Kinesis Apr 1, 1979

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 VSW  1090 West 7th Ave  Vancouver  V6H tDO  LOTS  MOR€  IHSID€  Human Rights Commission: has Allan Williams gone berserk?  VSW Funding: $75,000 worth of crumbs  Buy a Women's Building  Defend the SFU 18  Picking off "radicals" in Oakalla  Saving Grace  Taking Back Birthing  Ask Your Candidate  SPECIAL FEATURE ON PROSTITUTION  AND PORNOGRAPHY  Rising of the Women in Iran  NAC: Should we put our energies into it?  Gyn-ecology  SUBSCRIBE TO KINESIS!  Published By Vancouver Status of Women  1090 West 7th Ave, Vancouver   V6H 1B3  Subscriber Only _  Member/Subscriber  AMOUNT ENCLOSED:  29  30  33  Subs are $8/year Individual (or what you can afford), $15/year Institutions.  VSW membership is by donation. Please remember that VSW operates on  inadequate funding — we need member support!  IVIN^LljId APRIL - MAY '79  Vancouver Status of Women  Getting ouselves a women's building  Special 12 page feature on  Prostitution and Pornography KINESIS APRIL/MAY 79     1  FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS ABUSED  Allan Williams is responsible  Is Allan Williams serious?  The B.C.Human Rights Commission, appointed last August by the Socred  Cabinet, is reponsible to Labour Minister Allan Williams.  The Commission's mandate is to conduct educational activities which  promote the principles of the B.C.  Human Rights Code and encourage  awareness of fundamental freedoms.  There are 12 members of the Human  Rights Commission, two of whom are  women. The Commission does not enforce the Code. That's the job of  the Human Rights Branch.  Meet four prominent members of this  group which protects our human rights:  Ted Pearce  Ted Pearce, a New Westminister lawyer.  At a recent meeting, Pearce suggested  that the Commission should have a  take a gay-out-to-lunch     day. That  one won him a barrel of laughs.  When discussing the location for the  Commission's next meeting, the Devonshire Hotel on Georgia Street, Pearce  quipped, good,   that's where all the  girls are.  He could have been alluding to an  incident earlier this year, when  a judge was seen picking up a prostitute outside that hotel.  Neil Vant  Meet the Rev.Neil Vant, an Anglican  minister from 100 Mile House.  Homosexuals should not be appointed  as teachers, said Vant, because when  they can't find consenting adults  they sometimes prey on others.  I've consulted with members of the  RCMP on this matter.  Homosexuals  have been known to be prone to assaulting children,  Vant told Colonist reporter Stephen Hume.  Gay people, says the Rev.Vant, should  have the same rights as everybody  else, but with some reservations in  some areas and some institutions...  Tradition and Scripture say there is  no room for a homosexual to take a  position of leadership...   When you  go back to the Scriptures and Scriptural tradition,  it seems to me that  homosexuality is very abnormal.  You  would almost label them as sick people.  Vant added that, as a member of the  Commission, he is going to get the  bottom of this homosexuality business:  As a member of the Human Rights Commission,  I will write to the Primate,  Archbishop   (Edward) Scott,   to ask  to release the House of Bishops ' complete study on sexuality.   There are  a lot of things that are not understood  by the average man on the street about  homosexuality.   For example,   is it inherited? Is it a product of the environment?  Jock Smith  Meet Jock Smith, of Surrey, president  of the metropolitan branch of the B.C.  School Trustees Association.  Smith is a member of the Surrey School  Board, which has twice been caught  violating the B.C.Human Rights Code.  In March 1976, Smith was chairperson  of the Surrey School Board when it  was ordered to drop its restrictions  for employment. The Board had been  advertising for a principal who adhered to "Judeo Christian principles."  Again, in July 1978, the Surrey School  Board was found guilty of discrimination, this time on the basis of sex.  Smith was among school board members  strongly opposed to extending disability benefits to pregnant teachers.  We or en't discriminating against anybody because I don't know any man who  can get pregnant,   said Smith, after  the Board of Inquiry had ordered the  Surrey School Board to pay a teacher  $3,609 in benefits she had been denied  because of her pregnancy-related sickness.  Only one month after that ruling, Smith,  veteran of two violations of the Code,  was sitting on the Human Rights Commission.  Louis Checov  Meet Dr. Louis Checov, an industrial  psychologist.  Louis Checov was a Super-Valu stores  appointee on a board which ruled against women employees of Super Valu  who had laid charges of sex discrimination.  At the recent Commission meeting, it  was Checov who received a letter from  Socred MLA for Vancouver South, Stephen  Rogers. In that letter, Rogers complained that the Human Rights Branch had  control over the Human Rights Branch.  It leaked out after that Commission  meeting that the Commission wants the  Branch to seek its permission before  recommending to Labour Minister Allan  Williams that Boards of Inquiry be  set up.  If the Commission were to gain control  of the Branch, and muzzle its teeth,  it would be all over for human rights  in B.C.  What is Labour Minister Allan Williams  going to do about the Commission members who abuse the principles of the  Code which they have been appointed  to uphold?  In a recent interview (with Stephen  Hume, Colonist reporter) Williams said  it 's up to the present commissioners  whether they should resign.  If they  decide to resign,  it's their choice.  Is he concerned about the reports of  sexist, snide jokes at the Commission  meeting? If the reports are true,  I was certainly troubled.  Is he troubled enough to do anything  at all to defend the Human Rights  Code? It is his legislated responsibility.  What has the Commission been up to  since its appointment last August?  It has not taken a single stand on  a human rights issue. Williams says  that it is an independent body which  Human Rights Commission  is a travesty  been using "big brother tactics" against  Hayden Killam, an employer accused of  discrimination on the basis of sex.  Ted Pearce appeared to agree with the  employer's point of view, describing  the complainant's case as garbage.  Jock Smith also disappoved of the complaint against Killam, calling it  nonsense.  A Board of Inquiry has subsequently  ruled that Hayden Killam had been in  violation of the Human Rights Code.  Norrie Preston, of the Victoria Status  of Women Action Group (SWAG) was at  the meeting. She found the ignorance  of the Commission members appalling.  They just sat there and joked and  jocked around.  I couldn't believe it.  It was just an old boys' club.  Apart from the overt hostility towards  the complainant in the Killam case,  Preston says, the meeting was littered  with snide remarks about women and gay  people. At one point, Ted Pearce said  of women sports reporters in locker  rooms that the men should have the  right to throw them the hell out of  there.  With Pearce, Vant, Smith and Checov  guarding our human rights in B.C.,  who needs bigots?  And that's not all. Plans are apparently afoot for the Commission to gain  works at its own speed.  In February, the Commission decided  that it wouldn't say anything about  Municipal Affairs Minister Bill Vander Zalm's reference to Quebec Premier Rene Levesque as a frog.  Williams has been quoted as saying  that he will meet with members of  the Commission early in May, at which  time they will presumably tell him  their side of the story.  Make sure Williams knows where you  stand. VSW has written to Williams,  saying that we are outraged that  the body responsible for the promotion  of human rights in the province  should deal with the issues involved  in so flippant a manner.  If your government is in fact serious  about promoting equality for women in  B.C.,  we believe that your only option  is to disband the current membership  of the Commission and appoint individuals who are truly representative  of those groups concerned with human  rights...any other alternative will  indicate to us that the Commission  is nothing more than a sham designed  to hide what is,  in fact, a total  disregard for the status of women  and minority groups in B.C.  Shoot a letter off to Allan Williams,  Minister of Labour, Parliament Build-  ings, Victoria. M   'ñ† 2'  KINESIS •APR-flVMAY'W-  GETTING PEANUTS  Without your support, we'd have been dumped  Last month, we still had not heard  about funding from the Provincial  Secretary's department.  We spent some extremely anxious weeks  contemplating the fate of the Vancouver Status of Women if we didn't  receive any core funding. The uncertainly of the situation affected  us all—I don't think we realized  how much until after we heard from  Victoria.  When the election was called, and the  legislature dissolved our worst fears  were realized.  The government could  argue that the necessary procedure  to ensure funding could not be carried  out because the house was not sitting.  We would have to wait until the house  sat after the election on May 11.  We were contemplating keeping the  office running and getting Kinesis  out for this time voluntarily, because we realized the importance of  not closing down.  Financially, this was going to be a  problem, but we hoped an appeal to  our members and supporters would ensure that the rent would be paid. We  had been trying several times a day  to get in contact with the Provincial  Secretary's office—for weeks—and  so had some of our members.  Government officials refused to talk to us  We were planning to visit Curtis in  his constituency office.  Then on Friday, April 6 we received  a letter from Victoria.  In it,  Hugh Curtis announced that we were to  receive $75,000 for our expenses for  the fiscal year April 1979 to March  1980.  This is the same amount we have received each year for the last three  years. We had informed him that our  rent and office expenses had doubled  with the relocation. (One wonders '  if ministers have any idea of the  costs of running an office. Do they  ever buy stamps or check over invoices, or notice the price of typewriter ribbons?)  It is all of you out there who ,  wrote letters, made phone calls, and  sent telegrams who are responsible  for our receiving any funding at all.  Without your visible support (according to the grape vine one letter is  reckoned to be the equivalent of 10  votes),  I am sure we would not have  been funded.  It would have been a  very convenient time to have gotten  rid of us altogether. .  The word we heard from Victoria was  that the minister was surprised at  the number of angry women in the  province. Now seems to be an excellent time to let MLA's know that  we will not go away.  We must let them know that we do not  think they are taking the needs of  We also need a three-drawer filing  cabinet for our reference library.  If anyone could donate these to VSW  we would be most appreciative. We"  could also use the labor of a few  dedicated feminists to get our library  functioning more effectively.  We havt  a lot of material that needs to be  filed, magazines to be cross-referenced, and Hansards to be read and  checked.  Secondly, we are calling  for people to stand on the executive  of VSW.  One of the priorities this year will  be fund-raising, and we need women  with energy and ideas to ensure that  §  women in this province seriously. We  need more transition houses, we need  more daycare, more jobs for women,  a greater commitment to our needs.  We are more than half the population;  and we pay a lot of money in taxes.  We at Vancouver Status of Women thank  you for'your support in all its various forms. We have now moved, and  have just about got the new office  space together. We are asking again  for your support.  We do not want to  decrease our services any further.  Firstly, we need some office equipment. We desperately need a new  typewriter. And we urgently need an  answering service.  we do find additional sources of  money.  If you are interested, please  contact members of the nominating  committee: Debra at the office (736-  1313), Darlyne(434-7478) or Sandra  (681-9844). The one constitutional  requirement is that you be a member  of VSW in good standing for at least  six months.  Thank you for your  wonderful support  It is necessary for us in the office  to know that we have it. Your letters  have indeed been encouraging—and an  inspiration. g  How will Kinesis survive this year?  How will Kinesis survive?  It's time to look seriously at the  funding for Kinesis.  We received news last week that our  grant proposal for the Vancouver  Status of Women was approved for  than- two thirds of our necessary  It is clear that we cannot,  at Kinesis  The Provincial Secretary 's department  gave VSW $75,000.    The same as  last  year,  and the year before that.    Not  even a five per cent increase.  The implications for Kinesis are not  good.  ■During the past year,  our supply and  printing costs have risen by nine  per cent.    Postage has increased  recently.  As a result of having to move VSW's  rent,  heat and hydro have DOUBLED.  continue to rely on government funding.  We are therefore looking at funding  strategies which could help us stand  on our own feet.    And we have a plan:  Become a sustaining subscriber  Whether or not you can make an immediate contribution, we urge you to join  our sustainer system.     This will be  the backbone of our long-range survival.  A SUSTAINING MEMBER has a personal  commitment to keeping Kinesis alive.  Kinesis sustainers contribute $50 a  year in 10 monthly installments of  $5  (or any version thereof),  or in  a lump sum.  Sustainers receive their own subscription free, along with complimentary  trial subscriptions for their friends.  Equally important is our goal to  DOUBLE THE NUMBER OF SUBSCRIBERS  TO KINESIS AND MEMBERS OF VSW from  1,000 to 2,000.  To do this, we need to develop a  distribution network for Kinesis.  This is time-consuming and we are  looking for resources.  Only new subscribers,  steady sustainers and better distribution  can get Kinesis through 1979 and into the 1980's.  Policies of government cutbacks and  economic recession have meant that  for many, B. C.  feminists,  Kinesis is  their only access to a public voice  within the media.  We need that voice now more than ever.  Help us keep Kinesis alive. KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79   3  TAKE THE MONEY AND RUN  Let's greet the 80's with our own women's building!  Can you imagine a women-run, multi-use  facility which could include the  following services:  -Meeting areas   -Cultural areas  -Banquet/dance/benefit facilities  -Childcare facilities -Office space  -Recreational facilities  -Centralized information services  -Restaurant area  On Monday, April 2 a group of women  met to form a coordinating committee  whose central objective is the purchase of a women-run facility for  people.  The B.C. government has  announced a plan to give away free  shares in the B.C. Resources Investment Corporation.  We can invest these BCRIC shares into building a resource for ourselves.  This plan can be our means of counteracting the low priority the recent  government has given to services for  women.  How financing would work  The government has allotted five free  BCRIC shares per citizen.  Everyone's  five BCRIC shares pooled collectively  with 3,000 other people and held in  a trust, provides collateral for the  down payment of the purchase of a  building.  An Example:  - 3,000 people donate five shares =  15,000 shares.  Each share is worth $6 = $90,000  Seventy-five per cent of this collateral trust could be borrowed against  for a down payment - 75 per cent X  $90,000 = $67,500 down payment.  With a $67,500 down payment we could  purchase a building worth $270,000  and mortgage the remaining 75 per  cent.  In order to short circuit government  dependency, monthly mortgage payments  would be met by short/long term  leasing of space within the building.  At a time when we are all suffering  from government cutbacks in essential  services like crisis centres for women, daycare and others, it is ex-,  citing to have the chance to build  upon our own resources!  This would mean an end to insecurities  caused by lease renewal and unsympathetic landlords; which for example,  has been a recent difficulty for Vancouver Status of Women.  Who is eligible?  Every Canadian citizen (woman, man  and child) resident in B.C. for the  previous 12 months is eligible to receive five shares with a face value  of $30 per individual.  If you choose to donate your shares  or your family's shares, fill out  the attached pledge card and return  it to:  Women's Building Trust,  P.O Box 66017,  Station F  Vancouver, B.C.  V5N 5L4  ph: Paulette Roscoe: 251 1596  BCRIC share applications are available from now until June 15, 1979 at  credit unions, banks, trust companies  and financial institutions.  In the  Lower- Mainland area, we encourage  those of you who can to apply at  CCEC Credit Union, 205 East 6 Ave.,  Vancouver. You will be required to  produce two of the following three  pieces of ID: B.C. drivers license;  social insurance number or B.C. medical card.  Senior citizens require  only their Pharmacare card.  If you  do not have two of the above pieces  of identification, you can go to your  nearest motor vehicle branch and fill  out an appeal form.  What if I don't live in town?  While there may not be many direct  advantages to individuals in rural  areas, you will benefit by:  - The collective pooling of BCRIC  shares gives us a voting block in  the BCRIC Corporation affairs;  - Women's groups and services will  benefit by becoming their own landlords;  - The effect of depending on government funding will be minimized.  What do I do now?  Pledge your shares to the Women's  Building Trust and make your application for your BCRIC shares before  June 15, 1979.  We need money to carry on this publicity campaign and to increase the  trust fund.  If you want to donate,  let us know.  Some of the groups represented on the coordinating committee  are:  Vancouver Status of Women  Vancouver Health Collective  B.C. Federation of Women    'ñ†  How we can get  a women's  building:  BCRIC  by BCRIC  Hiyou Muckamuck/Barb Wood  The dirt on the funny money  Emile Bjarnson  The assets of the B.C. Resources Investment Corporation consist of 80  per cent of the shares of Canadian  Cellulose Co., 100 per cent of  Plateau Mills and Kootenay Forest  Products and 10 per cent of West-  coast Transmission plus some oil and  gas lands.  These assets are said to  be worth $151,000. At an optimistic  estimate, the annual profits might  total $15,000,000.  Assuming that all citizens accept  their free shares, the total of  these comes to $12,000,000.  But, in  addition, each citizen is offered the  right to buy 5,000 additional shares  at prices reduced below underlying  value.  If only one citizen in 1,000 buys  the minimum of 100 shares required  for registration and voting rights,  the total outstanding shares will be  diluted to about $1.  At the 1978 rate of dividend payout,  shareholders could expect dividends  of about 35c per share, or a total  income of $1.75 from their five  shares.  That assumes, however, that the profits will be the same as in the past.  BCRIC will now have the additional  bookkeeping cost of handling more  than 2 million shareholders.  It will cost about $250,000 just to  mail out Bennett's introduction letter.  Dealers' fees for handling  share applications is $5, a total of  $12,000,000 if everyone applies.  Bennett is offering to sell  5,000 shares to any individual at $6  per share.  This puts a ceiling on the market  price of the shares. It also means  that by the time 12 million shares  have been sold, a relatively small  number of investors will have gained  ownership of $150 million worth of  net assets.  Bennett is making a gift, sure enough.  But the gift is worthless in the  hands of the initial recipients; ordinary working citizens. The ultimate beneficiary will be the private  capitalists who will buy, at fire  sale prices, the resources belonging  to the people of ,B.C.  DERA newsletter,  April   '79i 4    KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79  AUCE  Defend the Simon Fraser 18!  The Simon Fraser University Defence  Fund Committee is organizing support  for the 18 picketers arrested March  22 when police attacked the AUCE 2  picket line.  The attack followed an AUCE (Association of University and College Employees) Local 2 support rally.  AUCE  2 was on full strike at SFU from March  8 until April 20, when union and management agreed to take the dispute  to an industrial inquiry commission.  Participants in that March 22 rally  included representatives of other  unions, the B.C. Federation of Women,  SFU Faculty and students as well as  AUCE members.  Those arrested, including nine members of six unions and two representatives of Simon Fraser Student Forum,  are charged with "obstructing a  police officer in the execution of  his duty," a criminal charge carrying a maximum of two years imprisonment upon conviction.  The rally began peacefully at 10:00  a.m. with music and speeches in support of AUCE's fight against the SFU  administration.  Evan Alderson, spokesperson for Concerned Faculty, told  the crowd, "the university can't proceed as normal."  He was right.  At 11:30 a.m. John  Fryer, president of the BCGEU (B.C.  Government Employees Union), predicted, the only way the strike is  going to be settled is if we shut  it  (SFU) down.     I'm going out in the  middle of the roadway now. "  He was accompanied by a number of  other trade unionist supporters of  AUCE and several students.  Spontaneously, about 200 people formed  a circular picket, blocking traffic  and changing, they say cutback,  we  say fight back.  Within minutes, RCMP arrived.  Although the student spokesperson had  advised the demonstrators merely to  slow the traffic, the RCMP cut off  all upbound traffic to SFU.  The  group on the road kept moving, while  the police, now numbering about 30,  watched them.  At about two o'clock, the first demonstrator was dragged into a waiting  police van. At about the same time,  traffic was allowed once more to move  up the hill, pressuring the line.  Police removed their hats, identifying tags and ties. And moved in.  They shut off the public address  system used for the rally.  The megaphone used by a student picketer was  knocked out of his hands by the  police when they moved against the  line.  Without verbal warning, the police  began pushing and shoving the demonstrators.  One woman lost consciousness when she was punched in the face  by a police officer.  One man arrested  suffered concussion from being hit  on the head by police.  RCMP picked  off, head-locked and dragged demonstrators to the waiting paddy wagon.  A spokesperson for the SFU 18 Defence  Committee commented:  The AUCE 2 strike occurs in response  to cuts in wages,  education and other  social services by the SFU administration and the provincial government.  The police actions,  and the harsh injunction obtained by SFU management  against AUCE 2 and its supporters set  a dangerous precedent in this general  offensive against the rights of all  workers,  especially women and public  sector workers.  We are asking all concerned groups  and individuals to write to the  Attorney General of B.C.,  the Burnaby  RCMP,  and SFU president George Ped-  erson demanding that the charges  against the 18 arrested be dropped.  And we are asking for donations to  the SFU 18 Defence Fund, c/o AUCE  Provincial, Suite 901,  207 West  Hastings,   Vancouver. B. C. ■  Anti-labour connection  Why was the Board of Governors obstructing the settlement of the AUCE  2 contract? Who is on the board, and  whose interests do they represent?  In response to these questions, the  Student Strike Support Committee  (SSSC) took the battle off the hill  and into the city on April 3.  Because two members of the Board of  Governors at SFU are also members of  the Employers' Council of B.C., the  SSSC organized an informational picket of the council offices.  The two  are Bill Hamilton and C.B. MacDonald,  president and vice-president, respectively, of the Employers' Council.  The council, predictably, has a sorry  record when it comes to labor.  It  is in favor of extending the UIC  qualifying period from 12 to 16 weeks.  But it is against including cost of  living clauses in contract settlements .  The SSSC unearthed the following in  formation about Hamilton:  * In 1972, he presented a brief to  a provincial inquiry on labor relations which advocated that gover-  ment employees should not be allowed  to strike at all.  * In 1975 he was a keynote speaker  at the founding convention of the Independent Contractors and Businessmen's Association, which presses for  "right to work" laws.  * In 1978, when the Pacific Press  strike began, Hamilton organized an  ad boycott of the union paper, The  Express.  Hamilton is on the Labor Relations  Committee of the Board of Governors,  the groups responsible for negotiating with the union.■  AUCE strike  By taking the dispute to an industrial  inquiry commission, AUCE Local 2 members have forced the administration to  back down on the issue of wage  "comparability." That's a bit of  a win.  The SFU administration had told the  union that it was determined to bring  AUCE wages into line with the market  for clerical and technical employees.  Comparability meant lower wages for  unionized workers, not higher wages  for non-unionized workers.  But as they go into the industrial  inquiry commission, neither side can  set conditions. Therefore, a vital  element of administration's offensive  has had to be abandoned.■ KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79    5  AUCE STRIKE  Threat to squash women's  committee backfires  Barb Findlay  The Law Students Association has  failed in its attempt to disband the  Women's Committee, and the existence  of the committee is now entrenched  in the Constitution of the Law Students  Association.  The executive of the Law Students  Association have been upset at some  of the activities of the women's  committee recently.  The committee  were active in March in speaking out  against the Lady Godiva ride at UBC.  This annual abomination is organized  by engineering students, and "features"  a naked woman on horseback parading  across campus. Arlene Francis, a  law student, announced that women  were organizing to monitor the ride  for any breach of the Criminal Code,  including assault or trespass.  Rumor had it that the ride was  scheduled for International Women's  Day, and that part of the plan was  the invasion of the women's office  at UBC. The ride in fact occurred  on March 7.  The law students were incensed that  Francis was taking a position publicly against the ride. Francis is  also the external vice-president of  the Law Students Association, the  LSA's representative on the overall  student body.  Though Francis had not spoken in her  capacity as external vice president,  a recall meeting was held and a  petition circulated to have her removed from that position.  Posters  appeared at the law school, some of  which were obscene, "denouncing"  and deriding Francis' actions. The  recall petition failed.  The Women's Committee was also under  fire for having organized the second  annual Clara Brett Martin Memorial  dinner, in honor of Canada's first  AUCE agrees  AUCE has agreed to go to an industrial  inquiry commission. Striking Local  2 AUCE members, workers at Simon Fraser University, returned to work  Tuesday April 24.  Neither AUCE local 2 nor the SFU  administration can bring any preconditions to the inquiry commission,  so their final result remains in  the balance.  For more than a week, AUCE 2 contract committee met with the deputy assistant to the Minister of  Labour, Doug Cameron, and the  Head of Mediation Services, Gus  Leonaidas, together with Bill Yuil  of the university's negotiating  team.  A letter of agreement was drawn  up, which AUCE 2 members endorsed  at a meeting Thursday, April 19.  Both sides have agreed that the  decision of the inquiry commission  will be binding. ■  woman lawyer.  It was (what could be  worse?) for women only.  In response to these actions of the  Women's Committee, the executive of  the LSA decided that the committee  should cease to exist, and disbanded  the committee by executive motion.  The threat to peace, order and good  government of the law students was  clearly very great for the executive  to have taken such an action! The  effect of their action was to deprive  the Women's Committee of any funds to  operate.  Undaunted, the Women's Committee called  a special meeting of the whole Law  Students Association. The women wanted  to reconstitute the Women's Committee  and overrule the executive.  Though the meeting was called after  classes were finished (a time when  law students are ordinarily as scarce  as a cheap divorce) 280 law students  showed up for the meeting. The meeting passed a special resolution entrenching the Women's Committee in  the constitution of the Law Students  Association. ■  UIC told to back off  Maternity incentives upheld  AUCE (Association of University and  College Employees) won an important  victory for working women March 15  when a Federal Court Judge ruled  that their maternity incentive provisions are legitimate.  AUCE contracts with both Simon Fraser  University and the University of B.C.  contain'arrangements for women to  collect incentive bonuses when they  return to work following their maternity leave.  The Unemployment Insurance Commission  accused AUCE of "topping up," and of  collecting twice: once from UIC under  their maternity leave benefits and  again from the employer.  Since early 1976, UIC has been demanding its money back from AUCE members who have received the maternity  incentive. They were going after  100 women for sums ranging from  $1,200 to $2,000.  Justice Hugh Gibson ruled that UIC  cannot force the AUCE workers to repay any of their UI' benefits because  the incentive bonus refers to the  period when the woman has returned to  her job, not to the period during  which she was collecting unemployment  insurance.  It has, therefore, nothing to do with UIC.  Allan McLean, AUCE lawyer, pointed  out that the maternity incentive bonuses encouraged skilled workers to  return to their jobs.  UIC lawyers  argued that the payment did not refer to the period following return  to work but to the period of maternity leave.  Gibson found the UI version incorrect.  SFU women must be back on the job for  two months before they receive the  incentive. At UBC, the union had to  repay the incentive to management if  the worker quit within six months,  even though she received the incentive immediately upon return to work.  Other unions will be looking at AUCE's  incentive bonus and fighting for similar provision in their own contracts.  UIC may appeal.■  GATE MOVE  TIMELY  GATE (Gay Alliance Towards Equality)  will run a candidate in Allan Williams' riding (Vancouver Centre-  Little Mountain). This means that  the minister will be forced to explain his attitudes towards the  B.C.Human Rights Commission.  THIS IS AN EXCELLENT OPPORTUNITY  FOR US TO RAISE THE ISSUE. Find  out when the all-candidates meetings are in the Williams' riding  and attend them, to support GATE  and to question Williams. ■  FOR  PRESS GANG'S  BENEFIT  This year, a ticket to our  Benefit entitles you to a quiet  evening to yourself, at home.  We'll be at home too. From 7 pm.  on, we're having an Open House  at 603 Powell, with music by  Just Us, wine & cheese, and all  the people who got our tickets  for only $2.99 and then decided  to go out anyway. They're available at Press Gang, Ariel Books,  and the Women's Bookstore.  STAY HOME  MAY Ilth 6     KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79  WOMEN LOCKED AWAY  Oakalla : Conditions are bad and getting worse  Ellen Berraghon  For female prisoners at Oakalla prison  in Burnaby, conditions have worsened  considerably over the last year.  Prisoners demonstrations and sit-ins  have been followed by a crackdown on  the entire population, (both female  and male), and a special handling  unit has been set up to deal with  those women who are considered too  radical.  The definition of radical which is  held by the institution is a broad  one.  It could mean anything from  verbal self defense, to reading a  political mag, encouraging solidarity or attempting to gain freedom  from the institution.  The Proudfoot inquiry, last year,  took a close look at conditions at  the Oakalla women's unit, which  stirred much interest in the media.  Testimony by female inmates gave a  grim account of life inside.  Reports  of beatings, arbitrary punishments,  inconsistent rules and regulations,  bad food, inadequate medical facilities, and the absence of recreation  and occupational programs were some  of the complaints raised.  Subsequently, several recommendations  by Justice Patricia Proudfoot were  made, but predictably, they have not  been implemented.  Another factor in the recent developments is the change in the directorship of the women's unit.  Marie Peacock was hired a little over a year  ago, and her policies since then have  tended toward complete authoritarianism rather than the more liberal, progressive, "rehabilitative" programs.  Since the new director was hired  there has been serious chopping of  existing programs such as dances,  vocational courses, library resources,  films etc. But while these changes  affect the women the significance of  these developments are secondary to  the newly-formed units.  Unit 8  Unit 8 presently holds four women,  (five until one was recently transferred).  Essentially the five women  have been placed in Unit 8 because  they were either assertive with  guards or acting for ostensibly political reasons, i.e. doing consciousness raising among prisoners, laying  complaints or attempting to free themselves .  No official statement as to why they  have been moved to Unit 8 has ever  been given to the women.  They are kept segregated from the  other prisoners (they are not allowed to be in the same room with any  other inmate), and have been denied  privileges previously held.  The  women are handcuffed at all times  while being escorted between their  cells and to and from other areas of  the unit including visiting areas.  They cannot have 'open' visits, (all  are through a glass partition, via  telephone), access to the library,  (what remains of one), gymnasium or  the outdoors.  In short, Unit 8 is a form of solitary confinement, with the same exception of the work schedule.  Clearly the administration sees any  self-assertive behaviour as a threat  to the 'peace and good order of the  institution' and will go to any measure to ensure total control.  Screws Tightening  In the winter of last year prisoners  banded together to protest the fact  that two prisoners who had recently  arrived were receiving no treatment  for their heroin habit.  They staged  a strike and a sit-in-.  Since then,  security has been tightened in all  areas and on all prisoners. No one,  save a handful of work crew has been  allowed outside for recreation or  Picking off  the "radicals"  fresh air.  Dances and other social  events have stopped. Higher fences  are being built around the whole institution.  In the meantime, there  is no indication when, or even if,  the restrictions will be lifted.  Sexism  But many things in Oakalla have not  changed.  Sexism goes hand in hand  with authority.  The women are referred to as 'the girls' or 'my girls'  and are encouraged to be passive and,  dependent on the staff.  It is no coincidence that almost all  of the 80 women in Oakalla are serving  sentences for non-violent, victimless  crimes, (drugs, fraud, prostitution).  In fact, if we look at incarcerated  women, with a feminist perspective;  it becomes clear that women are in  prison for much the same reasons that  women are prisoners in the home, with  roles as wives and mothers, and the  same reasons that cause women to be  raped and beaten and lack economic  power.  There is approximately 50  times the number of male prisoners  over female prisoners. Women commit  very few illegal acts compared to  men, and most often commit "crimes"  which serve to maintain economic  structures, or 'crime rings,' which  are themselves male controlled.  Even women who are prostitutes work  under the control and direction of  men (pimps), and for men (clients).  Like any exploited worker, the prostitute must turn over her wages to  the "boss", and the hotel which often  sponsors the business transaction,  (the trick).  Those vocational courses at Oakalla  which are considered suitable for  women include sewing and beauty  techniques.  Lesbianism inside is viewed by the  staff as socially unacceptable and  merely the act of a desperate heterosexual.  Prisoners' Rights Movement  The prisoners' rights movement, one  of the most unpopular movements in  the left community, seems to be rising out of the debris of escape attempts and prosecution reprisals.  The recent trial of Betsy Wood and  Gay Hoon was one of the most important political trials in Canada.  Prison activists, Wood and Hoon,  charged with aiding an escape and  public mischief (as a result of the  Jan/78 hostage-taking at the B.C.  Pen) were acquitted after six long  weeks in the B.C. Supreme Court.  The trial was important for several  reasons: for one, Wood, acting as  her own defense, managed to turn the  testimony of prosecution witnesses  in favor of both herself and Gay Hoon.  The corruption of the prison administration, police and the courts were  vividly revealed, and those who attended were struck by the apparent  "humanness" of the prisoners Andy  Bruce, Stephen Hall, Ralph Saumer  and others.  Traditionally, the prison movement  has focused on men at the B.C. Pen,  since it is one of the most extreme  examples of prison torture in Canada.  While solitary confinement at the B.C.  Pen is still a burning issue, solitary at Oakalla women's unit has not.  Why?  Organizing  Sexism, classism, racism are issues  the women's movement has not failed  to address. And yet, while policy on  prisons is generally given some mention in constitutions and briefs,  plans for actual organizing are usually overlooked.  Probably cultural barriers, stereotypes and fear generated by a traditional view of prisoners as unpleasant and dangerous is a large  part of the problem. The myths about  prisoners are just as dangerous and  destructive as those about women or  gay people.  While the trial of Wood and Hoon has  encouraged consciousness around the  issues of prisons, people are still  far behind in bringing a feminist  consciousness to women inside.  Feminist consciousness should be extended to the sisters behind bars because no women will be free until all  women are free, whether at work, in  the home, or locked away in prison.  For more information about a women's  support group for women in prison,  call Gayla Reid at Kinesis.a KINESIS APRIL/MAY *79   7  OUR BODIES, OURSELVES  Saving Grace: there will be no room at the inn  Joey Thompson  Doctors' and health groups' concern  over plans for the new Grace Hospital has not abated since Kinesis published an article in its Feb. 1979  issue which exposed the inadequate  facilities planned for the new building.  The story centered around the proposed plans for the new Grace which are  said to be severely-inadequate for  the women of B.C.  Dr. James King, head of obstetrics  at the old Grace Hospital (the new  one replaces it as well as Vancouver  General Hospital's Willow Pavilion),  has said that the new Grace is short  about 30 beds. This means about 2,000  women will have to find somewhere else  to go.  King said the total combined bed capacity at the old Grace and Willow accommodates about 5,500 births.  The estimated annual number of births at the  new Grace is about 3,500.  About 2,000 women will find there's  no room at the inn," King told Kinesis.  Consumers advisory groups and doctors  met with Health Minister Bob McClelland  recently.  Emily Oguss, member of the consumers  group for SPARC (Social Planning and  Review Council) told Kinesis that McClelland made it quite clear he was  not concerned about the obvious shortage.  He is reported to have said,  It's not the ministry's problem.  McClelland said the Greater Vancouver  Regional District reports that suburban hospitals have a substantial number of vacant beds.  The minister  suggested that women birth in the  smaller community hospitals.  Why birth groups object  Oguss, and many health and birth-  conscious groups object strongly  to mainstreaming expectant mothers  into Lower Mainland suburban hospitals for some very definite reasons:  Downtown hospitals offer the most  flexible care for mothers and babies,  she reports.  Community hospital facilities are limited and rules governing birthing are  more restrictive than those at Vancouver's major hospitals.  Oguss, and groups such as the Maternal Health Committee are actively  promoting the concept of hospitals  providing birthing services which  include a wide range of procedures  and methods.  Their philosophy rests  on the premise that women should and  must have a choice as to the way and  means in which their birthing is experienced.  Most hospitals, particularly smaller rural centres, do not  offer that range because of limited  funds and/or limited, conservative  administrators.  Says Oguss; There is no way these hospitals can upgrade or expand their  services.    The minister has imposed  a five per cent ceiling increase on  budgets.     With inflation this amounts  to a cut-back.    Hospitals are in no  position to do anything innovative.  Potentially it's a real panic situation.     Women will be pushing in line  to gain admittance.     Vancouver women  are not necessarily guaranteed a bed.  The clever suburban women who register  early will get in.     Yet the Vancouver  ing.  He explained that the original  plans for the Grace included two 16-  bed modules in addition to the 90-post  partum beds (26 of those are for antepartum or high risk pregnancies).  The  government shelved the module plans because of lack of money.  But Pendleton  argues that the addition, if constructed at the same time as the main building would total about $600,000.  If  the modules are added later construction will ring up a bill of about $3  million, not to mention the inconvenience to patients and staff, he said.  Bed is jigsaw puzzle  Consumer advisory groups are also  highly critical of the purchase of a  new-fangled delivery bed which fits  together somewhat like a jigsaw puzzle, says Maternal Health Committee  member Jane Corcoran.  She says the $7,000 contraption may  appeal to doctors and hospital administrators but the bed is a far cry  The minister has imposed a five per cent  ceiling.. .potentially it's a real panic situation.  Women will be pushing in line to gain  admittance.  woman who registers late will have to  go to Surrey or wherever.     This also  means she may have to change doctors,  if her GP only practises at the Grace.  McClelland, while not denying a shortage may exist is reported to have  said, it's not our job to anticipate  a problem.     It's not our responsibility  to convince women to use empty suburban beds.    It's basically up to the  doctors to change their location and  place of residence  (in a hospital).  Oguss said a band-aid solution will be  to allow some new mothers to leave  the hospital a few days earlier than  the standard five-day stay, thereby  freeing beds for new patients.  But then the government has to provide adequate homemaker care so that  these mothers receive help once they  are back at home.    The government hasn't done this nor has it promised to  do so.  Howard Pendleton, head of gynecology  at Shaughnessy, supports Kings' complaints and says the government is  engaged in some questionable politick-  from anything women might enjoy birthing on.  She and other members are  pushing for a home-like birthing center which would see women delivering  in a sunny, warm and dimly lit bedroom  devoid of much of the clinical atmosphere hospitals and delivery rooms  provide.  But, she adds, unfortunately the government would rather spend thousands  on a bed no one wants than to provide  a living and loving birthing space  for expectant mothers.  Groups have not completely thrown in  the towel on attempts to get action  from the provincial government: Pediatricians are next in line to raise  their concerns with the minister.  The hospital is scheduled for completion in 1981 and some doctors and professionals speculate that McClelland,  at zero hour, will announce that the  Willow Pavilion will stay open.  Pendleton says that's no solution:  It's an appalling building and should  be closed.    Patients should not be  put into that horrible place,  he said.  Turkey of the month  Their text, their graphic:  But, what if the wife  dies first,  while her children are still young?  The husband is faced with more than  the last illness and burial expenses.  He will have to hire a  Gay Hoon was acquitted April 9.  She was arrested for handing out  anti-solitary confinement leaflets  at Vancouver Hotel.   , .1.11 mi J I  I HI .1 .Hl.i .in- . [.. -  I i j i.■ n m—m ilium  a cleaning woman, and others, to perform the many duties previously taken  care of by the mother.  Ask your co-op insurance representative how you can create an immediate  cash fund for such an emergency. Tell  him you are interested in wife  insurance. Or, maybe we should call  it mother  insurance.  (Taken from an insurance pamphlet  distributed by Norcu Insurance Services, a subsidiary of the North  Shore Community Credit Union.) 8     KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79  BIRTHING  Vancouver conference  Reclaiming, revalidating birthing for women  Mary Burns  What a fantastic way to reclaim and  revalidate motherhood for women - a  day-long workshop with speakers like  Suzanne Arms, warm and enthusiastic  author of Immaculate Deception and A  Season to be Born, Valmai Howe Elkins,  articulate and soft-spoken childbirth educator, Director of Obstetrics at McGill University, and author of The Rights of the Pregnant Parent, Murray Enkin, associate professor of Obstetrics at McMaster University and associate editor of Birth  and the Family Journal, and Vicki  Walton, co-founder of The Birthplace  in Seattle and author of Have It  Your Way. The theme of the workshop, freedom of choice in childbirth through knowledge of alternatives, couldn't have been more exciting.  The program began with a sour note,  however, in that we were told that  our minister of health felt that  birthing choices were a frill.    We  were also told that the new Grace  Hospital will be expected to deliver  6,000 babies per year but can only  accommodate 4,000 a year.  In other  words, many Vancouver women will  have to change doctors and have their  babies in suburban hospitals where  standards are considered inferior to  those in Vancouver.  Medicalization of childbirth  The "medicalization of childbirth"  was the primary concern of Murray  Enkin, who made some interesting  statements: that electronic fetal  monitoring is used routinely, a-  larmingly increasing the rate of  cesarean births.  That according to  the medical profession, no pregnancy  is normal, except in retrospect!  Doctors treat pregnancy as a disease  because pregnant women go to doctors  and doctors treat disease.  Enkin also  indicated that 1) Shaving increases  rather than decreases infection; 2)  Although the baby emerges from the  woman's vagina, she is routinely giv- .  en an enema at a most inappropriate  time and during a most uncomfortable  period unnecessarily; 3) Birth is a'  sexual experience and not a surgical  experience; 4) Women generally give  birth in hospitals in the supine position (on back with legs raised) -  the second worst position for the laboring woman, the worst being to stand  on her head; 5) Hospital child care  is conducted without regard for the  child's natural body rhythms.  Women regaining our power  Childbirth has been turned over to  the "experts", and is in.the hands of  the medical profession. However, a  new consumer revolution is in progress  in which women are gaining control  over the management of their own labors and deliveries. Birthing is  rightfully becoming family-centred  and family-directed.  Birthing practices are shifting to reflect the  social need for bonding and social  stability rather than mobility. The  "modern M.D.eity" is being replaced  by family-directed perinatal programs.  A most stimulating concept!  Ms. Elkins, the outspoken childbirth  educator from Montreal, provided the  audience with some startling knowledge.  Cesarean rates have risen to  20 - 30 per cent in some hospitals,  with fetal heart distress being the  generally stated reason for its use.  She felt it was more the obstetrician's  distress that encouraged its use.  Early infant bonding and active participation of both parents in the  birth were felt to have a direct  bearing on active parenting skills.  Valmai has studied birthing systems  in Europe and was most impressed  with the Dutch, who have the lowest  incidence of perinatal deaths and  an effective system of personalized  births.  No woman in labour left alone  The Dutch feel that no woman should  be left alone while in labor.  She  can choose to deliver in the hospital  or have a home birth with a medical  back-up.  Fewer than 10 per cent of  the births are forceps deliveries.  I.V's and fetal monitoring are not  used because "it makes a woman anxious."  No shaves or enemas were routinely  given.  Care is given by a midwife,  especially if there is no support  person with the laboring woman. A-  bout 85 per cent of Dutch Women are  prepared for birth, as opposed to 30  per cent of Canadian women. Less  than 10 per cent require medication  and the cesarean rate is between two  and four per cent.  Infant mortality  and morbidity are the lowest in Holland. During the birth process, instructions to the laboring mother  are whispered, episiotomies are not  routine, mother, father and baby are  not separated until three or four  hours after the birth. The emphasis  is on verbal sedation and perineal  massage, good nutrition and thorough  preparation for birth.  Ms. Elkins stressed that it is important for the family to have six  rights:  1) A supportive doctor who treats  parents like adults, respecting  their choices and informing them of  effects of drugs which may be used  during labor/delivery (It has just  recently become illegal for a physician in New York to not inform his  patients of these effects).  2) The healthiest baby possible -  via nutrition, pre-natal classes and  the effects of drugs on the fetus;  3) A shared birth experience for  families, single mothers and cesarean births if the parents wish it;  4) Pre and post-partum childbirth  education;  5) Childbirth with dignity and no  procedure to be performed without  proven medical necessity;  6) Family-directed, nurturing childbirth and care.  Valmai stated that birth should be  in the same room as labor...why switch  beds at the most inappropriate moment in order to be rolled from labor room to delivery room? Silver  nitrate should not be injected into  the baby's eyes until s/he has had  the opportunity to make direct eye  contact with parents, preferably after two to three hours.  In order to have home births, she emphasized, we need to return to midwifery, a system she and other speakers emphatically supported.  Britain,  Denmark and Holland have homebirths  with midwives, as well as an effective  back-up system consisting of a medical flying squad - the ideal birthing alternative.  Beautiful birthplace in Seattle  The Birthplace in Seattle, Washington sounds beautiful! Vicki Walton,  one of its co-founders, described  the birth centre as providing for total perinatal care with nurse mid-  wives, and no physicians.  She said *'ñ† KINESIS APRIL/MAY *79 9  BIRTHING  that they practiced conservative obstetrics however, in that the nearest hospital was 2.7 miles away and  women were easily transported in  cases of complication.  Women generally are at the Birthplace  only four to six hours after birth  when they return home.  Two home  visits are made within a few days  post-partum.  After six to 10 days  parents brought the baby in for the  PKU test.  The centre also performed  six week check-ups, and is involved  in discussing contraceptives, family  planning, nutrition (with individual  counselling where necessary), early  pregnancy classes, and one-night  birth overviews for supporting persons (other than fathers), baby care,  parenting classes and breastfeeding  classes. The centre's medical backup consists of two obstetricians who  perform chart reviews, prescriptions,  and consultations; however their malpractice insurance covers only births  on university grounds (as they are  affiliated with the University of  Washington Hospital). At the Birthplace, which is located on Aurora Ave  North, women weigh themselves, dip  stick their own urine specimens, keep  their own charts, and fathers can  even learn to check their wives'  blood pressure.  The father cuts the  cord after delivery. There are almost no infections and few hemorrhages.  Since its opening May 12, 1978, there  have been 49 births at the centre,  the cesarean rate is 1.5 per cent,  the average Apgar is eight or nine  (the lowest is 5.7), 15 births were  transported to the hospital.  No de-  merol or analgesics are used. About  15 per cent of the women have episio-  tomies. The staff are all on call at  the centre which resembles an extraordinarily comfortable older home .  What a wonderful place to give birth!  Janet Quinlan conducted the workshop  entitled "Post Partum Depression."  Post partum blues  She is with Post Partum Counselling  which has been in operation since  1972.  Post-partum depression includes the third day blues as well  as post- partum psychoses.  Generally  the post-partum period covers three  years.  Often, labels determine the  treatment given women, she said.  If  you're labeled depressed, you're given valium (a side effect of which is  depression) and if you're labelled  psychotic, you could be given electric shock treatment.  Depressed women can be apathetic and  lethargic or super-agitated and busy.  Usually candidates for post-partum  depression are those women with idealistic, high expectations of motherhood, women who are on the average  older (27), high achievers, career-  minded, and about 85 per cent of the  women breastfeed their babies. They  experience a distinct' loss of self  with child and husband becoming top  priorities in their lives, with no  or little energy for themselves. An  important factor is not whether the  baby is a first, second or third,  but what is going on in the family  at the time...other family problems.  Ms. Quinland felt that one of the  best ways to alleviate possible postpartum depression was to arrange for  a reliable, nurturing babysitter during the woman's third trimester of  pregnancy - i.e., before the baby  arrives. Usually, new mothers express an intense need for mothering the demands of baby  and household responsibilities become overwhelming, a mother wants to  be held and nurtured herself.  Often,  the husband sees this as a sexual  overture and a conflict results,  with him feeling rejected and she  turning her affections toward her  baby.  Arms' film shown  Suzanne Arms' film, "Five Women,  Five Births," was shown - a film for  childbirth educators. An excellent  film (as was "An Unremarkable Birth"-  shown by Ms. Elkins).  She explained  that the move toward family-directed  births has been paralleled by an increase in technological intervention -  one of the births in the film showed  the sad results of this fact.  Ms. Arms gave a horrifying description  of her own birth experience, very similar to our own and indicated that  fear, ignorance, with resulting dependency and passivity has been overwhelming in women. And we wonder why  mothers suffer from "chronic depression!" She ended the discussion with  the challenge to us all, "They're  your babies, and your bodies."  Having a thorough knowledge of birthing alternatives can only provide us  with the freedom of choice we, as  mothers, need in the birth experience,  our female experience. ■  Four to one, it will be a cesarian section  Joey Thompson  If you are an expectant mother planning to birth at Vancouver General  Hospital you have a one in four (25  per cent) chance that your baby will  be delivered by cesarean section.  Doctors, obstetricians and consumer  health groups are alarmed at the skyrocketing incident of cesarean sections — the number has more than  tripled in the last 10 years.  Combined with forceps deliveries,  more than half of all births at VGH  are interrupted, either through surgery or forceps.  Is it necessary? Why the startling  increase?  Experts and consumers of birthing  care met recently at the Plaza 500  to attempt to answer these questions.  Dr. James King, head of obstetrics  at Vancouver's Grace Hospital, admits that doctors are performing too  many cesarian births and are using  forceps too often — while the number of forcep deliveries has stabilized over the past four years they  continue to total about 22 per cent  of all deliveries at VGH, King said.  Thus, more than half the women who  birth there experience either a  cesarian section or a forcep delivery.  Helen Marieskind, editor of Women and  Health and consultant to the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, was commissioned by the U.S.  government to examine and assess the  causes for the increase in cesarian  sections (c/s). After hundreds of  interviews with chiefs of staff at  most major hospitals in the U.S.,  Marieskind discovered that doctors  and hospital administrators are reluctant, if not resistant, to discuss the escalating rate of c/s.  After completion of the one-year  study, Marieskind complied her findings and tagged several reasons for  the high and climbing higher c/s rate  in the U.S.:  1) Fear of malpractice suits - if  problems surface during a vaginal delivery doctors feel its best to operate rather than to risk an improper  birth for which she/he could be sued  later  2) Routine repeat c/s - once a woman  has had a cesarian doctors almost  automatically take that route on a  second pregnancy.  3) Physician training does not prepare doctors; When labor problems  begin doctors immediately turn to a  c/s rather than searching for alter  natives .  4) Pressure to "obtain a perfect product" - with a declining birth rate  and an older age group having first  babies, doctors are pressured into  delivering the "premium baby."  Cesarian sections cost  5) Economic incentives - Marieskind  was careful not to imply that doctors  will arbitrarily perform c/s just because they cost three times as much  as a vaginal delivery but she did  say that the additional income does  "nothing to dissuade doctors from doing c/s.  It is, she said, a more  "profitable approach."  6) Effects of technology - fetal monitoring and other medical techniques  have been known to cause undue distress on the uterus of a laboring  mother.  7) Herpes 2 - a blister-like sore on  the penis or vagina, it is transmitted  through sexual intercourse and is  highly contagious.  Marieskind said  that Herpes 2 is on the increase in  the U.S*  Infants, she said, are or  can be affected by the disease and  can experience brain or kidney damage.  Some have died.  She said 85 per cent ► 10 KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79  BIRTHING  of Herpes 2 mothers have cesarian  sections.  8) Natural child birth classes and  a cultural pressure on women today to  have a perfect birth and a perfect  baby, something impossible to live  up to.  Marieskind said a small number of c/s are the result of mothers,  ostensibly prepared through prenatal  breathing and exercise classes, panic  in the delivery room.  With the additional stress and tension the baby  doesn't progress down the canal.  Marieskind also said that c/s support  groups, mushrooming in the U.S. fail  to ask whether the surgery was necessary in the first place.  And doctors are at fault,   she said.  It's high time they were critical of  their own profession.  Techniques such as fetal monitoring  are splashed across medical journals  and before you know it it becomes  standard practise.  She said a few doctors she interviewed actually believed that cesarean  section rates should go up to 90 per  cent. And others told her to interview so and so because, he sections  everything that walks.  Murray Enkin, associate professor of  Obstetrics, McMaster University of  Medical School, cited seven suggestions for humanizing Cesareans:  1) Knowledge before impact via prenatal classes, women's support groups.  2) Anesthesia - some women want to  be asleep while others perfer a  local.  3) Presence of partner during surgery.  Important for the mother and  father to be together - encourages  bonding with baby.  4) Period of observation of mother  and baby - they should be kept together during this time.  5) Rooming-in - mother may require  additional help but baby and parent  should not be separated.  6) Medication - k?ep it down because  it is passed through the mother's  milk to the baby.  7) Post impact phase - women who have  c/s have lost a very important experience, says Enkin.  It is important  that she be given an opportunity to  express the multitude of feelings  and this takes time.  There should  be at-home follow up. The feelings  are there and they have to be worked  out, if not it can color her future  relationship with the father, the  baby and herself, Enkin said.  The most critical advocate of the  medical system is Suzanne Arms, author of Immaculate Deception and A  Season to be Born. Arms lashed out  at the medical profession for its  disparaging terms when referring to  women and infants: A stillborn child,  she said, is fetal wastage.    That's  our attitude toward death.    And what  about an incompetent cervix - means  you just ain't good enough,   lady.  And here\s another - inadequate pelvis-  how many of you have heard that one?  Arms said subtle implications are at  work which cause women to have c/s  in a country like Canada where malpractice suits are not a threat.  These implications are anti women,  anti body and anti nature.    The implication is that your own mother is  doing it to you.  The real reason why physicians find  it easy to do cesareans is not pressure from colleagues, not fetal monitoring devices, but an unconscious  belief that women are strange, foreign  creatures who must be controlled.  Doctors feel they and they alone hold  the power over women's strange, mysterious processes.    I'm not saying any  one person hates women,  it's a long-  established cultural bias.  Arms suggested that consumer advocate  groups in addition to professionals,  should look at the misplaced anger  and resentment Cesarean women have  toward women who birth vaginally.  There is a great deal of misplaced  anger and resentment toward women  who have had home deliveries.    The  feeling is why can't or couldn't I  have a similar birthing experience?  This anger should be thrown at a  society that gives women c/s regularly thus denying them a humane  birthing experience.  We put women down when we tie them  down.  We put women down when we drug them  and deny them a birthing experience.  A woman is crippling herself when she  gives her power away to a doctor or  specialist.     We, as women, must take  that power back and say,  from now on,  we are making the decisions which affect our bodies and our lives.  Arms also pointed out that c/s babies  are more apt to be battered than babies  born vaginally.  Those interested in more information or  anyone wanting to join a support group  contact:  Vancouver Cesarean Birth Group, a task  group of the Social Planning and Review Council of B.C. (SPARC), 2210 West  12 Ave or call Rosellen Aleguire 224-  -2258. ■  We put women down when we drug them and  deny them a birthing experience.  A woman is crippling herself when she gives  her power away to a doctor or specialist. We,  as women, must take that power back   You have to be sterilized before you can get a job.  You have to be sterilized before you  can get a job at Hudson Bay copper  smelter in Flin Flon, Manitoba.  Hudson Bay Mining and Smelting Company has said that it will refuse  to employ women of child-bearing  age due to the dangers of lead-  poisoning. Five women, from age 19  to 28, who are now working in the  smelter, have been told that they  will have to take other jobs.  That  could mean a cut in pay.  From now on, the company says, they  will hire only women who can prove  they have been sterilized.  Instead of banning women from the  Flin Flon smelter,   says Pat McEvoy  of the Canadian Association of Industrial, Mechanical and Allied  Workers, the company should be reducing the risk to all workers there.  Accepted safe level of lead in the  blood is .08 milligrams per 100 grams  of blood for both women and men in  Canada.  Research by the U.S. Department of  Labor indicates that any level above  .03 milligrams can bring on sterility, miscarriage, stillbirths and  retarded children.  New U.S. rules, setting an acceptable  level at the .05 for male workers have  been challenged in U.S. courts by  representatives of the industry, who  claim that the new blood-lead level  is unnecessarily low.  Personally, I don't like U.S.  problems spilling over into Canada,  says  Walter Krywuluk, medical consultant  to Manitoba labor department. Lead  levels in the blood vary greatly in  their effect on people and I think  this is a political rather than medical problem. Maclean's info. ■ KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79    11  REPRODUCTIVE FREEDOM  Surrey hospital  Pro-Life threat  A new board of trustees for Surrey  Memorial Hospital will be elected  at its annual general meeting in  June 1979.  Residents of Surrey and  North Delta, by becoming members of  the hospital, can vote for candidates  at this meeting.  The board of trustees is empowered  to dictate hospital policy, hence  the Pro-life Society intends to bombard the meeting with their supporters  to elect candidates whose sole purpose is to ban all abortions at the  hospital.  This will include abortions done for women who have been  raped, who would be made seriously  ill if the pregnancy continued, and  abortions done when the foetus is  severely genetically abnormal.  If this group wins a majority other  sinister consequences may follow —  it is possible that procedures such  as tubal ligations, vasectomies, and  IUD insertions may be prohibited at  the hospital.  Sound far-fetched?  Well, in 1976 the Pro-life Society  submitted a brief to members of the  legislative assembly of B.C.  This  brief included a list of 18 recommendations such as "include in the  provincial school curriculum courses  in human biology which cover the  study of prenatal human life,"  "withdrawal of provincial funding  of any organization engaged in promoting or procuring abortions." Not  ONE of those 18 recommendations  dealt with the subject of birth control - there was no appeal to the  government for better spread of contraceptive information throughout  the province.  At last year's meeting a Pro-Life  candidate was elected, two others  were defeated by a mere 14 votes,  and another was appointed to the  board by the B.C. government after  his defeat at hospital elections the  previous year.  Out of 11 trustee positions, six are  open for election this year.  Pro-  life supporters will swamp the meeting and, if their candidates are  voted in, they will take over the  board.  You can prevent this by becoming a  member and voting for candidates  opposing the Pro-life slate.  To be  eligible you must reside in Surrey  or North Delta and be 19 years of  age or older.  Application forms are available at  the administration office, Surrey  Memorial Hospital, and at the Vancouver Status of Women, 1090 W 7 Ave.  in Vancouver. Forms must be returned  to the hospital NO LATER THAN MAY 1,  1979. There is a $1 membership fee  as well.  For further information or if you  .want to help, call 873-1188. ■  i J WENfc  International Day of Action for Choice on Abortion  We demand our right to choose  We are demanding a right to a choice.  Not the church, not the state, women  must decide their fate.  These were our messages March 31,  when Vancouver pro-choice supporters  joined with thousands of others  throughout 37 countries to take part  in the International Day of Action  on abortion rights.  About 300 pro-choicers marched from  Queen Elizabeth Plaza to Robson  Square, for a rally and theatre.  Speaking on behalf of rally organizers,  the CCCA (Concerned Citizens for  Choice on Abortion), Debra Rooney  described how this international day  of action had been planned almost two  years ago by ICAR (International Committee for Abortion Rights) when five  thousand feminists met at ICAR headquarters in London, England.  Rooney  read greetings to the rally from ICAR  in London: "Together, we will win."  This won't be the last time we'll'  be demanding our right to chose, "  Mercia Stickney, NDP federal candidate for Richmond-South Delta, told  the crowd. We'll have to struggle  for it over and over again, because  our right to choice on abortion involves women's right to exercise  legitimate power.    Women's right to  have power, to exercise authority, is  a basic freedom, one which institutions  like the Catholic Church will resist  with all their strength, she said.  An update on the abortion struggle  in the U.S. was provided by a NOW representative, Linda Melanchuk.  She  described how the Hyde amendment has  limited access to abortion for the  poor and minorities.  Before the  Hyde amendment, 47 states used to pay  for abortions under medicaid.  Now,  only six states do.  Astrid Davidson, from the B.C. Federation of Labor, detailed the B.C.  Fed's resolution in support of abortion, carried at its most recent convention. What has abortion got to  do with working people?  one trade  unionist had queried at that time.  Astrid, went on to explain the importance of the issue in the lives  of herself and her colleagues, working women.  Chairperson Cynthia Flood read a  letter from Maureen Bostock in  Terrace, about the desperate situation there.  In a community of 14,000  there is only one gynecologist performing abortions.  And that gynecologist, a male, has  been involved in instances of mal-  practise.  Bostock's letter described  the feelings of intimidation and fear  experienced in a small community when  a woman is seeking an abortion.    _  These women may be forced to bear unwanted children.  BTl   B  A  RAPE VICTIMS  YOUNG GIRLS  OLDER WOMEN  POOR      WOMEN 12 KINESIS APRIL/MAY '19  PRESSURE YOUR LOCAL MEMBER  What to ask your Federal election candidates  Questions prepared by the ACSW.  Abortion  QUESTION:  1.   Do you support a woman's  right to choose on abortion?  2:  Would you introduce or support a  bill to repeal the present abortion  laws,  or to restrict a woman's right  to choose on abortion?  Women at work  FACT - The majority of married wotnen  in the labor force have to work to  bring their family income above the  poverty level.  FACT - Forty-five per cent of working  women are single, divorced, widowed,  or separated, so they are working to  support themselves and their dependents.  QUESTION: I would like to hear your  party's policy on women in the work  force, because statistics show that  45 per cent of them are single, widowed,  divorced or separated,  and the  majority of married in the labor  force are working to bring their  family income above the poverty level.  What are you prepared to do to see  that they can get jobs,  since they  need them for the same reasons that  men do?  QUESTION:  What is your opinion of the  widespread myth that married women  are taking jobs away from men who  have families to support?  Women at home  FACT - Women at home have no job security, no pension plan built into and no recognition of the  contribution that they make.  QUESTION: What is your party prepared  to do in order to give recognition  to the economic contribution of the  homemaker, by recognizing this contribution through more equitable tax  laws?  QUESTION:  What do you intend to do to  further the enactment of the dropout provision of the Canada Pension  Plan, vetoed by Ontario, whereby a  person is allowed to drop years spent  The only Federal party to have come up with a women's platform is the NDP.  Here,  at International Women's Day celebrations are some NDP candidates: (LtoR) Pauline  Jewett  (New Westminster); Hilda Thomas  (Provincial candidate, Point Grey); Joy  Langan  (North Vancouver-Seymour) and Mercia Stickney  (Richmond-South Delta).  in caring for a child,  under seven  years of age,  from their pension calculations?  FACT - The poorest people in our  country are older women.  FACT - In 1975 the average income of  women 65-69, who were living alone,  was less than $5,000, and the average  income of women over 70 who were living alone was less than $3,600.  FACT - The majority of these women  had spent their lives as homemakers.  QUESTION: What are you prepared to  do to alleviate the poverty of older  women in Canada, whose average income,  for the 65 - 69 year age group,  in 1975,  $5,000 and for the over 70  year age group, was $3,600?  Indian women's rights  QUESTION:  What do you intend to do  to correct these four situations  that discriminate against Indian women in spite of the new Human Rights  legislation?  a) Indian women who marry non-Indians  lose all their Indian status.    Not  so for Indian men.  b) Indian women who have married non-  Indians are being evicted from their  homes and reserves.  c) The Indian Act is specifically excluded from the new Human Rights Act.  d) Though the Indian Act is now being  revised women who have lost their  status have no voice in negotiations.  Rape  FACT - Only about 10 per cent of rape  cases come to trial. The Advisory  Council on the Status of Women has  recommended that:   There be four  degrees of sexual assault which include either sexual penetration or  sexual contact and which take the  amount of violence accompanying the  assault into consideration  QUESTION: What do you believe should  be done to amend the Criminal Code  a) so that more than the present 10  per cent of rape cases actually come  to trial and b) so that victims of  rape are no longer placed on trial?  m  Ask your Provincial candidates  7. Are you in favor of indexing GAIN  rates to the cost of living?  2. Are you in favor of re-introducing special needs allowances for those  on GAIN?  3. Are you in favor of amending the  Vancouver city charter to implement  the will of the majority in last November's plebiscite to elect city  council by wards?  4. Are you in favor of re-establishing the provincial Status of Women  Office?  5. Are you in favor of expanding  childcare facilities,  especially in  the area of care for children under 3.  6. Are you in favor of the intro  duction of crisis childcare facilities,  ie.  care available when either  the child or parent is ill, etc. ?  7. Are you in favor of expanding  the provincial Human Rights Act to  include protection from sexual harassment on the job and from discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation?  8. Are you in favor of introducing  affirmative action programs in all  areas of the civil service and requiring all companies receiving  government contracts to include such  programs?  9. Are you in favor of rent control  to allow only for those rent increases  based on increased costs?  10. Are you in favor of introducing  the McMath formula for financing  education (ie. provincial government  to pay 75 per cent of costs)?  11. Are you in favor of re-appointing  a Special Advisor on sexism in education to the minister of education?  Are you in favor of an advisory committee on sexism within the ministry?  12. Are you in favor of core funding  for women 's centres,  indexed to the  cost of living?  13. If current recommendations to  make divorce a provincial matter  take effect, are you in favor of  no-fault divorce with a shorter separation period than the current  three to five years? B  The following provincial candidates have a public record of strong support for the Vancouver Status of Women:  Rosemary Brown, Dennis Cocke, Eileen Dailly, Mike Harcourt, Karen Sanford, Jean Swanson, Hilda Thomas, Barbara Wallace. PROSTITUTION  Special feature on pornography, prostitution  Prostitution: The Visible Bargain  Jillian Ridington and Barb Findlay  Introduction: Visible  and Invisible Bargains  For those of us who have never been  forced to sell.our sexuality in a  direct, cash-on-the-line way, prostitution is difficult to deal with.  It is difficult because understanding it means we must come to terms  with the fact that, in this society  as in most others, female sexuality  is a commodity.  Inherent in most of  our relationships with men is a sexual bargain-.  Remember the teen-aged dating? Years  of playing touch-tag with our bodies  as the gamesfield? We learned early  that there was an exchange rate;  three movies for one kiss. We grew  older, and the goods increased in  value; an expensive dinner equalled  heavy petting, a weekend ski trip  equalled intercourse.  If he paid  money, we paid up.  The exchange rate varies with time  and social change.  It depends on  whether we, and the males that we  are available to, accept the "new  morality," whether we are "liberated" or traditional.  A young woman from a strongly religious background may still hold out for marriage; a "swinging single" may have  intercourse on the first date.  But  for each of us, barter time always  comes.  It comes in varying ways,  and because of situations which seem  personal, but never are.  The inevitability of such barter is based  in the economic position of women.  The price is paid in marriage as well.  Implicit in a marriage contract is  an assumption that we will exchange  our sexual services for bread in our  mouths.  As wives, we can be raped and there  is nothing we can do about it.  That  fact makes wives sexual property; it  means that the marriage relationship  is essentially non-mutualistic.  Underneath, an imbalance is there, and  threatens.  Though some of us may be  fortunate enough not to have the force  of the law enacted upon our bodies,  the fact that it is there oppresses  all women.  It denies us choice.  We, as women, are presented with  Which is the prostitute?  Nancy is married to a wealthy businessman.    She keeps a piggy-bank beside  their queen-sized bed.     When they  'make love' he puts a $20 bill in it.  It's how she gets her clothes.  Sandra dates several men.    Each of  them takes her to dinner at expensive restaurants,  dancing and drinking at "nice" places.    After each  date,  her escort spends the night  with herf  Joanne is a single parent.    She works  as a waitress.     Occasionally, a customer offers her a sum of money to  have sex with him.    If he seems relatively inoffensive,  and it's close  to payday,  she accepts.  - El SIS  i UTTJ   ^ ^^_^_________i  ... ■  Mercury Records. Cover for Street Walkers' album,  "Vicious But Fair." The woman about to be attacked  is a prostitute.  choices about our lives that are based on our value as a sexual commodity.  It is our major bargaining power.  For women, these choices are more  central, more determinative of what  our lives will be than are the choices  men make about their sexual behavior.  They influence, and often control,  our social and financial status, how  we are seen by others, how we feel a-  bout ourselves.  Since most women still are seen as  defined by their husband's status  rather than by their own achievements,  the social class we belong to (and  which often separates us from each  other) is determined by the sexual  bargain we have made.  We react against seeing our lives  that way.  It is in our immediate interests, as well as the interests of  the society we live in, to keep our  sexual bargaining invisible.  It is  not that simple, we say, and we are  right. We care about our lovers,  our husbands. We have mutualistic  relationships with our mates, we  share intimacy with them, our emotional lives are joined to theirs. The  payoff is not money or goods — it  is love.  But who paid for your last anniversary celebration? Why is it that  men take women out and pay the bill -  even after marriage.  Traditionally,  (and still in most cases) it is because he has money and we don't.  He  has a "real" job; we work at home,  or we make less than he does. We may  make up the deficit in our flesh.  As long as we as women are economically  dependent on men there is an element  of barter in all our relationships.  And our economic dependence is not  our fault.  It is externally imposed.  We have always had to  bargain with our sexuality  Women have always had to use their  sexuality to bargain, because our intelligence and competencies in other  areas have been so undervalued that  we have not been able to exchange  them for sufficient currency to maintain ourselves.  We get fewer jobs.  We are labelled  as secondary earners (think, for example of the proposed changes in Un  employment Insurance regulations).  We are ghettoized in low-paid positions  Our wages have rarely been sufficient  to enable us to maintain others as  well.  And if they are — what do we  do for daycare?  In Toronto in 1889, female workers  over sixteen years of age with dependents earned, on average, $246.37.  The minimum cost of living for a two-  person family was $300.13 per year.  No wonder a journalist of that period^  The law does not prohibit prostitution; it  controls it. It punishes its visibility. The  visibility of prostitution illuminates the sexual  barter common to most sexual relationships  between men and women; this illumination  causes us all discomfort. Prostitutes are the  scapegoats. Their punishment is the price  which must be paid to keep the sexual barter  covert. PROSTITUTION  wrote, Houses of ill-fame in Toronto?  Certainly not.'    The whole city is an  immense house of ill-fame.  In the Vancouver of 1904, Lizzie C.,  a "tailoress," and Martha R., "launder-  ess," age 19, were both arrested of  "soliciting or being a night walker."  They were convicted and sentenced to  three months in jail with hard labor.  In the Vancouver of 1979, the accused  in one recent, highly publicized case  was an unemployed secretary.  Yet if  she had found one man and moved in  with him for a week or a month, getting board in exchange for bed, she  would not have been charged.  Whenever women are reduced to desperation, prostitution is the bottom  line.  It is the most explicit and  immediate bargain we can make.  Carol  Smart, a British criminologist, puts  it this way; We must understand the  game that women are forced to play  and the circumstances in which we  participate,  namely from a predominately vulnerable position with  only one valued asset,  basic sexual  availability.  It is from this fact that our alliance  with prostitutes springs.  They make  contracts for a night; we make them  for a lifetime, or for the lifetime  of the relationship.  Our sexual bar- •  gains are invisible; their's are visible and public.  Since women who make public their bargaining are labelled "bad," we have  Our training as sex objects begins early  If she had found one man and moved in with  him, getting board in exchange for bed, she  would never have been charged...  been comfortable in the knowledge  that we are "good." Categories we  have not made have separated us.  But, in fact, we are sisters in the  trade. And it is from this fact that  our discomfort about prostitution  comes.  Teaching the trade  No women are simply objects designed  for the release of male sex urges.  We are complex, multi-faceted.  Our  relationship to our bodies is complex.  Our sexuality is complex. Yet from  earliest childhood we are taught to ■  deny our complexity, to allow ourselves to be defined by our sex alone.  Weren't you given bubble bath and  "Little Miss' cosmetic kits for  Christmas? Clothed in dresses that  showed your underpants? Told how  "nice and pretty" you looked with  your hair curled?  We are taught to be sex objects at  an early age.  For some of us the  lesson is very direct.  We do not  know how many female children are  victims of sexual abuse. We don't  know how many victims of such abuse  grow up to be "normal" women, making  their sexual bargains in the less  visible and more common ways. We do  know that the majority of such abuse  is incestuous. And we know that many  prostitutes have been victims of in^  cest.  A study of teen-aged prostitutes in  Minneapolis determined that 75 per  cent of them were victims of incest.  In Vancouver, child abuse workers  know that a large percentage of young  prostitutes are runaways. Most of  them have left home because of sexual  abuse by a father, uncle, older  brother or step-father.  For victims of incest, sexual availability may become defined as a commodity more clearly, and at a younger  age, than it does for the rest of us.  Sexual abuse by a family member teaches  a young girl that her only value lies  in her body.  Fathers in incestuous  families retain tight control over  "their" women.  The social contacts  of their wives and daughters are  severely limited, cutting off any  possibility of community support.  Mothers are powerless.  Daughters  learn to give themselves sexually in  return for a special place in the  family.  They also learn that they  are different from other girls, knowledgeable in ways inappropriate to  their years. Most incest starts  when the victim is between seven and  10; sometimes it starts at six months.  Do you remember being 12, whispering  with your girlfriends over what "it"  would be like? How would you have  felt if you had already known, and  had learned from your father?  Victims of incest learn to feel shame  about their sexuality. They learn to  split their bodies from their minds:  a help when you sell a part of your  self. As one victim said, I learned  to separate myself from what was going on.    This  little girl whose  father was being sexual with her  wasn't really me.  Women of 13, 14, 16, escaping from  such situations see few options.  Prostitution, or its twin, modelling  for pornography, present a market  for what they have been trained to  sell.  And given the categories of  our culture, since they are no longer  virgins — what else is there for  them to become but whores?  Young female offenders, whatever  their offenses, tend to be categorized  as promiscuous.  In the Lower Mainland  it is estimated that 80 per cent of  the female juvenile offenders who  end up in custody at Willingdon are  'charged' under the Juvenile Delinquency Act with being 'guilty of  sexual immorality.' None or virtually  none of the young male offenders are  so categorized.  Here the stigma works in reverse;  since all girls whose sexuality is  not properly controlled are bad, all  bad girls are presumed to be uncontrolled sexually. A feminist criminologist from Hawaii, speaking at a  recent conference here, said that she  had studied the files of "female  juveniles" and found that every one  (regardless of the charges against  them) had a note in their file stating whether or not their hymen was  ruptured.  Studies of females in juvenile detention units show that a large number are guilty of no real crime, but  are locked up for being "incorrigible,"  or "running away."  Again, once labelled as "bad," a girl  so stigmatized has little to lose —  or so it may seem to her — by becoming  a prostitute.  Images: The Virgin  and the Whore  Justice Minister Marc LaLonde (who  is also minister in charge of women's  issues) spoke at a January, 1979 conference on the "Female Offender." He  opened his remarks by saying, Eve was  the first female offender.  Eve was the first woman.  For the minister of justice to say she was the  first female offender is to say that  all women, by our essence, by our femaleness, are offenders. Whom do we  offend?  Eve's sin/offense was to offer knowledge to Adam. Painful knowledge.  Sexual knowledge.  She tempted Adam,  and her punishment was pain, inflicted on her by a male god.  LaLonde's remarks embody the persistent dichotomy between virgin/good  mother and whore in male definitions  of women.  In Christian tradition,  Eve's opposite is Mary, the ideal  and idealized woman.  It is no accident that Christ was born to a virgin.  The contradiction inherent in  Mary's state of being, virgin and  mother combined, reveals the contradiction and confusion in male defin-r  ition of women. ' When women are sexual beings we are offensive; when we  are not, we are inhuman.  This contradiction reveals the profound fear of female sexuality prevalent in male definitions of women.  Men are profoundly ambivalent about  our sexuality.  On the one hand, women must be sexually available; on  the other hand, that availability  must be invisible.  HISTORY OF  PROSTITUTION LAW  Since the Roman Empire, men have defined prostitution and made laws to  control it.  All of these have stated implicitly ► PROSTITUTION  that it was immoral.  Yet the immorality they have been concerned  with is not the immorality of regarding a woman's sexuality as a commodity.  Nor is it the immorality of  the man who degrades a woman by buying her body, or the even greater  immorality of a man who lives para-  sitically on the sale of it.  The  focus is always and ever on the sin  of the woman.  Her promiscuity is central; a prostitute is a woman whose sexual availability is not limited by her father  or husband (although it may be controlled by her pimp) and is available to many men.  In Roman law,  prostitution was "the offering of  the body for sexual intercourse in  return for money or other remuneration, at least so long as the woman made herself available to more  than one or two lovers."  6 The lust of many men.''  Early canon law was less concerned  about exchange value, and more concerned about promiscuity.  St. Jerome  in the. fourth century, defined a  whore as "one who is available for  the lust of many men."  Later canon law stated that a prostitute "copulates indifferently and  indiscriminately, like a dog."  By 1271 a notion of public openness  had been added; a prostitute was  not only promiscuous but "openly and  publicly promiscuous." In all these  definitions, there is an emphasis on  ownership and control of female sexuality.  Condemnation of male participation as clients or controllers of  prostitutes is rare.  A 1971 statement by a well-known male  sociologist reads, To throw good  citizens into jail for a vice that  injures no one, would cause more soc-  ■ial disruption than correcting the  alleged.crime would be worth.  Kingsley Davis might have a point if  he were speaking of both prostitutes  and their clients; he was not.  He  argued was pkay to throw a  prostitute in jail, as her imprisonment causes no social disruption,  since she is a social outcast.  Prostitutes as workers  Social philosophers, such as Max  Weber and Emma Goldman, working early  in this century, gave us the basis  for a feminist definition of prostitution.  They saw the prostitute  as a worker, a service worker who  provides her body for use in the  sexual act in return for a fee from  her clients.  In a broader sense, prostitution can  be seen as the exchange of sexual  availability for considerations other  than erotic ones.  In other words,  all sexual activity in which a woman  participates for reasons other than  her own desire involve prostitution.  Such a definition recognizes that -  like other tasks performed by women  to fulfill the needs of others - our  non-mutualistic sexual activity is  paid in currency when performed publicly and paid by exchange of goods  or services when performed privately.  This commodity definition clarifies  the purpose of activity legally defined as prostitution in a society  governed and controlled by men.  Millett adds the factor necessary  for a complete feminist understanding  of prostitution: The causes of prostitution lie in the economic position  of women,   together with the psychological damage inflicted upon them  through the system of sex-role conditioning in patriarchal society.  The prostitute is a worker, but the  nature of her work causes her to be  villified and oppressed even more  than other workers.  She is harassed  by the police; her earnings are taken  away from her by the man supposed to  "protect her".  She has no security,  no benefits, no resources except herself.  The product she sells is her own  body, her sexuality, and the female  body and female sexuality have traditionally been both desired and despised by men who use them and men  who live off them.  It is a fundamental  titutes.  At one time, it was thought  that prostitutes prevented "good"  unmarried women from rape, and married women from unwanted sexual demands and too frequent pregnancies.  Since the prostitute was stigmatized  anyway, the birth of illegitimate  children could not damage her reputation further.  Nor could her  children claim rights of inheritance; their existence did not  threaten the entrenchment of capital  in the middle and upper classes.  How could a woman who would sleep  with anyone prove who had fathered  the child?  With today's readily available birth  control, and some relief of the social sanction against premarital sex  the prostitute is more likely to be  used by men who want to have sex  without having to relate to a woman  The prostitute is a worker, but the nature of  her work causes her to be oppressed even more  than other workers.  part of our sexual mores that a "cheap"  or promiscuous woman must be used but  loathed. And the oppression and  villification of the prostitute reflects on us all; the commodity she  is selling is an integral part of  all of us.  No matter how great her need, no  matter whether she went into prostitution by "choice" or was lured into it by yesterday's "white slave  traders" or today's dealers in drugs,  pornography and women, the prostitute  has always been held morally responsible for her "sin."  Yet her existence is necessary to  maintain our society in its present  form. Toronto's C.A.S.H. (Committee  Against Street Harassment, an advocacy  group for.Canadian prostitutes) notes;  The demand for prostitutes is so  great that despite the risk of imprisonment women continue to find a  market for their sexual services.  The sexual "double standard" has always allowed men more sexual freedom  than it has allowed women; the need  to guarantee paternity of heirs in  patrilineal and capitalistic cultures requires that women be chaste  before marriage and monogamous after  it.  Men, regarded as naturally more  "lusty" have been seen as needing  the sexual outlet provided by pros-  in a way that is truly intimate.  They are used by .older men who get  an ego boost from "making it" with  a young woman. They are used by corporations and convention planners  who want to "entertain" visiting  businessmen — a call girl is used  as a promotion gimmick, like a free  newspaper.  And prostitutes are used by men who  understand that buying a woman degrades her — and all women — and  who wish to do just that.  OUT OF SIGHT ;  WHOSE SIGHT?  Prostitution, the exchange of sex  for currency, is not illegal in Canada.  It never has been (are you surprised?)  The crime has never been  having sex for a price, but demonstrating willingness to do so.  It  is making our availability for barter visible that is the crime.  Prior to 1972, the "Vagrancy-C" section of the criminal code allowed  for the arrest of anyone who, being  a common prostitute or night walker  is found in a public place and does  not,  when required,  give a good account of herself.  How the "fact" of a woman's being  "a common prostitute or night walker"  was to be determined was not stated. ► PROSTITUTION  In an interesting example of circular thinking, a judge in a 1970 case  ruled that "vag-c" did not infringe  on the rights of females to equality  before the law, because it was not  all females who had to give a good  account of themselves when found in  a public place, but only females falling within the class of prostitutes  and night walkers.  When the "vagrancy-C" section was rescinded, it was replaced by section  195.1 of the criminal code.  This  reads:  Every person who solicits any person  in a public place for the purposes of  prostitution is guilty of an offense  punishable on summary conviction.  The section is not directed at other  kinds of soliciting, other kinds of  harassment — the soliciting of donations, the harassment of women by men.  (As will be discussed, courts have  differed in their opinions on whether  the section applied to men at all).  Built into this section is a tacit  acceptance of prostitution, provided  it is out of sight.  Feminists have  pointed out the hypocrisy in this for  a long time.  But not until a judge  was found with a prostitute was the  point made by the media.  The fact  that prostitution is not illegal became an important fact; the judge  wasn't breaking the law...  Entrapment  In order to charge women under section  195.1, a male police officer, wearing  "plain" clothes, pretends to be a  potential customer^. He saunters by  a woman he suspects of being a prostitute, or drives along slowly beside  her, smiles invitingly, and usually  waits for her to "solicit" him by  offering her services for a fee. He  agrees to her price. Then he arrests  her.  In February, 1978, the Supreme Court  of Canada (in the case of Regina vs.  Hutt) ruled that the standard entrapment procedure was not enough.  In the Hutt case, the accused had been  picked up by a plain clothes officer,  who had stopped his car and smiled  invitingly at her.  She smiled back,  he returned her smile.  She got in  his car and asked him if he wanted a  girl. He said he did and a fee discussion took place. Then he arrested  her.  During the trial the police officer  agreed that one of his duties was to  make it appear that he wanted a woman  for sex. The Supreme Court of Canada  ruled that the incident did not constitute "soliciting" on the woman's  part. To constitute soliciting, behavior must be "pressing and persistent." Simply making her availability known was not "soliciting." In  its ruling, the court expressed the  strong opinion that the officer's  car was not "a public place."  Because of these rulings, women who  make their living by selling their  sexual availability found themselves  less subject to arrest.  In fact,  the rulings were followed by a number of cases where prostitutes turned  in their pimps. With fewer arrests  being made, they no longer need  "protection" and a handy fine-payer.  Fewer arrests bring prostitution  into public view.  Since our society  reacts with discomfort to public displays of sexuality, (especially fe-  Making  a  car  a public place   will  make  entrapment easier. If soliciting need not be  V persistent, what behaviour would be enough  ^^UR/4 wink? A smile?  male sexuality) such publicness has  the effect of mobilizing public  opinion in favor of "tightening up"  the laws and "cracking down" on  prostitutes.  This certainly has  occurred in Vancouver, where the outcry was led by Mayor Jack Volrich.  Public concern also increased when  prostitution spread into the West End.  If the prostitutes had stayed where  they "belonged," in the skid row area,  would the electorate and the mayor  have been as vocal?  The fact that law is a form of social  control is evident in the federal government's response to the public pressure.  In May 1978, only two months  after the Hutt decision, it included  amendments to the sections of the  Criminal Code dealing with soliciting.  The proposed changes would have also  included Bill C-21, a new section,  195.2, to "clarify" the definition of  195.1.  a) "Prostitution" in section 195.1  means prostitution performed by either  a male or a female person.  b) "Public place" in section 195.1  includes any means of transportation  the woman's availability — opening  the door again to entrapment? Until  the courts figure out what "soliciting"  which is not "pressing or persistent"  consists of, the police have free  rein to arrest anyone who indicates  her availability for a price.  There is a possibility that being in  the wrong place, in the wrong company,  at the wrong time, could lead to arrest, harassment, the degradation of  being processed into jail.  Even for  women found "not guilty" the process  is one of humiliation.  The proposed  amendments will certainly give police  the power to harass known prostitutes,  put them through'the arrest and fine  mill, pick them up when they want information on drug deals and lay charges  if they don't co-operate.  The Report of the National Advisory  Committee on the Female Offender  noted that "Policeman's discretion"  means that people known to the police  or who have displeased the police,  can be hauled in. The committee  found that "when apprehended and arrested by police, women have charged  there has been brutality, sexual advances, insulting personal remarks,  Pimps do not protect.   They coerce,   they  punish. Who ever respected his slaves?  located in or on a public place; and  c) Soliciting need not be pressing  or persistent conduct in order to  constitute an offense under section  195.1.  If this new section were to be incorporated into the Criminal Code, prostitution would still not be a crime.  Soliciting for the purposes of prostitution would remain a crime.  The  added section would simply make it  easier to prove the offense, and to  control the visibility of prostitutes.  Making a car a public place will make  entrapment easier, since prostitutes  would no longer be able to protect  themselves by getting in a would-be  client's car, or operating from their  own vehicle.  If "soliciting" need  not be pressing or persistent, what  behavior would be enough? A wink?  A smile? Passive behavior? Would  the police simply have to establish  intimidation, and lack of understanding on the part of the arresting officer."  Among the degrading practices cited  in the report were body searches conducted by male staff, and/or in a  rough and insensitive way, open toilets, and general lack of privacy.  Prostitutes have little power to  change such conditions.  Sexual promiscuity has traditionally been considered evidence of immoral character,  and therefore equated with lack of  credibility. This is most obvious in  rape cases. With such attitudes,  what chance do prostitutes have of  being believed when testifying about police maltreatment?  The proposed amendments are not designed to eliminate prostitution,  but rather to keep it from public  view. Women who work the streets  at their own volition (in so far as ^ PROSTITUTION  that can even be the case) and who  attempt to select their own clients  and set their own price would be  made extremely vulnerable by the  changes.  So would the most marginal women, the women with fewest  resources, the newcomers who don1 t  know the ropes.  The women arrested  will be the poorest, the least  sophisticated (including the teen-  aged runaways), the most recent  arrivals from outside the cities,  the native women banned by discriminatory laws from returning  home, the women who are "past their  prime" and whose commodity value  has fallen with use.  High price call-girls, often employed by corporations to "entertain"  visiting clients at conventions etc.  and women who sell their sexual services to only one man or his  designate would not be affected. Nor  will the new law have much effect on  women who are controlled by pimps,  though they may have to work harder  to pay their fines.  Rather than decreasing the power of  men who make their living selling  women, the amendments will increase  the pimp's control over the women  in their "stable." And they may  make independent prostitutes seek  the protection of pimps, believing  they would be "safer" that way.  (Though "call-girls" can .be charged  with "keeping a common bawdy house,"  this charge is unusual so long as  the activity is kept out of sight).  The current law: men  The amendments would make it clear  that males offering sexual services  may be charged under the same section  of the Criminal Code.  It does not specifically state that  men approaching women to ask if they  are available can be so charged.  The  new law would be a break with tradition,  because prostitution has always been  designated as a female crime, just  as rape has been designated male. Such  sex-specific definitions are a reflection of the "double standard"  which values the "chastity" of women  and expects male aggression.  But the  law seems to be directed at males  offering their services to men; in  some sense, their role is the same  as female prostitutes and they would  be treated as females by the law.  Prostitution is an activity in which  two people make a contract and mutually  participate in an activity.  So why  is it that the customer of a prostitute is rarely charged if he makes  the first advance?  In B.C., the court has said a male  customer cannot be convicted of  soliciting for the purposes of prostitution.  The court's reasoning went  like this; Prostitution means offering your body for hire.  The man  does not offer his body; he buys the  prostitute's body.  So he is not  soliciting "for the purposes of prostitution" but simply soliciting for  the purposes of obtaining the services  of a prostitute.  The court felt that  was "quite a different thing." The  judge stated; I do not believe this  interpretation is an example of the  others in return for payment." Two  men who had approached female police  officers were therefore found guilty  of soliciting.  Though charging men who importune women is a step in the right direction,  having charges laid by a police officer would not help most women who  are hassled on the street. At a recent NAC conference in Ottawa, a  suggestion was made (though not developed into a recommendation) that  the offense of "pressing and persistent importuning" be included in the  Criminal Code, but that such charges  should be laid by someone other than  a police officer.  This would allow  women to lay charges against men who  followed and harassed them.  Whether  such legislation would have any real  effect on the problem can only be  conjectured.  Certainly, present laws  They make contracts for a night; we make  them for a lifetime or for the lifetime of as  relationship. Our sexual bargains are invisible;  their's are visible, public.  'double standard' of judging male  and female conduct.  Firstly,  it is clear that this section in its true construction applies  to both males and females,  i.e.   to  prostitutes of both sexes who solicit  in public places...  but it is equally  clear that the evil aimed at was the  nuisance of prostitutes loitering and  seducing in public places, as far as  I know there does not exist a problem  of groups of potential customers  soliciting and accosting people in  public places while looking for prostitutes.  Would any West End residents like to  illuminate the judge?  So much for B.C.  In Ontario, the Court of Appeal had  a different opinion.  The judges  decided that a male customer could  be convicted of the offense of soliciting, for the purposes of prostitution.  They defined prostitution  in a less narrow way, and decided it  "involved the offering of a person's  body for the purpose of sexual intercourse or other sexual gratification  in return for payment or the performance of physical acts of indecency  for the sexual gratification of  concerning harassment, causing a disturbance, and being a public nuisance  have not done so.  Pimps  Prostitutes get together with pimps  because they feel the need for protection (and perhaps, of a stable  relationship).  Pimps do not protect  them; they coerce them, punish them,  and despise them.  Millett quotes one prostitute; They  are women haters;  they have a very  low opinion of the women in the stable,  Who ever respected his slaves?  Layton has a more psychological view,  gained from conversation with pimps.  The pimp, she believes, sees the woman essentially as a mother, and because of that believes she is most  concerned with matters of basic sustenance... a natural provider.  When  Eve gave Adam the apple (the pimps  say) not only did she create the first  trick, but she forever brought confusion into sex roles.  Thanks to the  pimps, the true balance of nature  (woman as worker to provide for man  who is her master) is being restored.  Police efforts to eliminate men who  live by selling women must be increased.  Pimps live off the avails  of prostitution — a criminal offense.  While it is true that it is more  difficult to "get the goods" on pimps  than it is to charge a prostitute for  soliciting by entrapping her, we believe the efforts of the police should  be directed much more strongly to arresting pimps.  The proposed legislation would make  pimps even less accessible — certainly  prostitutes would be far less likely to  help in such arrests.  For this reason  alone, even if no other good reasons  existed, we would be opposed to the  passing of the proposed changes.  Future legislation  Bills C-518 and C-21 were stalled in  the house, and the "problem" of prostitutes being too visible for the liking of merchants and mayors has continued.  In February, 1979 Vancouver  police chief Don Winterton and many  of his counterparts from other Canadian cities went to Ottawa.  They ► PROSTITUTION  PORNOGRAPHY  met with Minister of Justice Marc  LaLonde, (he of "Eve was the first  female offender" fame) who agreed  to separate the amendments concerning soliciting out from the rest of  Bill C-51, if the agreement of all  three parties was obtained.  All concurred and the bill was introduced. However, the NDP then insisted  that the bill be studied in committee.  An election has been called, and the  bill can not be re-inttoduced.  But  a new government could propose similar  legislation.  It is important to all  women that such laws not be passed.  Possible solutions:  Licencing and Zoning  Are there any good answers to the  problem of prostitution? One that  is often proposed is licensing.  This  might eliminate some pimps but is  very problematic. Most proposals  for licensing suggest medical inspection of prostitutes, payment of licensing fees and/or confinement to  one geographical area, (zoning).  Such approaches might cut down on  the numbers of prostitutes arrested,  but would increase the arrests of  more marginal women, who perhaps  could not afford the fee. The questions of who would control the houses  and how new recruits would enter are  also real problems.  The most often cited "advantage," that  of medical inspection to cut down on venereal disease, is for the most part  myth. Unless customers were inspected (including the use of blood tests)  \  the women would be re-infected time  and again.  Licensing would lock women into prostitution even more than present legislation does.  It might eliminate criminal records, but women once licensed  as prostitutes would probably have a  hard time getting into any other career,  how confidential would police lists  be? In Reno, Hamburg and other cities  with a licensing system, the answer is  "Not Very." If we are concerned that  women have options, licensing doesn't  seem viable.  Limiting prostitution to a small geographical area would limit public display of female sexuality, keep it out  of "good" neighborhoods. Again, increased harassment of those prostitutes not "in the system" would occur.  If prostitution operated under a licensing scheme, we, as feminists,  would not have to confront the problem as immediately or as often. We  might become less angry about the  situation of this group of women.  And ultimately, we might be less motivated to work towards changing the  sexual status quo that developed and  feeds this particular form of oppression of women.  Charging clients  If the government really wanted to  eliminate prostitution, it would arrest clients and publish the names of  men found guilty of soliciting women.  But by labelling one particular type  of bargain "illegal" this would still  serve to obscure the fact that women  are forced to make sexual bargains  all the time. It would again create  class differences; wealthy businessmen whose "entertainment" is booked  for them would not be arrested, poor  men who sought to make contact on  the street would.  And it would create hardships for women with no alternatives to prostitution, although this could be alleivat-  ed to some extent by providing al  ternatives for women who wanted to become workers in different fields.  As Debra Lewis suggested in her recent brief (Kinesis, Nov. 1978) funds  which traditionally have been used  for the policing of prostitution  could be directed to the provision  of co-operative housing complexes,  employment skills training, and the  employment of workers to be resources  for women wishing to learn new skills.  But these should be provided to all  who need them in any case.  This is particularly true if we do  not conform to "nice lady" stereotypes, in our dress or our conduct.  riage, and wife battering; such at-  tidues must be challenged and changed.  Being victims of such crimes may  leave women demoralized, feeling  guilty and shamed, and seeing no alternatives to prostitution.  As stated before, it is the bottom line.  Decriminalization  Decriminalization of prostitution  would eliminate the hypocrisy, class  bias and sexism now so obvious in the  law.  It would mean that a judge  could not sleep with a woman by night  and sentence her by day. True,  thinking about decriminalization can  be unsettling.  If there are no legal sanctions against it, and prostitution remains in the public eye,  it becomes more and more difficult  for us to remove ourselves from it.  If prostitutes inhabit the same streets  Pornography:  WHAT DO WOMEN REALLY WANT?  Introduction  : Jillian Ridington  Recently, I was looking at a card on  display in my neighborhood gift store.  It showed two women from the waist  up, both nude, the head of each resting on the shoulder of the other,  the arms and flowing hair of both  forming a supporting circle. A set  of coiffured and girdled matrons stood  behind me.  One said, Disgusting—that stuff  shouldn't be where decent people have  to see it.     They left, sniffing.  Jillian Ridington and Barb Findlay  or performing sexual acts on adults  was and is nausea and disgust.  When  I look at the ads in the "back of the  mag," soliciting orders for harnesses,  nipple presses, paddles, whips and  other tools with which to torture  women, I feel great anger as well.  While I was guarding the NAC table,  a woman picked up a magazine called,  I believe, Lollitots, Oh,   this one  isn't too bad,   she said with relief.  No violence, just naked kids.     I  mm%  Against Women  To many men, a woman who is out at  night unaccompanied by a male escort  is available, an object to be bought -  or raped. Any woman who has ever  been asked, "How much"? or, "Are you  a working girl?" (perhaps not even  grasping the meaning until later)  knows that such an assumption feels  degrading.  Because we do not often  confront the sexual bargain we must  make, we feel offended when we are  solicited and forced to confront them.  But we can come to understand that  if we are is not because  the prostitute is a sinful or disgusting person, but because she has  been scape-goated for the sexual repression in our culture, for the lies  that have been told about female sexuality.  In the long term, the assumptions of  all levels of government and of government-run bureaucracies that women  are secondary earners must be replaced  by the assumption that all mature individuals must be economically independent.  All women must have access  to employment which is satisfying and  fairly paid, whether they choose to  work in the home or out of it.  The attitude common to government  social service agencies and family  courts that families must be kept together at all costs leads to denial  of crimes like incest, rape in mar-  we do, can be found in the places we  frequent, we may be taken for pros^-  tltutes.  Unless women are economically independent and our sexual experiences  are all mutualistic, our sexuality  is always for sale.  In a society  where these choices are unavailable  to most women, prostitution may be  only a matter of kind. ■  researching this article,  legislation amending the sections of  the criminal code relating to prostitution and rape were still before  parliament.     Since an election has  been called,  the amendments will not  A new government  — of whatever party  will probably introduce new proposals  for change in these sections.     We believe these are important election  issues.  We hope that the article will help  you understand why we favour decriminalization of prostitution and removal  of the interspousal immunity in all  kinds of sexual assault.  This research was made possible by  a grant from Legal Services Commission, to whom we express our thanks.  At the recent National Action Committee on the Status of Women conference  (see reports elsewhere in this issue)  a workshop on pornography was held.  Lorenne Clark, the moderator, brought  with her a collection of material confiscated by the Ontario Provincial  Police and being held as evidence in  an obscenity trial. The material  was placed on a table set up outside  the workshop room, and the panelists  took turns guarding it.  I had seen such stuff before.  Like  most women's, my first reaction to  it had been, Oh,  my God,  I didn't  know it was that bad.     One of the  first "hardcore" things I saw showed  a woman's buttocks. A cane was inserted in her rectum, a male hand  held a cigarette to the skin of her  thigh. On bad nights, it is the  stuff of my nightmares. And exposure has not created immunity.  My  gut reaction to pictures of women in  nipple presses (devices which encircle the nipple and force it erect;  pressure can be increased by means  of strings or laces at the will of  the "operator), women in spanking  harnesses, women being beaten, whipped  or spanked raw in the name of "titilla-  tlon," women's genitals being penetrated by fists or foraged by animals  (usually pigs), and to pictures of  children displaying immature genitals  agreed with her; compared to the bondage and degradation which filled the  other publications, the content of  Lollitots seemed relatively innocuous,  one step removed from photographs  found in many a family album.  The  kids' legs are spread a bit wider,  the angle of their bodies is more one  of display, their expressions are not  those of innocence but of premature  knowledge. All things difficult to  define, and perhaps impossible to  legislate.  But the child models were  definitely exploited.  Their young  bodies had been captured and sold  for purposes of titillation. They  were being peddled as images to masturbate by.  The photographers were  pimps, making money off their flesh.  In all the confiscated material, an  imbalance of power was implicit or  explicit.  What was being depicted  was not consensual sex between equals.  Unlike the gift card I admired, their  content is pornographic, not erotic.  At the present time, the confiscated  material is unlawful, and the card  is not.  But the current Criminal  Code does not always clearly differentiate between material which feminists would find acceptable or unacceptable. Were the card to show  the entire bodies of the women, and  were their activities more explicitly  sexual, the card would not be sold  in Canada—at least not in a neighborhood card shop.  The present law  fails to distinquish between erotica  and pornography.  Erotica and Pornography;  Celebration and Degradation  Erotica is the depiction of the sexual  expression of love (from the Greek  'eros,' meaning sexual love).  It  shows or describes sexual activity  which is loving, non-coercive and  joyous.  It celebrates the sexuality that  makes us uniquely human; the ability  to communicate emotion, express love  and break down barriers between individuals through the sharing of sexual intimacy. Pornography literally  means "writing about prostitution;"  its roots are the Greek words 'porne'  (prostitute) and 'graph' (drawn or  written). The concept that women  are sexual commodities is integral  to the mean of pornography.  'Obscene1  comes from a Latin word meaning  'dirty, containing filth.'  It is because we have denied the nature of  human sexuality—particularly female  sexuality—that pornography and erotica have been confused, and both  labelled 'obscene.'  The free expression of female sexuality threatens a patriarchal structure, particularly as it is embodied  in the family. While more trustworthy forms of birth control have to  some extent freed women from being  labelled "promiscuous" or "adulterr  essess,TM many people - including  those influenced by current right-  wing backlash - still condemn any  sexual expression that is outside of  marriage and not intended for procreation.  The sexual freedom of women—far more  than of men—threatens the nuclear  family, still seen as the backbone  of western culture. Though the majority of people no longer live in  two-parent single breadwinner homes,  it is important to a society which  sees itself as patrilineal to maintain the myth that we do.  If we do  not understand and express the clear  and present difference between erotica and pornography, we may find  ourselves alligned with those who  seek to deny us control of our bodies by denying us the right to abortion and to sexual choice.  Function of Pornography  Erotica celebrates our humanity and  sexuality.  Pornography denies and  denigrates both. Pornography has  been described as "hate literature  against women." While this definition  cannot be applied to all the pornography which concerns us, it is a useful way of examining sado-masochistic  pornography.  If male members of any visible minority group were depicted being tortured, burned, or beaten while bound  or shackled, few people would argued PORNOGRAPHY  that the publication of such material did not "violate community standards."  We understand that material which objectifies and dehumanizes people because of race, color or ethnic origin  dehumanizes us all. We call it "hate  literature" because it teaches hate,  teaches that outward physical characteristics determine value as a  person.  White becomes equaled with "good,"  black (or yellow, or red) becomes  "bad." Externals become all, and  feelings, thought, abilities, behavior—qualities which distinquish all  of us as human species and each of  us as individuals—are rendered invalid . .  It is no accident that many of the  children featured in "kiddie porn"  publications are non-white, "third  world" children.  According to Butta  Stovling, they are chosen because it  is easier to exploit or abuse Asian  children.  True—and perhaps not only economically easier.  Most purchasers of  pornography are middle-aged, married,  white men.  Young non-white people  are unlike them, and therefore easier to objectify.  Such objectification has always been used in wars  to make our enemies less human and  therefore easier to violate and kill.  We "gooked" the Vietnamese, "Japped"  our Asian enemies in World War II  (and interned those Canadians who  shared Japanese heritage, though we  let Canadians of German and Italian  (white) origin go free). As Andrea  Dworkin says, Genodicide begins,   however improbably,  in the conviction  that classes of biological distinction indisputably sanction social  and political discrimination.  Simone de Beauvoir taught us long  ago that women have been made objects  in a society ruled by men.  Pornography focusses on and exploits those  characteristics which made us 'other'  and denies those parts of us which  are common to all humans.  It reduces us to breasts, buttocks and  genitalia—tits, ass and cunt— to  to be used and abused.  Worse, it integrates that message  with another, the message that sex  and violence are linked.  The lesson  taught in all "hard-core" pornography  is that men's pleasure comes from  inflicting pain and women's from  feeling it.  Snuff: logical consequence  Its logical consequence is "snuff  movies," the ultimate pornography,  made in South America where, as the  publicity says, "Life is cheap,"  and shown in major cities in the U.S.  and in Toronto.  Snuff movies feature  the (apparently) actual disembowel-  ment and killing of women, as part  of the sex acts.  They are the most  blatant example of woman hating and  of the confusion of sexuality with  aggression.  Robin Morgan has said, Pornography  is the  theory and rape the practise.  Morgan is right, though perhaps she  does not go far enough. Pornography  explicates and condones all forms of  woman abuse.  It justifies wife-  battering and rape in marriage by  stating that sex partners are appropriate victims of violence.  It is a form of pimping, for it depicts women as sexual commodities  and derives profits from their bodies.  It contributes to sexual harassment  on the street and on the job by reducing women to breasts and buttocks.  It condones incestuous molestation  RCA Records, Album cover for Nelson Slater's "Wild Angel.'  Chain used is like a bit for a horse which is being broken in.  of children by showing such relationships as "normal" and desirable.  Its  relationship to rape is obvious.  By  showing a world where sex and violence  are equated, pornography makes all  the sexual relationships it depicts  and inspires a form of rape.  In the section on prostitution, we  discussed the two traditional ways  of seeing women.  Only "chaste" women are good and deserving of male  protection. Women who are sexual  beings are evil unless controlled and  made passive, obedient and acquiescent.  In order to be categorized so simplis-  tically, we must be seen to exist  only to serve as vehicles for the  realization of men's sexual desire.  Pornography teaches that we are fair  game, that we really like to be brutalized and raped. Let's kiss and  make up,   says the wife batterer whose  victim is suffering ruptured kidneys  from his kicks.  Did'you enjoy it?  sneers the cop at  the rape victim. I'm Black and Blue  from the Rolling Stones and I Love  It,"  screams, the billboard. Jump  on It,"  directs another album cover,  the message flashed over the scarlet  target of a woman's crotch.  One of the premises of pornography  is that we are natural masochists,  "controlled in our feeling and thought  by the idea of being completely and  unconditionally subject to the will  of a person of the opposite sex;  of being treated by this person as  (if he were) a master,  humiliated  and abused. "  In sado-masochistic fantsies, or  practise, there is no possibility of  equality between the sexes. Men and  women are enemies by nature, engaged  in a continuous "war of the sexes."  Sacher-Masoch, after whom the theory  of masochism was named, wrote, Woman  as nature has created her and as man  at present raised her,  is his enemy, . .  she can only be his slave or his despot,  but never his companion. . .  Sado-masochistic fantasy and practise  are not about sex; in Sacher-Masoch's  work, and in that of many of his  followers, no genital contact need  take place. The fantasies are about  power, domination, breaking of will,  victimization and victory.  Though our socialization may indeed  cause some of us to feel ashamed of  our sexuality to the point where we•  may fantasize being overcome in order  to remove the guilt we have been  taught to associate with sexual feeling, few women would seek the reality  of a sado-masochistic relationship. .  Most of us have known physical pain;  often it has been inflicted by those  who were supposed to love and protect us. We know it is not pleasant,  not sexual, but simply painful. But  in a society in which women have less  power than men, and where those who  profess to love us are often our violators, we may have little chance to  escape pain.  The infliction of pain on women to  make us conform to male sexual desires  is not new.  In Africa, for untold  generations, women's clitorises have  been torn from them,, their outer  genitalia severed then crudely clamped  ' together with thorns in order to  assure female chastity and ensure  .patrilineage in polygamous societies.  |In China, for millenia, girl children  suffered the pain and crippling of  foot-^binding, a practise which destroyed the mobility Of female children when they were six or seven years  of age, forcing them to walk on the  outside of toes which had been bent  under into the sole of the foot.  It  was believed that binding the feet  deepened the vagina and created new  folds within it, thus increasing  the pleasure of the male. Women were  literally sexual prisoners.  In western countries, the most cruel  example of woman abuse was the extermination of nine million "witches"  over six centuries, (most of whom  were women who defied male control)  in Europe and America. We have had  our ribs removed to produce desirably tiny waists, worn girdles and  high heels to force our flesh and  feet into "attractive" forms. And  what about the women and children  who model for pornography? Their  torture does not appear to be simulated. Nor is it for the sexual  partners of the men who buy the  products advertised in the back of  the magazines.  All she needs...  Today's pornography reinforces the  same ideologies as clitoredectomies  and foot binding.  It mystifies and  corrupts the true nature of female  sexuality, and enjoins that women  must suffer to give men pleasure.  All she needs is a good fuck  — or  a slap, or a whip. Pornography creates two mutually exclusive and mutually understandable castes of people.  It leaves no room for love or communication or understanding across the  wall it builds between the sexes.  It glorifies power and dominance,  over women, over other non-human creatures and over the earth itself.  The equation of sex with violence  opposes the sharing of experience,  the effort to communicate, the gentle ► PORNOGRAPHY  integration that is the basis of sexual bonding—and of living in a world  that is not destroyed by the human  presence.  In that it sanctions violence against  those less powerful and labels acts  of desecration "manly" and negates  acts of tenderness and compassion,  by categorizing them as "effeminate"  and therefore undesirable in half  the human population, it denigrates  all humankind. This view of power  is consistent with an ideology which  exploits the world - including the  physical world - through power.  It  is not merely coincidental that rape  of the women of a country is a traditional part of the 'spoils,' of a  war, an affirmation of the victor's  conquest of the men who would "rightfully" have sexual rights to the women.  But eqalitarian relationships are  only difficult, not impossible. They  would be less difficult in a context  where propaganda for coercive rela<-  tionships was not prevalent. All  'such propaganda is not pornographic:  such themes dominate the mainstream  media.  But pornography is the most  outrageous and outraging sexist propaganda; the fight for non-sexist  material must start with it.  The Myth of Catharsis  There is an alternate view which sees  pornography as serving a positive function, and claims that it provides an  outlet for male sexuality which acts  as a "safety valve," thus decreasing  sex crimes against women.  The theory seems to be based on these  premises:  that men naturally equate  sex and violence; that men must have  a sexual outlet in which women are  victimized; and that lacking such an  outlet in pornography, they will seek  women victims on which to stake their  "violent lust."  Some old and short-term studies which  showed a decrease in reported rape  in Scandanavian countries after obscenity laws were made more "liberal"  are usually cited. The theory seems  invalid on several counts. The "evidence" does not state what proportion  of the material subjects were exposed  to was actually pornographic, and  what proportion simply erotic.  It  does not discuss the long-term effects  of pornography on children brought up  in a culture where pornography is  pervasive and available without age  restriction, as is now the case in  Sweden.  Nor does it distinquish between actual  and reported incidence of rape; perhaps an effect of the increased availability of pornography was to create  a climate in which the credibility of  women reporting rape became even  more suspect, or in which women felt  they would be considered "poor sports"  if they reported. The catharsis  theory does not explain why killers  like Charles Manson and David Berkowitz  (Son of Sam) collected stacks of hardcore pornography, nor why pornography  is used to "cure" homosexuals and convert them to "normal" heterosexual  relationships.  The catharisis theory seems based on  a view of human sexuality which denigrates women and men alike.  It  says that the appropriate male re  sponse is to be turned on by material  depicting women being violated and  maimed.  While it is true that many (if not  most) North American men are socialized to equate the violation of women with sexual pleasure, there is  no solid evidence that this is biologically based.  Sex is a basic  human need, as is hunger; but the  forms in which such needs are filled  are culturally determined.  Foods  are considered edible in some cultures and detestible in others;  forms of sexual expression are 'normal' in some cultures and 'deviant'  elsewhere. The equation of violence  with male sexual arousal is ideologically based; pornography is both  a product and a perpetrator of that  same ideology. Pornography contributes  to a climate in which ongoing generations of males are taught that  laws which restrict the publication  and dissemination of hate literature.  And there are existing laws against  obscenity.  Censorship in many forms  exists.  Without censorship of any kind, we  could find nipple presses, spanking  harnesses and paddles on sale in the  Bay. We could have our eyes assaulted  by depictions of women and children  being sexually coerced as we passed  every book store or patronized our  neighborhood dairy store. Pornography  offends women.  It creates a climate  in which the freedom of women to  walk unmolested and to form relationships without fear of violation is  impeded. The question is not one of  freedom versus liberty, but of whose  freedom—ours or the pornographers?  Some feminists—particularly feminists  actively working in socialist politics  have given other valid reasons for  taking an anti-censorship stance.  PEARLS,  by Tee Corinne.  Pearls, as in the pearl shape of the clitoris.  An example of celebration,  erotica - not degredation, pornography.  degradation rather than love is the  appropriate form of sexual expression.  But behavior that is learned must  not be confused with instinct. All  women who have loved and shared noncoercive sexual joy with a male partner, or known the trusting love of  a male child too young to have been  effected by woman-hating propaganda,  and all men who have not denied their  ability to feel compassion as well  as passion must see the fallacy in  the 'catharsis' argument.  Censorship  and Anti-Censorship  On many issues, feminists and civil  libertarians are in accord.  But the  issue of restriction of pornographic  materials is one that separates those  of us who see pornography as a contravention of the civil rights of  women from those who see the censorship of pornography as limiting the  rights to "freedou of expression" of  all Canadians.  While the "freedom of speech" argument  may have some validity, it can and  must be countered.  It is a fundamental  principle of Canadian law (how ever  varied its practise) that the freedom of an individual may be limited  where it impedes or infringes upon  the freedom of another individual,  group or community.  We have laws against assault and  "anti-noise" civic by-laws. We have  Censors anti-women  Cynthia Flood (Priorities, January,  1979) raises two issues: that it may  prove impossible to come up with a  definition concerning material we do  not want controlled; and that the  present governments would enforce  any legislation in ways untenable to  us.  In an accompanying article, Hilda  Thomas notes that censors have traditionally been anti-woman; censorship laws have been used to control  women rather than to relieve our oppression.  All their points are worth considering. Certainly, we know that when  "community standards" are cited as  a criterion for judging obscenity,  it is not the feminist community  that judges are referring to. Yet  Thomas' and Flood's positions seem  to lack a distinction between erotica  and pornography. We don't think  that they really want instruments of  torture to be universally available.  It seems certain that most women  don't. And we cannot wait for the  socialist-feminist millenium to come.  As avidly as we might wish its advent, we are living our lives within the constraints that exist for  us now.  We do not advocate legislation as  the panacea; we favor legislation  that would ban only the most extreme  and violent forms of pornography; the  snuff movies, the animal-woman inter-► PORNOGRAPHY  course pictures, the images of small  children with large penises in their  mouths.  Such laws could be combined with  other tactics designed to increase  public awareness and decrease the  profitability of pornography.  Our  attack on the pornographers would be  double-pronged. To agree totally  with Thomas and Flood would leave us  feeling helpless and hopeless, totally  alienated from power within our own  country.  While we know that feminists  are a relatively unheard group, our  opinions have been asked and some of  our suggestions incorporated in proposed legislation.  Debra Lewis and Lorenne Clark both  were asked to present briefs on pornography to the parliamentary committee  on Justice and Legal Affairs, in March  1978. Though the amendments proposed  a few months later did not correspond  closely to their recommendations, the  influence of their presentations was  obvious.  We cannot accept that it is not within our power to make our views heard.  To accept our powerlessness is to  accept the message that pornography  tries to imprint on us and on the men  who are the other half of our species—  that women are natural victims, objects to be acted upon, rather than  people participating in the process  of defining their world.  To accept  that it is impossible to define pornography is to accept that we too are  unable to distinguish between erotica  and pornography.  The Law  Censorship laws - or laws regarding  obscenity—do exist, and no doubt  will continue to do so. None of the  political parties which may take power following the up-coming federal  election have suggested the removal  of obscenity legislation. The new  government, whatever, its political  stripe, will probably draft new legislation, as the Liberals did in the  last two sessions of parliament.  Proposals for change were included in  Bills C-51 and C-21. Like the amendments concerning prostitution, they  died on the order paper.  Section 159 of the Criminal Code of  Canada, which has been in effect since  July 6, 1959 states:  (1) Every one commits an offence who  a) Makes, prints, publishes, distributes, circulates, or has in his possession for the purpose of publication, distribution, or circulation  .any obscene written matter, picture,  model, phonograph record or other  thing whatsoever,...  (2) Every one commits an offence  who knowingly, without lawful justification or excuse,  a) Sells, exposes to public view or  has in his possession for such a purpose any obscene written matter, picture, model, phonograph record or  other thing whatsoever,  (3) No person shall be convicted of  an offence under this section if he  establishes that the public good was  served by the acts that are alleged  to constitute the offence and that  the acts alleged did not extend beyond what served the public good.  Casablanca Records and  FilmWorks. Magazine ad for the  punk rock group Kiss' album  "Love and Kisses." The woman  appears to be a willing and passive  participant in a gang attack. This  interaction is labeled "love and  kisses," implying affection. In  reality gang rapes are instead vicious, brutal and traumatic events  Warner Brothers/Reprise Records. Cover for the Meters' album  "Trick Bag." Image defines the  woman as "rear end," as "easy to get  into." (Notice seam of the pants.)  Patches indicate membership in oV possession by gangs. This woman's rear  end is the Meters' "trick bag."  (4) For the purposes of this section it is a question of law whether  an act served the public good and  whether there is evidence that the  act alleged went beyond what served  the public good, but it is a question  of fact whether the acts did or did  not extend beyond what served the  public good.  (5) For the purpose of this section  the motives of the accused are irrelevant ...  (8) For the purposes of this act,  any publication a dominant characteristic of which is the undue exploitation of sex, or of sex and any one  of more of the following subjects,  namely, crime, horror, cruelty and  violence shall be deemed to be obscene.  Bill C-51, the omnibus bill introduced  in parliament in May, 1978, and its  successor, Bill C-21, introduced to  the next session of parliament in  November, 1978, would have amended  subsection (8) of Section 159 and  added another subsection (9) to define 'child.'  Clause 18 of Bills C-51 and C-21  (they are identical in all but date)  states; Subsection 159 (8) of the  said Act is repealed and the following substituted therefore:  (8) For the purpose of this Act, a  matter or thing is obscene where  a) Dominant characteristic of the  matter or thing is the undue exploitation of sex, coercive sex, violence,  crime, horror, cruelty, or the undue  degradation of the human person; or  b) The matter or thing unduly depicts  a totally or partially nude child  (i) engaged or participating in an  act or a simulated act of coercive  sexuality, masturbation, sexual intercourse, gross indecency, buggery or  bestiality or  (ii) unduly displaying any portion of  his or her anatomy in a sexually  suggestive manner.  (9) In this section, a 'child' means  someone who is or appears to be below the age of 16.  The proposed amendments were criticized|  by feminists, and rightly so.  The  most important criticism was that the  proposals failed to distinguish between erotica and pornography.  It  was felt by Lewis, for example, that  "the law remains primarily oriented  around sexual factors and a subjective judgment on what is or is not  immoral."  The terms were neither clear nor narrow enough to ensure the exclusion of  truly pornographic material while  permitting the distribution of erotic  material aimed primarily at women,  information on women's bodies and  their particular medical problems,  and explicit sex education material.  Despite dissatisfaction with present  and proposed legislation, feminists  in Canada (like U.S. feminists) have  been reluctant to attempt suggesting  wording which would reflect their  concerns.  At a major national conference held  in San Fransciso in November, 1978,  (see write-up in February, 1979,  Kinesis) feminists agreed only to  "work to eliminate all images of women being bound, raped, tortured and  murdered for sexual stimulation."  The NAC workshop put forward two resolutions; "that government make  funds available for longitudinal research on the causal connection between pornography and violence against  women;" and "that there be a moratorium on amendments to existing legislation until such research was complete." Moderator Lorenne Clark  stated, We are not in the business  of drafting legislation.  We disagree with this perspective,  believing that we cannot expect those ► PORNOGRAPHY  who do make legislation to reflect  our interests if we do not make our  position, clear and known.  Debra Lewis, Vancouver Status of Women legal researcher, has made suggestions for re-defining 'obscenity.'  Lewis states, We want a law based on  new standards which would entrench  the physical and sexual autonomy of  women and children within the law.  Such a law should be based on the  following principles in establishing  a definition of obscene material:  1) That the material displays or  condones the actual or implied use  of physical force or coercion against  another individual.  2) That the material depicts or  condones sexual contact between a-  dults and children.  3) That the material exploits, for  commercial purposes, the sexual activity of children.  Lewis' suggestions have great merit,  and would serve well to explain and  define the changes we would propose.  They would remove the emphasis on  sex which, while less explicit in  Bills C-21 and C-51 than in present  legislation, still seems focal.  It is not sex, but the association of  sex with violence which is truly  "obscene."  We feel that the replacement of subsections (8) and (9)  with the following words would prohibit the material that is objectionable to women, while permitting the  free-flow of erotica and educational  material.  (8) For the purposes of this Act, a  matter or thing is obscene where  a) a dominant characteristic of the  matter or thing is coercive sex,  violence, crime, horror or cruelty.  b) the matter or thing unduly depicts a totally or partially nude  child (i) engaged or participating  in an act or a simulated act of coercive sexuality, masturbation, sexual intercourse, gross indency, buggery or bestiality,  (9) For the purposes of the section,  coercive sex means:  a) the implicit or explicit association of force or violence with sexual  activity or  b) non-consensual sexual activity.  Subsection 159 (9) as proposed in Bills  C-21 and C-51 would become section  159 (10).  In this section, a 'child'  means someone who is or appears to  be below the age of 16.  We have not included any specific  mention of material depicting children  in "sexually suggestive" ways. Adult-  child sexual contact is by nature co-  erceive, since an imbalance of power  is inherent in such relationships.  Material obviously designed to exploit  children's sexuality would be covered  by Subsection 8 (b).  We do not believe that the question  of whether a child is "unduly displaying any portion of his or her anatomy  in a sexually suggestive manner" is  one that can be determined by law.  Since we believe that children have  a right to freedom of sexual expression and that it is the exploitation  of their sexuality which is abhorent,  we hesitate to recommend the adoption  of legislation which might be used to  restrict children's right to self-  expression.  Nor is all material  which is "sexually suggestive" to an  adult necessarily sexual to the child  engaging in the activity.  While we deplore those who make profits of children's bodies, we feel  that banning material which simply  shows naked children with no coercive features or adult-child contact  implicit or explicit in the depiction  would create more problems than it  might eliminate.  It might, for example, prohibit the publication of  pictures showing families at Wreck  Beach. In dealing with material  that is offensive but not covered  by the suggested definitions the use  of other methods as discussed below  may be preferable.  Epic Records  (Columbia,   CBS).   Cover  for the Pure Food and Drug Act's  album.  A woman as a piece of meat.  Seal gives a feeling of social approval in a way similar to the inspection seal on a steak. Although  this group has been out of existence  for several years,  this album is  still seen in many record bins.  Pornography exists because our society  provides a context where men feel a  need for it. To eliminate it completely requires fundamental social  change, the creation of a non-sexist  egalitarian society and a society  where women would not be victimized  emotionally or financially so that  models for pornography would become  unavailable.  Feminists are working in many ways  to achieve that goal; the harder we  work, the more we understand that the  realization will not be accomplished  soon.  But pornography also exists  because there is a profit to be made  from it.  (Hard-core "porn" magazines,  cover-priced at $15 - $25 in their  country of origin, sell for $30 - $50  on the Canadian market.)  While we work on the fundamental  changes, we can also work on more  immediate solutions.  By decreasing  the profits of pornographers and distributors, we may be able to reduce  the flow of degrading material.  These tactics can be applied not just  to hard-core material, sold under the  counter, but magazines (like Hustler)  and films and other material which  are offensive but not illegal.  We can boycott stores that handle  offensive material, magazines and  newspapers that carry ads for such  material, and products that advertise  in offensive magazines.  We can march.  The "Take Back the  Night" march, held in San Francisco  in November, 1978 in conjunction  with the Feminist Pornography conference, brought out 2,000 to 3,000 women.  Similar events in Vancouver  have brought out less than 100.  We  must show numerical strength so that  those who patronize "porn" book sellers and movie houses are made very  aware of our presence.  Boycott, march, picket  We can picket and leaflet movie houses  showing smut films, and bookstores  carrying materials degrading to women.  Again, our numbers must be strong;  prospective clients should have to  deliberately walk through our lines  to get to their sources.  We can collect data (and with permission of our informants, publish  it) from women who have been abused  while modelling for pornography.  Transition House and Rape Relief workers hear from women who have been  tortured by sex partners as punishment, or because "everybody does it".  Many of these men are avid readers  of "porn." Perhaps street workers,  or groups performing advocacy functions for prostitutes (like Toronto's  C.A.S.H.) could put us in touch with  sources of information from models.  We know that most of the "hard-core"  pornography is published in the U.S.  or in Scandinavia. We do not know  who owns or controls these publishers  and producers.  Since most Canadian  corporations are affiliates or subsidiaries of larger U.S. corporations  (this holds true for crime syndicates  as well as General Eoods) knowledge  of the sources and their connections,  if any, to Canadian interests could  be useful. We could then boycott  affiliates, confront the Canadian  contacts, and ask for their cooperation  in eliminating the offensive material  (and publish an account of our efforts  if they refuse).  We can set up cameras in front of  known "porn distributors," and take  pictures of customers entering and  exiting from these shops.  Feminists  in other cities have found this highly  effective.  In some cases, no film is  in the camera; the suggestion of being captured on film is effective  enough.  In other cities, pictures  have been taken. These sometimes  were blown up into "wanted" sized  posters. This tactic proves most  effective with men considered to be  "pillars of their communities" and  with the owners of shops.  As Gene Errington pointed out, in a  recent forum on pornography, the magazines, books, film and television  that we are exposed to are all controlled for us. The producers and  men who pay the bills make the decisions about what is available to us.  Having an effect on the decisionmaking processes through which the  content of publications and visual  media is decided will not be easy.  Nor will having input into legislation.  Defeating the pornographers will require dedication and commitment. But  if we do not try, if we do not define  our needs and devise and follow a  unified strategy to see them met, we  cannot blame others when material  offends and oppresses us. 'ñ∫ Our Sources   '  PROSTITUTION  Brundage, James A. "Prostitution in  Medieval Canon Law", Signs: A Journal  of Women in Culture and Society Vol  1, #4, U of Chicago Press. Summer  1976.  Herman, Judith, and Lisa Hirschmann.  "Father and Daughter Incest" in Signs  Vol 2, #4. pp. 732-757  Layton, Monique. Prostitution in Van^  couver: Official and Unofficial Re-  ports. Vancouver Police Commission '75  Lewis, Debra."Prostitution : Developing  Feminist Perspectives, Kinesis, October  1978  Millett, Kate. "Prostitution : A Quartet  for Female Voices." In Women In Sexist  Society (ed. V.Gornick, B.K.Moran) New  York; Merton Books 1972.  Minister of Justice, House of Commons,  Ottawa. C-51, An Act to Amend The Criminal Code, The Canada Evidence Act and  The Parole Act. First Reading May 7,'78  Rotenberg, Lori. "The Wayward Worker;  Toronto's Prostitute at the Turn of  the Century." In Women at Work in  Ontario. Toronto; The Women's Press,'74.  Russ, Joana. "On Prostitution in Medieval Canon Law". In Signs, Vol.2,#4,  Summer 1977, p.922  Smart, Carol. Women, Crime and Criminology; A Feminist Critique. London;  Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976.  PORNOGRAPHY  Dworkin, Andrea. "Biological Superiority: The World's Most Dangerous and  Deadly Idea." In Heresies #6 On  Women and Violence.  Heresies, P.O.  Box 766 Canal Street Station, N.Y.N.Y  Woman Hating. New  York; E.P.Dutton, '74  Flood, Cynthia. "Pornography and Censorship" Priorities, Vol 7,#1, Jan.  '79. N.D.P.Women's Committee c/o 517  East Broadway, Vancouver  Hoskin, Fran P. "Female Circumcision  in Africa", Victimology, Vol 2, #3-4  Lenzer, Gertrude. "On Masochism" in  Signs, Vol 1,#2, Winter 1975 pp. 277-  324  Lewis, Debra. "Pornography: Developing  Feminist Perspectives." Kinesis, October 1978.  London, Julia. "Images of Violence  Against Women." Victimology, Spouse  Abuse issue, Vol 2, #3-4. Spring  1978 pp. 510 - 563. Visage Press, Wa.  Minister of Justice, Bill C-51  Morgan, Robin. "How to Run the Pornographers out of Town and Preserve  the First Amendment." Ms, Vol 7,  #5, November 1978.  "Theory and Practice:  Pornography and Rape." Going Too  Far : The Personal Chronicles of a  Feminist. New York; Vintage, 1978.  "The Politics of  Sado-Masochistic Fantasies." Going  Too Far  Russell, Diana. "On Pornography."  Chrysalis, #4, 1977. Women's Building,  L.A. 1727 North Spring Street, L.A.  questions for candidates  Amendments to those sections of the  Criminal Code concerned with 'obscenity' will probably be introduced by  a new federal government, no matter  which party is elected.  If you are  concerned about pornography, we suggest you attend all-candidates meetings and ask prospective MP's their  views on this issue. A suggested  approach:  Feminists believe that legislation  concerning obscenity should not restrict materials concerned with mu-  tualistic and non-coercive sex, but  only those materials which denigrate  women,  exploit children,  or glorify  coercive sexuality.  We want a law based on new standards  that would entrench the physical and  sexual autonomy of children within  the law.     Would you support legislation to amend the Criminal Code so  that material would be considered  obscene if a dominant characteristic  of it was coercive sexuality,  violence,  crime,  horror or cruelty,  or if the material depicted adult-  child sexual contacts or otherwise exploited children for the  sexual stimulation of adults?  Other women 's groups across the country are also concerned about these  issues.    At the recent conference of  the National Action Committee on the  Status of Women,   (NAC),  delegates  from member groups  (including Gillian  Marie and Jillian Ridington,  VSW delegates and Lee Grills,   VSW president  and a member of the NAC executive)  voted unanimously in favor of this  resolution:  We recommend that all current legislation relating to soliciting, loitering for the purposes of prostitution, and bawdy houses be removed  from the Criminal Code.  NAC is already on record as favoring  removal of the interspousal immunity  in rape.  If you agree with this position,  attend all-candidate's meetings in your  riding, and ask the following questions :  Are you in favor of the decriminalization of prostitution?  Are you in favor of removal of all  interspousal exemptions in any legislation regarding sexual assault?  The brutalization of women is huckstered as a staple  commodity on the nation's newsstands.  Steinem, Gloria. "A Clear and Present  Difference." Ms, Vol 7,#5, November  1978.  Sontag, Susan. On Photography. New  York, Dell, 1978.  Thomas, Hilda. "Uncensored Pornography"  Priorities  WAVPAM Newsletter, March 1979. Berkeley  Women's Centre, 2112 Channing Way, Ber-  kerley.  i woman and  a doo - different  Send $2 for sample: _ 8mm _ Super 8mm  'ñ° 200 ft. B&W $12.00 D Color $24.00  EMERALD P. O. Box 69388  Los Angeles. Calif. 90069 Dept. Sir '  BONDAGE BOOKLETS  Photo-illustrated booklets of nude women  in slavery; locked in spanking stocks, discipline harnesses, spread eagle chains, lady  trainers, choke collars, fastened to spanking blocks, etc. For illustrated brochure:  Send $2. to KARAVAL, Dept. STr  Box 35719. Houston, Texas 7703S KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79 25  ACROSS CANADA  Ottawa Crisis Centre responds to OPP report  Police report on rape inaccurate,degrading.  The Ottawa Rape Crisis Centre has  attacked as inaccurate, judgmental  and degrading to women a recently-  released Ontario Provincial Police  Study of sex crimes in Ontario.  The study, undertaken for a six-  month period in 1978, cites promiscuous and indiscreet behavior  (on  the part of women) as the predominant factor in 71 per cent of  the rape cases it examined.  Ottawa Rape Crisis Centre spokesperson Esther Shannon said the study's  conclusions not only support every  societal myth about the causes of  sexual assault but also make clear  to women who consider reporting rape  that it is their behavior, and not  their assailant's which police will  be examining.  The effects of this type of police  attitude on rape reporting will be  the most serious consequence of this  study,   Shannon said.  According to OPP Staff Superintendent Neil Chaddock the study was undertaken as a result of a 43 per cent  increase in reports of sexual assault  in Ontario during 1977.  He said  that the OPP is disappointed that the  study's findings did not indicate  any clear direction for police to follow in rape prevention.  The Ottawa Rape Crisis Centre feels  that the OPP perspective on the causes  of sexual assault is, in fact, one  of the real dangers of the study.  In  effect, said Shannon, the study is  telling women that there is nothing  the police can do if they insist on  behaving in a "promiscuous" fashion.  With the level of understanding of  rape demonstrated by the study,  I'm  surprised that they didn't talk about  tight sweaters,   etc.,   she said.  The myth that women are in some way  responsible for their own rape, which  the study fully supports, is one which  women have always had to contend with,  and is one which many women themselves  believe.  It's a particularly dangerous myth  for women for it lulls us into a false  sense of security.. .the   'it can't happen to me' attitude,   she said.  Shannon said research has demonstrated over and over again that rape is  almost always a premediated act and  that the rapist is in fact seeking  two things:"the opportunity to rape  and the availability of a victim.  The idea that women cause or provoke  rape always conveniently overlooks  the other party involved, the rapist.  The OPP study, Shannon said, cites  hitchhiking as one example of "indiscreet behavior." It says that 16  women who were hitchhiking were raped and implies that if these women  had not been hitchhiking they would  not have been raped.  Probably for these particular 16 women we could say that that is the  case, according to Shannon.  She said  they wouldn't have been raped, but  another 16 women would have been because the rapist is simply looking  for a vulnerable person.  Whether  he finds one hitchhiking or in a bar  is irrelevent.  His intention, to "go  on raping" as one rapist put it, is  already established.  The Rape Crisis Centre's one overriding caution for women in regards  to rape prevention is that every and  any woman can be raped.  When society begins to understand  that basic fact,  then maybe we'll  get studies from the OPP about the  rapist,   Shannon said.  Then we can really make some progress  in the area of rape prevention.  Courtesy of Upstream m  Puretex strike ends  "TV viewing pleasure" has been restricted for the bosses of Toronto's Puretex  Knitting Company. Their wage bill has  risen close to 10% as a result of a 12  week strike by 220 members of the Canadian Textile and Chemical Union (CTCU),  All but 20 of the workers are women,  most of them Italian immigrants.  The CTCU pulled the plug on Puretex  last November and one of the reasons  why was the closed circuit cameras  that had been installed in the plant  to monitor the activitity of the workers . The most offensive of theses -  a spy camera aimed at the women's  washroom - will be removed according  to the contract terms ratified by  union members February 6.  Hourly wages which ranged from a  paltry $3.60 to a paltry $3.75 will  be boosted 35 cents in the first  year and 30 cents in the second year of  the new contract. The settlement was  15 to 17 cents higher than the company's first offer, say CTCU organizers  Picket-line militancy characterized  the strike throughout the 12 weeks.D  Socialist Voice excerpt  Jamaican women packing  Nation-wide support is growing for  the seven Jamaican women facing deportation.  The women, who live in  Toronto, lost their appeal at the  Federal Court in January.  In response  INCAR (International Committee Against  Racism) organised protests in cities  across Canada.  "Create jobs, not  racism", protesters demanded.  The seven women face deportation for  having failed to declare the existence of children in Jamaica when they  applied to Canada under a domestic  work program more than five years ago.  The Canadian government knew that  these women had children, but chose  to look the other way until the program ended in 1975.  Elaine Peart, one of the women ordered deported received a Department of  Immigration letter March 2, announcing that the seven were due to be deported immediately.  There is still one last legal wheel  to turn.  The Federal Court has left  open the question of Human Rights  jurisdiction in the matter.  It had  been asked by the Immigration Department to declare that the Canadian Human Rights Commission has no jurisdiction over its affairs, including the '  right to investigate allegations of  discrimination on the basis of race  or sex.  But it did not so rule.  The Human Rights Commission has yet  to decide if, in fact, it considers  the women victims of discrimination^   Calgary Women's Newsletter info  Quebec steals child tax credit  The Quebec government is saving money  because of the Federal Child Tax Credit  Normally, welfare recipients receive  the cost of living increase in January,  in accordance with the Quebec Pension  Board. For this year, they should get  9%. However, because of the Child Tax  Credit, welfare recipients will not be  receiving this expected increase. 'ñ°  ft  We won't be kept in poverty  If we are going to be government-kept  women we demand that we not be kept  in poverty.  With this slogan, 50 women launched  the Women for Welfare group at a  meeting held at the Women's Building  in Winnipeg on Sunday, Feb. 18.  Led  LNS Women's Graphics  by a large number of Indian women,  the group came out against harassment of welfare mothers and for immediate increases in welfare benefits.  This is the first time in Manitoba  Indian women, white women, welfare  mothers and single women have come  together. Welfare is every woman's  issue, everyone present agreed.      (  On hand were Judy Ramirez and Dorothy  Kidd from Wages for Housework in  Toronto bringing news and support of  similar efforts in Ontario and the  USA. We need a strong network of  women demanding the money and the  respect we've all earned by working  in our homes,   they said.  The first move of the newly-formed  group will be to demand that the  province of Manitoba and other agencies keep their hands off the Child  Tax Credit refunds.  The Winnipeg Housing Authority has  been demanding that tenants in arrears  should make over their tax credit to  his agency, "as this money would appear to be a 'windfall' to the parent 26    KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79  RACISM IN VANCOUVER  Black community demands action from City  Joey Thompson  Vancouver has long been known for its  racism but only recently has this West  Coast provincial city become notorious  for its Molotov cocktails.  The two were mixed together into a  lethal warning recently at a human  rights inquiry when a ministry of labor official warned that if something  wasn't done quickly to arrest the longstanding policy of discrimination against blacks by downtown night club  cabarets, someone will throw a Molotov  cocktail through the window of one of  those places.  Violence has recently been on the lips  of more than 20 black men and women  who say they have been insulted, degraded and verbally harassed by night  club owners and managers.  Incidents  of racial discrimination against scores  of black people culminated in two separate appeals to city and provincial  governments for someone to do something  quickly or, we will no longer be responsible for our actions,   threatened  one desperate black.  Delicia Crump convinces  The woman who spearheaded the campaign  and who can take credit for bringing  the racial issue to a head is Delicia  Crump.  A hairdresser in her late  thirties Crump, after hearing of repeated cases of harassment at the insolent and fisty hands of disco operators, marched down to city council  and demanded that discrimination halt  and that disco owners be brought to  for their appalling and unjustified harassment of black minorities.  Under the banner of a newly-formed  Black Solidarity Association, Crump  tackled such well-known right-wingers  as Councillors Doug Little, Warnett  Kennedy and Mayor Jack Volrich.  To convince these city men that blacks  are being roughly handled, barred from  clubs and harassed by operators and  police is by no means an easy task.  After several presentations, testimonies by witnesses and meetings with  community services committee of council, Crump appeared to have won her  day in court.  But conservative, wary council members were reluctant to condemn the  disco owners until they themselves  had an opportunity to counter such  attacks.  Owners' arrogance backfires  What happened worked more against the  owners than in their favor.  Barry Williams, insolent Misty's owner,  appeared before council; his comments  as slick as his three piece suit and  manicured hairstyle.  It soon became embarrassingly apparent as he replied to questions from  councillors, that Williams was in no  mood to entertain the charges being  laid against him by the members of  the Black Solidarity Association.  Williams appeared to have little or  no time to respond to such ridiculous  questions and made it quite clear the  entire issue was a waste of his time.  Council members were miffed at the  flippant, nonchalant attitude of this  entrepreneur and more than ever were  determined to confirm the complaints  of discrimination lodged against him.  It wasn't hard to do: Williams admitted that the club had no set policy  for refusing admittance. He said  that doorbouncers were not required  to give reasons for refusal and that  it was up to the discretion of the  man at the door whether to admit people or not.  Black women and men had previously  testified that they were required to  produce three pieces of ID with their  picture on it  and that sometimes this  wasn't good enough to get through.  Often they were told they couldn't  get in unless they had a club pass.  Williams agreed that lots of people  were asked for three pieces of ID  but denied that blacks were being picked on. He said undesirable charac  ters  were turned away.  But that this  had nothing to do with the color of  their skin.  Council abashed, for once  Council, rather abashed at the offhanded manner in which door persons  were able to determine suspicious  persons came to the only conclusion  that Misty's and other cabarets with  similar no-policy polices were prone  to if not blatantly discriminating  against blacks.  A jubilant Crump attempted to convince  the aldermen that the licences of offenders be rescinded for an unspecified  period of time.  But the business-  prone aldermen could not find it necessary to adopt such extreme penalties.;  (Except Aid. Rankin and Darlene Mazari  who were anxious to punish the polished operators by wacking away at their  pocketbooks).  Instead they approved the following  recommendations proposed by Crump:  1) That clubs clearly display their  entrance requirements eg. dress code,  ID requirements etc.  2) That bouncers and managers wear  an identifying name plate, to be visible at all times.  3) That people who are refused admittance be given the reasons for such  refusal.  4) That upon receipt of further proven acts of discrimination the offending licensee be brought before council  to show cause why their licenses should  not be suspended.■  Misty ys owner faces discrimination charges  Meanwhile in a ballroom hotel across  town three lawyers comprising a human  rights board of inquiry were hearing  16 separate complaints of racial discrimination — the offender Misty's  Cabaret.  In what appeared to be a stall tactic  Misty owners sent manager Larry Pokoj  to represent the company. Pokoj came  alone carrying the attitude that he  needed no legal council. However,  after a taste of the seriousness of  the semi-judical hearing and the astute wit of Joe Wood, lawyer for the  Human Rights Branch, Pokoj sought a  postponement in the hearing until  legal representation was available.  After much deliberation, the whole  exercise took about five hours, the  board ruled that because evidence  showed Misty's was well-informed in  advance of the importance and impact  of the inquiry, the company was remiss  in not notifying and obtaining legal  council.  Countless witnesses  The board has heard countless witnesses, as well as complainants, many of  whom claim that there is a flagrant  flaunting of the Human Rights Code  and that police are apparently telling  the club operators who to discriminate  against; that when a black person com-  ■ plains,  the police often arrest the  victim.  Altercations have broken out between  customers, police and Misty doormen.  Blacks predict that all hell will  break loose if government officials  either at the municipal or provincial  level, fail to impose strict regulations and fines on the offenders.  Lawyer Wood is seeking compensation  for the complainants for loss of self-  respect due to Misty's wanton disregard for the Human Rights Code as  well as the black population of B.C.  Whether the blacks win some kind of  monetary award is questionable —  few Boards of Inquiry have ordered  anything higher than token compensation payments — but it is clear that  Crump and the energy behind BSA has  benefited from something much greater -  the knowledge that with a little bit  of push and a whole lot of public outrage the wheels of justice and order  do progress, albeit slowly..a  The Board resumed hearings on April  17, and no decision has been made as  Kinesis goes to press. KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79 27  LESBIAN FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES  Response to Connie Smith's "Lesbian Sense and Sensibility. "  There is no monolithic lesbian sensibility.  Sylvia Spring  I'm tired of hearing and reading so-  called "feminist" critiques of  'lesbian sensibility.'  If a man had  written that article in last month's  Kinesis instead of Connie Smith, we  would have called him 'homophobic'  My problem with Connie Smith's article is not so much her criticism  of some kinds of lesbian lifestyles,  but her insensitivity in firstly  clumping all lesbians into one group  and secondly in her insensitivity  to the fact that all women are coming from a patriarchal system that  emotionally programmed us before we  were old enough to protect ourselves  with a 'feminist' analysis.  you lesbians have trouble...  It's the same insensitivity that I've  heard from a number of sisters that  goes something like..."Gee, if you  lesbians have troubles with roles,  power, possessiveness etc    (fill in the blank) then I'd never  get involved with a woman...I get  that from men already..."  The expectation of women who say or  think this, which I find incredibly  naive, is that one loves other women because it's politically correct  and/or will instantly eliminate all  the problems that they experience  with men.  Lesbianism has been around longer  than the Women's Movement and unfortunately only a small percentage  of lesbians are feminists.  Though  unfortunate it is nonetheless true  that we are all victimized by the  patriarchal models of relating and  'coupling.'  Equally true is that  a very few of us indeed, have achieved (including those who are  struggling to) what Connie Smith  would call a relationship that is  truly 'equal' (ie free from the old  numbers).  If you start from the  assumption that people are attracted  to each other for a number of often  inexplicable or unconscious reasons,  not just because it's politically  'correct,' that the bottom line is  gut level attraction, then what you  get in relationships is as varied  and complex as the people involved.  THERE IS NO MONOLITHIC "LESBIAN  SENSIBILITY."  I too feel terrible when I witness  lesbian couples who I perceive are  into male/female role playing but  I'm not looking in every closet or  under every bed or reading it into  every lesbian novel with a censoring eye.  I think there are more  constructive and compassionate ways  of dealing with it.  Also, Smith chose two very bad examples to make her point. Jane Rule's  Desert of the Heart is a book that  is indeed a very romanticized vision  of lesbian love. But we must see it  in its context.  It was bravely  written in the late fifties, early  sixties, and came out in 1964, much  before the women's movement resurfaced in the late 60's.  It was an attempt by Rule to describe  within her terms of reference, what  the dynamics and problems were for  JS Women's Graphics  women of that era who chose to love  each other. To quote the character  Silver, who is in fact a minor character in the book but nonetheless  does say those 'dreadful' things a-  bout needing 'man-handling,' is unfair to Rule's book. But at the same  time we can not deny that there were  and still are women like Silver who  have swallowed the whole patriarchal  power myth, and who are totally unconscious of that fact. What in  fact should we do about the Silvers  of the world? Shove them back in  the closet because they give lesbianism a bad name?  Should we em-  barass into silence the writers who  are trying to expose and examine  the contradictions of Silver's life?  Must we condemn lesbian literature  from the past for not living up to  our present purified standards?.  In the case of Marge Piercy's The  High Cost of Living, we have a whole  other problem. Again I think it's  a poor book to build a case upon  but at least it's more current and  it is written, I assume, with .a  feminist-lesbian perspective. Having just finished it, I too find it  disappointing, but for different  reasons.  Unfair to Piercy  True, our 'heroine,' Leslie is a  victim of the myth of 'romantic love'  with all its sugar-coated sentimentality and expectations, but I think  it's just too simplistic and unfair  to Piercy to label Val as "male/powerful" and Leslie as "female/victim."  Having read Piercy's previous and  impressive book, Woman on the Edge -  of Time, which attempts and succeeds  in creating a future world that is  non-sexist, non-authoritarian and  realizable, I must assume that this  latest book is Piercy's attempt to  examine one aspect of woman's reality  which makes it difficult for her to  evolve towards a free, feminist future.  The problem that I think Piercy is  grappling with in this book is the  one Smith dismisses as 'incorrect.'  I am speaking of the ambitious woman's identification with and need  for 'male defined power.'  It is a  very real problem for all of us who  are trying to survive in this pathetically real patriarchy. Leslie comes  from the slums, got out of them only because it was discovered that  she had a good mind.  She doesn't  want to go back there and she can  not romanticize poverty the way  many of her sisters do who have never tasted its poisonous reality.  Her romanticism, like that of so  many poor people's has its only outlet in her fantasy of romantic, mon-  ogomous love. For her a PhD and a  place in the academic community is  her only escape route.  George, her  feudalistic, piggy boss is the key.  She has no illusions about his politics.  She merely sees him as a  means to her survival in a vicious  world. The book takes place in Detroit for some very obvious reasons.  This book is an attempt to deal  with the kinds of choices that women like Leslie feel forced to make,  the push/pull between one's newly-  realized political analysis and one's  basic drive to survive.  It is a weighing of the evidence on  both sides.  It is about conscious  versus unconscious programming.  It  is about a poor, young, lesbian, feminist woman trying to 'make it.'  How many oppressions must one carry  before people like Connie Smith realize it takes a lifetime of conscious struggle to wriggle free of  at least some of the garbage?  If we must define an enemy to the  Women's Movement, then let's be a  little more accurate and compassionate.  It is the patriarchal myth of  'romantic love1 which we must attack  and which lives in all of us. The  fact of lesbianism does not automatically free one from its" grasp.  The time is long overdue for us to  really examine our guts on the subject of 'love' and 'coupling.' We  must get past the rhetroic and into  the heart of the matter for that  is where all the contradictions  still fester. 'ñ† 28    KINESIS APRIL/MAY "79  INTERNATION NEWS  Right-wing gloats  The anti-ERA forces have been celebrating what they think is the "death"  of the Equal Rights Amendment.  In the first week of April, Stop ERA  held a "pro-life gala" dubbed "The  ERA Follies of 1979." Anti-feminist  ideologue Phyllis Schlafly, president  of Stop Era, organized a series of  skits and songs lampooning the ERA  and it supporters.  Three additional states are needed to  ratify it before the 1982 deadline.  By 1973, 30 state legislatures had  ratified the ERA. Since then, only  five more have approved it. Despite  this, pro-Era forces are being successful in repelling recission moves  in another five states.(Guardian/'LNS)  Blue-collar Bakke: Weber  What Bakke did to destroy affirmative  action in education, Brian Weber is  doing for industry.  Weber, a white lab. technician at  Kaiser's Gramercy, Louisiana plant,  applied unsuccessfully for a skilled  job training program in which one  half the spots were reserved for  minority workers under an affirmative  action program negotiated between  the United Steelworkers of America  (USWA) and Kaiser in 1974.  Weber claims that he is a victim of  "reverse discrimination" because if  applications had been admitted only  on the basis of seniority, he would  have gotten in.  The Supreme Court agreed in December  1978 to hear the case, after a Court  of Appeal in New Orleans ruled in  Weber's favor.  Their decision is due to be handed  down in June of this year.  Old and gay  The Michigan legislature has passed  an unprecedented law protecting gay  senior citizens.  The new bill provides that nursing  homes must adopt policies regarding  the rights of residents and that  "appropriate care" for such cannot  be denied on the basis of sexual  preference.  Other provisions include the right  to confidentiality, unopened mail,  privacy and freedom to associate  with persons of one's choice.  Lesbian Tide  'She's no virgin."  Feminist protests continue against a  Utah judge who overturned a rape conviction, saying the victim had invited her own attack.  On Feb. 27 the Coalition Against Judicial Sexism and Racism gathered outside the chambers of District Court  Judge Bryant H. Croft and handed him  a letter of protest signed by the  coalition and over 600 other individuals and organizations.  The group  charged that the judge has refused  to retract his sexist and racist  statements since he overturned the  December rape conviction by a jury.  Croft had told the Salt Lake Tribune  Pro-Era forces 100,000 strong last summer. Anti-Era recission efforts look as if they'll fall through.  that it would be a miscarriage of  justice to sentence a man to prison  for an invited rape.  Croft believed the woman had tempted  the man to rape her because she had  sat in a bar drinking with him, wearing a flimsy  dress.  The judge's final burst of self-justification was  to tell the newspaper that she 's no  virgin and she 's r,  Guardian 22/3/79  Expose your MP  The English Collective of Prostitutes  celebrated International Women's Day  by threatening to disclose the names  of client MPs who voted against a  bill to liberalize laws on prostitution.  The group points out that the present  laws make it possible for women to  work as prostitutes, but impossible  for them to advertise.  They make it impossible for prostitutes to report police molestations,  but allow the testimony of one policeman to label a woman as a prostitute.  Name choices  In New Mexico, a state which has ratified the ERA, the department of health  has introduced a new regulation which  is silent on what surname parents may  select for their child. That means  women can register their children in  their own name.  Prior to this ruling, the surname of  any child born in New Mexico had to  be that of the husband, the acknowledged father, or the court-determined  father.  This victory was won because a woman  challenged the old law in the courts,  saying that it contravened her rights  under the ERA.  Mabelline's blinding colours  Mabelline Cosmetics is still manufacturing mascara despite several  reports that women have gone blind  from using the cosmetic.  A Phoenix woman is suing Mabelline  for $6 million, charging that their  mascara, which she used for 24 years,  caused her to go blind in her right  eye.  Her's is not an isolated incident:  Drs. Arnold Ahearn and Louise Wilson conducted a 12-year study on  mascara-linked eye problems and  found more than seven cases of blindness attributable to mascara.  Until the mascara industry, which  generated $60 million last year, responds to the pressure of losing $6  million damage suits, there is little  reason to believe mascara formulas  or mascara usage will change. (LNS)  Anti-choice deceit  The Abortion, Birth Control and Pregnancy Testing Clinic in Philadelphia  was really a front for an anti-abortion organization.  It all started April 1977, when Donna  Bonacci, then 18 and living at home  with her parents, called   the clinic  to discuss a potential abortion. She  asked for confidentiality. But two  women associated with the clinic  came to her home on the night she  placed the call and in the process revealed to her father that Donna was  looking for an abortion. Her father  later beat her.  In a lawsuit filed last July, Bonacci  accuses the clinic, an anti-abortion  group called Save Our Unborn Lives  (SOUL), and its president Jeannette  Neary, who runs the clinic, of violating her privacy and breaking state  trade and consumer protection laws.  (LNS)  Phallocrats  French women have contributed a new  word to the feminist movement.  The French cannot make much sense of  "male chauvinist pig" because "chauv-  iniste" in French means "patriot."  French women now call a man who routinely treats women as inferior a  "phallocrat."  GPU News KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79   29  IRAN  The rising of the Iranian women  Thousands of women in the streets of  Tehran, chanting" At the dawn of  freedom, we have no freedom!  Organizers of the IWD events in Iran  were taken by surprise.  It was amazing.     We never expected  anything like this... Iranian women  have never in our history acted so  independently before,  said Kateh  Vafadari, one of the March 8 organizers.  Thousands of-women in the streets!  First the marches,   then the occupation of the Ministry of Justice,  it's all unbelievable to us.    I  think it shows that there is a large  segment of the female population  which will not return to the strictures of the Koran.  The Shah's so-called "White Revolution" (staged to avoid a "red  revolution") had changed nothing  fundamental in the lives of the women of Iran. His "reforms," such  as giving the women the vote in a  country where all political parties  except his own were illegal - were  so much window-dressing.  Under the Shah, all trade unions and  strikes were banned. Dissent of any  kind was met with imprisonment, deportation and torture at the hands  of SAVAK - possibly the world's  ugliest secret police.  Opposition  to the Shah has swept the Ayatollah  Khomeini to power, establishing an  Islamic republic.  The militancy of the Iranian women  this March expresses their anger  against Khomeini's intention to continue along the old paths of Islam.  A woman may not travel or take a job  without her husband's consent.  In  a religious court, the testimony of  one man can only be equalled by the  testimony of two women. A woman  cannot be a witness in a divorce  case. A daughter inherits half of  what a son does. A widow inherits  one eighth of her husband's estate.  'Women should not be naked  at work in these ministries.'  Khomeini has attacked women who wear  western dress. Sin may not be committed in Islamic ministries.     Women  should not be naked at work in these  ministries,  he said.  Women's angry response to his proposal to re-introduce the chador  (the head-to-toe veil dictated by  orthodox Islamic tradition) has already forced the new republic to  back down on that issue.  Among reactionary moves by the new  government has been a ban on co-education.  That policy, the Khomeini  supporters say, has transformed the  schools of Iran into "centres of  prostitution."  Abortion will be frowned upon as contrary to the teachings of Islam.  "Islam forbids abortion" said Khomeini  in a recent interview.  In a concession to the religious  groups, the Shah had already repealed the abortion law last Dec. 14.  That law had given only tiny number  of women access to abortion in the  first place.  The Family Protection Act of 1963  has been rescinded.  That act had  made it unlawful for a man to take  a second wife without the consent of  the first, had given women the right  to seek divorce, and had outlawed  the practice of a man obtaining a  divorce simply by declaring he wanted it.  Fundamental changes are necessary,  declares Kateh Vafadari. We want  the new laws that are being drawn  up to guarantee a woman's rights to  travel,  divorce and work.     We want  to choose for ourselves what we will  wear.     We want equal civil rights  with men.     We want an end to discrimination and full political,  social and economic rights,  she said.  The women's movement, says Vafadari,  is strongest in Tehran and in the  other large cities of northern Iran.  Militancy among women in Iran goes  back to the 19th century, when women opposed the British monopoly on  Iranian tobacco. Protest spread  even into the Shah's harem, where  women broke tobacco pipes in their  protest.  In 1921, women celebrated International Women's Day, campaigned for literacy and founded a women's magazine.  They were jailed by the Shah.  In  Women across the world expressed solidarity with Iranian women  This is a New York protest.  1922, another group of women organize a against the veil and against  all superstitions about women. They  produced only five issues of another  newspaper before being forced to  close it down.  All through the 40's and 50's the  Organization of Revolutionary Women  campaigned against the veil and for  equal rights. Many women's leagues  were set up, only to be squashed by  the present Shah, when he assumed  total power.  The father of the recently deposed  Shah was the one who ordered Iranian  women to take off their veils. He  sent his soldiers into the streets to  tear them from women's faces - not  because he believed in freedom for  women but because he needed women  who could work in the fields and factories.  Under the Shah, women who did not wear  the veil came to be associated with  the poverty, terror and corruption  which characterized his regime. So  many of the women who didn't normally  wear the veil, chose to put it on for  demonstrations against ther Shah.  The women taking part in the March  demonstrations, says Vafadari, include students, workers and a significant number of family women. Of  course, working women who have been  the most westernized feel the most  threatened,  she said, but more and  more traditional women will join  the movement if it continues like  this.    They have no jobs to lose,  it is true,  but they feel angry at  the renewed power of the male in  the family under the new government.  The women's demonstrations have had  the support of Iran's left groups.  Sources: Spare Rib, In These Times,  Guardian, Socialist Voice.  This Women's Lib.  business for instance!    What do these feminists  want? Equality?   I do not want to  sound rude,  but you may be equal in  the eyes of the law but not - I beg  your pardon for saying so - in ability.    No!    You have never produced  a Michaelangelo or a Bach.    You never even produced a good cook.  (The former Shah in an interview by  Oriana Fallacl, 1978).  October 1978—Iran. Many women chose to wear veils in protest against the Shah's policies of .corruption and brutality. 30   KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79  NAC conference: whose interests were served?  Gillian Marie  I have very mixed responses to the  N.A.C. conference and would like to  share them with you.  But first, a word about N.A.C. - the  organization.  The letters stand for  The National Action Committee on the  Status of Women and it is an umbrella  group of 160 women's organizations  across Canada - with a good majority  of the executive residing in Toronto.  The new constitution makes for regional representation, but the regions covered are immense — B.C.  and the Yukon have one representative.  Back to the conference.  I have criticisms on two levels, the structure  and the content.  The structure of the conference was  the most rigid women's conference I  have ever attended.  I have participated in probably a dozen conferences  throughout the world, and have never  been to one where the rules were adhered to so severely — and at the  expense of the participants.  Traditional meeting  It felt to me'to be more like a  traditional business-type meeting  than a women's conference with the  usual give and take. There were  very few opportunities for input  from the floor, and suggestions  from the floor were swept aside in  the name of "time is short" when  almost every day the meetings  started at least half an hour late.  I am becoming increasingly uncomfortable with meetings when the  chair dominates the meeting and  manipulates its content.  It seems  to me that the women's liberation  movement is about creating new  structures - new non-hierarchical  structures in which we can all learn  and grow and yes, get the business  done without resorting to hierarchical  methods.  I have questions also about the structure of N.A.C. itself.  I wonder how  representative such a body can be  when it has so little representation  outside of Ontario .on the executive.  Granted, geography makes this a problem in Canada.  But I am too much of  a Westerner not to be annoyed at the  fact that in N.A.C. we are regarded  as the hinterland.  Prairie women's  groups were also upset at their being lumped together in one region.  At times, it certainly felt as if  the National Action Committee would,  be more accurately described as the  Ontario Action Committee. A body  which calls itself national but  which reflects the concerns of one  province is not in fact a national  body at all.  Part of the problem of N.A.C. for me  is that it considers that "real  change comes through legislative  change" and therefore sees its main  priority as lobbying the feds.  This  means that N.A.C. is always playing  in the feds' court and by their rules.  We are in fact reacting to proposed  legislation, or - as in the case of the  U.I.C. changes - legislation already  on the books.  Given that we live in  a federal state, this activity is  necessary, but there is the very real  danger that by concentrating on this  "-■""--" ■'-■*- ■-1-twit-"-•-- -—- *--~r~~~~~.-r.y- ,  activity N.A.C. looses touch with  the concerns of the grassroots women's movement.  I have questions about the class representativeness of N.A.C.  I felt  decidely uncomfortable when women  from N.A.C. spoke for women on incomes  below the poverty level when women  on low or no incomes were denied full  participation in the conference because they had not pre-registered.  Which gets us to the content.  The  first day the major emphasis was on  infiltrating the political parties -  all political parties - and on lobbying.  On the Saturday, a debate  took place around the question of  whether non-registered groups should  be "permitted" to participate in the  conference.  The executive had decided "No." A  motion from the floor passed which  "invited" these women to participate  in the panel on the Economic Realities  Is it the National  Action  Committee  that despite the fact that low income women and working class women  had been the focus of the panel, the  dinner speech and the theatre group  that entertained us at the banquet,  this group of women was not a priority in the action that followed.  No mention of immigrant  women  Immigrant women did not get a mention in the lobby of the political  parties, although this is a federal  issue.  The emphasis that came out  of the employment workshop was "equal  pay for work of equal value." 'But  this demand does not affect the work  and pay of the women in female ghetto-  ed jobs, the very women that work  for minimum wages.  There were some very positive aspects  to the conference, however.  Each of  the parties was lobbied regarding  their attitude to abortion and its  or the Ontario Action Committee?  in 1979 for women.  In this way women from Toronto Wages  for Housework, the Ottawa Tenants  Council, the Winnipeg Coalition a-  gainst Violence to Women, and from  Montreal were permitted to sit in on  the panel.  "Don't shut us out."  The three speakers were all very well  informed and we were told of the economic realities of women in Canada -  particularly the low income women who  make up 72 per cent of all low income  individuals. One speaker appealed to  N.A.C. "don't shut us out...give us  vour support."  After the panel we broke into workshops. There were eight or nine to  choose from at both the morning and  afternoon sessions.  Topics covered included: Employment,  Family Law, Criminal Code Amendments,  Person's Year, International Year of  the Child, Election Strategy, Violence,  Counselling Services and Women and  Income Support Systems.  That evening, after the banquet,  Sheila Arnopoulos spoke about immigrant women in the work force.  After  a vivid description of their appalling  working conditions and wages, she  appealed to N.A.C. to include these  women in their concerns.  One of ny main disappointments was  decriminalization; an important issue  with the growing organization of the  anti-choice groups.  They were also lobbied on the question  of inter-spousal rape, family income  to eligibility for unemployment insurance payments, placing Indian women back on the band lists, and federal support for social services.  The panel speakers were excellent,  and the banquet speaker and the theatre group were really fine.  I enjoyed the opportunity of meeting women from small towns all over the  country.  Because the conference was in Ottawa  I was able to visit the women's centre, Chez nous, and came away with  some useful information.  I also  visited the women's centre at the  University of Ottawa and met many  francophone women there.  I met a  wonderful woman in her seventies who  has been working for "women's rights"  most of her life.  What I came away with however was  the conviction"that my concerns are  local and that this is the area in  which I should put my energy.  I am not convinced of the necessity  of this centralized national women's  organization because such a body can  not be representative either regionally or by class given its present  structure and priorities.        ■ KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79    31  NAC: IS IT WORTH IT?  NAC: We should hang in there  Jillian Ridington  The National Action Committee on the  Status of Women is a national organization made up of approximately 170  women's groups.  Its membership encompasses groups as  geographically distant as Vancouver  Island and Newfoundland, and as divergent in political focus as the Women's Institute and YWCA, C.U.P.E.,  C.A.R.A.L. and the National Association of Rape Crisis Centres.  About 400 women, including 300 delegates from member groups, were in  Ottawa March 22 to 26 for NAC's 1979  conference.  Gillian Marie and I  attended as VSW delegates.  For three  days we exchanged information with  women from across the country, participated in workshops, voted on a  new constitution and on a broad  spectrum of policy recommendations,  and socialized.  On the fourth day, we met with the  federal causcuses of the NDP, Progressive Conservative, Liberal and  Socreds. These were rewarding activities; some were frustrating as well.  Working collectively  On Friday, women got together in  groups according to their province  or territory. VSW delegates met with  women from other B.C. groups to compile a report on the year's activities  in our region. Working collectively  to decide priorites and exchange perspectives was an excellent way to  affirm old contacts and create new  ones.  Hearing reports from other areas  focussed us again on the similarity  of issues across the country—and  the need to work together on the  problems of women in single-industry  towns, first mentioned by delegates  towns, first mentioned by delegates  from Kitimat's Tamitak women's centre, was brought up again in the reports of women from Northern Ontario  and the Maritimes.  Abortion, mentioned by B.C. women in  connection with the VGH and Lion's  Gate Hospital situations, was still  an issue for groups all across Canada—this after a decade of work.  Women from Newfoundland brought up  the problem encountered with Unemployment Insurance by women squid-  jiggers. Like female west coast  fishers, women squid-jiggers are excluded from benefits by UIC regulations when they work with their husbands: regulations state that a married woman's catch is added to her  husband's. Her work is invalidated.  But in Newfoundland, all women who  jig squid seem to be excluded from  benefits. A representative of the  squid-jiggers gave a thorough, entertaining and clear account of their  struggle, and of what it is like to  be a woman who jigs squid.  She pointed out that two women—named Jackie  and Frankie—had been given benefits  but their funds had been cut off when  it was found out that they were women.  The enjoyment and satisfaction  the women found in their work—and  the high energy they put into it—  was obvious in the attitude of their  representative. You should come and  try it sometime,   she finished, it's  fun!  Friday finished with the introduction'  and short speeches by all candidates  for the executive, and the opportunity  to question the two presidential candidates, Jean Woodsworth and Lynn  MacDonald.  Elections were to take  place on Saturday. While it was difficult to judge the women on a two-  minute speech, the format did give  us an idea of the issues each candidate  was particularly interested in, and  of the experience she would bring to  the board.  It provided a good opportunity to discover the attitudes of presidential  candidates on the question of regional  representation, a crucial one for NAC  Wages for Housework  Saturday's plenary was interrupted  by the arrival of a large group of  representatives from Wages for Housework groups from Toronto, Ottawa,  and (so I was told) other parts of  the country. Wages for Housework had  applied for membership in NAC prior  to the conference.  The executive  had declined to admit them. The  reason given for refusal was that  their viewpoint conflicted with a  NAC policy which recommended working  toward a guaranteed annual income,  and that Wages for Housework was a  "one-issue" group.  discussion of issues should take  place in a forum where all perspectives can be heard and differences  worked out.  We might not always come  to share viewpoints, but perhaps we  could come to respect each other.  To spend any of the little time available for working together on confrontations and back-biting seems wasteful  indeed.  Baba Yaga  The workshops I attended were on  prostitution and pornography, both  moderated by Lorenne Clark.  Of these,  I found the first more productive.  Baba Yaga, a representative of Toronto's C.A.S.H. (Committee Against  Street Harassment) an advocacy group  for prostitutes, was a panelist.  Her grass-roots perspective was invaluable. The workshop concluded  with participants unanimously supporting the decriminalization of prostitution. The pornography workshop was  (for me, anyway) less successful.  The issue, for reasons stated elsewhere in Kinesis is one of the most  difficult for feminists to cope with  and work together on.  In an hour  long workshop, there is little opportunity to resolve differences and  formulate good policy.  The recommendations were a compromise; to request that government have a moratorium on amendments to the Criminal  Code concerning pornography, and to  Jackie and Frankie, two squid-jiggers, got  UIC benefits until UIC found out they were  women. Then they cut them off!  The room was full of registered delegates and observers when the visitors  stated their desire to come in. After  some delay and discussion, and at the  suggestion of the (woman) mayor of  Ottawa who was present, a partition  to an adjoining room was opened and  the Wages for Housework representatives were seated, with voice but no  vote (as was the case for other observers) .  I don't feel competent to comment on  the refusal of the NAC executive to  approve membership for Wages for  Housework. Nor to comment on Wages  for Housework's desire to be seated  or their subsequent participation in  the conference. I don't have the  information needed to analyze the  issues in an informed way.  But I do  know that the incident created antagonism, distrust and suspiction—often directed against co-delegates.  This I found regretable and disturbing, both on a personal level and because it, to some extent, impeded  the clear and unbiased examination  of issues.  There was still lots of  free-flowing conversation and shared  laughter, but to the extent that suspicion and division occurred the conference lost value.  Canadian feminists have few opportunities to share information and form  networks. We are limited by lack of  funds and by the geography of our  country. When we do get together,  request funding for longitudinal research to examine the causal connection between pornography and violence  against women. At that rate, change  is a long time off.  Fun time came on Saturday night. A  banquet, and an excellent performance  by Toronto's "Working Girls," a  group of three women who sang and  played songs about the work Canadian  women have done for the past 110  years.  Some of the songs crossed  categories for me—had you ever  thought of "Ten Cents a Dance" as a  work song?  New constitution cooking  NAC's annual meeting, the time for  resolutions and introduction of the  new executive, took place all day  Sunday. A new constitution, which  had been sent to member groups (although apparently not always received)  90 days before, was passed unanimously.  Its provisions included the  election of regional representatives  from seven areas, including B.C./  Yukon.  Since the constitution takes  effect only after the annual meeting,  we did not elect regional reps this  year. Prior to the 1980 convention,  VSW will be given an opportunity to  nominate a woman to run for representative from our region.  Our candidate  would stand for office at the convention, when all delegates from member groups in B.C./Yukon will vote ► 32 KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79  NAC  for their choice of representatives.  If the area representative plan proves  workable, it may be expanded—funds  permitting.  The availability of funds for travel  is also crucial to the practicability  of another clause in the new constitution.  Groups will now be alloted  delegates according to the size of  the membership.  VSW, with approximately 1,000 members, may qualify  to send up to six delegates, rather  than the two permitted all groups,  regardless of size, by the previous  constitution.  An increase in number of delegates could benefit us,  if funds were available to send our  full allotment.  However, NAC found  itself unable to fulfill its commitment to provide one full fare per  group this year.  With two delegates  selected and prepared to go, VSW was  informed two days before our departure that only $240 would be provided  for travel. This is less than the  cost of one charter flight. The sum  was later supplemented by $100 paid  to me as a resource person for the  pornography workshop, which I shared  with my co-delegate. VSW cannot afford to provide travel money; with  our funding problems that seems unlikely to change.  Other women's groups face similar  problems; all B.C. groups were notified Just prior to their delegates'  departure that travel funds would be  less than had been understood. All  have problems meeting their day-to-day  expenses and cannot afford to subsidize delegates.  Limiting delegates to those women able to pay  their own fare seems discriminatory;  as well as discriminating against all  but the highest income women, it also discriminated against women with  the greatest distances to travel. Unless changes are made, the result  could be that only groups in central  Canada would be able to send their  full component of delegates.  NAC has been criticized for being  dominated by women from Toronto and  Ottawa, just as BCFW had been criticized for being too Vancouver based.  To some extent such imbalances seem  inevitable.  Though many women in  remote areas are committed to BCFW  and work hard for the organization,  much of BCFW's work requires quick  communication and action on issues  that come up without forewarning.  Geographical difficulties  Travel to remote areas often requires coming to Vancouver en route;  you cannot go from Nelson to Kitimat  without going through Vancouver.  So  meetings are held in Vancouver more  often than not.  The same problems  happen in NAC.  Although the 1978-  79 NAC executive had high representation from other areas—including VSW's  Lee Grills, -- all table officers  were residents of central Canada.  Many decisions required quick action  and could not wait for executive  meetings, held approximately every  six months. This situation will continue. When election results were  known, Lynn MacDonald (Toronto) was  the new president; Carol Swann (from  Manitoba but living in Ottawa),  Lorenne Clark (Nova Scotia and Toronto)  and Majorie Cohen (Toronto) were vice  presidents.  Members-at-large included our Lee  Grills and representatives from Saska  tchewan, Alberta, the Maritimes, Newfoundland and Quebec, as well as Ontario.  It was obvious from the vote that delegates wanted to have women from through  out the country on their board; however, money is again a problem.  Perhaps consideration could be given to  amending the new constitution next  year to ensure that funds for travel  for delegates, regional reps, and  non-Ontario executive are given the  highest priority.  One method suggested is the formation of a travel  pool.  Each member group would put  in a set amount for travel; the  amount would be the same no matter  how far from Ottawa the group was  located (though it might have to be  varied according to size of group).  At present we pay only $25 a year to  be members of NAC, compared to the  $1,500 we pay to BCFW. A travel pool  would mean that we would have to pay  more. We would like members' opinion  on whether or not you would consider  this a worthwhile expenditure.  Let  us know, by phone or letter.  Support for CUPW  New policy passed at the annual meeting included support for CUPW, recommendations that the section of the  Indian Act under which Native women  lose their status on marriage be  repealed,  that jurisdiction for  divorce not be relinquished to the  provinces, and that better counselling and information services be provided for immigrants; an affirmation  that women have a right to work, and  a protest against the treatment of  squid jiggers; support for women's  tive. They favored almost all the  changes we requested.  They were, however, in favor of turning responsibility for divorce over to the provinces. Women from conservative provinces (e.g. Newfoundland) feared that  this might abrogate their rights.  The NDP members promised to look into the issue further.  Ed Broadbent  promised that women's issues would  be a major part of his party's platform.  From press coverage to date,  he has been true to his word.  The PC caucus (with no Joe) also was  supportive.  David MacDonald, who together with Flora MacDonald acts as  PC critic for women's issues, agreed  with our perspective on most issues.  Flora MacDonald, who had attended the  Saturday night banquet (as had David  MacDonald and his wife) was not present, and the PC turnout was fairly  small, it was John Diefenbaker's  anniversary.  Now well warmed up, we met with the  Liberals, without Pierre but with  LaLonde. As the party in power, they  could be judged not only on their  promises—but on their performance.  Despite Marc Lalonde's fancy new five  year plan—which really promises only  research into questions we know require action NOW—their record has  been notoriously poor.  So our interaction with this caucus was heated.  We grew impatient with their excuses;  they grew frustrated at our insistence.  And we stood our ground well.  To finish, the Socred caucus. Only  two men came. They had no party  policy on any issue, except, We believe all people are human beings.  One told a story about how he had  NAC has been criticised for being dominated  by women from Toronto and Ottawa.. .such  imbalances seem inevitable.  "outreach" projects, which have recently had funds cut back; recognition and support of the need for  part-time workers; and a demand that  welfare rates be increased to at least  the poverty line.  As a member of VSW, you are also a  member of NAC, and therefore its constitution and policies affect you.  A copy of the constitution and of  all NAC policies are available at  VSW; they make worthwhile reading.  Lobbying parliament on the Monday  following the annual meeting has become a NAC tradition, and is the main  reason the convention is always held  in Ottawa. Delegates had formed  teams and prepared questions on different issues, including violence  against women, family law, employment, and social services, at a workshop conducted by Lee Grills and Lynn  MacDonald on Sunday evening.  Each  issue team was prepared with two or  three succinct questions. Women  who had worked on the issue and lobbied  previously were resource people and  "back-up" speakers for each team. We  met with the caucuses of the NDP, PC,  Liberal and Socred parties in that  order.  As usual, the NDP were most suppor-  slapped the face of a "young punk"  who had been hassling a pregnant woman.  It was his tribute to feminism.  Who said we've come a long way?  At the end of the meeting with each  caucus, the women from Newfoundland  sang squid-jigging songs, to dramatize  the plight of the women denied benefits—one of the issues pressed in  the lobbying.  It made a fine ending.  That afternoon, some of the questions  we had raised were brought up by MPs  in the parliamentary question period.  Some required unanimous consent to be  heard; this was never granted.  On  the squid-jigging question, the responsible ministers were uncommunicative and defensive. Let's hope that  May 22 brings a more responsive  government...  I have been to NAC before and I would  go again. I urge that VSW's role in  NAC be as active as possible. Not because I think^NAC is perfect; it's  a long way from it. Women from central Ontario are over-represented.  But NAC gives us a federal network  which is invaluable. If we want different issues addressed, it is up  to us to let the NAC executive know.  NAC will work for us only as much  as we work for it. KINESIS APRIL/MAY '79    33  EVERYBODY'S READING IT  Here comes the gyn-ecologist, the gynocrat  Vicky Cosstick  GYN-ECOLOGY :  THE METAETHICS OF  RADICAL FEMINISM by Mary Daly.  Beacon Press $1.4.95  Gyn-Ecology is probably the most important book to come out of the feminist movement since Daly's last  book, Beyond God the Father, which  was published in 1973.  I recommend, without qualification,  that all feminists read Daly's work  for they will find her insight and  inspiration nowhere else.  Gyn-Ecology almost defies description. It develops and expands upon  many of the ideas and the themes  that were investigated in Beyond  God the Father (more accurately described by its subtitle, Toward A  Philosophy of Women's Liberation)  although some of the concepts, such  as androgyny, and much of the caution of her earlier work are thrown  by the wayside.  Gyn-Ecology is at once philosophy  and theology, centered as it is  around the concept of transcendence.  Her work is not easy to read, partly  because she never talks down to her  reader, partly because of the awesome range of Daly's knowledge, research, and intellect, partly because of the athleticism and originality in the juggling of her material and the language.  At the centre of the book is the  Hag-Crone-Spinster-Witch, the strong  independent woman who has begun to  Journey in a world without models.  The implications of that Journey  are investigated through the three  passages of the book.  In the first passage Daly rips a-  part the language of patriarchy,  smashing its sacred icons by exposing and exorcising the connections between patriarchal language,  meaning and violence. Her style,  described by one major feminist  poet as "meta-poetry" leaves me  exhausted and feeling even a little  manipulated, moves faster than my  mind, rather as a mother drags a  small child down the street.  The second passage of Gyn-Ecology  deals with specific examples of the  ways in which the Goddess has been  remurdered throughout history.  Sections deal with Indian suttee, Chinese footbinding, African female  genital mutilation, European witch-  burning, American gynecology, the  Nazi atrocities and psychiatry.  My criticism,   says Daly, concerns  therapy as a way of life as an institutionalized system of creating  and perpetuating false needs,  of  masking and maintaining depression,  of focusing-draining women's energy  through periodic psychological  'fixes. '  Exhuasted, more confident of our  ability to see the truth, we can  Journey onto the third passage of  Gyn-Ecology and join in Spinning,  Spooking and Sparking.  Briefly,  Spooking is the way in which Hags  can identify and intercept subtle  patriarchal messages, leaving them  free to Journey; Sparking is the  forging of the bonds of female  friendship, and Spinning is the  force and power of female creativity that results.  After the rigors of the first two  passages, the third was pure joy  for me, laced with glee at Daly's  perception and incisiveness.  Consider this:  Hags dress comfortably,  expressing  our individuality and our responses  to particular occasions,  such as  Halloween,  Winter Solstice.     Our  clothing is useful for guerilla tactics in situations of confrontation.  Spinsters feel comfortable with our  natural  look and thus do not require  the cosmeticized  'natural  look. '  Women journeying learn to forget  false body  language and re-call the  Self-confident styles of walking-  standing-sitting- gesturing which express Be-ing.  It's enough to make any feminist  feel more certain and less alone.  Yet Gyn-Ecology is serious work.  It  is, as Daly says in the first chapter "an extremist book, written in  a situation of extremity, written  on the edge of a culture that is  killing itself and all of sentient  life."  Gyn-Ecology is an uncompromised  philosophical manifesto for Radical  Lesbian Feminism. And as such, it  speaks to the Lesbian imagination  in all feminists, to our creativity  and to our intelligence, as well as  to our fury at the injustices of a  patriarchal world.  It suggests in  what direction our hope and anger  may lead us.«  reprinted from NEW DIRECTIONS FOR  January 1979  Meet Mary Daly, feminist philosopher  Vicky Cosstick  To discover Mary Daly's work was  for me, to open a new door in feminist thought and theory.  My visit  to Boston to interview Daly was as  much a pilgrimage to a personal guru  as a journalistic assignment.  After  all, you don't get to meet real live  philosophers very often.  Yet Daly is by no means an easy person to interview.  She has a discomforting tendency to define questions  as non-questions.  She talks the  same verbal and intellectual gymnastics that characterize her writing. Yet she is uncharasmatic, unprepossessing, withdrawn somehow behind the barrier formed by the force  of her own words.  The significance of Daly's work for  the women's movement lies in the  the unique background of her work: an  impressive intellectual training in  philosophy and theology, combined  with her commitment to radical feminism.  She has a total of seven  degrees including three doctorates  two of which are Canonical Doctorates  from the University of Freibourg in  Switzerland.  The result is a series of books that  examine feminist theory while dealing with our notions of God and of  spirituality, yet in motivation and  direction contrast clearly with the  socio-psychological focus of Friedan,  Millett and Greer.  Daly's work thus far comprises: The  Church and the Second Sex (1968);  Beyond God the Father: Towards a  Philosophy of Women's Liberation  (1973); and her current book, Gyn-  Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical  Feminism. Following publication of  The Metaethics  of Radical Feminism  The Church and the Second Sex, Daly  was fired from Boston College. After six months of demonstrations  she was reinstated and given tenure  as a assistant professor.  In 1969,  she says, I became the  mythic devil for Boston College.  I'm one of their own who has turned  I have named their religion as blasphemous.  The firing from Boston College was  also a significant turning point for  Daly intellectually and spiritually.  I suddenly saw what a fraud academia  was,   she says. I had thought universities were about truth but they 're  not.     Their about closing off and  obstructing knowledge.  Daly has since achieved the feat of  intellectualizing radical feminism's  most radical conclusions.  For Daly, radical feminism involves  , the courage to be women on the move  toward transcendence, women journeying and the courage to be "on the  boundary" (the philosophical concept  of Paul Tillich) of patriarchy.  Gyn-  Ecology is an uncompromised manifesto  for separatists, lesbian feminism,  perched above a firm, disciplined f:_  analysis of philosophy and theology.  As a result, Daly has placed herself  out on a limb, potentially distanced  from most women, even many feminists,* 34 KINESIS APRIL/MAY *79  DON'T MISS THEM  by the esoteric level at which she  writes, and the extremism of her  conclusions.  For this she has no apologies, I  have a great respect for women's intelligence, and they can always pick  up a dictionary,   she says. But I  can't speak to all women on their  terms.    I have no time for a mushy  tolerance.    The women to whom I  speak also speak  — insofar as I  speak the truth there 's a hope it  will have an effect.  I personally have a certain separatist position.    I believe lesbian  feminism is the  logical conclusion  of my work.    But then my view of  lesbianism is complex,  it's cosmic.  To be merely gay is not to be  lesbian; it includes being woman-identified on all levels.  There is a sense in which Daly's  work is an almost functionalist  justification of lesbian feminism.  The "nuts-and-bolts" conclusion of  her argument is that transcendence  can only be achieved through lesbianism.  Within the context of the women's  movement Daly has chosen for herself the role of philosopher as well  as of extremist. Extremism,   she says,  is realism.    My role is to ask far  out questions and encourage other  women to do the same.  Not interested in economics  She makes few concessions to the  other voices of feminism.  She has  no time for gay rights and less for  socialist feminism: I despise it  —  I can't even get interested in economics.  She lashes out at the female victims  of tokenism, the Painted Birds, and  is luke warm about the Matriarchists,  with whom on the surface her ideas  would appear to be the most compatible: I don't often use the word  matriarchy.    I've coined gynocracy.  Matriarchy focuses too much on the  role of motherhood, yet all women  are not mothers.    It's more authentic to discover the daughter in oneself, one who is born.    Through the  daughter you reach the mother.  In a life of teaching at Boston College, preferably writing, speaking  nationwide at universities and to  women's groups, Daly is herself deliberately and to the fullest extent  possible on the boundary of patri-.  archy. The way I speak,   she says,  comes from the fact that I hear and  perceive in a different way than if  I'd stayed inside the patriarchy.  A woman who 's moving is an outsider,  a member of a cognitive minority.  She 's moving from the foreground into the background.     She perceived  things ever more deeply.  And Daly is also firmly on the boundary of the women's movement.  She  encourages the divisions in feminism.  Yet ironically, her works speaks  potentially to all women.  Daly opens the door into the time-space in  which women can operate creatively,  with confidence and separately from  men.  Few feminists will disagree  with her when she says, The most  urgent thing is for women to withdraw our energies from the patriarchy  and use it for ourselves.  For me, it is that time-space that  defines radical feminism and Daly's  contribution to the theory of feminism . ■     from New Directions for Women  Coming to town, soon!  Marge Piercy  Marge Piercy will be in Vancouver May 31 and June 1,  for a reading and workshop at Langara VCC campus.  womankind  PRESENTS  cms wiiimmsoN  RENEGADE MUSICAL ARTIST  IN CONCERT WITH  JACKIE ROBBINS  Thursday   may 3,1979 8PiTI  Queen Elizabeth Playhouse, 649 Cambie  Tickets: $6.25. Available at Ariel  Bookstore, 2766 W. 4th Ave. and at  the Women's Bookstore, 804 Richards.  Gene Errington  Judy Chicago  Sara David  are the other women who will take part  in the Speakers' Series at Langara  Campus, organized by Women's Studies  and Continuing Education. May 17:  Sara David; May 24: Gene Errington;  May 31: Marge Piercy; June 7 : Judy  Chicago. Time: 7.30 p.m. Place:  Main Auditorium Langara Campus.  Chicago will give a workshop on  June 8. Piercy will hold a question-  and-answer workshop on June 1, 4 -  6 p.m. FOR MORE DETAILS PLEASE  CALL MERCIA STICKNEY: 943 5080.  Women's jazz band: Gaila  This women's jazz band will be at  the Vancouver East Cultural Centre  on May 7. A Womankind Production.  Tickets at ArJfeeJL and Women's Bookstore.  OPEN ROAD  WOMEN'S DANCE to support the special women's issue of OPEN ROAD.  May 12th, 8.30 p.m. at the Riley  Part Community Center, 4616 Ontario . ,'ii,iN^-a?8k>i<rifi!'"V''35  GET OUT YOUR ALMANACS  Our  money, ourselves  Our money, such as it is; where does  it come from? Where does it go? How  can we develop and strengthen a community-controlled , worker-controlled  democratic economic community?  These are questions which a CCEC sponsored conference will discuss.  The  conference is planned for May 26 and  27 at the False Creek Communal Meeting Hall (west), Vancouver.  CCEC (Community Congress for Economic  Change) is a credit union which believes in collective solutions to  individual problems. Members recognize that establishment financial institutions do not exist to serve the  interests of the poor or of activists  for social change.  A conference organizer, CCEC member  Ann Daskall told Kinesis: We'll spend  some formal meeting time reviewing  the herstory/history of our local coop and its activities.     We will identify the community and analyze how  money is brought in,  how it circulates and how it goes out.     We'll  also identify common problems and  needs and discuss how people and organizations can help each other.    And  we'll be pinpointing goods and services we need to seek elsewhere.  Large pieces of time have been left  unscheduled around mealtimes, and in  the evening.     We hope workshop or discussion groups will be initiated by  conference participants and that  people will have the time to get to  know each other.  A registration fee of $1 will be collected at the door to cover costs.  Please bring your own lunch both days.  Dinner Saturday evening will be provided at cost.  For childcare pre-register by May 11  by calling John McBride, 732-0520 or  Val Embree, 669-3606.  For more information call Val or Ann Daskall,  873-1377.  DAYCARE AGM  The Coalition for Improved Day Care  Services (formerly the Vancouver  Day Care Association) is holding its  general meeting May 15, 8:00 p.m. at  Langara Community College, 100 West  49th St., Room A 136.  Day care provided if you call Bonnie,  327-6158 or Lynn, 689-7358.  Kinesis meeting  Writers, artists, promoters: Kinesis  needs you. We are setting up regular  monthly meetings for anyone who is  interested in writing, editing, producing and distributing Kinesis.  Meeting time this month: April 29,  2.30 p.m. at the new VSW offices  2029 West 7th Ave.  Call 736-1313  for details.  BCFW regional conference  The Lower Mainland B.C. Federation  of Women is holding a two day conference on Saturday, April 28 and  Sunday, April 29.  Focus: Where do we go from here?  Place: Actors' Workshop, 280 E Cordova  Fee : $1 weekend donation.  Workshops:  Saturday, April 28  9:30 - 11:00 Member Group Introductions  11:15 - 12:00 Original Visions (herstory of BCFW)  12:30 - 1:30 Lunch (bring own, coffee  will be available)  1:30 - 4:30 Community Organizing  Constructive Criticism  Alienated and Burned Out  Blues  Sunday, April 29  9:30 - 12:30 Community Organizing  Problem Solving  Class  12:30  1:30  1:30 Lunch  1:45 Opening remarks  KINESIS  1:45 - 3:30 BCFW: Where do we go  from here?  PROBLEMS: SOLUTIONS**  3:34 - 5:00 Plenary: reports  Childcare: preregister by calling  738-0926. For further information  call 876-8283.  SATURDAY EVENING CONCERT featuring  FERRON at 8:00 p.m., $2 at the door.  Because of extremely limited funds,  BCFW is asking a $1 donation to the  conference and everyone to bring  their own and tea  will be provided gratis.  This conference is open to all women.  Spartacus benefit  MAYDAY MAYDAY MAYDAY MAYDAY  Benefit by the Spartacus Socialist  Education Society on Friday, April  27 at 8 p.m. at Bayview School  (West 7th and Collingwood).  Speakers from AUCE, SORWUC, CUPW  CCCA and others featured.  ADVANCE TICKETS : $3 at 311 W.  Hastings.  Co-op radio marathon  Tune in and join the EXCITEMENT on  the CO-OP RADIO Annual Marathon,  May 11-13, 102.7 on your F.M. Dial.  Now's your chance to support Vancouver's only co-operatively owned and  produced radion station. Listen to  52 hours of innovative programming,  including: local music, the hosts  from your favorite shows, Red-eye -  the alternative to blah news coverage, Woman Vision - radio programming  for women by women, Third World news  and music, and much, much more. You  can fight the stanglehold of monopoly media - SUPPORT CO-OP RADIO.  Phone in - 684-8495 -  PRESS GANG PRINTERS AND PUBLISHERS  NOW A NEW INSTANT PRINT SYSTEM  KINESIS is published monthly by the  Vancouver Status of Women. Its objectives are to enhance understanding about the changing position of  women in society and work actively towards achieving social change.  VIEWS EXPRESSED IN KINESIS are those  of the writer and do not necessarily  reflect VSW policy. All unsigned  material is the responsibility of  the KINESIS editorial group.  CORRESPONDENCE; KINESIS, Vancouver  Status of Women, 1090 West 7th Ave.,  Vancouver B.C. V6H 1B3  MEMBERSHIP in Vancouver Status of  Women is by donation. KINESIS is  mailed monthly to all members.  Individual subs, to KINESIS are  $8.00 p.a. We ask members to  base their donations on this and  their own financial situations.  SUBMISSIONS are welcome. We reserve  the right to edit, and submission  does not guarantee publication.  Include a SASE if you want your  work returned.  DEADLINE: The 15th of each month.  CHARITABLE STATUS: VSW is a charitable organization. Due to government regulations, we are unable to  pay for KINESIS from these funds.  However, we will issue tax-deductible receipts for the balance of  all donations over $8.00  Janet Beebe, Gayla Reid, Cec Rosalis  and Joey Thompson worked on this  issue. JUNE KINESIS OUT BY MAY 30!  ••••a*******************  THE UPDATED GUILD TO THE B.C. WOMEN'S  MOVEMENT is now ready. All the phone  numbers and addresses of B.C.'s thriving movement'.  Simply send $1.00  plus postage to VSW, 1090 West 7th  Ave, Vancouver V6H IV3  ®cuso  Overseas  Employment  Opportunities  Senior Training Officer Social  Development  1   Cemnvjnity'  d  Social   Ser  QUALIFICATIONS:  Women's Trainer/Organizer  ion  of  Sudan.   lie/She  and around Yei.  Thes  UNDP  and   UNICEF  QUALIFICATIONS:  Women's Programme Officers  QUALIFICATIONS:  BSc in Agriculture or Nutrition - Goo  high degree of flexibility.  CUSO B.C. 2524 Cypress St. Vancouver, B.C. V6J 3N2  Tel. (604) 732-1814


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