive. On the way to the hospital, Chong Hee's husband dies and the  women are to be arrested for murder. During the general chaos, the women slowly  and quietly disperse from the courtyard  despite police warnings, and ten of them  flee to the apartment's roof. With nothing  but the scorching sun, some water and little shade, they barricade themselves from  the law and their impending arrest.  Some might compare this storyline to  Marleen Gorris' 1982 feminist classic, A  Question of Silence, but that would be like  comparing apples with oranges. Apart  from the thematic similarity that portrays  a group of women killing a man, Gorris'  film is serious, stylish and unabashedly  A Hot Roof  photo courtesy Vancouver International Film Festival  feminist (with its distribution limited to  festivals and alternative venues), while  Lee's film is a broad comedy that has  played commercial theatres in Asia. It is  possible that only in the 90s can an issue  like this be handled with humour and slapstick.  For me, the enjoyment of this film is  its intelligent development of every character and subplot beyond the superficial  level. It succeeds to skillfully juggle pertinent and serious issues—spousal battery,  abuse of power and police, poor and  cramped urban housing, the uncreativity  of jobs, inequality at work and home, and  questions of gender—to mix them in with  an exuberant fun and playful jab at all pretensions. It is the integrity and compassion  of the filmmaker and the fun the actors have  on screen that really pulls it all together.  Much of the script surprised me because  of the care put into detailing the characters,  emotions and ethical issues while still  maintaining its pathos. This being an Asian  Continued on page 22  The Vancouver International Writers (& Readers) Festival  Continued from page 19  Real Women: Joy Fielding,  Belle Yang and Jane  Gardam  The Celtic Festival oilmbolc marks the  moment when the dark of winter begins its  release to the light of spring. I like to think  of it as a metaphor for creativity, and at this  Writers Festival event the influence of time  and the power of change were expressed  through the works of three writers whose  creative expression varies greatly in style  and subject. The theme of the workshop  was authenticity, and each writer in turn  offered what rings true for her in the life of  the imagination.  Joy Fielding, considered by some to be  Canada's most successful suspense novelist, read from her domestic thriller scheduled for release next summer. Missing Pieces  concerns murder, mayhem, the trouble with  daughters, the trouble with sisters, and the  problem of serial killers who prey on  women and girls.  Fielding's first person narrative has the  punchy prose of American detective and  mystery writing and the authenticity of  modern middle class urban life. Many  women in the audience laughed heartily at  Fielding's sardonic digressions into the  perils of menopause, aging and family dynamics, but I found my attention getting  lost—she went off track once too often for  me. As well, Fielding's feisty prose dangles  the story's central, murderous event like a  BelleYang  photo by Laning Yang  soap opera teaser until I could hear her  publicist yelling "Stay tuned for the next  installment..."  Belle Yang is a painter as well as a  writer. She studied at the Academy of Traditional Chinese Painting in Beijing from  1986 to 1989 and her books include Baba: A  Return to China Upon my Father's Shoulders  and The Odyssey of a Manchurian. Both her  works explore history and family narratives, with The Odyssey telling the story of  her father's flight from his home village  during China's civil war.  Born in Taiwan and now living in the  US, Yang says she eventually plans to write  about the Tienanmen Square massacre  [when the Chinese government used the  military to crack down on the student-led  democracy movement] which occurred  while she was studying in China. She spoke  of the propensity of Chinese rulers to burn  books to erase both the memory and power  of previous dynasties, and of the significance of hunger in Chinese culture, explaining to the mainly Caucasian audience that  Chinese people greet each other not with  comments or questions about the weather  but by asking: "Have you eaten?" Her prose  is both lovely and nourishing—a beautiful  blend of visual and literary talent.  English writer Jane Gardam says she  never knows what she will read to an audience until the very last minute. For this  event, she decided on an unpublished fable and "took a risk" by reading one of a  series of what she calls her "grotesques,"  even though she is not yet sure what this  means. What she read was a surrealistic tale  about two sisters, their Ethiopian connection, and the glorious geese which litter  their lives.  Her prose is lyrical and dense, so I am  not surprised that Gardam's novel God on  the Rocks was a runner-up for the Booker  Prize in 1987. Her unassuming, low-key wit  was charming as she explained her belief  that her characters come from God, that in  the act of creation [and witnessing it]  "you're taken charge of." The mainly female audience wanted to know more about  the process of writing and the how-to of  creativity, but Gardam quietly, almost reverently, asserted that it's all a mystery.  Who's Listening Anyway:  Daisy Zamora and others  At an event featuring five poets from  several different countries—Who's Listening Anyway—the creative process was  linked directly to politics, and poetry revered as fundamentally necessary for the  human spirit. One of the readers, Daisy  Zamora, a Nicaraguan poet, painter and  teacher, spoke of poetry as the key to her  country's revolutionary fervour, offering  hope for what she fears is a dark future for  her homeland [see interview previous page.]  Zamora who writes in Spanish and  English read for the Festival audience selections in both languages. It is Zamora's  poem about the perils of being born a  woman that I will remember long after the  Festival venues are swept, programs recycled, and flights caught back to England,  Toronto, the US and Latin America. The  poem speaks of women's second-class status: its ominous undertones of menace and  danger—accentuated by Zamora's taut facial muscles and intense persona—shot  through the Waterfront Theatre like a bullet, pinning me to my seat and reminding  me of the role of the writer in exposing  oppression.  Cy-Thea Sand is a Vancouver writer.  20  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Arts  Interview with Beth Goobie:  The different spaces of  healing  eth Goobie is the author of Scars of Light [NeWest Press,  Edmonton, Alberta 1994], which won the 1994 Pat Lowther  Award, awarded by the League of Canadian Poets for best book of  poetry by a woman. Scars of Light comes out of her experience  growing up in an Ontario-based ritually abusive cult, and is  described by Lorna Crozier as a "terrifying and necessary book." Beth  Goobie is also the author of Can I Have My Body Back Now,  Please?, a collection of fiction, and numerous titles for young adults,  including Mission Impossible, which was nominated for the 1994  Governor-General's award. Cathy Stonehouse spoke to Goobie when  she was in Vancouver in September for a series of readings organized  by Chad Norman of the League of Canadian Poets. These readings  were among the first she has given outside of her home province of  Alberta.  i am going back to find the body.  where was it i left it —  robed and scarlet in a church window,  in the neighbour's pear tree, juice from torn skins  running sweet down the back of the throat?  from creed  as told to Cathy Stonehouse   Cathy Stonehouse: You say in your bio  that you began remembering the ritual  abuse more or less the same time that  Scars of Light was published. Could you  say something about how the writing of  the book and your healing process coexisted?  Beth Goobie: At the back of the book  it says I began to remember in 1993. I'd  always remembered, but we're not  taught to understand the texture of the  inside of our heads as memory. There  were always fragments. I didn't know  they were memory; I thought they were  fantasy, imagination, impossible things.  They'd always been there and many of  them were repetitive; sometimes the  head was missing, or something like that.  What basically happened was that I  collapsed with Chronic Fatigue Syndrome in 1989, and I had a lot of time to  myself. In the first year I wrote about six  books, almost all of them about sexual  abuse, and at the end of it I thought, geez,  this must have something to do with me!  (Laughs) So I began to approach that  awareness. Because of all the cult programming I'd been through, it was very  important to me that it was my process,  so I didn't go into therapy, and I didn't  even begin reading any of the incest literature for about a full year. But I kept  writing, and I kept pushing, and I got a  few more fragments here and there; actually, quite a few more fragments.  Then after about a year I began to  read, and found that very helpful.  There's some really shitty literature out  there and there's some very important  stuff. I read a whole bunch of stuff for  about eight months and then I went into  therapy. It was very important to me  never to recover memories in therapy.  Not because I had any concerns about  brainwashing or hypnosis—I had no  concerns in this area, I think the human  mind knows itself—it was just very important to me to own every aspect of my  recovery.  My therapist gave me a couple of  tools I could use and I began to work two  or three hours a day on my own again. I  had time because I was receiving disability pay and began to work two to six  hours a day on memory recovery. The  memories became longer and longer,  clearer and clearer, and I began to be able  to hear them more clearly: there was a  full voice instead of a monotone. You can  get them as a sort of a robotic voice coming to you, then after a time you will be  able to hear the voice tones and inflexions, and the faces will become more  clear.  I've never had a flashback; it's been  a very gradual process. My understanding of it is that I'm changing the biochemistry of my brain. I'm rerouting electrical circuits, very basic electrical circuitry,  and I'm changing my brain tissue, every  time I write, every time I remember.  When you block memory you actually  compartmentalize your brain: there are  barriers set up made of some biochemical substance. When you write you begin to work against that, to erode and  dissolve it, but not in a violent way. It's  important to understand that it's a  very...I don't even know a word, we  don't even have words that are positive  and gentle for this...  Stonehouse: Yes, we lack a language  for these experiences.  Goobie:'s almost like there's  plaque or something, and you can gently make it into a clear membrane that  gradually lets you in. You explore certain areas of your brain. It's a very physical process. Both writing and remembering do that. It's a very complimentary  and gradual process, and a very conscious one for me. A lot of people approach it because they get flashbacks,  whereas I had an awareness first, and so  far I have been able to not have flashbacks. I don't know if that will change.  Stonehouse: I find it remarkable that  you were able to sit down and write a  book with such eloquence and beauty at  a time when I know a lot of people find  it hard to trust what they're going  through. The writing is very embodied,  as if this narrative just emerged from you  quite whole.  Goobie: Other parts of me have that  denial and protection, but I'm not a part  that has been burdened with that. I have  always believed that my other parts were  in charge, in control and were my  friends. I have always believed they were  stronger than I was and that I was here  to learn from them. That was my basic  premise at all times, whether those other  parts were two or fifteen or fifty-five; it  didn't matter to me.  A really strong growing awareness  for me was that the body was the locus  of truth and reality, and that I didn't have  a clue what that was for me. In my mid-  twenties, after I rejected Christianity as  being one of the most vicious attacks on  children out there, I began to have a  growing understanding that my reality  was in my body, but I wasn't in my body;  really all of my writings for teens and  adults have been directed at that understanding. My first book was Could I Have  My Body Back Noiv, Please, which I wrote  before I really consciously approached  the sexual abuse, but it's definitely all  about it. There's stuff that also points to  ritual abuse very clearly, and to  multiplexity. I'd say the reality and the  respect of the body is also very strong in  my teen work.  Stonehouse: How do you see the relationship between your writing for  young adults and your poetry?  Goobie: The teen voice is very very  strong in my poetry. One of the areas [of  my own life] I approached first was adolescence. I had worked mostly with  teens, from ages eleven to seventeen, [as  a counsellor] in group homes. I just  thought adolescence had so much to do  with joy and pride and rage, and they  were under such attack by society, by so  many attempts to control and define and  limit them, because it's such an explosive age. It's a time period in which you  could explore so many things. I've always found that age and that voice to  have so much to do with my own desire  to heal and to explore, and to be so intelligent! Teenagers are just brilliant; they  have really interesting minds.  Stonehouse: In Scars of Light you write  very eloquently and compassionately  about the different parts of you that  helped you survive the abuse. Do you  see a relationship between the kind of  psychic creativity that keeps a child alive  and the creativity you're now using in  your writing?  Goobie: Well, splitting is about hope.  The energy of hope is about wanting to  stay alive and be alive. Writing and recovery are that energy backwards. I've  found that one of the most important  things to understand about cult programming is that they program so much  for backwards, splitting you from forwards to backwards, and backwards is  where all your recovery power is. When  you can bring backwards and forwards  together, you're together. So one of the  main ways to counteract cult programming is to simply do things backwards,  to balance the energy and heal. Sometimes I wear my clothes backwards, practise walking around backwards, writing  backwards, because it brings all of that  together. We really need to explore backwards and inside-out and upside-down.  All these things are different spaces, and  that's where our healing is, in all the  places that are the opposite to our normal directions, movements and words.  Stonehouse: It seems to me that one  of the ways in which cult abuse manages  to thrive is through this incredible split  or dualism between what we label as  good and what we label as evil. I felt in  reading Scars of Light that you talked really well about the experience of being  in your everyday life but with the cult  experience very much present in your  body, and vice versa. Do you feel like the  book has been adequately read, understood?  Continued on next page  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 i created my own innocence, i came apart.  i delegated knowledge to the selves who carried  the queen of spades in their thighs, delegated  forgetting to selves who had to shut spades and clubs  out of childhood ABCs, hide 'n' seek,  little house on the prairie, jesus.  they could not coexist.  from knowledge  Continued from previous page  Goobie: People who review the book  carry that fundamental split that society  has with them, and many times I find  they aren't able to read what I'm saying.  I keep being told the book is about the  healing light. In fact, the book is about  the lies, deceptions and the illusions of  the light; it's about the healing dark. It's  very much about the strength, power  and healing that's in the dark.  When you go into the dark, you live  without being able to see the surface and  you have to feel your way around. You  have to be in your body because you  can't be in your eyes—eyes leave the  body—so you have to feel your way  around by fingertip, you have to taste it  and smell it and hear it to stay alive, to  know. Once you have worked there and  found your power, your strength, your  pain and your joy, then you can walk out  into light-filled areas and see the lies a  long way away. You can also see the  beauty of the truth out there, and own  both. You need both.  Stonehouse: How has the media responded to the book?  Goobie: The majority of media have  dealt with it by not reviewing it, because  that's the most effective way to ensure  that people don't get to hear the details.  If you are getting a backlash of reviews,  you're a little more fortunate than if the  media chooses to ignore you, because it's  much more effective simply to ignore. I  have had some reviews, and all of them  have been strongly supportive: Fireweed  and Arc and C magazine in Edmonton, to  name a few.  Stonehouse: Would you like to say  anything about the censorship you've experienced as a writer speaking out about  ritual abuse?  Goobie: Well, I'm here in Vancouver  and Victoria because there was someone  who decided he didn't like the censorship around not so much the issue, but  around a writer. He just kept working  until finally he found venues which  would host readings and then brought  me out here.  It wasn't for the issue itself; it was  because he doesn't believe in shutting  someone down. That's the basic issue: if  you allow anyone to be shut down, it  could happen to you tomorrow. He's the  only person who's asked me to do a reading, in spite of the award, inside or outside of Alberta. I have done a few readings, but I have had to initiate and prod  that process along myself.  Stonehouse: What kinds of concerns  did you have around going public? Was  it something that you thought long and  hard about?  Goobie: I wanted my name on it, and  I wanted my face on it. It was part of my  life and I was a writer, so I was writing  about being alive. I did not want to dissociate from it: whatever that brought  would come. There is no safety in life;  there are no guarantees. You could be  killed on the corner by a bus, and you  know every year 3,000 people are wiped  out in monsoons in the Philippines. I am  no more or less valuable than any one of  those people, and I am not leading my  life to stay safe or to remain alive until  I'm ninety. I'm living for now and that  means that everything I am is with me.  Stonehouse: How has it been since the  book came out for you, being public as a  ritual abuse survivor?  Goobie: When I've been allowed to  be public! The reviewers and the radio  show hosts have been supportive. Other  than that, there's been a huge silence in  terms of interactions with me. I still am  continuing to get some poetry and books  accepted, but there is a huge silence, especially inAlberta. What that means for  the people who are being silent, I can't  say.  Stonehouse: Wfriat would you say to  ritual abuse survivors who are beginning  their healing process?  Goobie: You.have all the answers in  your own flesh and blood, and brain tissue. Commit. Believe yourself as much  as you can at every point. There is no  such thing as false memory. And you're  alive: that's an incredible accomplishment.  Stonehouse: How is it for you to be  living in a society where there is so much  denial about the reality of abuse and, in  particular, cult abuse?  Goobie: I'm living in a world where I  believe there's much more tenderness  and love than violence and hatred, otherwise I wouldn't be alive. I don't believe  it's a survival instinct—"I'm going to remain alive at all costs"—because my experience of cult programming is that  every single child would have chosen to  die rather than continue, but we're not  allowed to. So I don't believe that the  "life wish" is predominant. I believe it's  the wish to be tender and caring, and to  receive that, that keeps us alive.  I think every human being is born  loving their own flesh, and if you get to  the point where you hate human flesh  enough to torture and mutilate someone  else, you've been taught that, every step  of the way. I don't believe in people being born [psychopathic], so what are we  doing to human beings? What are we  allowing to be done to our most important citizens, who have no legal rights,  and why have we ensured that? Why  aren't we out in the streets, screaming  our heads off, to get it changed? We all  have something invested in silencing  kids or we would be out there, overthrowing governments, to make sure  their lives changed.  Stonehouse: Is there anything else  you'd like to add?  Goobie: One thing that would enable  people to feel less fear around cult survivors is understanding how very complex and structured and high-tech the  prograrnming is. Yes there are violent  personalities in a cult survivor, but they  have been programmed to only emerge  after a very long and complex series of  triggers—they're not going to pull out a  butcher knife and stab you on a street  corner. Once they understand that, perhaps that will enable people to relax.  Anybody who knows they're a cult  survivor has taken enormous steps in  healing, no matter how little they know.  They have done enormous healing work  in their brains. Wfhat happens basically  is that people turn around and punish  them for that: if you don't know, people  like you. When you do know, people  don't like you. Well, you're much safer  once you start knowing.  Cathy Stonehouse is a Vancouver writer,  whose first book of poetry, The Words I  Know, was published in 1994 by Press Gang  Publishers.  A review of ^ Hot Roof  Continued from page 20  mainstream film made me optimistic about  women and filmmaking in Asia. But at the  same time, it made me sad about how the  Hollywood monopoly shows so much insular and alienating mediocrity in the West.  Lee has intricately woven several stories around the plot of these ten women  trapped on the roof: from the satirical portrait of the fascist commanding police officer who attempts to handle everything by  barking orders — both for the explosive  roof situation and to his wife (who by  watching media coverage of the seige becomes aware of her own power); to the two  bungling thieves trapped in an apartment  who reveal that they are two men in a  power struggle with emotional and physical abuse analogous to the husband/wife  situation; to the sad picture of the grandmother who is abused by her son and his  family living together in an all too cramped  flat; to the tongue-in-cheek portrait of the  president of the neighbourhood women's  club—where her speeches and attempts at  logical meetings fail in the face of the reali  ties of anger and passion; to an exploration  of the class differences between the working bar girls and the women's club president and the proper housewives... These are  only a few of the subplots, but almost  throughout, the follies of men are lampooned. Especially funny is the secret agent  who is sent in to solve the problem with  his high-tech phallic toys.  A true surprise for me was seeing issues of gender-bending also explored.  Among the ten women, one of them,  Soomee, is revealed to be a "man" by the  fascist captain. Feeling betrayed, all the  women on the roof castigate and physically  threaten Soomee. One physically rips the  front of Soomee's dress to reveal that, yes,  she has a man's chest. Soomee in despair  sobs that she has always felt and believed  she was a girl, and the women's anger fade  as they begin to discuss and comprehend  the various levels and disguises of oppression.  As the four days and nights on the roof  unfold, the women discover their complexi  ties and similarities. They feel a sense of  solidarity they never knew before. A solidarity created, not because they are forced  to unite as they are surrounded by riot police and media crews, but because they begin to articulate to each other where they  have come from, revealing their dreams,  desires, anger and fears.  This solidarity also spreads across the  country as women and women's organizations speak out in the media against violence against women and in support of the  ten women on the roof. Lee's support of  organized feminism is clear in his film. The  highlight for me was watching an intrepid  group of women on the ground tiptoe in  the thick of night to cut the electricity supply of the police, gas the watchguards into  unconsciousness, scale the building across  the courtyard with athletic prowess ...just  to send across, on ropes and pulleys, food  and media coverage of the seige to the  women on the roof. As soon as they are arrested, the intrepid group reveal themselves  to be defiant women with a swagger in their  walk and whose long hair fall out of their  black toques as they raise their fists in  solidarity... A wonderful scene!  The best thing is that in the end none  of the ten women die—contrary to Hollywood trend. Instead crowds and crowds of  placard holding, singing women with fists  raised in solidarity, stream into the apartment complex area and outnumber the  police. In the face of such overwhelming  support, the ten women feel safe enough  to leap off the roof, not to their demise, but  into giant airbags waiting below—a spoof  on many a film ending.  This film is unlikely to return to Vancouver, but you may find it in Korean/  Asian video rental stores. It's worth the  look.  Laiwan is an interdisciplinary artist and writer,  born in Zimbabwe of Chinese origin.  22  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Arts  Vancouver singer/songwriter Susan Crowe:  CDs that beg for  constant rotation  by Emma Kivisild  THIS FAR FROM HOME  River Records, 1994  THE DOOR TO THE RIVER  Carvus Records, 1996  Susan Crowe's second CD, The door to  the river, was released in November, and has  already been enthusiastically received by  the media: a four-star review in the Vancouver Sun and Juno Award predictions on  the CBC. In homes like mine, it was  snatched up immediately with just as  much enthusiasm. More music from  Crowe feels like a precious gift to  me.  Originally from Nova Scotia,  Crowe now lives in Vancouver.  An earlier (mid 80s) singing/  songwriting career was stymied, she says, by a lack of  confidence, but she returned to it with This  far from home, her first  CD, in 1994.  I know Susan Crowe as a friend now.  However, I didn't know her at all when I  started listening almost constantly to This  far from home. In fact, I was a bit leery of the  genre—solo singer/songwriter with guitar,  not what I usually listen to.  What drew me in is in some ways ineffable—a beautiful deep voice, haunting  memorable tunes, and lyrics that  strike a magical bal-  ance  between  "Heartache is my specialty..." and there  are a lot of songs of heartache here.  photo by David Cooper  sadness, cynicism, and hope.  I kept listening. Over and over again.  Crowe's music doesn't stand up to repeated  listening, it begs for it. There seem to be  endless levels to her songs, growing complexities in the lyrics, and music that brings  me back like an addict.  As the title implies, This far from home  is about longings for many faraway things.  The title track aches for home ('A stranger  amid strangers/ A stone among these  stones'), and "On your way to Mars" aches  for connection ('You promised you would  write me/1 looked out for a card/ But here  I am, wondering where you are.')  "Heartache     is     my  specialty," Crowe said in a re-  |     cent interview and there are  a lot of songs of heartache  y here. But heartache is a compli-  /      cated thing and Crowe doesn't shy  away from any of it: Songs about dead  loved ones; caring for the ill, as well as  the longings of a woman waiting for a new  life to begin.  Underlying all of this is a sensibility  that can't be described as anything but spiritual. There are songs about the human condition, and two in particular on This far from  home stand out for me as zeroing in completely on the puzzle of my life, with no  questions answered. T think I know, I think  I know/ I just can't find a way to let it go'  (from "I know"), and 'I'd like to lift myself  from this mess/ I'd like to close my eyes  and find I worry less/ I'd like to just say  yes' (from "Faithless").  There is humour, too. I see it in the  oblique lament of a lesbian teen knowing  she can't ever fit in: 1 wish I was like the  other girls/And never longed for you,' and  in the frustration of looking for meaning in  the mass media: 'How do I get to the higher  plain/ To accept the things I can't explain  or see/ They never show this on TV'  The title track of Crowe's second CD,  The door to the river, plays a humorous riff  on the edge of everyone's wrenching search  for mercy: 'The devil woke up thirsty/ With  very deep desire/ To call in with a fever/  To walk away from fire.' I think about accessibility when I hear this, about diving  into questions despite myself, about the  sudden discovery that I was always wondering about these things.  The door to the river is less "produced"  than This far from home, unusual for second  albums. The vocals feel even closer, and the  backup instrumentation is lovely.  The heartache is still present, with all  its attenuated sorrow: 'Still, you do not  come.' And in a delightful twist, Crowe  turns it around in "I'm not there": 'So don't  wait at night, don't call my name/ Don't  wistfully wonder do I look the same/ The  longer I live, the better I learn/ There are  places from which I will never return."  I have favourites already. "Your one  and only life" is an anthem for living in the  present. "Come with me" takes an essential tension in relationships—come with  me, stay with me—far beyond familiar "I'm  leaving" songs, to a place where love is  something other than mere devotion.  I haven't had two years to live with this  album the way I have had with Crowe's  first one. Right now it is nestled in the CD  player, nudging its way into constant rotation. A treasure.  Emma Kivisild is a writer and artist living in  Vancouver.  jjP    it \      Western Canada's  /; iKm *    Lesbian & Gay  \ntfm&   Bookstore  lf4<       ART EMPORIUM  Celebrating our brand new location at 1238 Davie Street  Come visit us at our new store with over twice the space and fully  wheelchair accesible. Check out our large variety of books, magazines, cards, music, calendars & much much more.  Little Sister's Book & Art Emporium  1238 Davie Street, Vancouver B.C. V6E 1N4  Internet  [Telephone (604)669-1753 Phone Orders 1-800-567-1662 Fax 685-0252,  SINGLE MOTHER'S RESOURCE GUIDE  More than 60% of single parent house-        Now government is cutting the lifeline for  holds headed by women live in poverty.       many women raising children by themselves.  That's why VANCOUVER STATUS OF       Vancouver Status of Women needs your  WOMEN published the SINGLE MOTH-    help to produce the next issue of the Single  ER'S RESOURCE GUIDE in 1991 to help    Mother's Resource Guide.  single mothers become economically and        The Guide is an information tool that in-  sociallv self-sufficient.                                   forms and empowers women about their rights  Since then over 30 000 copies have been    and the resources available to them and their  distributed FREE to single mothers in the    children.  Single moms, lawyers, counsellors,  Lower Mainland.                                           social workers all agree that it is an invaluable  tool.  Your donation will help us update, print and distribute FREE another 20 000  copies to women.  Please make your cheque or money order payable to  Vancouver Status of Women - SMRG '97 and mail it to  Vancouver Status of Women, #301 - 1720 Grant Street, Vancouver, B.C. V5L 2Y6  (all donations are tax deductible)  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 ALTERNATIVES is Canada's  foremost environmental  journal since 1971.  Thought-provoking articles  go beyond band-aid  solutions to consider  concrete alternatives for a  wide range of environmental issues. Look to  Alternatives for reports of  environmental happenings,  provocative opinion pieces,  and reviews of the  latest eco-books.  BRIARPATCH is  Saskatchewan's award-  winning political magazine  which provides an  alternative view on issues  and events in Canada and  the world. Essential reading  for those interested in  politics, unions, the  environment, women's  rights and international  affairs. We publish articles the  mainstream media won't  touch. Ten times a year.  From political zines to  hilarious comics, from  small press books to indie  music, BROKEN PENCIL  maps the ephemeral world  of independently produced  Canadian culture.  Featuring hundreds of  reviews, interviews with  creators, and excerpts from  everywhere, Broken Pencil  puts the reader in touch  with the creators and  their work.  UNITE  Principled. Radical.  Independent. For over 30  years, CANADIAN  DIMENSION has been a  place where activists can  debate issues, share  information, recount our  victories and evaluate our  strategies for social  change. Our pages are  open to all progressive  voices - debate makes the  movement stronger. And it  makes for lively reading!  "... savvy, articulate... a  fresh perspective."- The  Globe and Mail. In its 20th  year, FUSE a  offer a dynamic c  of artistic, social and  political concerns that span  the gamut from race and  representation to gay/  lesbian politics, from the  effects of pop culture  outside the mainstream to  cultural nationalism,  CEIST is home to the  Honourary Canadian  Awards, the Trans-Canada  Phrase Book, the Canadian  Mall Writing Competition,  the Who the Hell is Peter  Czowski survey, and the  very best in story, picture,  essay, memoir, crossword,  toon and little-known fact.  In print since 1990. "A  publication that is, in this  country, inimitable." -  Toronto Star  GREEN TEACHER is a forum  for teachers and parents  seeking to promote  environmental and global  awareness among young  people from K to 12. It  offers perspectives on the  role of education in  creating a sustainable  future, practical cross-  curricular activities, reviews  of the latest teaching  resources, and successful  ideas from green educators.  As Canada's largest  national feminist magazine, HERIZONS explores  women's health issues, the  law, work and culture, and  entices readers with  provocative reviews and  columnists. Unabashedly  feminist, Herizons is  written in a way that is  relevant to the daily lives  of women. Canada's  much-needed answer  to Ms.  LATIN AMERICA  CONNEXIONS/CONEXION  LATINA provides commentary on the struggle for  peace and justice in Latin  America, and promotes a  continent-wide, internationalist vision. This  bilingual publication  includes current accurate  analysis of Latin American  events, and information  about resources, campaigns  and organizations.  NEW INTERNATIONALIST  magazine turns the issues  inside out and explains  what's really going on. Ifs  the best guide to the major  issues from the arms trade to  AIDS, from human rights to  hunger. Each month, Nl  tackles one subject, and gives  you the facts and the  arguments. To influence  what's happening to you, you  need to know what's  NEW MARITIMES is  regional politics,  environment, labour,  culture and history, all from  a refreshing perspective.  Regular columns on  Maritime books, political  economy and Third World  issues. This bimonthly is a  unique adventure in radical  regionalism that, into its  second decade, still refuses  to bow to the powers  that be.  OUR TIMES is Canada's  pro-labour magazine. Each  issue features voices of  union and community  activists across the  country who are  concerned with the  welfare of workers. Our  Times is an excellent  educational resource for  those interested in labour  issues. Don't miss out!  Published six times a year.  PEACE MAGAZINE is a  multi-partisan voice for  peace, conflict resolution  and non-violence in our  homes, in playgrounds and  between nations. For over a  decade, our magazine has  been a forum on how to  create a more peaceful  and just world.  "Your solace in  conflicting times."  - Broken Pencil  RUNGH means colour.  Rungh is a forum of critical  commentary exploring  contemporary culture and  politics abroad and at  home. Rungh negotiates  with a culture made out of  the dilemmas, hopes and  differences between the  struggle against racism and  other social movements for  dignity, well being and  emancipation.  One of Canada's hottest  independent literary  quarterlies, SUB-TERRAIN  features the work of writers,  artists and photographers  from Canada, the US and  foreign locations. Each issue  is a stimulating fusion of  fiction, poetry, graphic art,  commentary and book  reviews. "Eschews  geography in favour of a  borderless world" -  Vancouver Mag.  NEW CITY MAGAZINE  believes in a distinct and  sustainable Canadian  urban culture and identity.  Featuring articles, stories  and histories about the  city and its people, it is a  critical forum on the  modern city. New City  strives to build a better  understanding of urban  maladies and the  possibilities for change.  OUTLOOK provides a Jewish  secular-humanist perspective  on political and cultural  issues. It features original  articles, stories, and reviews  by writers from Canada, the  USA, Israel, France, Germany  and Eastern Europe.  Promoting peace in the  Middle East and the world,  Outlook supports  multiculturalism and  promotes self-determination  of all peoples.  -,r,v.  THIS MAGAZINE is a 30-  year-old national magazine  of politics and culture. A  1996 winner of two gold  and one silver National  Magazine Awards for  investigative journalism and  political criticism. This  Magazine prints fearless  reporting, showcases  groundbreaking literature,  and critiques culture - high  and low - with attitude,  personality and style.  BEST  OF  THE  ALTERNATIVE  PRESS  Looking for  an adventure  in magazine  reading?  Order a sample copy of the  best of Canada's other press  by simply filling out the  request form below.  •••••<  Q. REQUEST  S< FORM  ©  To place your order,  please:  1/ Indicate the magazine(s) you wish to  Alternatives  Broken Pencil  Fuse  Green Teacher  Lat. Amer. Connexions  New Internationalist  Our Times  Peace Magazine  Sub-Terrain  Briarpatch  Canadian Dimension  Geist  Herizons  New City  New Maritimes  Outlook  Rungh  This Magazine  2/ Fill out your name and address.  3/ Calculate your payment. The first magazine  you request costs $5.00, each additional  magazine is $2.50. For example, if you order three  magazines, your payment would be $5.00 + 2 x  $2.50 m $10.00. GST is included. Please make  your cheque or money order payable to  Chaos Consulting.  4/ Mail this form with your payment.  Send to: Chaos Consulting-BOAP, PO Box 65506,  Stn F, Vancouver, BC, V5N 5K5. For inquiries  only (no orders), e-mail or  fax:(604)875-1403.  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Bulletin Board  read   this!     INVOLVEMENT  Bulletin Board listings have a  maximum of 50 words. Groups  organizations and individuals  eligible for free space in the  Bulletin Board must be, or have  non-profit objectives.  Other free notices will be items of  general public interest and will  appear at the discretion of  Kinesis.  Classifieds are $8 (+$0.56 GST)  for the first 50 words or portion  thereof, $4 (+$0.28 GST) for each  additional 25 words or portion  thereof and must be prepaid.  Deadline for all submissions is  the 18th of the month preceding  publication. Note: Kinesis is  published ten times a year. Jul/  Aug and Dec/Jan are double  issues.  All submissions should include a  contact name and telephone  number for any clarification that  may be required.  Listings will not be accepted over  the telephone.  Kinesis encourages readers to  research the goods and services  advertised in Bulletin Board  Kinesis cannot guarantee the  accuracy of the information  provided or the safety and  effectiveness of the services and  products listed.  Send submissions to Bulletin  Board, Kinesis, #301-1720 Grant  Street, Vancouver, BC, V5L 2Y6, or  fax: (604) 255-5511. For more  information call (604) 255-5499.  IMIIIIM Ml  Sangam Grant R.P.c.  REGISTERED PR0FFESSI0NAL COUNSELLOR  Private Practitioner,  Workshop + Group Therapist  phone (604) 253-5007  when the musk changes so Joes the dance...  WebWeaver  Internet guide, researcher, trainer  Ann Doyle, MLS  Tel: 604-254-8462  Email:  URL:  WANNA GET INVOLVED?  With Kinesis? We want to get involved  with you too. Help plan our next issue.  All women interested in what goes into  Kinesis—whether it's news, features or  arts—are invited to our next Story  Meetings Tues Jan 7 and Mon Feb 3  at 7 pm at our office, 301-1720 Grant  St. For more information or if you can't  make the meeting, but still want to find  out about writing for Kinesis, give  Agnes a call at (604) 255-5499. No  experience is necessary. Childcare  subsidies available.  CALLING ALL VOLUNTEERS  Are you interested in finding out how  Kinesis is put together? Well...just drop  by during our next production dates  and help us design and lay out Canada's national feminist newspaper.  Production for the February 1997  issue is from Jan 22-28. No experience  is necessary. Training and support will  be provided. If this notice intrigues you,  call us at 255-5499. Childcare subsidies available.  VSW WANTS YOU!  Want to get more involved but not sure  where to begin? Join us—become a  volunteer at Vancouver Status of  Women. VSW volunteers plan events,  lead groups, raise funds, answer the  phone lines, organize the library, help  connect women with the community  resources they need, and get involved  in other exciting jobs! The next volunteer orientation will be on Wed, Jan 15,  7pm at VSW, 301-1720 Grant St. For  more info, call 255-5511. Please call  before the orientation to confirm  attendance. Childcare subsidies available.  INVOLVEMENT  VSW ON THE MOVE  The Vancouver Status of Women and  Kinesis is planning to move its office at  the end of February 1997. Volunteers  are needed to help us pack and move.  If available please call 255-5511.  OFFICE MATE WANTED  The Vancouver Status of Women is  looking for another feminist organization interested in sharing office space  with VSW in the Vancouver area. Must  be able to move at the end of February  1997. For further details call Audrey at  255-5511.  FUNDRAISING FOR VSW  Volunteers are needed to join the  Finance and Fundraising Committee at  the Vancouver Status of Women. The  next major event to be planned is the  annual Recommending Women  fund raiser. The committee's next  meeting is Tues Dec 17 at 6pm at  VSW, 301-1720 Grant St. For more info  call Audrey at 255-5511.  VSW PROGRAMMING COMMITTEE  Women are invited to join the Vancouver Status of Women's Programming  Committee and become involved in  planning an event called How Politics  and Elections Affect Women's Daily  Lives. VSW is also looking for women's  ideas and participation to decide what  women in our community need and  want to organize. To join the committee  or for more info about VSW's programs,  call Ema at 255-5511.  v^ l ptHpvY r*_s/  I        * Coming  Out  Emma  h  * Grief and  Tigerheart  Udi  If  Loss  * Relationship  M.S.W.  Issues  TM  1        » Childhood  Trauma  COUNSELLING  THERAPY  fir  J        * Family  CONSULTATION  Ifemv  ■            Issues  il  fl              Sliding  J              Scale Fees  Inquiries  Call  i JK7Hjw'  327-4437  ImL?  i              Welcome  Vancouver, bc  \r*k] X*?z *HiV—  1  EVENTS  MARLENE SCHIWY  New York writer Marlene Schiwy will be  in Vancouver to read from her new  book A Voice of Her Own: Women and  the Journal-Writing Journey Tues Jan 7  at 7:30pm at Women In Print, 3566 W.  4th Ave. Aimed at both new and longtime diarists, the book invites readers  to share the journeys other women  have made toward selfhood and  encourages them to begin a journey of  their own. For more info call (604) 732-  4128.  SHARON LIM  Malaysian-American writer Sharon Lim  will read from her memoire Among the  White Moon Faces on Mon Jan 13 at  7:30 pm at Women In Print, 3566 W.  4th Ave, Vancouver. In this moving  account of a Malaysian childhood and  the making of an Asian-American  woman, Lim journeys across cultural,  political and geographic borders to  trace her development as a teacher,  mother, scholar and writer. For more  info call (604) 732-4128.  THIN CITIES  Lola MacLaughlin's newest and most  contemporary choreography, Thin  Cities, will be performed Dec 11-14,  8pm at the Vancouver East Cultural  Centre, 1895 Venables St. Three pieces  will be presented, including "Unclaimed  Treasures: Essie, Ena and Maude," a  tribute to MacLaughlin's Irish roots. For  tickets and more info call the VECC at  (604) 254-9578.  FRIENDS OF DIGNITY FUNDRAISER  Friends of Dignity is holding a  fundraiser in Vancouver in aid of single  parent families living in poverty Sun  Dec 1, 7pm at the Anza Club, 3 W. 8th  Ave. An evening of music, food and  dance, the event will feature the local  talent of Beverley Elliott, Paula Wolfson,  Dorothy Dittrich and Kim Kuzma, and  will be hosted by well-known comedian  and former Zero Avenue host, Christine  Lippa. For tickets and more info call  (604) 669-2673.  MONIQUE GENTON  Artspeak Gallery presents The Science  of Swimming, the first solo exhibition of  Vancouver-based artist Monique  Genton until Dec 14 at 233 Carrall St,  Vancouver. There will also be an Artist  Talk on Wed Dec 4 at 7:30pm. Genton's  photobased painting and video projection installation represents the fractured  female subject, silenced by the scientific gaze, who then reclaims her female  identity through the metaphor of  swimming. Gallery hours are Tuesday  to Saturday noon-5pm. For more info  call (604) 688-0051.  Relationship Therapy  DANA L. JANSSEN, M.Ed.  Reg. Clinical Counsellor  Relationship Therapy  Individual Counselling  Integrative Body Work  Oak & 8th Ave. V;  Tel: (604) 731-2867  »»:»lsls>g- - ■ Ii Hi -f  Let me go down in the mud  Ave.  875-9516  paintings about queer motherhood and pop culture  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Bulletin Board  EVENTS  WOMEN'S HEALTH COLLECTIVE  IS 25  The Vancouver Women's Health Collective is celebrating its 25th anniversary  Wed Dec 4 at Richard's on Richard's,  1036 Richards, Vancouver. Featured  will be the Laura Love Band and the  launching of the Collective's new  Women's Health Information Network.  For more info call (604) 736-4234.  CATHY SISLER  Cathy Sisler will be presenting her  travelling exhibition La Femme ecran  The Reflexive Woman until Dec 14 at  the Front Gallery, 303 E. 8th Ave,  Vancouver. Gallery hours are Tues to  Sat 12 - 5pm. The Opening Reception  will take place Tues Nov 12 at 8pm and  a Performance will be held on Wed Nov  20 at 8pm. For more info call (604) 876-  9343.  GLOBAL ECONOMIC RESTRUCTURING  Eyes on Mexico will hold an open  discussion about the impact of global  economic restructuring on our communities, and alternative possibilities. In  the Spirit of the Zapatistas will be held  Sat Dec 7 at Britannia Community  Centre, 1661 Napier, Vancouver, and  will be one of the many simultaneous  worldwide gatherings. Registration is at  9am and admission is free. For free  childcare, call (604) 255-8230 by Dec  4. For more info call (604) 253-0304.  VOICES FROM EACH GENERATION  The Native Education Centre, Service  Providers Adult/ Advocacy Network  (SPAN) and The Justice Institute of BC  are sponsoring a provincial conference  for Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal  service providers, administrators and  policy-makers involved in providing  services to First Nations communities.  Voices From Each Generation: Healing  the Effects of Generational Trauma will  be held Feb 20-22 at the Landmark  Hotel, 1400 Robson St, Vancouver. The  conference will provide an opportunity  for voices of different generations of  Aboriginal people to be heard. Registration fee is $250 before Dec 31, $300  after Jan 1 .To register by credit card,  EVENTS  call (604) 528-5590 or fax (604)  528-5653. Registration in person or  by mail may be done at the Registration Office, Justice Institute of  BC, 715 McBride Blvd, New Westminster, BC, V3L 5T4.  SHARON MCGOWAN  Capilano College's film and lecture  series features Sharon McGowan  and her latest work, When Mary  Tyler Moore takes Mr. Grant's job:  Women Producers in Canada Wed  Jan 22 at 7:30pm. McGowan is an  award-winning producer and director with over twenty years working  in film and television, and is best  known for the feature film The Lotus  Eaters. The screening will be held at  Capilano College, Room CE148,  2055 PurcellWay, North Vancouver.  For more info call Margaret Denike  at (604) 984-4953.  MURIEL DUCKWORTH BIO  Femwood Publishing will be launching Muriel Duckworth: a very active  pacifist, a biography written by  Marian Douglas Kerans, Sun Dec  8, 2-4pm at People's Coop Books,  1391 Commercial Dr, Vancouver.  Duckworth, who resides in Halifax,  has been active in the peace and  women's movement for over 50  years and is the founder of Voice of  Women. For more info call (604)  254-0393.  GROUPS  HOLIDAY BAKE SALE  Seattle's Radical Women is holding its  eighth annual Fabulous Feminist  Gastronomic Delights Bake Sale in  December. Holiday-wrapped culinary  confections will be delivered to your  home or office party in the Seattle area  only. Call (206) 722-6057 or (206) 722-  2453 for a list of items. Orders must be  received by Dec 14 and will be delivered or available for pick-up Dec 18-23.  RADICAL WOMEN SEATTLE  Radical Women will be holding a  general meeting on Thur Dec 5 at  7:30pm at the New Freeway Hall, 5018  Rainier Ave S, Seattle. Dinner is included, with a vegetarian option, at  6:30pm for a $6 donation. All women  are welcome. The meeting is wheelchair accessible. For rides or childcare  call (206) 722-6057 or (206) 722-2453.  RADICAL WOMEN  Radical Women in Vancouver is holding  weekly evening study groups called  Recipe for Winning Women's Rights:  Revolutionary Politics! every Wed from  7-8:30pm at Rebel Centre, 2278 E. 24th  Ave, Vancouver. Topics for open debate  and freewheeling discussion include the  interconnections of race, sex, sexuality  and class, and the revolutionary possibilities of women's leadership in action.  Wheelchair accessible. For more info,  call (604) 874-2943, 874-9048; or fax  BY/^ft  GROUPS  It's that time of year again!  RRSP    SEASON  • Excellent rates on fixed and variable terms  • RRSP loans available  • No user fees  Deadline: March 1st, 1997  Come in now, don't wait for the deadline!  or call us at 254-4100  Your RRSP investment at CCEC will help promote  economic development in your community.  CCEC Credit Union  il Drive, Vancouver, BC V5N 5P9 Fax 254-65  ARTTHERAPY  VOICES for Survivors Support Society  is hosting an evening of Art Therapy for  Survivors Thurs Dec 5 from 7:30-  9:30pm at the VOICES office, 27A-250  Willingdon Ave, Burnaby. The session  will be facilitated by Tatjana Jansen,  Certified Art Therapist, and will be a  process oriented workshop. Clay, paints  and pastels will be provided. No previous art experience is necessary. Cost  is by donation. Childcare subsidies  available. To reserve a place in the  workshop call or fax 298-4516. For more  info call Shona Steven at 983-3554.  SELF-DEFENSE  VOICES for Survivors Support Society  will be holding a Self-Defense for  Women workshop in two sessions  Thurs Jan 16 & 23 from 7-9pm at the  VOICES office, 27A-250 Willingdon  Ave, Burnaby. The workshops, led by  self-defense and assertiveness instructor Laurie Schuerbeke, will provide  women with practical skills on how to  prevent assault as well as physical  defense techniques. Cost is by donation. Childcare subsidies available. To  reserve a place in the workshop call or  fax 298-4516. For more info call Shona  Steven at 983-3554.  WOMEN AND HEALTH  Struggling with life issues? In need of a  safe space and a compassionate ear?  The Vancouver Women's Health Collective is offering free counselling. Call (604)  736-4234 to schedule an appointment.  WOMEN AND DOCTORS  Have a health concern? Looking for a  new doctor? Do you want good health  information? Call the Vancouver Women's Health Collective Information  Centre at (604) 736-5262.  FREE LEGAL ADVICE  The UBC Law Students' Legal Advice  Program offers free advice in neighbourhood clinics throughout the Lower  Mainland in BC, including two special  legal clinics for women. The program  will run in the evening from Jan 6-Mar  21. Advice is offered on many subjects,  including small claims, landlord-tenant  disputes, welfare, UIC, WCD, employer-  employee relations, and uncontested  divorces. For clinic times and locations,  call (604) 822-5791.  :ht for.  § I   OUR COMMUNITIES!  OUR PUBLIC SERVICES!  A message- from the Public Service Alliance of Canada   •   (604) 430-5631  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 Bulletin Board  SUBMISSIONS  CHILDREN OF EXILE  Carol Camper, creator and editor of  Miscegenation Blues: Voices of Mixed  Race Women, is seeking submissions  for an anthology of women and men of  colour who were raised in white families or institutions, tentatively titled  Children of Exile. Essays, articles,  letters, journals, artwork, photography,  interviews, et cetera are welcomed.  Send submissions to Carol Camper c/o  Sister Vision Press, PO Box 217, Stn E,  Toronto, ON, M6H 4E2. Deadline is Jan  30.  SPIRIT MATTERS  Seeking personal essays/ stories from  lesbians and gays for Spirit Matters:  When Being Lesbian or Gay Is a  Spiritual Path. For detailed submission  guidelines, send self-addressed  stamped envelope to D. Douglas, Spirit  Matters, Suite 664,101-1001 W Broadway, Vancouver, BC, V6H 4E4. Deadline is Feb 15.  QUEERWORKS  Out West Performance Society, Vancouver's first professional lesbian and  gay theatre company, is calling for  submissions of queer-themed scripts to  produce in their 97-98 season. Everything from 15-minute plays to evening-  length scripts will be considered and  works which have not been produced  before are of special interest. Send  Bed & Breakfast  A Beautiful Place  Centre yourself  in the comfort and tranquility  of B.C.'s Super Natural  Gulf Islands.  Healthy Breakfasts  Hot Tub & Sauna  5 acres of forested  foot paths with ponds  ocean and mountain views  A Memorable Escape  (604) 537-9344  1207 Beddis Road,  Salt Spring Island, B.C. V8K 2C8  SUBMISSIONS  scripts to The Dramaturgical Committee, Out West Performance Society, PO  Box 93582, Nelson Park Postal Outlet,  Vancouver, BC, V6E 4L7. Include SASE  and sufficient postage if you would like  your script returned. All submissions  will receive a written response. Deadline is Dec 15.  ESSSAY COMPETITION  The National Association of Women  and the Law (NAWL) announces its  Eleventh Annual Essay Competition  with the theme Access to Justice:  Moving from Words to Action. All  students at recognized post-secondary  Canadian institutions are welcome to  apply. Papers may be written in either  English or French, must be 2,500-  10,000 words, submitted on 8 112 x 11"  paper, typewritten and double-spaced.  At least three copies should be sent.  Prizes are $500, $300 and $100 for 1st,  2nd and 3rd place. Send submissions  to: NAWL, 604-1 Nicholas St, Ottawa,  ON, K1N 7B7. For more info contact  NAWL at (613) 241 -7570 or at the  above address. Deadline is May 31.  BRONWEN WALLACE AWARD  The Writers' Development Trust is  calling for submissions of short fiction  prose (under 2,500 words) for the  Bronwen Wallace Award. Respecting  the wishes of Bronwen Wallace, writers  must be under 35. As well, they should  be unpublished in book form, but have  had their work appear in at least one  independently edited magazine or  anthology. Prize is $1,000. Send  submissions by mail to: The Bronwen  Wallace Award, c/o The Writers' Development Trust, 24 Ryerson Ave, Suite  201, Toronto, ON, M5T 2P3. Deadline is  Jan 15.  INTERNATIONAL ANTHOLOGY  Sister Vision Press in Toronto is seeking submissions for the First International Anthology of Lesbians, Bisexuals  and Gay Men of African Descent. The  anthology is intended to make links and  cross boundaries of culture, language,  geography, history, home, identity and  gender. Sister Vision is looking for  testimonies, short stories, essays,  photographs, recipes, interviews and  poetry. Send contributions to Sister  Vision Press, PO Box 217, Stn E,  Toronto, ON, M6E 4E2. Deadline is Jan  31.  BREAST CANCER CONFERENCE  The first World Conference on Breast  Cancer to be held at Queen's University in Kingston, ON next July is seeking submission for paper presentations  and workshops. Topics to be addressed  include prevention, medicine, genetics,  lesbians and breast cancer, alternative  therapies, environmental links, law  among others. For more info contact:  Janet Collins, Executive Director, World  Conference on Breast Cancer, 841  Kingston, ON, K7L 1G7; tel: (613) 549-  1118; fax: (613) 549-1146. For background info on the conference, visit its  website at:  Breast_Cancer.hmtl.  j^KP9|  y  /  CLASSIFIEDS  COUNSELLING FOR WOMEN  A feminist approach to sexual abuse,  depression, grief and loss, sexual  orientation issues and personal growth.  Sliding fee scale. Free initial appointment. Call Susan Dales, RPC, at 255-  9173.  WOMEN'S SELF-DEFENSE  Women Educating in Self-defense  Training (WEST) teaches Wenlido. In  Basic classes, you learn how to make  the most of mental, physical and verbal  skills to get away from assault situations. Continuing training builds on  basic techniques to improve physical  and mental strength. By women, for  women. For info, call 876-6390.  HOUSE FOR RENT  A furnished house in Victoria is available to rent from January-July 1997.  Rent is $1,000 per month plus utilities.  Five minutes from downtown. LR, DR,  2 bedrooms and a study/bedroom,  fireplace, garden, quiet street, close to  schools. Non-smokers. Call Michele at  (604)721-7293.  SUZO HICKEY  Let Me Go Down in the Mud,  Vancouver-based artist Suzo  Hickey's series of paintings will  be exhibited from January 21 to  February 8 at the grunt gallery,  116-350 E. 2nd Ave, Vancouver.  The opening reception will be  held on January 21 at 8pm.  Hickey's paintings, which incorporate humorous and conversational text, explore the intersection of lesbian motherhood,  aging and popular culture. For  more information call (604) 875-  9516. Photo by Rachel Rocco.  CLASSIFIEDS  CITYVIEW CO-OP  Cityview Co-op has one, two and three  bedroom suites for $565, $696, $795  per month and refundable share  purchase. Carpets, blinds, appliances,  parking and laundry room. Children  and small pets welcome. Please send a  business size SASE to Membership  Committee, Cityview Housing Co-op,  108-1885 E. Pender St, Vancouver, BC,  V5L1W6.  PRO-CHOICE PRESS  Subscribe to Pro-Choice Press, the BC  Coalition for Abortion Clinics' quarterly  bulletin with news and information on  the fight for abortion rights. $10 per  year for individuals; $25 for groups-  includes membership in the Coalition.  To subscribe, write to 219-1675 W. 8th  Ave, Vancouver, BC, V6J 1V2; call  (604) 736-2800; or fax: (604) 736-2152.  WOMEN  IN PRINT  BOOKS & OTHER MEDIA  Discountsjor  book clubs  ,   3566 West 4th Avenue  ♦  Vancouver BC  Special orders  Voice   604 732-4128  welcome  Fax      604 732-1129  m 10-6 Daily ♦  12-5 Sunday  DECEMBER/JANUARY 1997 i 4/97  .IBRARY PROCESSING CTR - SERIALS  £0& EAST MflLL, U.B.C.  'ANCOUVER, BC V&T 1Z8  Life without Kinesis  can be wrenching.  Fix it with a  subscription  One year  D$20 +$1.40 GST  Two years  D$36 + $2.52 GST  Institutions/Groups  D$45 +$3.15 GST  Name"  □ Cheque enclosed  D Bill me  D New  D Renewal  D Gift  D Donation  For individuals who can't afford the full amount g  for Kinesis subscription, send what you can. *  Free to prisoners. J?  Orders outside Canada add $8. i  Vancouver Status of Women Membership g  (includes Kinesis subscription) f  D$30 +$1.40 GST I  Address—  Country   Telephone _  Postal code_  Fax   Published ten times a year by the Vancouver Status of Women  #301 -1720 Grant Street Vancouver, BC V5L 2Y6


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