Kinesis Apr 1, 1982

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 VMJIDE  6 After being forcefed  unnecessary typing tests  for too long, one secretary  has had enough.  8 Polish women activists  interned at Goldap remain  strong in their defiance of  the military junta  Q Has the revolution in  Nicaragua brought with it  sexual emancipation for  women? Heather Conn  reports mixed reactions  to this question  1 1 Women Workers in  the Home are preparing for  a lively Mother's Day celebration on May 8th. This  issue features a poster and  resource kit  1 5 Eva Kupczynski is a  tapestry weaver of unusual  talent and colour sensitivity who believes in working  big — her works range in  size from 35 square feet to  a notable 140 square feet!  1 6 Pat Feindel reviews  the film P4W — a powerful  portrayal of women "doing  time" in Kingston Penitentiary for Women. For once,  she says, the women have  been allowed to speak for  themselves  1 9 To be anti-Zionist is  not necessarily to be anti-  Semitic, says Chavah Mintz.  In her article, she makes a  case for an anti-racist  stance which embraces  the rights of all people who  experience racial and  ethnic persecution  This scene from International Women's Day reminds us  that Mother's Day celebrations are just around the corner.  Photo by Ces Rosales.  SUBSCRIBE TO KiMESiJ  Published 10 times a year  by Vancouver Status of Women  400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8  □ VSW membership - includes Kinesis subscription -  $20 (or what you can afford)  □ Kinesis subscription only - $13  □ Institutions - $40  □ Sustainers - $75  Name   Address_  L  _Amount Enclosed_  Please remember that VSW operates on inadequate  funding — we need member support!  Special Collections Serial  APRIL '82  KIMSiJ  news about women that's not in the dailies 2   Kinesis   April. 1982  INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY 1982  r*i FT  k April 1982   Kinesis   3  ACROSS B.C.  Divinsky's "humour" draws angry response  When Vancouver municipal elections roll  around in November voters would do well to  remember the remarks attributed to Aid.  Nathan Divinsky during a recent speech at  the University of British Columbia.  In the student newspaper, the Ubyssey,  Divinsky is reported to have criticized  single, pregnant women for keeping their  babies instead of offering them for adoption.  He is said to have remarked: "No  one asked her to uncross her legs."  Divinsky has since refuted all criticism  maintaining that his statements were not  reported accurately.  Divinsky, who has a reputation for filling  a lot of air time during City Council  meetings, explains that his remarks were  said "in reminiscing humour. I wasn't saying that was the situation today or that  I think this is the answer."  The Ubyssey  reports Divinsky as saying  that women who run away from their husbands, where the husband is the family  breadwinner, should not get public assistance.  "They should never have left their  husbands in the first place," he said.  In a follow-up letter to the Ubyssey  Divinsky wrote that he believes:  "...people must bear the responsibility  for their own actions. Today, of course,  many people become single parents with  the full expectation that they have a  right to be supported by society.  "I am a great believer in freedom...What  I do object to is people exercising this  freedom and then expecting society to pay  for it."  Accurate reporting or not, his comments  have stirred up strong rebukes from Mayor  Harcourt and Susan Hoeppner of Vancouver  Status of Women.  In a letter to City  Council Hoeppner asked if Divinsky would  be able to survive if forced to raise a  child on $540. per month as many welfare  women do.  "Divinsky's analysis of women who run  away from their husbands is feudal and  shows no knowledge of the violent situations in which many women live. Surely a  representative of Vancouver City Council  should not be permitted to advocate such  woman-hating."   Q  Red Rag shut down by UBC  administration  The Red Rag, the obscene newspaper published by the University of British Columbia's  engineers, is dead. (See March Kinesis)  Engineering Undergraduate Society president  Lance Balcom made his announcement three  days after administration president Doug  Kenny placed a padlock on the Society's  doors. Following the publication of the  Red Rag during Engineering week Dean Martin  Wedepohl wrote to Kenny recommending the  closure as a punitive measure.  "The EUS asked me what they could do to  have it opened but as far as I'm concerned,  it's closed indefinitely," Wedepohl said.  "I'm in no position to bargain with them."  Wedepohl said the engineers made a bargain-  with him two years ago when they signed an  affidavit promising to change the nature  of their publication.  Balcom said that he and EUS president-elect  Rich Day have initiated a series of steps  which will make it very difficult for the  Red Rag to appear again, but he refused to  elaborate on the details.  In a letter to the student newspaper, the  Ubyssey,   Balcom lamented that efforts to  change the publication had failed. He described the rag's beginnings many years  ago as a satire, and "very good satire at  that".  "The most suggestive thing in the 1958 Red  Rag was a classified: 'Wanted: piece of  tail, contact model airplane club'. Times  change as do attitudes," wrote Balcom.  "The vision of some within engineering was  not lost but the ability was lacking."  Vancouver Status of Women staffer Nadine  Allen said she is skeptical about Balcom's  promise that the publication is dead.  "Being old and cynical I'll wait," she  said.  VSW is re-opening its 2-year-old Human  Rights complaint against the engineers to  ensure that the Red Rag is never published  again.   Q (The Ubyssey)  Brown moves to outlaw sexual  harassment  A British Columbia woman may have the legal right to sue a person who has sexually  harassed her.  Rosemary Brown, MLA for Burnaby-Edmonds,  plans to introduce to the B.C. Legislature  a "Prevention of Sexual Harassment Act."  The Act defines sexual harassment as: "unsolicited, non-reciprocated behaviour of  a male towards a female that asserts her  role over her function as worker, tenant,  student, client, patient or person." If  a woman is psychologically or emotionally  hurt by a sexual advance, she can claim  sexual harassment.  If the Act becomes law, women would have  recourse against anyone who uses economic  power and authority to restrict their  "equal access to the work place, services  or tenancy ..."  The following is a list of activities defined as sexual harassment: unsolicited  physical contact, persistent propositioning, coerced intercourse, gender based  insults and taunting, physical assault,  attempted rape, and rape.  More information on this Act can be obtained from Brown's office, 6340 Kingsway,  Burnaby, B.C. V5E 1C5, 4-37-9452. (North  Shore Women)    Q  Feminist appointed to head  commission on part-time work  Joan Wallace, former Vancouver Status of  Women staff member and active feminist,  has left her five-year position as general  manager of the Retail Merchants Association of Canada and switched to her eighth  job in a long career.  She is heading up a 10 month position for  a royal commission inquiry into part-time  work in Canada. She recognizes it as a  significant step towards implementing the  kind of social change she has fought for  these past 20 years.  "One of the things I'd like to do is  change the image of part-time work," she  says. Wallace thinks part-time workers  are not taken seriously enough in the job  market and so are vulnerable to the whims  and economic caprice of employers.  She suggests there should be more sharing  of full-time shifts between part-time  workers who prefer shorter work weeks,  prorating benefits to cover employees  while fairly protecting employers. She  also says people approaching pensionable  age should be able to ease into this  phase of life by working just a few days  a week if they choose. Appointing a woman  to head the commission was a positive  step, she says.  "I think the reason they appointed a woman  is because most part-time workers are  women," she says. "And the number of part-  time workers in the labor force has really  grown."  Wallace's commission will employ at least  five persons, and "hopefully some part-  time people." It will recommend legislative and policy changes to broaden employment opportunities and improve pay for  part-time workers. Submisssions are being  invited from employers, part-time workers,  unions, and other interested parties, and  the commission will make its report in  December.  Hanne Jenson offered Human Rights post  The announcement of Wallace's appointment  was closely followed by a notice that the  high-profile position of B.C. human rights  branch director has been offered to the  current acting director, Hanne Jensen.  The post has been the centre of controversy since Kathleen Ruff took an aggressive approach to the job when she was appointed in 1973.  Jensen took over as acting director last  summer after Nola Landucci was abruptly  replaced.  Jensen said she had not yet assigned  priorities but believed she was heading  into a "massive job" given growing concern  about racism in B.C. She believed her  role could be to "provide leadership and  bring together people concerned to show  the small minority that causes problems  that racism is simply not acceptable in  B.C."  As for her approach to the job, Jensen  does not think comparisons with her predecessors would be fair. Since Ruff left the  position, "the times have changed and the  mood is different," she said.  "Ruff was fighting an uphill battle for  basic principles-the mere acceptance of  the notion of equality for women met with  opposition at the time."  Jensen first joined the branch as a human  rights officer in 1974 when Ruff was at  the helm and was promoted to senior human  rights officer in 1977.  In 1981 she became the chief officer in charge of investigations into human rights complaints. 0. 4   Kinesis   April 1982  ACROSS CANADA  Quebec feminist battles English press for right to be heard  In the fall of 1980, students at Bishop's  University in Lennoxville, Quebec burned  student handbooks on campus because the  handbooks contained gay material. That  incident, and the harassment of Daron  Westman, the gay activist who edited the  handbook, received nationwide press coverage.  Not long after, in October 1980, a feminist student called Sondra Corry was attacked for protesting a poster which she believed condoned violence against women.  This incident, unlike the first one,  received little publicity, no doubt because university officials were still hurting from the bad publicity arising from  the handbook episode.  It began when Corry pasted a protest sticker onto the pornographic female image  which appeared on a film poster on campus.  Some students who were members of the film  society, the student government, and the  student newspaper (The Campus )  saw her and  reacted angrily, threatening to fine her.  The Campus  later slandered Corry in a front  page article, and in an editorial on the  next page, characterized her as a "paranoid schizophrenic" and "just plain stupid".  The same day, Corry was ordered off campus  by a security guard.  It did not end there. The next Monday,  when Corry went in to her job as typesetter and freelance writer for The Township  Sun  she was told there was no work for her.  She moved quickly to publicize the harassment and spent the next five weeks trying  to interest the English press in the story.  It was a futile effort. Even the Canadian  University Press refused to pick up the  story, despite the strong human rights  policy on its books.  Corry was finally able to rouse support in  neighbouring Sherbrooke, where a dozen  local women's groups formed a coalition  in her defense.  In late November, the coalition held a  press conference, demanding that the  university administration publicly uphold  Corry's rights on campus. They asked for  assurance that any woman or group of women  would have the right to express feminist  ideas on campus, and demanded a full  retraction of The Campus    article and  editorial. Neither administration nor  student representatives responded to these  grievances.  A  STOP!  This »s Offensive',  Insulting,  and (^grading to  WOMEN >  ^  But still the English press refused to  warm to the story. The Sherbrooke Record,  a local English daily with close connections to The Township Sun,  instead went on  the attack, slandering Corry and ridiculing the coalition.  The Record  also refused to print letters  of support which poured in not only from  local women's groups, but from women's and  student's groups in Quebec, Ottawa, Toronto and Boston.  The paper claimed that it had neither time  to translate the letters (many were in  French) nor space to print them.  But Corry  insists that to her knowledge, it was the  first time the Record  editor had refused  to print serious letters of concern from  community groups.  A year and a half later, the incident is  still unresolved.  Corry sees it as the  beginning of censorhsip of feminism in  the local English press, stating that  feminist activities have been consistently  ignored by the English language press in  the area.  For Corry, the lack of interest in the  local press is especially disturbing because until October 1980 she had worked  as a freelance writer specializing in  women's issues, and had been published  regularly by the English press. She now  believes she will never again be published  by the English press in Quebec.  The repression of a segment of the community, whether large or small, is serious,  and Corry has chosen to fight it by laying  a complaint with the Quebec Human Rights  Commission. The case is scheduled to be  heard in late March.  She has charged Bishop's University with  political discrimination, with collusion  for encouraging The Campus,   The Township  Sun,   The Sherbrooke Record,   and the Canadian University Press to censor the story,  and with slander and loss of access to  the press.  Corry has also charged that the university  influenced The Township Sun  to have her  fired from her job.  The coalition defending Corry is currently  working to raise support on her behalf by  publicizing the case. For more information write Sondra Corry, 1299 Amherst,  Sherbrooke, Quebec or Denise Benoit,  940 Walton, Apt. 4, Sherbrooke, Quebec. 0.  Supreme Courts open the door to women judges  Regional CACSW office to  open in Vancouver  The first regional office of the Advisory  Council on the Status of Women will open  in Vancouver soon, announced the Minister  responsible for the status of women, Judy  Erola.  Eileen Hendry, local women's activist, is  among a number of recent appointments to  the council and will undertake the office's  inception in British Columbia.  "I'm delighted about the Vancouver office  because it gives us a West Coast base, and  I've observed that we have a very active  women's community in B.C." Erola said.  The advisory council has formally rejected  calls for a new structure emphasizing independence from government, choosing instead to set up regional offices in an  attempt to reach the grassroots.  (Vancouver Sun)  The first woman to sit on the Supreme Court  of Canada will be Bertha Wilson of the  Ontario Court of Appeal, who is regarded  as a moderate liberal with an occasional  penchant for writing innovative law.  The appointment of Madam Justice Wilson,  58, comes as a relief to women's group in  Canada but as no great surprise. She was  considered a front-runner among possible  candidates to replace Mr. Justice Ronald  Martland.  Judge Wilson's membership on the court is  expected to tip the court's traditionally  conservative learning towards the more  liberal views championed in what are often  minority judgments by Chief Justice Bora  Laskin.  The following week in Nova Scotia Constance  R. Glube, 50, was appointed Chief Justice  of the trial division of the Supreme Court  of Nova Scotia, the first woman to be  named chief of a court under federal jurisdiction.  The new Chief Justice has been  Scotia court since 1974.  the Nova  (Province)  Mud wrestling sparks sexism guidelines  Guidelines on what constitutes a sexist  programming activity were adopted by the  University of Saskatchewan students' unioi  (USSU), following a controversy over a  planned mud wrestling show.  Some USSU council representatives said  mud wrestling shows, which feature women  wrestlers in bathing suits, are sexist.  A council committee was formed tc study  the issue of sexist programming events  and its guidelines were adopted by the  USSU council.  In future all events will  be screened for sexist content, according  to the following guidelines:  Does it serve to turn men and women into  biological subunits (by displaying sections of a person's body in dissected  portions)?  Does it portray women and/or men as unequal  objects exclusively for the purpose of  sexual consumption or gratification?  Is it designed to inflict harm on women  and/or men and to demean them?  Does it tend to display men and/or women  in traditional gender roles, so that an  unequal and unbalanced physical, emotional  and/or political position is created?  What is its underlying theme?  Is that theme consistent? (The Goliard) April 1982   Kinesis   5  INTERNATIONAL  Latin American women protest  violence and repression  Throughout Latin America, last Nov. 25 was  marked by demonstrations as part of the  international day of protest against violence against women.  In Lima, Peru, hundreds of women from feminist organizations,  unions and political parties, and poor  women from the slums demonstrated.  To show the relationship between violence  against women and repression by the state,  the feminist group LIMPUPER has publicized  the rape of peasant women by soldiers, and  an incident in Lima in which two women who  were merely discussing feminism in a cafe  were arrested by the secret police and  threatened with rape, robbery, imprisonment and torture for two hours before being released.  Colorado teen sues over toxic  shock  The first trial over the possible link between tampon use and toxic shock syndrome  opened in Denver, Colorado recently with  the disease nearly as big a medical mystery  now as when it was discovered In 1978.  Proctor & Gamble is being sued for $2  million by a Colorado teenager, Deletha  Dawn Lampshire, and her parents, who claim  that the girl suffered serious illness because she used the company's Rely  tampons.  Since its discovery in 1978, about 1600  cases of toxic shock syndrome have been  identified.  More than 200 suits have been filed against  Proctor & Gamble since the company removed  the tampon from the marketplace in September 1980. Most have been combined into a  class-action suit, but the Lampshire case  moved so quickly that it is being tried  by itself.  The girl's suit says she suffered permanent  psychological and physical damage because  of the illness.  It seeks $500,000 in compensatory damages and $1.5 million in exemplary damages.  (Vancouver Sun)  Depo-Provera misused on  Australian Aboriginal women  Depo-Provera is currently being given to  Aboriginal women in Western Australia  through the Aboriginal Medical Service and  the Health & Medical Services Department's  Community and Child Health Section.  These agencies are responsible for the  health services for most of the approximately 50,000 Aborigines in the state.  In the white Australian community, where  the dangers of Depo-Provera are better  known, it is rarely used. However, more  than 20 Aboriginal women who had been given injections told a reporter they had no  idea of the potential risks.  The fact that Aboriginal women have a genetic tendency to develop diabetes on modern  diets poses an additional hazard in their  using Depo-Provera; research has shown that  Depo-Provera poses special hazards for  diabetics and pre-diabetics.  The Aboriginal Medical Service claims to  have used Depo-Provera for 7 years on an  average of four to five women per month.  The Western Australia Family Planning Association claims to use Depo-Provera on  "mentally retarded women and those who  forget to take the pill." These agencies  can easily obtain as much Depo-Provera as  they want from the State Health Department.  Forty-two percent of the inmates of Nyandi,  the Western Australia maximum security  unit for teenage girls, are Aborigines.  Depo-Provera is used routinely there on  girls judged "promiscuous" or mentally  retarded.  But why is birth control necessary in a  unisex, maximum security facility? Is Depo-  Provera being used instead as a tranquilizer? Indications are that the drug is being  misused. (Cultural Survival Newsletter/  New Directions for Women)  Icelanders to run all-women  slate of politicians  Icelandic women, in a landmark move, will  offer an all-female slate of candidates in  the country's fall elections.  A Swedish newspaper reports women Icelanders are fed up with inaction by male politicians and have set up their own political  headquarters in the capital city of Reykjavik.  The women will urge all Icelanders to vote  the all-female ticket in city council  elections around the country this fall. A  demand for adequate childcare facilities  is a major plank of the women's platform.  (New Directions for Women)  Hatch amendment may nullify  abortion rights  The Hatch amendment, which was voted out  of the U.S. Senate Subcomittee on the Constitution, is now in the judiciary committee where it may be voted upon by the end  of February or early March. The amendment  would nullify the Supreme Court Decision  legalizing abortion and allow Congress and  the states to restrict abortion by law.  According to reliable sources there are  seven sure votes against the Hatch amendment, eight sure votes for it and 3 unde-  cideds.  The pro-choice position needs  two votes to tie and defeat while the anti-  choice side needs two votes to win.  Anti-abortionists in the U.S.A. are having  enough trouble trying to decide whether to  support the Hatch amendment. Despite a  December 1981 vote by the largest anti-  abortion group, the National Right to Life  Committee, to support the Hatch Amendment,  the split has gotten larger, with some  calls within the NRLC for the resignation  of its president.  The Catholic church is working hard to  make sure the Hatch amendment—the first  time it has endorsed specific anti-abortion legislation— is passed.  In several  dioceses, including large ones such as  New York and Los Angeles, church leaders  have been circulating petitions in support  of the Hatch amendment.  In Chicago, parish priests gave out more  than 600,000 "Life Roll" cards, which worshippers were asked to sign to pledge  opposition to abortion, infanticide and  euthanasia.   ,",.,. "  " -, ,  (Off Our Backs)  Japanese women take back  credit for inventions  The Japan Women Investors Association is  making sure creative women get the credit  they deserve.  Vice-President Reiko Matsutoya says women  have often missed out on recognition. Women  invented the corset and weaving machine in  Japan, but official records list men as the  inventors, according to Matsutoya.  To prevent repeats of this problem, the  group offers improvement suggestions, help  in getting patents, and hard-won tricks of  the trade from veteran inventors. (HerSay/  New Directions for Women)  Marriage fee funds domestic  violence prevention  When prospective newlyweds in Montana pay  $30 to the county clerk for a marriage licence, $14 goes to protect against the  prospect that their union will degenerate  into black eyes, split lips, or worse.  That fee finances Montana's domestic violence program, which deals primarily with  battered wives.  The marriage licence surcharge pays about  three quarters of the necessary funding  that the legislature has appropriated for  the program. Montana is one of 15 states  to finance such programs through marriage  licence surcharges.  Q  (Vancouver Sun),  African women journalists  launch federation  The Federation of African Media Women was  launched in October 1981 after a series of  regional conferences by African women  journalists to discuss problems they and  women in their countries faced.  The Federation is the "realization of a  wish to keep in touch with one another,  to share news and information about one  another and developments within the media."  The Federation was started in Salisbury,  Zimbabwe during the African Women's Features Service (AWFS) workshop held in  October, 1981.  The AWFS was started in 1980 with funding  by UNESCO and UNFPA, and has a regional  co-ordinator in Nairobi. The workshop, a  first, was attended by correspondents from  Zimbabwe, Kenya, Zambia, Uganda, Tanzania,  Swaziland, Lesotho, Botswana and Ethiopia.  "In its first year of operation, AWFS produced 120 features on women which have  been widely published in Africa, Europe,  Latin America and the Caribbean," states  the FAMW newsletter.  The Salisbury workshop was convened to  discuss issues related to women and development, and to train participants in feature writing skills. AWFS aims to have a  team of committed women correspondents  from each African country who will look at  women's issues, especially those in rural  areas.  According to participants, most countries  are not giving women's issues, or women  journalists, the status they deserve. Not  many women have access to the media, and  only a very few hold senior positions.  For information about the Federation of  African Media Women or a newsletter subscription, contact the Editorial Office,  Interim General Secretary, ZIANA, P0 Box  8166, Causeway, Salisbury, Zimbabwe.  (From Media Report to Women) 6   Kinesis   April 1982  WOMEN WORKERS  Typing tests represent unnecessary discrimination  by Mary Lakes  Why do so many women opt out of secretarial  work as a career? One reason is the coercive and excessive testing that women  submit to in order to be considered available for most types of office work —  among which the typing test, with its  extreme physical and mental coordination  and split-second timing, is undoubtedly  the most demanding.  Typing is regarded almost universally as  the key to obtaining secretarial employment, yet as any secretary knows, it is  but a part of the job. Today's secretary  may be required to know everything from  double-entry bookkeeping to graphs, from  driving a car to operating a switchboard  and various business machines.  However, these skills become almost  totally obscured in competition for a  position where the typing test predominates. As well as being faced with the  reason, the experienced secretary doesn't  make a superior test speed, she will  likely wind up in a junior position where  her real skills will manifest themselves.  She will be producing more work than her  peers, but without the recognition she  deserves.  An additional factor typing tests fail to  reveal is the regeneration speed of the  experienced typist who, having lost speed  in the month since her last typing job,  can regain her original speed within a  day or so of resuming typing.  If a shorthand test is necessary, it may  be given at a higher speed than purported  or using specialized vocabulary which  makes it more difficult to take. Or it  may have been recorded by an untrained  person speaking with an erratic tempo.  Thus the secretary who might have maintained a consistent speed is "knocked  out" by sudden changes in speed.  It is significant that although typing is a motor skill, it has not  been recognized as a trade, nor has the typist been elevated to  the status of a tradesperson.  usual application form, aptitude tests  and often a personality assessment, a  secretary looking for work must usually  undergo a typing, shorthand (if she has  it) and dictaphone test before she is  considered available, regardless of how  many years she has worked or how recently.  Although these tests are usually administered by women, they are almost all required of women by men. Women must take  tests devised by any Tom, Dick or Harry,  subject to equipment which can alter the  outcome. And the tests may be given by  someone with no training. These factors,  combined with the usual intimidation involved in a testing situation, make for  a psychologically stressful situation.  There is a prevailing myth — commonly  used against mature women — that some  people just don't benefit by experience.  As one counsellor remarked, "You're over  30 now and it isn't likely your speed  will increase."  This ignores not only the stressful  reality of typing tests, but also the  value of the experience held by mature,  experienced secretaries.  If for some  Finally, the dictaphone, in use for over  40 years, has only lately been added as  a testing requirement although it can  be operated by any typist capable of  typing a letter.  Information gained from testing may be  retained without the secretary being advised of the results.  Not only that, she  may have spent half the day doing tests  only to be informed there is no work  available.  The effort expended may also be sold to  buyers of information, but the secretary  will not receive payment. Rather she will  be out transportation costs to and from  the employment office.  Federal, provincial and municipal governments and personnel agencies will not  accept one another's test results, which  indicates a lack of confidence in current  testing techniques.  Nevertheless, unless the secreatry suc-  combs to testing, she risks being deemed  unavailable for work.  (At present, willingness to submit to testing is strongly  related to maintaining eligibility for  unemployment- insurance benefits. )  It Is significant that although typing is  a motor skill, it has not been recognized  as a trade, nor has the typist been  elevated to the status of a tradesperson.  Rather, the skill of applying perfect eye,  hand and mental coordination has been  demeaned, while trained operators in other  occupations receive respect for their  skills.  When asked why secretarial skills are  singled out for such onerous testing procedures, interviewers usually say that  employers demand it.  It is not unusual  to find secretaries who have taken 50 or  more typing tests over a ten-year period,  and with the consistent pattern of demand  for short-term casual workers, this situation may yet become the norm.  In each case, the secretary is placed in  the stress position of having to validate  her claim as a proficient member of her  occupation* One 59-year-old secretary  said, "After possibly 100 typing tests in  my career, I have built up an aversion to  them that'is almost painful."  Certainly, the continual testing of secretaries has become the natural state of  affairs.  Job access has been strictly  controlled by specifying a required typing  speed, which in turn depends on test  results.  However, prior to and during World War II  only government jobs required a typing  and shorthand test. Before the development  of large government employment offices,  personnel departments and public employment agencies (which have proliferated  since 1950), graduates of commercial  schools were considered to have attained  the essential proficiency in typing, and  speed was not questioned.  Education and  experience were recognized as assets  which did not require additional proof.  Typing is a specialized skill to be recognized in the same manner as welding or  any other skilled trade.  To insist on  current forms of testing is blatantly  discriminatory to the women who make up  the secretarial trade.  What is needed is a provincial typing test  given under uniform testing conditions,  with standard machines and instructions,  administered by qualified personnel, and  rewarded by a trade certificate good for  six months or longer.  I would like to see a group form to gather  information and press for change in the  above situation.     To become involved,  contact me at 688-0783 — Mary Lakes.  Domestic workers organize for equal labour status  The following speech was delivered by  Angie Ola-0 of the Committee for the  Advancement of the Rights of Domestic  Workers on International Women's Day,   1982.  Generally, women in our society are the  more oppressed sex — inside and outside  the workplace.  Because of my limited  knowledge of women in other countries, I  will speak about places I have been —  the Philippines, where I came from before  being a domestic worker; Hong Kong, where  I worked for a year as a domestic worker;  and now here in Canada, still a domestic  worker.  I'm sure there are some countries  where women have made qualitative gains  in their struggle to be freed from exploitation and oppression.  It is very evident that an increasing  number of women and men are becoming more  progressive, especially on the issue of  women's exploitation and oppression. This  is due to the fact that women are becoming  more aware of the role they play in the  development of the society they are in,  and militantly organize themselves and  act progressively on the issues they are  being faced with.  Domestic workers are predominantly women  workers, and, like other women, we became  aware of our difficult status in society.  Because of this status, we organized ourselves and formed CARDWO — the Committee  for the Advancement of the Rights of  Domestic Workers.  First, a brief background of who and what  are the forces that make us become domestic  workers here in Canada.  Most of the domestic workers, like me,  came from Third World countries like the  Philippines.  There is the worsening economic crisis back home which the Marcos  government cannot hide and which most of  the immigrants here in North America were  able to escape from.  This same government  wanted us to leave the country, even with  just work permits, so as to solve part of  its unemployment problem.  At the same time, the dollars being sent  by immigrant workers to support their  families back home are being added to the  dwindling Philippine dollar reserves.  So,  practically, the worsening economic and  continued on page 7 April 1982   Kinesis    7  CHILDCARE  Quality daycare hampered by poor funding  by Susan Hoeppner  To work and raise a child in a society  that takes little or no responsibility before the child is six, is to be caught in  a maternal nightmare.  For those of us who have lived through our  children's pre-school years as single  working parents, the memory of frustration  and guilt is all too prevalent. Wondering  from month to month if we can scrape up  fees from meagre incomes, closing our eyes  to daycare situations where too little  space exists, where childcare becomes  child-holding. Wondering if in the future  our children will forgive us for a situation in which we had no choice.  Women who work shifts often have to arrange up to four different childcare arrangements. And we are all familiar with  the fear of our children becoming sick.  Spaces scarce and costly  A. group of people concerned with the daycare situation on the North Shore recently  produced a brief exposing the appalling  inadequacies in the care of young children  in that community. Since what money is  available is allocated and administered  provincially, their findings reflect only  too well what is happening in the rest of  B.C.  Consider the following facts:  *There are 848 daycare spaces for 6,255  children of working mothers on the North  Shore.  *5,407 children in North Vancouver are  being cared for by unregistered or unlicensed workers.  *95% of children under two who require daycare are in unregulated homes.  For under threes on the North Shore, there  are 24 spaces currently available, at a  cost of $330/month per child. For children  aged 3-6, there are 517 spaces available,  at an average montly fee of $200-250. In  licensed family daycare situations with 1  or 2 children involved, there are 200  spaces available,_with fees ranging from  $250-350/month. And in licensed family daycare situations involving up to five children, 107 spaces exist, with fees again  ranging from $250-350/month per child.  None of the fees mentioned include subsidies, and needless to say, the waiting  lists for each and every space are long.  The effect of this situation on parents  and children does not have to be experienced to be understood.  Workers caught in economic trap  Then there are the childcare workers to  consider. According to the North Shore  group's brief: "The present salaries for  daycare supervisors reflect the value that  society places on the care and development  of young children. The average salary (Dec/  81) for full-time head supervisors with  early childhood education training and at  least several years experience is $14,000  (with the lowest reported at $9,600). The  average for a full-time qualified E.C.E.  Supervisor is $12,000 (with a low of  $9,000)." These figures were compiled from  thirteen non-profit daycare centres on the  North Shore.  Staff in daycare centres are faced with a  constant contradiction between concern for  the potential of the children involved and  poor pay, lack of professional development,  and lack of equipment and resources.  Many feel caught between their legitimate  demand for a decent living and the economic  inability of parents to pay more for childcare. The provincial government has succeeded in shirking its responsibility for  daycare by maintaining parent boards as  the technical employer in daycare centres.  CARDWO SPEECH continued from page 6   political life back home brought about by  the repressive and oppressive government,  drove us out of our country. We answered  the many ads for domestic workers abroad,  where "abroad" in our culture means "green"  dollars and opportunities.  Then, there is the pull factor — a constant demand for domestic workers in  Canada from the 60's to the present, to  fill in the critical lack of subsidized  childcare facilities for working Canadians.  The federal government has created a  supply of domestic workers by means of its  immigration policies. These policies,  through the temporary work permit system,  put domestic workers under exploitation,  intimidation, threats of deportation,  harassment and other kinds of abuses by  employers as well as by immigration officers themselves.  Domestic work has been of little value for  years. First, this particular work sector  is mainly composed of immigrants and therefore has been viewed as a source of cheap  labour. Second, this work force is not  in industrial or agricultural production  and therefore has been shortsightedly seen  as a sector that is not contributing to  the economy of the society.  But what we domestic workers realize is  that of all households employing us,  71.4$ have done so to free both spouses  for the labour market.  Further, 67.2% of these households are in  the $40,000 and over income bracket. So,  In addition, education cutbacks present a  serious threat to the training of new daycare workers. Early childhood education  programs throughout the province are threatened.  Recommendations  The North Shore brief concludes with the  following recommendations:  1) that the present funding system be improved to meet the economic realities of  daycare costs;  2) that the eligibility level for subsidies  be increased;  3) that staff be increased to licensing  facilities and Ministry of Human Resources  staff to adequately assess, monitor and  support day care;  4) that a full family daycare program be  implemented which involves recruitment,  assessment and regular support services  to these homes;  5) that community resources be made available to family caregivers, for example,  community education courses and regular  visits from a public health nurse;  6) that municipal councils encourage the  establishment of new centres in new buildings through the incentive of zoning  trade-offs;  7) that recognition be given to the present development of a training program  for out-of-school caregivers;  8) that early childhood education programs at Capilano College and North Shore  Community and Continuing Education Departments be maintained and not be reduced  because of funding cutbacks; and  9) that the present system involving  three Ministries be reviewed, with the  focus on integration of administration  and more effective policy and planning. Q  while both spouses are working in their  respective professions, we are left at  home taking care of the children, feeding  the dog, washing the dishes, doing the  laundry. Some are even asked to do car  washing, lawnmowing and window cleaning.  Statistics also show that 49.3% of the  domestic workers are taking care of at  least one child aged between zero and five.  These being the early formative years of  the child, we therefore have a sizeable  role in moulding the character of the  future generation of Canadians, in the  same way as teachers.  These are basically the foundations as to  why we organize; why we demand the same  benefits as other workers who pay income  tax, UIC and CPP; why we believe there  should be equal labour status for all  workers, whether they be temporary or  permanent residents in Canada, men or  women; and why we believe our struggle is  not only an issue for domestics and for  women, but also for the rest of the work  force.  We are aware that organizing is a lot of  work and that it is especially difficult  because of the particular nature of our  work. It is so individualized, working  in private houses with our employers, we  do not even know where to locate other  domestic workers.  For those with whom we are in contact, it  is hard to find time to meet and plan due  to our long hours of work. Due to our  immigration status, those involved in  CARDWO already may have to leave the  country for some reason.  Others who are not involved and know of  the organization may be afraid to get involved because they may get deported,  intimidated, or harassed by their employers, Immigration officers and/or their  country's consulate, like that being done  by the Philippine consulate to some of our  people.  But we shall not be discouraged or intimidated by these difficulties, nor by the  forces that want us to keep quiet. We  shall keep informing people, asking people  to get involved and support our cause, and  organizing. That is the only way to win a  struggle for a just cause. 0_ 8    Kinesis    April 1982  INTERNATIONAL  Polish women continue the struggle from prison  by Gwen Kallio and Karin Konstantynowicz  On December 13, 1981 the Polish military  junta declared a "state of war". Since  then over 80 internment camps have been  designated or constructed to house Solidarity activists and supporters - and  among them exists a special camp for women.  Recent information has been received from  the Solidarity underground regarding the  status of women internees.  According to the report, which was smug-,  gled out of Poland and distributed to  Solidarity Information Offices abroad, the  women internees have recently been removed  from Fordon, a women's prison in northern  Poland to a special camp near Goldap, 400  metres from the USSR border.  Internment centres are filling up  The trip from Fordon Prison to Goldap took  20 hours, with the women transported in  railroad cars, standing*the whole way. During the course of the trip, the women were  harassed by the police who told them they  would soon be seeing "wide tracks", a reference indicating deportation to the Soviet  Union.  Despite these threats, the conditions at  Goldap, a former vacation resort for radio  and TV employees, are much better than in  prisons such as Fordon.  Presently at Goldap there are 100 women  internees, although the centre can accommodate 320. Reports from the prison state  that new prisoners are arriving daily and  that additional furniture is being brought  in. This could indicate that the internment centre at Goldap will be a permanent  one.  Women such as Anna Walentynowicz, Alina Pienkowska,  Joanna Duda-Gwiazda and  Krystyna Laskowicz are actively working from within the  prison organizing fellow  prisoners and issuing outiside  communiques.  Among those interned are women who have  been leaders and prominent activists in  the independent trade union Solidarity.  In spite of their internment, these women  continue to organize and fight back. The  report states that Anna Walentynowicz has  gone on a hunger strike. Anna has been a  persistent and vocal advocate of workers'  rights since the late '60s.  As a model stakhanovite worker, Anna won  several awards for production during her  16 years as a welder and crane operator in  the Lenin shipyards in Gdansk.  It was not her work record, but her activities in support of independent trade  unions that led to her dismissal in August  1980, five months before her official retirement date.  The demand for her reinstatement was the  central issue in the August 14, 1980 strike  at the Lenin shipyards. Her struggle in  prison clearly shows that Anna Is still  fighting.  The report reveals as well that Anna is not  alone in her dissent. Women such as Alina  Pienkowska, Joanna Duda-Gwiazda and  Krystyna Laskowicz are actively working  from within the prison organizing fellow  prisoners and issuing outside communiques.  While in Fordon, Alina and Joanna attacked  the terms and conditions under which they  and their fellow prisoners were being held.  They counselled others not to recognize  the authority of prison officials, since  their status as internees had not been  clarified.  In addition, they demanded the right to  communicate with other women internees,  with their lawyers and with outside supporters. Their demands may have been responsible for their eventual transfer to  Goldap from the Fordon prison.  The action and demands made by these- women  clearly demonstrate the strength and determination of women fighting oppression in  Poland.  Women bear the brunt of economic  deprivation  The very qualities that enable the interned  women to carry out their actions can also  be seen in the day-to-day lives of working  women throughout the country.  Polish society is a society under siege,  both economically and politically. Working  women are bearing the brunt of economic  deprivations.  On their shoulders fall the weight of what  has been termed the "double burden". This  means that in order to survive, a woman  with a family must work, maintain the home,  usually without the aid of modern appliances  stand in queues for hours, and raise her  family.  Since the state of war, the weight of that  burden has increased. Prices have risen by  as much as 400%. Workers who have supported  Solidarity are being issued black cards,  which excludes them from employment.  Ration cards are being taken away from families of supporters and activists. If a  woman has not been jailed herself, there's  a strong possibility her husband has.  Anna Walentynowicz  Alina Pienkowska  Women in Poland have limited choices before  them, given the traditional and religious  nature of Polish society. Nonetheless, they  are predominant in many important professions and skilled trades.  Often however, and in contrast to western  women's reality, the choice is not between  family and career, but how best to combine  the two, as they often must.  Prior to the state of war, groups of academic women were beginning to identify and  articulate the opporession of Polish working women. They were planning to take a  list of demands regarding childcare, repro-  , ductive rights and women's rights to Solidarity.  Needless to say, the imposition of the  state of war and the suspension of Solidarity has interfered with the immediate  realization of their goals.  Spirit of defiance still strong  The women in prisons provide heartening  evidence that that the spirit of Polish  women has not been silenced under harassment or incarceration.  They remain defiant despite the extra burdens recently imposed on them. Their voice  will not be silenced.  And this spirit of defiance exists on the  street and in the queues, as elderly women  are reported being carted away by the police for. loudly voicing their disdain for  the junta and its policies.  SOURCES:  CONNEXIONS, "Yes, there is a women's movement in Poland",   Issue #10, May 1981.  SPARE RIB, "Solidarity Sisters"  by Eva  Kalezyneka, February 1982.  JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY, "The Situation of  Women in Poland",   Spring 1971.  NEWSLETTER OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR STUDIES,  "Reflections on Women in Solidarity", #11,  July 1981.  GDANSK SOLIDARITY INFORMATION BULLETIN #3,  February 14, 1982. April 1982   Kinesis   9  INTERNATIONAL  Contradictions persist in Nicaragua's sexual revolution  by Heather Conn  A three-year-old girl in a sequined bikini  prances provocatively to applause in the  local circus. Meanwhile, an ex-prostitute  proudly sells clothing she has learned to  sew at_a rehabilitation centre.  A young woman with four children sits at  home night after night while her husband  drinks and carouses outdoors with his  buddies. Meanwhile, a single mother  watches her son laugh and play in a centre  for abused, abandoned and neglected children.  On the street, men whistle, honk, crane  necks, turn heads, glance suggestively,  stare and hoot, driving their cars so  blindly they come close to crashing. Meanwhile, men from a local neighbourhood help  women construct a free daycare centre,  promoting community involvement.  Such are the contradictions of the sexual  revolution in Nicaragua. With many newly  created social services, women now have  benefits previously unheard of — accessible birth control, free medical and day  care, pre-school centres and shelters for  children.  Yet at the same time, they face countless  obstacles that prevent their full sexual  emancipation — abortion is illegal,  (lesbianism is rarely addressed), rigid  parental stereotypes still exist, the  church strictly guides morality and machismo is a perpetual problem.  As Magda Enriquez, executive member of the  national women's group AMNLAE, explains:  "The revolution is determined to eliminate  all types of exploitation.  But that does  not mean that it has happened already.  This is an entire process.  "Men have to learn to dignify women and  dignify the sexual relationship," she says.  "This is something people have to be educated on. That's our task — to educate  people on that."  Concern for sexual oppression a  privilege  On a recent visit to Nicaragua, members of  Vancouver's B.C. - Nicaragua Women's Support Group sought obvious changes in women's  sexual condition: Is sexual freedom and  choice allowed or encouraged? Are there  facilities for women who experience violence  in the home? How integrated are health  programs? Are abortion and birth control  readily available?  In almost every case, the response was:  "This is not a problem here. Women are not  asking for that. They are discussing food,  jobs, defence, education." What we learned  was that concern for women's sexual oppression was the privilege of those from  a developed country.  In Nicaragua, the revolution has not encompassed a total moral and social transformation. Instead, the basic survival of  all the nation's people has been the  priority — providing food, running water,  electricity, the ability to read and write  and the right to live without fear of torture, death or imprisonment.  So, by comparison, women's sexual status  is not a major issue. In fact, in health  matters the prevention of malaria, disease  and infant mortality has taken precedence  over female reproductive rights. In the  words of Ariarea Fernandez, a Mexican journalist who joined the revolution in 1979:  "I'm sure all the health programs have  been made in the order of important  things...before the problem of women. They  are going to consider this some time but  first we do the main things because we  are a poor revolution."  Enriquez adds: "We do not feel that women  are a class by themselves. We feel that  women are part of the class that was exploited, that was oppressed and repressed  by the dictatorship. So, our priority was  the rebuilding of our country.  "When you have to rebuild and entire  country, there are other priorities than  the struggle of women by themselves."  While in Managua, we watched a woman  neighbour go into labour outside the front  door of our hotel. She had no partner to  comfort her, but instead received support  from our hotel proprietor and local children. After several minutes an ambulance  appeared and she was taken to a free public  hospital.  Like many Nicaraguan mothers, this woman  wanted her child. Even without partners,  many pregnant women of all ages are seen  on the street, in the marketplace, at home.  In fact, more births have occurred since  the war than in many previous years, says  Enriquez. Many women hope to have children  to replace those who were among the 50,000  people killed during the war, she adds.  Today, the large scrawled word Ninos  (children) is still visible on fences in  some neighbourhoods. It was used during  the war, to indicate areas with many  children, in hopes that National Guard  planes would not drop bombs there.  "It's like a revindication of women here  to have as many children as they want to  have," says Enriquez. "The dictatorship  had programs of birth control against the  will of the people that were in f^act impulsed by the health campaigns that were  promoted by the United States.  "There were women whose tubes were tied  without asking their consent or the disc  was put in or diaphragm was put in without  taking into consideration the decision of  the woman."  Today, birth control is available. It is  a free service offered at hospitals that  provide advice and instructions on its  use. However, there is no. widespread integrated health program informing women of  different methods and choices. The main  complaint is that there is not enough birth  control.  We found contraceptive pills in markets  throughout Managua; a month's supply is  sold for 75 cents. But we saw no accom  panying instructions or recommendations.  A woman is likely to take them at her own  risk, regardless of hormone levels or  harmful side effects.  Prostitution an economic problem  While visiting a rehabilitation centre for  ex-prostitutes in the western coastal town  of Corinto, we met young women who had  not received the benefits of birth control,  One pregnant girl, aged 15, clutched a  magazine entitled "Mama". Another sat  watching cartoons on a black and white  television, her billowing stomach propped  up with a pillow.  The centre's walls showed photos of young  children in different monthly stages;  advice was provided on daily care. It was  evident that pregnancy was a major problem  among young prostitutes — many had no  family or financial support to raise a  child.  Yet, with the revolution, prostitutes have  received emotional support and community  help. They are no longer viewed with shame  and hostility, but instead have become  accepted, employable members of society.  "At the beginning, there was an ideological problem," says Enriquez. "It was the  problem of the woman who has been a prostitute for 15 years in a small town. It's  very hard for a community to accept her  as a "normal" person.  "But we have been able to place them in  the community and the community is really  learning. There is no problem for the  town to accept them as such because there  is an entire change of mentality.  "There is an understanding that prostitution is not a moral problem,it's an  economic problem," she says. "These women  have been forced to sell their bodies as  merchandise because they have no other  economic alternative to feed their children. That is something our people are  understanding."  Currently, there are three rehabilitation  centres funded by AMNLAE, church groups  and the ministry of social welfare. They  train women in pre-school education,  sewing, typing and craft skills.  In Managua, prostitution among young girls  is still a problem, but attempts are being  made to build a centre there. AMNLAE hopes  to combine the centre with a high school,  so girls can finish grade school while  learning an employable trade.  In the past, dictator Anastasio Somoza and  his National Guard supported prostitution  by paying brothel owners and their madames,  many soldiers were regular patrons of  brothels. Today, such practice is condemned. According to Catalina Navarro de  Hernandez, a woman from the small southern  town of Suan Juan del Sur:  "The government is trying to get rid of  prostitution now. There are public vigilantes on guard duty. There used to be two  bars here with women (prostitutes) but  not now.  "Before at night you couldn't walsk in  streets from fear. Somoza's men used to  beat people with rifle butts if they were  out in the streets after dark. Now it is  safe."  Women take an active role in the policing  of their streets. Along with men, they are  members of armed volunteer civilian "vigilante" groups who patrol neighbourhoods  at night. Theft is more of a concern at  continued on page 10 10   Kinesis    April 1982  INTERNATIONAL  NICARAGUA continued from page 9  night than rape in Nicaragua; single women  walk the streets alone at all hours without great fear of sexual attack.  However, it is still considered safer for  a woman to be accompanied by a man; one  police officer we met on our first night  in Managua was incredulous that my female  companion and I did not have a male escort.  Currently there are no rape assault  centres in Nicaragua. When we questioned  Magda Enriquez about violence in the home,  she replied:  "That's really not a problem here. I'm  sure that there may be some husbands who  beat their wives but at this point in the  revolution for a man to beat his wife and  the woman to just stand still, it really  doesn't's not a problem."  Male-female violence ever present  It is true enough that many women in Nicaragua are trained in the use of weapons  and can defend themselves with arms. Those  in the military and police carry guns and  are unlikely targets for attack. However,  male-female violence is still everpresent.  Near a large market in Managua, we saw a  woman and man physically punching one  another until blood was streaming from  the woman's face.  While in Bluefields on Nicaragua's Atlantic coast, we saw a very intoxicated man  on the street berating and screaming at  his wife and daughter. Soon after, the  police bodily removed him to jail.  In  another home nearby, a woman's drunk son  had passed out on the kitchen table and  refused to be moved.  He got violent and  angry when his mother and sisters tried to  to pry him from a chair.  The combination of alcohol and violence  remains a constant threat in this Central  American nation; however, offices of  Alcoholics Anonymous can be found in many  towns and there are serious attempts to  solve the problem.  Violence in the home has been confronted  in the area of child abuse. There are  currently three homes for abandoned, neglected or abused children in Nicaragua.  They deal primarily with children aged  6-12, providing counselling, recreation  and education facilties, or a farm and  garden for outdoor activities; all have  strong community support and participation.  "They are mostly children from single  mothers who see themselves forced by  circumstances to make a living and the  kids end up living in the street for most  of the day," says Jose Garcia, a Save the  Children Fund employee who oversees the  homes' functions.  "In some cases, the woman is abandoned,  living in terrible conditions and takes  out on the child most of her frustrations."  Garcia says that in most cases, attempts  are made to get the child back into the  home with combined family counselling. If  this is not possible without danger to  the child, the home of a relative or  other community member is sought for permanent safe refuge.  The police are very supportive and responsible in dealing with abandoned children," he adds. "In Matagalpa, before our  house opened there, the police were practically housing about 15 children in the  police station.  "They were abandoned, with nowhere to go.  The police were quite responsive, quite  fine and co-operative."  Thus, a Nicaraguan mother need no longer  feel a slave to the family, unable to  properly care for her children. Free day  care facilities now exist near work sites  to allow women full participation in  production. But there are still not enough  to adequately service all families in  Nicaragua.  "Lack of day care is a very, very serious  problem," says Enriquez. "Even here in  the AMNLAE office in Managua, we do not  have a day care centre. We work full-time  and there are about 80 children among all  the women who work here."  However, Vancouver's B.C-Nicaragua Women's  Support Group gave AMNLAE a cheque for  more than $2,000 during their recent  visit. The money will help construct a  day care centre in Alinsa, a port where  women form 80 per cent of workers in a  shrimp and lobster packing plant.  A woman can now choose to send her child  to pre-school, a new, free service offered  by the revolutionary government. As Becki  Conn, from the department of pre-school  education, explains:  "Education in Nicaragua today is more than  just teaching the basic skills. It's  creating a whole new values system of respect, equality, breaking down the sex  roles. It's giving children a chance to  really explore and,learn for themselves  and be creative, with social, intellectual,  emotional and physical skills."  Yet, despite these avowed ideals, many  traditional values still exist in the  treatment of women's sexuality. One Canadian woman visiting Nicaragua told us:  "For heaven's sake, don't ask about homosexuality. It's like they're still living  in the Fifties." And sure enough, lesbianism and homosexuality are not volunteered  subjects of conversation.  The governing FSLN (National Sandinista  Liberation Front) takes no official stand  on homosexuality. When we asked 24-year-  old Luis Caldera of the FASLN's international relations department, he said:  "There's no aspect of legality that has  been done on homosexuality. There are no  sanctions at all against gays or lesbians.  The individual is not penalized. There are  no laws or restrictions that say gays  can't be professors, have housing, etc.  There is not a prohibition of homosexuals."  He adds: "There's no social imposition or  weight that makes it necessary that the  Church, the Front take on sexual orient  ation. It's not fulfilling the needs or  doesn't enter into the context of the  needs of society. It's not a problem that  we've had to deal with."  A black lesbian in the Bluefields military  reserve said she received equal treatment  with men. One of her male army companions  simply said jokingly, "She doesn't like  men" and that was the end of the matter.  But in a society where the family is declared the "natural unit of society" in  the statute of rights, it is unlikely  that alternatives to the nuclear, child-  bearing family will be enoucraged.  For this reason, numerous foreigners working for the Nicaraguan revolution on a  long-term basis said they have greater  hopes for a true sexual revolution in El  Salvador. This country has already received much solidarity work and financial  support from gay groups in North America.  There are now ongoing consciousness-  raising programs dealing with sexuality in  this nation and the issue has been more  directly confronted than in Nicaragua.  Most Nicaraguan men we talked to wanted  to know our marital status.  Where was our  husband? Were we travelling alone? Did we  have any children? If we were with a man,  they wanted to know exactly how long we'd  known each other. Yet, they rarely volunteered similar information about themselves.  In fact, we spent a lot of time  with one Nicaraguan man before we found  out he had a wife and two children. He  then proudly told us he had been out with  his three brothers on Christmas Eve, had  gotten drunk, had a great time, then  added with a smile — no wives were there.  An indeed, his wife did not accompany us  on any outings, nor were we invited to his  home.  Sexism survives despite the revolution  Many carry-overs of sexist society are  still present in Nicaragua. In department  stores, slick glamour magazines warn women to heed fashion trends, find a man ,  and be someone's Senorita Right. Well-  dressed made-up women still cruise out of  fashionable discos in Managua.  AMNLAE is trying to raise enough money to  create a new magazine that offers an alternative, revolutionary perspective of  women. The group hopes to have sexist advertising outlawed, although images of  fleshy, scantily-clad women still persist.  In local entertainment, small town family  circus clowns tell sexist jokes emphasizing women's physical attributes. A  woman enters the ring doing a bump-and-  grind dance while the emcee tells the male  audience not to make their wives jealous.  Television programs feature sex kitten  singers and leggy, Las Vegas-type dancers  as backdrops for male entertainers.  So, for the visiting observer, Nicaragua's  sexual revolution is two-sided. There is  no doubt that social services and health  conditions have greatly improved since  the brutal rule of Somoza; in fact, under  his government, a ministry of social welfare did not actively exist.  However, women still have far to go before  they achieve full emancipation. Besides  programs addressed to female needs, an  integrated education program is needed to  confront men's sexist values and conditioning. As Fernandez says:  "I think this is a very large process.  Machismo is one of the biggest problems  in Latin America."  As one tourist said to the Nicaraguan men  in uniform who eyed her like a juicy slab  of fresh beef: "What kind of revolutionaries are you, anyway?"  Only time will tell. Q April 1982   Kinesis    11  WOMEN WORKERS IN THE HOME  MOTHER'S DAY  WAS THE FIRST LABOUR DAY  All over the world, women celebrate Mother's Day. In North  America, suffragette Julia Ward Howe began Mother's Day  celebrations as a way for women to gather to organize for  women's rights.  Somehow since then, Mother's Day has lost that focus and  instead become a day when mothers are thanked for carrying  out their "duties" all year without getting recognition,  pay or any guarantee of future security.  Many mothers are expected to prepare large family dinners  on Mother's Day, while other mothers don't even have the  money or food to be able to do that.  For the past two years, Vancouver women have reclaimed  Mother's Day by holding an event focusing on the work women  do as mothers and on the rights we deserve.  This year on May 8th, a Mother's Day fair will again be  held at Grandview Park (on Commercial Drive at William St.  next to Britannia Community Centre).  The fair will take place from 2:00-5:00 p.m. and will include music, speakers, information booths and food. There  will be booths from Family Places, Matsuri (Japanese  women's group), India Mahila Association, Maternal Health  Society, Vancouver Status of Women, and other women's  groups.  Speakers will talk about welfare rights, child care, immigrant women's concerns, and a variety of other topics reflecting our lives as Canadian women.  There will be clowns with face paint and puppets for the  children, as well as music and food to make it a good atmosphere to get to know each other and share ideas. We  hope you and your children will join us.  Wages for housework — a measure of our worth  by Darlyne Jewitt and Ellen Woodsworth  Wages for housework is a demand that has  been growing stronger and stronger since  the first resolution for wages for housework was passed unanimously by 900 women at  a Montreal conference in 1974.  An international campaign grew out of that  conference, and since then many groups and  thousands of individuals have raised the  demand.  Reclaiming Mother's Day as our own celebration - in Vancouver as in London England,  Toronto, New York, Padova Italy, and many  other cities around the world - has been a  way for us to talk about the work we do as  mothers, and to share our common concerns  about our work. We celebrate through our  own stories of our lives, our songs, our  food, our sewing, our writings, our joy,  pain and power.  Housework is the only work that workers do  24 hours a day, seven days a week all year  long. We have no pay, no sick leave, no  holidays, no grievance procedures, and no  pension plan of our own.  When we take a second job as waitress,  nurse, teacher, prostitute, daycare worker,  secretary, social worker, clerk, domestic  or factory worker, we are still doing  housework. We are in women's job ghettos  working for low pay because we work for no  pay in the home.  Welfare provides some small wages for  housework, but the government is attacking  even that small amount. And because single  parents on welfare are not seen as workers,  not even the rest of the working class has  come out to protect that wage.  We have to organize ourselves to gain recognition for our work, and that recognition  must come in the form of real power - money  We want a wage from the government financed  with the profit that big business makes off  our free work in the home, work which makes  up over one-third of the country's Gross  National Product. The money is there to pay  us, but it is being misused on things like  29% military spending increases and sellout coal deals.  We demand a wage for all we do. Wages will  give us the self worth and money to refuse  abuse from husbands and boyfriends, the  money to take our children and leave. Many  women have attempted suicide because of  years of abuse and degradation as a housewife. Those years would not be endured were  we paid wages with which to house and feed  ourselves and our children.  We want control of our lives independent  of the income of the man we live with. And  we demand a pension to pay for the work we  continue to do after 65, for housework  never ends. Men may retire, but women just  tire.  We want wages for housework, and we are  going to fight for it - internationally,  nationally and provincially. We invite you  to join the fight on May 8th.  Mother's Day should be recognized throughout the year  by Peggy Lenti and Christl Phipps  Excerpts from a discussion by women attending a Moms & Tots group, on the significance  of Mother's Day:  What is the historical significance of this  day?  I'm sure it's Hallmark Cards!  Why isn't it on International Women's Day?  As a holiday I think it's silly.  I don't think we need a mother's  should be recognized throughout the year.  Mothers are labourers.  I don't mind Mother's Day. I acknowledge my  mother with a phone call or a letter.  I'm tired of paying homage to this sentimental ideal.  It's a painful experience thinking about my  mother. I think my bitterness about Mother's  Day is confined to my relationship with my  mother, and not with my children.  I see my daughter at school facing Mother's  Day. Many children are confused because  they have two mothers or two fathers; it  only makes them feel badly because they are  different. They're only allowed to make one  ceramic vase for Mother's Day.  I would rather give my mother some recognition on another day when there is not all  the external expectations.  There should be an awareness of who a mother is. She is not just the woman behind the  sink, which is what I feel a lot of the  time. I think it's great for kids to get  an appreciation of women's work at an early  age.  My son expresses his appreciation for what  I do and I really encourage it.  I don't think people's values have changed  that much. Our values are still predominantly male-oriented and males have to do  with things like power, control and money.  Motherhood does not have much to do with  many of those things. For that reason,  motherhood isn't valued in our society. I  think what is happening now is that women  have more pressure to go out and gain power, earn more money and gain more status.  Money is power; if you have money you have  power or more claim to be a valued person.  How much do you earn as a mother? You go  to a benefit and they ask, five dollars for  employed or three dollars for unemployed.  I certainly don't feel unemployed. What  am I?  We're outside the system. We are not considered.  Does that i  : unproductive?  I don't think Mother's Day as a special  day is that important for me. I would  rather have support all year round than  receive one bouquet of flowers.  In one way I feel that we should forget -  about Mother's Day, it's a farce. We could  use it as an opportunity for a real awareness of women and our role in life. EVERY MOTHER IS A WORKING WOMAN  Illustration by Jeanne Taylor 14    Kinesis    April 1982  WOMEN WORKERS IN THE HOME  MOTHERS TAKE ACTION  MATERNAL HEALTH  SOCIETY  A woman's right to give birth naturally,  in a setting of her own choice and with  attendants of her own choosing, is a right  that is too often taken away from women in  our so-called advanced culture. The  Maternal Health Society seeks to assist  women to take back power over their own  birth experiences.  Our quarterly publication, "Maternal Health  News", publishes articles on childbirth,  midwifery, caesarian birth and related  topics.  It aims to educate consumers and  professionals alike on current facts about  childbirth alternatives.  Subscriptions are $7 to $10 per year.  Cheques should be made payable to the  Maternal Health Society.  Box 46563,  Station G,  Vancouver, B.C.  V6R 4G8  MATSURI (JAPANESE  WOMEN'S ORGANIZATION)  Matsuri was founded in January 1979 by  Japanese immigrant women. Originally a literary magazine with the goal of encouraging women to express their opinions and  sentiments, it is now a group aimed at  stimulating women's awareness of society,  both socially and professionally.  Our objectives are not only to support each  other, but to help people progress towards  a more amicable and productive coexistence.  3047 Clark Drive  Vancouver, B.C. V5N 3J2  Tel: (604) 874-5884  WELFARE RIGHTS  COALITION  The Welfare Rights Coalition is a group of  people on welfare determined to improve  conditions for all who are receiving social  assistance.  We have learned that our problems are NOT  personal, but shared.  We are taking control  of our lives: learning what our rights are,  how to appeal decisions we don't consider  fair to us, publishing information for  welfare recipients, and providing public  information.  Meetings are held every Wednesday to build  broad-based support for our fight. All  those on welfare are invited to attend.  Living on welfare means surviving well  below all recognized poverty lines I Recent  cutbacks remove us and our children farther  away from the poverty lines. We must recognize that the cutbacks represent harassment of the poor. There is inadequate  daycare, there are not enough jobs. The  Coalition recognizes that mothers are  already working fulltime, raising our  children in our homes. Write us c/o 400A  West 5th Avenue, Vancouver, B.C.  INDIA MAHILA  ASSOCIATION  Our group came into existence in Vancouver  with the recognition that there was no organized voice for Indian women in the community, and that cultural, religious and  political events were male dominated.  Meetings among a few women in 1973 led to  the establishment of the Mahila Association  with specific aims of addressing the situation of Indian women in the Indian community and Canadian society at large.  Currently, our objective is to share our  skills and information with our sisters, to  help one another become aware of our rights  and how to defend them, and to provide  emotional support for each other. We look  forward to sharing your ideas, experiences  and comments.  India Mahila Association  P.O. Box 67714, Station 0  Vancouver, B.C.  Raminder Dosanjh: 325-3327  Harminder Sanghera: 325-1662  WOMEN WORKERS IN THE HOME is a group of  women and organizations concerned about  the status of women in the home.   We can  be contacted through Vancouver Status  of Women,  400A West 5th Ave.,   Vancouver.  'OUR  MOTHER  DOES NOT WORK  HERE. YOU WILL  HAVE TO PICK UP  AFTER YOURSELF.  "/ wanted to go out and change the  world but I couldn't find a babysitter'  — In the Lower Mainland only 1  daycare space exists for every 18  children.  VANCOUVER LESBIAN  MOTHERS DEFENSE FUND  When a lesbian mother's custody of her  children is challenged, the outcome depends more on the judge's beliefs and  attitudes toward homosexuality than on  the facts of the mother's parental fitness.  What is on trial is not the mother's ability to care for her children, nor the  right of the child to choose to live with  the parent of her/his choice, but rather  lesbianism itself.  The Vancouver Lesbian Mother's Defense  Fund was formed to meet the needs of lesbian mothers fighting for custody of  their children. The group has resource  material available, such as trial transcripts and papers which document healthy  and loving environments for children of  lesbian mothers.  Vancouver Lesbian Mother's Defense Fund  P.O. Box 65593, Station F  Vancouver, B.C.  COMMITTEE FOR THE  ADVANCEMENT OF THE  RIGHTS OF DOMESTIC  WORKERS  The Committee for the Advancement of the  Rights of Domestic Workers (CARDWO) was  formed in May 1981 to improve the situation of women who work in other people's  homes doing housework and child care. Most  of the domestic workers in CARDWO are from  Third World countries, and are in Canada  on temporary work permits. Many have left  children of their own in order to come to  Canada to look after other people's children.  The general lack of financial and social  recognition for housework and mothering  carries over to paid domestic work. Many  domestics are being paid as little as $150  per month. We often work regular 12-14  hour days with no overtime pay and don't  get regular days off or statutory holidays,  Although we pay UIC and CPP premiums we  cannot collect from these plans. As well,  we are subject to imtimidation, sexual  harassment and racism.  CARDWO has been organized to give domestic  workers a voice so we can fight for our  rights and demand recognition for the very  hard and necessary work that we do.  For more information contact:  Angie: 321-5364  Lulu: 931-2726 or 684-8467  or write to CARDWO c/o 728 East 37th Ave.,  Vancouver, B.C. (basement)  WOMEN WORKERS IN THE HOME  invites you to join our Mother's Day celebration on  May 8th. It will be held at Grandview Park,  Commercial and Charles St. from 2 to 5 p.m.  Speakers — Childcare — Information Tables —  Food — Entertainment CULTURE  April 1982    Kinesis    15  Eva Kupczynski a weaver of natural forms and colours  by Michele Wollstonecroft  Eva Kupczynski makes tapestries - huge  fluid textured works which range from subtle monochromatic colour relationships to  a colourful fully-saturated palette.  The visual is complemented by the tactile  in Eva's work. Her tapestries vary from  flat to highly textured, and in some cases,  relief work.  The pieces are rectangular in format, and  range from approximately 35 square feet to  a notable 140 square feet. At a working  speed of three weeks to three and a half  Detail from "Indian Summer"  months, this is clearly the work of a  patient woman!  The detail within the work discloses Eva's  geniune love for the weaving process, as  well as her remarkable colour sense. Within even the smallest shapes are all the '  nuances found in nature. A shape may include five to seven different combinations  of wool. For example, a "white" shape may  be comprised of blue, pink, salmon, brown  and grey wool.  The subjects of her work include both  landscapes and abstract images. But those  which are explicitly landscapes are composed of the same elements of shape and  pattern as the abstract pieces.  Many of her abstract works reflect landscape imagery and implicitly natural forms.  It is as if this artist ha~s been apprenticing with Mother Nature ¬∞and has transferred the qualities of nature's energies  into tapestry.  Much of the abstract imagery in Eva's tapestries recalls the B.C. coast. Huge areas  of sky and water, clean shapes and large  spaces are abruptly interrupted by mountains and treetops, clumps of wool in relief.  The occasional slit left where the wefts of"  one colour dramatically meet those of another colour convey a sense of the geometric. And colour changes seep within and  among otherwise self-contained shapes.  In some of her earlier pieces, Eva attached  large woven rolls which give,the impression  of forms advancing and receding. Once she  was able to achieve the same visual effect  with colour relationships, Eva discarded  the use of rolls.  The surface quality of her work varies.  Eva says, "I touch the wool and I know what  I could create."  Eva uses commercially spun wool, but for  special effects spins her own wool and  silk. For example, in her current work the  surface is not only engraved with slits  between the wefts, it is covered with small  curly tufts of wool which grow out of the  tapestry like lichens on a treetrunk. This  effect requires special spinning.  The tufts are of two sorts - those that  appear soft and brushed (carded wool) and  reflect the light, and those made of un-  carded wool, which curl like unbrushed  ringlets and absorb the light.  Hers is an extraordinary colour sense  Eva is originally from Poland. Before moving to B.C. she lived in Sweden for two  years, where she says she was "affected by  neatness".  It was when she moved to B.C. in 1971 that  her weaving changed completely. Having left  her traditional tapestry loom in Sweden,  Eva began to work on a simple free-standing  loom.  This enabled her to work with heavy texture, to be able to see the entire tapestry  developing on the frame (as opposed to the  traditional loom where the tapestry is  rolled up as one weaves).  It also provided the means for Eva to work  from base to top, rather than weaving a  vertical piece sideways.  Discovering the North American Indian Head  Spinner, Eva was able to spin a thicker  yarn "than she had used in Europe. She recalls being very impressed by Cowichan  sweaters, both for the quality of the wool  and the beautiful greys.  Eva dyes much of her own wool in two small  pots, about a lb. at a time. She is influenced by the seasons, the weather and the  sky.  Challenged by the greyness of Vancouver  winters, Eva dyes her greys during that  season, for "winter light does not flatter  and in order to be beautiful, the greys  must be extraordinarily so."  Eva also buys already dyed wool and re-  dyes portions of it to give her a variety  of tints and shades of that colour. She  enjoys the process of dying and will often  create interesting colours from unusual  combinations of dye.  Eva dyes from dark to light, creating more  tints and shades than will be used in the  tapestry. This way, she can measure the  colour as the work progresses.  For example, a choice of three or four  very similar shades will show which shade  is too warm or too cool, which is too dense  or too light. Eva uses these varying shades  to gauge the character of a colour, as it  is determined by those that will surround  it.  During the weaving process, the balls of  wool are clustered in baskets around the  base of the tapestry, reds with reds,  blues together and so on - creating pud-   .  dies of colour around her work.  Eva's extraordinary colour sense cannot be  overstated. Her colour sense is an intuitive one, unique to this gifted artist.  Eva can recall times from her childhood  when she drew upon this ability to visualize colours. For instance, as early as  age seven while darning her father's socks  the  with black thread, she was visualizing  colours she wanted to be using.  Eva first sketches a proposed tapestry in  black and white pencil. After several  black and white sketches, she moves into  coloured pencil. This ensures the form can  stand on its own regardless of the colours  chosen. These drawings are then modified  and, in the case of a commissioned work,  drawn to scale.  "Conversions"  Eva has been successful in exhibiting and  selling her work in British Columbia. Her  work has been displayed, among other exhibitions, at Women in Focus' "Womansize" in  Vancouver, at Presentation House in North  Vancouver, and at the Multwood Art Museum  of the University of Victoria.  Some of her tapestries are included in the  Department of External Affairs' Permanent  Collection and are currently touring Europe  with the Canadian Contemporary Tapestry  Collection.  Eva has also collaborated with her painter  husband Z. Stanley Kupczynski to produce  his designs in tapestry. One of these collaborative works will be on display as part  of a fabric arts exhibit at the Queen  Elizabeth Theatre in April.  And in July, Eva's tapestries will be on  display at the Cartwright Gallery at False  Creek in Vancouver.  Eva Kupczynski lives in Vancouver with her  husband and two daughters, Monica and Beata  "Summer 3, 1980"  Erratum: Last month's feature on artist  Judith Atkinson should have read "By thus  maintaining a   'crude ' form it seemed to  resist the   'slick' nature of 20th century  art."  (col. 2, para. 6) 16   Kinesis    April 1982  REVIEWS  P4W an honest portrayal of life inside women's prison  by Pat Feindel  The screen is black as P4W begins. Voices  of women in the Women's Unit of Kingston  Penitentiary echo back and forth through  institutional hallways.  Abruptly, the camera follows two female  guards up the stairs on their round through  the prison, cutting away at intervals to  each of the five women we will meet during  the film - Beverly, Janise, Debbie, Maggie  and Susie. Inmates, "cons", prisoners -  they all carry the label and whatever judgments we make about them for having been  sentenced to "do time".  P4W (Prison for Women)  Produced, directed and edited by Janis  Cole and Holly Dale. Colour, 81 mins*.  Pan-Canadian Film Distributors, Toronto  What the filmmakers of P4W have done is  create a very honest picture of five women  who are trying to deal with day-to-day  existence inside the four walls of a prison.  Maggie talks about the murders she was convicted for, the subsequent estrangement  from her two sons, and her attempts to repair it. Debbie speaks of the so-called  investigation that followed the suicide of  her best friend in isolation - an investigation at which no prisoner was allowed to  be present or give evidence.  Women bear scars of many frustrations  Others talk about daily frustrations, and  how the administration's distance from  their problems leads to violent outbreaks  and "slashing" (self-inflicted wounds). One  woman bears the scars of many frustrations  on her arm.  Janise and Debbie openly and sometimes  painfully discuss their close relationship  and how it will be affected by Debbie's  release.  Janise says, "Before, I thought I really  loved people. Well, I found out I hadn't,  not really...Debbie...I really love her.  She's all I've got. She's all I've ever  had. Unfortunately, I had to find it in  here.  In just over an hour, these women become  real, even ordinary, people. We don't necessarily like everything about them. We  don't necessarily know everything about  them, but we see them as real people. We  have witnessed them laughing and crying,  we've seen their frustration, anger, courage, loyalty, love, integrity and sense of  humour.  Through interviews, cinema verite and monologues, we find out why they are there, how  they relate to each other, how they view  the world and themselves, and what it is  like to LIVE in prison.  For once, women speak for themselves  Here we have among the first stories to be  told by women prisoners. And for once,  they are allowed to speak for themselves.  There are no statements by the administration, no footage of guards interacting with  prisoners.  The women tell their stories simply, and  without qualification. And this is the  film's power.  "You know, we don't have what other people  have. We can't go for a walk at night, or  go downtown- for a beer or go to a show or  something. We just sit in here and talk.  That's all there is to do is talk...I don't  know what I'm going to do when she leaves.  I really don't know what I'm going to do."  The film cuts back often to Bev, for she  lightens the mood with her animated stories and her bluntness. But her final speech  - a parody of a politician's - where she  advocates the release of all prisoners and  the transformation of the pentitentiary  into a free school, is only half-joking.  The filmmakers do not attempt to arouse  false sympathy or pretend these women have  not committed crimes. But simply by revealing the lives of these women, the film  indicts a prison system that off3rs inmates no alternatives - nothing but loss,  deprivation and boredom.  Many of the women talk directly about the  constant lack of privacy, the loss of any  sense of their individuality of uniqueness.  As Janise comments, "They even try to control your thoughts, and that's've  got in here."  For rehabilitation, the institution provides only a hairdressing course and  "training" in housecleaning. Two inmates  respond simply: "Well, I'm not interested  in hair at all" and "I can't really see  myself cleaning floors for ten years out  on the street, you know?"  P4W is straightforward and low-key, though  innovative. There is no narration. There  are no fancy camera techniques. The camera  stays close in to its subjects. There are  few shots that give us a view of the prison or any sense of open space, and that  sense of enforced closeness becomes very  real for the audience by the end of the  film.  The matter-of-factness and honesty that  come from the prisoners even in their  emotional moments, lend credibility to  what they are saying. Cole and Dale chose  five out of ninety women's stories, researching the facts on every one to make  sure no woman's account was untruthful,  exaggerated or overstated.  They spent 2\  weeks shooting, eight months  researching, and almost four years  just  trying to get permission to get into the  prison.  When they showed the film at Kingston Pen  to the women who were involved, there were  cheers - the sense of strength and excitement that comes from finally speaking out  and knowing people are listening.  Janis Cole and Holly Dale are trying to  organize a tour of P4W, accompanied by an  ex-inmate, to prisons across the country.  Showings in Ontario have already been presented by one of the women in the film,  who has since been released.  P4W is now showing in commercial theatres.  Watch for its return.  Pat Feindel interviewed filmmakers Janis  Cole and Holly Dale while they were in  Vancouver with P4W in March.   That interview will appear in the next issue of  Kinesis.  JtEDERMS  WOMEN'S PLACE IN POLITICS  AND POLITICS' PLACE IN THE  ARTS. FIREWEED PUBLISHES  WORK THAT'S TOO OUTRAGED  OUTRAGEOUS, THEORETICAL,  POLITICAL, PERSONAL TO FIT  INTO MAINSTREAM MEDIA  A FEMINIST QUARTERLY  FIREWEED  Start 'ñ° Renew D my subscription with Issue   Institutional D$15 Personal D$10 Out ot country D$12  FIREWEED P.O. Box 279. Stn B, Toronto, Ont M5T 2W2 April 1982    Kinesis    17  REVIEWS  Immigrant's Handbook reveals our racist past  by Rachel Epstein  Over the last several years, there has developed a growing awareness of racism within  the predominantly white women's movement.  There has also been an increased commitment  to combatting it.  White women have begun to identify the  racism within themselves - to look at the  racist attitudes and behaviours we have  developed, and how we have been influenced  by the society we live in, by our families, friends, schools, media, etc.  The Immigrant's Handbook  A Critical Guide by the Law Union of  Ontario  Black Rose Books, Montreal, Quebec, 1981  We are struggling to change these attitudes  and behaviours. As well, there is an increasing commitment to understanding and  supporting the struggles of women of colour.  If we are to successfully combat racism, we  have to understand the multi-faceted ways  in which it operates. Not only must we examine racism within ourselves, we have to  look at how it is institutionalized within  the economic and social structures of Canada and whose interest this serves.  Immigrants denied basic rights  Looking at our immigration laws and history  is a good place to begin. And The Immigrant 's Handbook  is a good book to begin  with.  The Immigrant's Handbook  is a 260-page book  written by a group of progressive lawyers  and legal workers in Ontario. It is a guide  to Canada's immigration laws. Of most interest to me, and probably to other people  who are not affected in a day-to-day way by  immigration laws, were the first two and  the last chapters.  The first chapter gives a history of Canadian immigration laws, while the second  refutes some commonly-held myths about immigrants and their effect on Canadian society. The last chapter deals with the situation of immigrant women in the Canadian  labour force. There is also a section on  American draft evaders and "deserters".  It is shocking and terrifying to read the  Handbook's  concise, analytical summary of  immigration to this country. Popular mythology has it that we are exhibiting humanitarian compassion and "doing them a favour"  by allowing immigrants to enter Canada. In  fact, the history of Canadian immigration  laws is a history of racist and anti-labour  laws. As the Handbook  states:  "Canada's admission policies have been determined by three sometimes competing factors: the desire to populate Canada with  British people, the need to heed international pressures, and the demands of the  labour market. The discriminatory laws  which were enacted to keep out non-British  people were relaxed only when the other  two factors made such action necessary."  Immigrants have provided the labour (usually at extremely low cost) that built this  country. Immigration is necessary for the  labour and skills immigrants provide and  for the maintenance of a stable population.  Yet immigrants have been and continue to be  denied the basic rights of other people in  Canada.  We learn that 15,000 Chinese were admitted  to Canada to work on the railroad. Then, in  1885, when the railroad was complete, the  government enacted the Chinese Immigration  Act, requiring each Chinese immigrant to  pay a $50 head tax and be identified by a  special certificate.  In 1903 this head tax was raised to $500  and in 1923 a new Chinese Immigration Act  was enacted which completely prohibited the  entry of Chinese into Canada. Between 1924  and 1930 only three Chinese entered Canada.  In 1907 a "Gentleman's Agreement" was made  between the Canadian and Japanese governments in which the Japanese government  agreed to voluntarily restrict emigration  to Canada.  In 1908 immigration from India was restricted by means of the "continuous journey"  stipulation, which required people immigrating to Canada to come directly from their  home countries. The CPR was the only  steamship company providing such a journey  from India and a directive had been sent to  them forbidding the sale of tickets to  Canada.  Laws also used against militants,  unemployed  During and after the first world war, immigration laws were used to strike back  against the growing strength and militancy  of labour.  Socialists were identified as "foreigners"  and many were deported. Grounds for deportation on "national security" grounds were  widened to enable this to happen.  During the Depression, immigration to Canada nearly came to a halt. In 1929 all Asians  were banned from Canada, and the Immigration  Act played a key role in the government's  effort to destroy organized opposition to  its actions.  Hundreds of organizers were deported (many  back to fascist countries) and the deportations forced the energy of organizers into  defence work rather than organization.  The government was also deporting the unem-  played. In 1931 alone, 5000 people were deported for becoming "public charges".  In the years before World War II, the Canadian government's policy towards refugees  from Hitler in Eastern Europe can be summed  up by the following memo sent to the Office  of the Prime Minister and Cabinet by officials of the Dept. of External Affairs and  the Immigration Branch of the Dept. of Mines  and Resources in November 1938:  "We do not want too many Jews, but in the  present circumstances we do not want to say  so. We do not want to legitimize the Aryan  mythology by introducing any formal distinction for immigration purposes between  Jews and non-Jews. The practical distinction, however, has to be made and should be  drawn with discretion and sympathy by the  competent authorities, without the need to  lay down a formal minute of policy."  Two months after the bombing of Pearl Harbour, in a move designed to build enthusiasm for the war and encourage anti-Asian  sentiment, the Canadian government ordered  21,000 Japanese Canadians evacuated from  the West Coast. And the list goes on.  IMMIGRANT'S  HANDBOOK  A CRITICAL GUIDE    .  BY THE LAW UNION OF ONTARIO  It is shocking and terrifying to read the  Handbook's concise, analytical summary  of immigration to this country . . . the  history of Canada immigration laws is a  history of racist and anti-labour laws.  ference to the traditional white Anglo  immigrant. People in Third World countries  do not have equal access to education,  training and wealth.  Racism is also evident in the number and  location of Canadian immigration offices  around the world and in the large amount  of discretion wielded by individual immigration officers in deciding who gets in.  Finally, the new Act contains powerful  and frightening restrictions on the rights  of immigrants who have made it into Canada  The Immigrant's Handbook  explains the new  Act. In fifteen clear, easily understood  chapters the authors describe the entire  piece of legislation. Most importantly,  they provide invaluable information about  what to expect from the Immigration Department in various situations and how to  deal with it - information which has obviously been gained from a lot of experience with the Department.  Current Immigration Act still gives  preference to white Anglos  The current Immigration Act was enacted in  1976. Although the current Act is not  openly discriminatory, it still gives pre-  Guilty unless proven innocent  The practice of many immigration officers  seems to indicate that in their eyes you  are guilty unless proven innocent. As the  Handbook  states:  "Individuals involved in the immigration  process learn very quickly that the Commission is generally not trying to help  people to enter or remain in Canada, but  rather seeking to restrict and discourage  entry and stay...It is essential to remember the Commission's role and realize that  the immigration office is an adversary,  not  a friend."  Everyone approaching the Immigration Department should have a copy of The Immigrant's Handbook  (and a legal advisor)  tucked in their back pocket.  For people who don't have to deal with the  Department, the Handbook  will provide some  good answers the next time you are confronted with someone saying, "But don't  immigrants cause unemployment, crowding in  cities, higher crime rates and racial  tensions?" 18   Kinesis   April 1982  REVIEWS  Powerful images, but little movement in Miller's poetry  by Kate Nonesuch  The women in this book of poems are women  we know even if we've never met them —  women Miller has learned from, women  suffering the ordinary woman's lot,  taking the shots  weaving the heat  into meaning  these are the women  who brought me to some truth.  The truths are stark and ugly; there is no  hope here and little joy in the struggle.  These are the Women,  by Joni Miller,  MacLeod Books, Vancouver, 1981.  The women Miller pictures have a woman's  strong-willed endurance, but it is the  poet who sees their strength and shows it  to us; the women themselves seem unconscious of it.  In "Cantina (For Joyce)", for example, a  woman who kills the man trying to rape her  baby ("Nobody Does That To My Children" )  .is charged with murder and caught up in  the sexist and racist legal system.  She  is lost. Her options, to defend her child  or not to defend her are both dead ends,  and  the white man's justice  in a three piece suit  bows its way out of the courtroom  Miller's images, like the one quoted above,  are precise, powerful and sometimes terrifying. A rapist enters a woman's house  with the words, "be still, i am your nightmare" . Later in the poem the unreality of  this very real experience is amplified by  "nightmares leave no traces" and "nightmare flesh does not apologize".  I wanted some indication that movement out  of the female condition was possible —  not only because I have a strong streak of  Pollyanna in me, but because our movement  ceases when we see ourselves in a trap  that offers no escape.  I wanted cries for revenge, or fantasies  of a distant future when we will control  our lives, or plans for fighting back  today. But in this book the only mention  of collective action comes as an ironic  panacea for a relationship gone sour:  i'll make you a cup  of productivity they say  it soothes  just take a little sip  of the work  to come.  I am usually impatient with unorthodox  systems of spelling, but in these poems  the consistent use of the small "i" as 1  i had to leave she says quietly  he would have killed me  ize the fact that although the details of any poem are singular to the  situation, the "i" is not some one ego who  happened to be a victim, or made the wrong  choices — that "i" is me.  The women we see in these poems — Margaret retiring after 25 years in the factory, the five women in "The Abortion  Tapes" — are clearly identifiable as ourselves and our sisters.  Again and again we hear unspoken the  message from the title poem:  you are not alone  you are not alone o  Personal Best ruined by superficiality, compromise  by Cy-Thea Sand  The fact that lesbians will flock to see  this vile movie disturbs me. Personal  Best  concerns the relationship between two  women pentathletes training together, over  PERSONAL BEST  Directed by Robert Towne  Starring Mariel Hemingway as Chris Cahill  and Patrice Donnelly as Tory Skinner  a four year period, for the 1980 Moscow  Olympics. The film not only lacks a clear  focus, its characters are ridiculously  underdeveloped with a misogynistic, homophobic framework.  Mariel Hemingway stars as a whiny accident-  prone teenaged athlete named Chris Cahill.  She meets Tory Skinner - played by the  former Olympic athlete Patrice Donnelly in  her acting debut -'who encourages Chris to  expand her stamina and potential.  They  become friends and lovers, rooming together  for almost four years.  One of the only scenes that speaks even  ■ vaguely to the lesbian experience occurs  at the beginning of the film when Tory and  Chris arm wrestle late one evening after  spending hours talking and laughing.  In  this early scene the women's strength and  beauty are allowed expression. From there,  the film degenerates into superficiality  and compromise.  I went to an afternoon showing of Personal  Best  where young adults comprised a good  portion of the small audience. When Chris-  and Tory began to make love the air was  littered with comments such as "Get ser-  iousl" from a young woman and "Hey, you're  missing somethin!" from a boy.  Tory and Chris run, work out and bring  groceries home together, yet they never  speak of the nature of their relationship.  Indeed, I was a little surprised at their  shared domesticity as not a word is spoken  about this development.  Tory is depicted as a gay woman, older  than Chris, while Chris is simply explo  ring her sexuality, a heterosexual adolescent experiencing a rite of passage.  She mingles easily at the athletes'  parties while a strained Tory looks on.  And when their male coach intimates that  Tory intended the accident which seriously injures Chris' leg, Chris wavers in  her loyalty to her lover.  The relationship ends as it began, unaccompanied by emotional depth or meaningful  dialogue. Chris moves out and becomes  involved with a puerile polo player. At  one point Tory hisses at Chris that they  were more than roommates, they had occasionally fucked each other.  insulting to progressive people of both  sexes.  What this film really is about is the  total lack of respect with which women  are treated in Hollywood film scripts and  studios, as in society at large.  The celebration of women's strength one  could reasonably expect from a film concerned with female athletes is consistently undermined.  Phallic images, fat  women jokes, crotch shots, muted female  voices (the dialogue was annoyingly difficult to hear) and Chris' illness and  accidents, insist on the essential weak-  To insist that Personal Best is not about lesbianism is comparable to saying that Making Love is not about the dissolution of a heterosexual marriage.  This is Tory's desperate attempt to name  the past four years with Chris, to give  some meaning and context for her pain at  the relationship's dissolve. Though Tory  is scripted to become a lugubrious shadow  figure, this line remains potent in its  unintentional, covert condemnation of  lesbian silence. -  Director Robert Towne and actress Mariel  Hemingway insist that Personal Best  is not  about lesbianism, which is comparable to  saying that Making Love  is not about the  dissolution of a heterosexual marriage.  Despite Making Love 's  white bourgeoise  perspective, the film is a serious attempt  to dramatize at least some aspects of the  gay male experience in North America.  Personal Best  reduces the radical complexity of lesbian relationships to confused  muffled gropings.  It is dishonest and  ness of women.  In one horrendous scene  the coach spews out his resentments with  being just a woman's coach, expressing all  the sexist assumptions and biases which  continue to erode women's potential in  sports.  One is compelled to compare this movie to  Chariots of Fire,lux which male Olympic  athletes are presented in a seriously  intense, dramatic way. The powerful  beauty of an athlete's body, is honored  in Chariots of Fire, while in Personal Best  the female athlete is eroticized within a  male-defined system.  The crew of Personal Best  were continually  harassed by bomb threats while on location  in Oregon. The perpetrators need not have  bothered.  This film so' devalues and  distorts lesbianism it is neither an education or a threat.  It is simply a waste  of money.  Q April 1982   Kinesis    19  ANTI-RACISM  Zionism racist in its demand for special status for Jews  by Chavah Mintz  With the deepening of the economic and  political crisis and the resulting rise  of racism, anti-Semitism is on the rise.  Neo-Nazi groups are growing daily in Canada, the U.S. and Europe. The Klan, which  is planning to move their headquarters  from Toronto to Vancouver, has specifically targeted Jews in Toronto.  In America and Europe, synagogues are  being desecrated with swastikas. In Poland,  Jews are being blamed by the ruling military government for the "atmosphere of  dissent".  We realize that many progressive women,  both Jews and non-Jews, support Zionism.  They feel that Jews have a right to their  own territory, often claiming that a Jewish homeland is the only safeguard against  anti-Semitism.  This is certainly the point of view presented in the mainstream media. And in  my experience many feminists have been  particularly supportive of this point of  view. Some women feel that by opposing  Zionism, they are discriminating against  their Jewish sisters.  Opposition to Zionism has been particularly difficult to mount. Jews who oppose .  Zionism are frequently painted as self-  haters; non-Jews who are anti-Zionist are  accused, by Zionists, of being anti-Semites.  Some progressive people are critical of  the present leadership of Israel which  they see as unnecessarily militaristic and  repressive.  In the face of this, they maintain the  right of Israel to exist, calling for liberalization of the government. This "liberal" Zionism has been on the increase in  the west with the increasing publicity  about Israeli occupations of Arab lands  and brutal repression of the resident  populations.  In this article, we want to show that  Zionism is a racist ideology which, by  maintaining the demand for special status  for Jews, supports anti Semitism. The  state of Israel is no safeguard for Jews  against anti-Semitism. To be anti-Zionist  is, in no way, to be anti-Semitic. Zionists have never hesitated in denying basic  human rights to Arab peoples, on whose  land they have built their promised land.  It is our firm point of view that the  present day racist, colonialist, and imperialist policies of the state of Israel  are a direct and necessary result of Zionist ideology and practice.  In the article, we will present various  points of view we have encountered in relation to the question of Zionism. These  are points of view which we see to be incorrect, and we will present arguments to  counter them.  One point of view sees Zionism as based in  religious Judaism. People who hold this  point of view feel that to fight for the  creation of a Jewish state in Israel is  simply to enact Jewish law.  This point of view, often put forward to  link anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, is,  in fact, a fallacy. There is a spiritual  movement amongst extremely religious Jews  which speaks of the return to Zion.  This return is predicated on the appearance of a saviour and the establishment  of the Kingdom of Heaven on earth,and has  nothing to do with the establishment of a  secular state.  In fact, these messianic  "Zionists" entirely reject the legitimacy  This article is based on a presentation  by myself and Dara Culhane at a conference organized by the Canada Palestine  Association in Vancouver.  We are two women who identify ourselves  as Jews.   We have,   to varying degrees,  been involved in anti-racist work, and  see our commitment to struggle against  Zionism as part of the anti-racist work  we do.  Anti-Zionist Jews are in the  process of forming a group to fight  against anti-Semitism.   That is,  we aim  to fight against prejudiced attacks  against Arabs and Jews.  Anyone interested in being involved in such a group  can contact the author c/o Kinesis.  According to these people, only in the  state of Israel, which is controlled by  Jews, can Jews have access to equal rights  and be free from persecution. (Zionism is  sometimes spoken of as Jewish'liberation. )  To uphold this point of view is to see  minority persecution as human nature; to  see the isolation of different peoples  from each other as the only possible solution to racism and ethnic persecution.  Jews are viewed as a separate and different people who will never be able to adjust in a non-Jewish world.  People who hold this point of view tell us  that Jews will be faced with severe persecution as long as they lack their own  Israeli soldiers arresting Palestinian students, 1976  of a sovereign; secular state of Israel.  Political, as opposed to religious, Zionism originated at the end of the 19th  century in Europe as a response to severe  persecution. Some Jews felt they would  only have access to human rights and basic  equality in their own country.  Zionism was not, however, the only response  to this 19th century European Jewish experience of persecution. There was a  strong Jewish socialist or social democratic movement at the time.  According to the literature we have read,  these movements had more influence among  Jews than the Zionists did. They opposed  the Zionists, maintaining that Jews had  to fight for equal rights in the countries  in which they lived.  There were as well, large numbers of Jews  who emigrated from Eastern Europe to other  countries, primarily the United States.  They did not feel they could get what they  wanted in Eastern Europe, but they did  not look to a Jewish homeland for salvation.  Rather, they took the route taken by many  other oppressed minorities through the  ages and around the world - they tried to  move to places where there was more economic prosperity and the laws were more  liberal.  So, looking at the historical data, we can  see that political Zionism is not based  in religious Judaism and was, at its inception, a minority response to persecution.  A viewpoint which has considerable influence, particularly among people who see  themselves fighting anti-Semitism, is one  which sees Zionism as a defense against  the persecution of the Jews.  homeland. We are asked to believe that the  holocaust experienced by European Jews  during the second world war is an ongoing  threat, held back only by the existence  of the state of Israel.  This point of view is frequently put forward to justify atrocities perpetrated on  the Arab people. After all, we are supposed to believe, Jews are only fighting for  their own survival; the harsh treatment of  the Palestinians is an unfortunate but  necessary result of the Jewish struggle  for a homeland.  From the beginning, the aim of Zionists  has been the eradication of the Palestinian Arabs from their homes. Currently  there are over four million Palestinians  living outside of Palestine. These are  people who were forced to flee.  Zionists had purchased less than 6%  of the  total land of Palestine by 1948, much of  that acquired directly from the Ottoman  Sultan, and later from the British mandatory authorities whose moral and legal  right to sell it was very dubious. All  land incorporated into the state of Israel  subsequent to the initial 6%  was acquired  by forcible seizure.  Torture is used commonly in dealing with  Palestinian prisoners. The entire populations of towns are regularly forced to  flee to make way for Israeli colonization.  For example, in' 1948 two hundred Palestinian men, women and children were massacred  in the town of Daar Yassin to make way for  Israeli settlement.  This raid is believed by many to have been  only one of many such atrocities, only  brought to world attention because of the  presence of a Red Cross observer.  continued on page 20 20   Kinesis    April 1982  ANTI-RACISM  ZIONISM continued from page 19  Palestinians within the.state of Israel  are subject to Emergency Regulations, a  set of laws which make all civil and  human rights negligible.  These laws were  originally imposed on the area by the  British imperialists before tha state of  Israel was established, and were at the  time challenged by Zionist leaders as  facist laws.  So, we have to ask ourselves, even if the  state of Israel is an effective defense  against anti-Semitism,, what right do the  Jews of Israel have to build their defenses on the backs of the Palestinian  people?  But, we want to make it clear that Zionism  is not a defense against anti-Semitism.  In fact, Zionists share basic assumptions  with anti-Semites. Both sets of people  believe that Jews can never be integrated  into a non-Jewish state. When well-meaning  people tell me that Israel is my homeland,  I know they would find support for this  viewpoint from members of the Klu Klux  Klan, who also feel that Jews should be  forced to leave Canada.  Zionists have consistently collaborated  with anti-Semites with whom they have  shared this basic unity of principle.  Theodore Herzle, the founder of secular  Zionism, negotiated with the notorious  anti-Semitic Tsarist Minister of the  Interior, who in 1903 granted him a letter  stating that the Zionist movement could  count on the Tsarist government's moral  and material assistance with respect to  measures taken by the Zionist movement  which "could lead to a reduction of the  Jewish population in Russia.  This was at a  time when Jews in Eastern Europe were  facing intense persecution.  Zionists worked hand-in-hand with the  Nazis from the first moments of Hitler's  rise to power until his demise. Their  policy was to extract whatever concessions  they could for the state of Israel, for  which thousands of Jews paid dearly with  their lives.  While the Nazis were organizing a boycott  of all Jewish places of business and Jewish professionals, wealthy Zionists were  organizing large scale economic deals with  the Nazis involving the transfer of funds  to Palestine. This sabotaged the efforts  of Jews in many other parts of the world  who were organizing a boycott of German  Rather than fighting to save the lives of  Jews who were being slaughtered,  Zionists collaborated with the Nazi  policy of genocide against Jews, in exchange for scraps thrown to the Zionist  cause.  Zionists served as police within many of  the ghettoes, supplying the Nazis with the  required number of bodies to be shipped to  the crematoria. One example, in no way an  exception, was the activities of Jacob  Gens, a leading Zionist who collaborated  with the Nazis. Among other activities,he  tricked 5,000 Jews of the Vilna ghetto,  who thought they were being taken to a  neighbouring town, into boarding the  trains which led them to their death.  Zionist organizations, many of them quite  influential during the second world war,  used their influence solely to further the  interests of the Israeli state. To illustrate this, we point to the refutation by  Dr. Solomon Schonfield, chairman of a rescue committee set up by Britain's Chief  Rabbi, to the charge that the British  government neglected supposed Zionist  pleas to help the Jewish victims of Nazi-  ism. Schonfield said:  "My experience in 1942-43 was wholly in  . favour of British readiness to help,openly,  constructively and totally and that this  readiness met with opposition from Zionist leaders who insisted on rescue to  Palestine as the only acceptable form of  help."  Rather than fighting to save the lives of  Jews who were being slaughtered, Zionists  collaborated with the Nazi policy of genocide against Jews, in exchange for scraps  thrown to the Zionist cause. We can hardly  see Zionism as a defense against anti-  Semitism.  Another incorrect viewpoint we have encountered is one which sees Israel as a  country which holds open to all of world  Jewry a safe sanctuary where justice is  available to all.  This idea is as untrue as the corresponding myth about the United States or Canada.  Israel is a capitalist country  based on an unjust class system. The material costs of Israel's war policy have  been increasingly loaded onto the backs  of Israeli workers, while a new generation of millionaires has risen to prominence and power.  Among working people, the Palestinians are  the most exploited, followed by the Oriental Jews who tend to be darker in skin  colour than European Jews and who come  from Arab and African countries, face  intense social discrimination.  They make up the vast majority of non--  Palestinian workers within Israel; their  culture is scoffed at and they face discrimination in access to housing, education, government and jobs.  Thus, when we examine the situation in  Israel, we can see that the state does  not provide justice to all Jews.  But does Israel, at least, provide a safe  sanctuary where persecuted Jews can flee?  We say no. In fact, Jews within Israel are  extremely vulnerable.  Israel has, from its inception, depended  on one or another imperialist power for  support. In exchange for official sanction  and military protection, Israel has been a  watchdog for first British and then U.S.  interests in the Middle East.  Israel has always followed a policy which  militates against the liberation of other  peoples. Israel was a militant supporter  of the U.S. invasion of South-East Asia,  was among the first to extend diplomatic  recognition to the brutal military dictatorship in Chile, and was a staunch supporter of the notorious regime of the Shah of  Iran. South Africa, Argentina, and the  former Somoza regime in Nicaragua are major  trading partners of Israel.  So not only is Israel a racist settler  state, but it has always been a junior  partner of one or another imperialist power, participating actively and gaining from  the imperialist exploitation of Palestinians and other third world peoples.  The fight against anti-semitism must be  taken up by Jews allying ourselves with  other people who are experiencing  attacks.  The balance of world power is changing.  American imperialism is being pushed back.  Israel becomes more and more vulnerable as  the forces of resistance around the world  grow and the U.S. loses power.  The peoples of the third world are everywhere fighting against imperialist exploitation of their countries. With the blood  of the people, the imperialist power of  the U.S. is being fought back.  With the expulsion of the Americans from  Vietnam, with the victories of Nicaragua  and potentially El Salvador in Latin  .America; the U.S. field of imperialist exploitation is drying up.  The U.S. is desperate for raw materials to  prop up an economy in depression, and can  no longer afford to wholeheartedly support  the Israeli state - it wants Arab oil too  much. Having felt the crunch of these  shifts in American foreign policy, the  Israeli government is scared. It is responding with increased military might in  the form of the occupation of the Golan  Heights.  Israel is not a safe place for anyone to  be right now. It is a state under seige.  Some people have a difficult time giving  up Zionism even having realized that it  does not answer the needs of the struggle  of Jews. They maintain that, however inadequate, it is the only organized response of Jews against their own oppression.  As anti-Zionist Jews, we feel that there  are ways to fight against anti-Jewish  persecution.  Jewish persecution does not rise alone,as  a single injustice in a perfect world.  The present rise of anti-Semitism must be -  seen as part of the response to the present economic and political crisis of capitalism.  People's standard of living is severely  threatened; housing is impossible to find,  unemployment is becoming a regular and  unalterable fact of life for many people.  People are desperate for easy answers in  an increasingly difficult situation.  It is in this situation that the right has  gained power and influence, urging people  to respond to their oppression by choosing  a scapegoat. And so, along with the rise  of anti-Semitism, we see a rise in racism  against non-white peoples, attacks against  the rights of women, attacks against lesbians and gay men.  The fight against anti-Semitism must be  taken up by Jews allying ourselves with  other people who are also experiencing  attacks. Anti-racist Jews must work together with other people who experience  racial and ethnic persecution. We must  support non-white people who are fighting  back against racial prejudice far more  severe than anything Jews have experienced  in this country.  Through these actions we will be able to  stand in the countries where we choose to  live and fight back against the attacks on  us alongside others who face similar  attacks.  0_ April 1982   Kinesis   21  REVIEWS  Women and Trade Unions a crucial resource for workers  by Penny Goldsmith  This review of Resources for Feminist Research's recent issue entitled Women and  Trade Unions  is more an annotation of the  table of contents than a critical analysis  - for a reason.  The 130-page issue runs the gamut of what  currently exists in terms of women and  trade unions at the present time and what  politically involved women think of what  is happening. Thus my purpose is not to  analyse - the articles do that - but to  throw out the fact that this book is in  general circulation.  Women and Trade Unions/La Femme et Les  Syndicats.  Ed. by Linda Brisken and Lynda Yanz.  Resources for Feminist Research/Documentation sur la Recherche Feministe. Vol. X,  No. 2, July 1981.  Today 30% of unions members or close to  900,000 women in Canada belong to unions.  Yet the researched history of women in trade  unions is almost non-existent.  In light of this fact, this issue of RFR's  journal is not only a wealth of information  but a primary resource in the field. The  editors see the issue as providing a starting point for further research and analysis  on women and unions in the areas covered.  A brief rundown will give some idea of the  diversity of the subject matter:  "Strategies for Equality: Women's Committees  in Unions"; "The Struggle for Union Recognition: A Feminist Issue"; "Women's  Struggle for Non-Traditional Jobs"; "Whither the Feminist Unions? SORWUC, AUCE and  the CLC".  Sexual harassment, the Pratt Three, sexual  orientation, domestic workers, day care,  new technology and immigrant women are  also covered. Book reviews, film resources and an extensive bibliography  (including an annotated list of women's  strikes) and a list of organizations and  works in progress complete the journal —  altogether an impressive and substantial  collection of material for those interested in unions.  The theme of building allies while at the  same time not compromising feminist principles is one that surfaces in many of the  articles.  Debbie Field, for example, talks about the  importance of women's committees in unions  when dealing with business unions, and the  Women and  Trade Unions  DRF  RESOURCES FDR     ^^J"*^^  FEMINIST RESEARCH/ H I Wl*" I m  DOCUMENTATION P^    m"  SUR LA RECHERCHE  FEMINISTE  impact of the women's movement in creating  those committees. Micki McCune elaborates  on the theme, talking about the 1980 CLC  Women's Conference.  Deirdre Gallagher points out that union  recognition itself is a feminist issue.  The fact that feminists and trade unionists are allies in dealing with new concepts of the "peopless paperless" office  is documented by Lynda Yanz in her report  on Labour Canada's "Micro-electronics and  the Work Environment" conference.  Sexual harassment and sexual- orientation  protection clauses are being picked up  and fought for in more union contracts  with pressure from feminists and lesbians  in unions, and the implications of this  are reported by Susan Attenborough ("Sexual Harassment: An Issue for Unions")  and Susan Genge ("Sexual Orientation and  Union Protection").  Other articles describe what is happening  with women who are unorganized and organizing in Canada today.  Joan Sangster describes what is available  in historical research. Laurell Ritchie  talks about women who are unorganized,  while Wendy Johnston delves into non-  traditional jobs for women. Maureen Fitz-  Gerald launches a mild attack on the two  feminist unions in Vancouver (particularly  SORWUC), while acknowledging their importance to the union movement.  Domestic workers organizing drives in  Ontario and British Columbia are documented  by Mirjana Vukman-Tenebaum and Rachel  Epstein respectively. The struggle of  immigrant women in the work force is  represented in the journal by Maria Luisa  Rodriguez and Rosine Butavand-Kaley. The  latter outlines the situation in Quebec  in "Etre Travailleur, Immigrant et Femme:  Les conditions de travail pour les  immigrants a Quebec".  A section on women in educational unions  deals with affirmative action clauses, and  an article by Louise Lafontaine, "Les  femmes professeurs et la syndicalisation  en milieu universitaire", describes unions  in the academic milieu in Quebec.  In times of economic recession and cutbacks, Women and Trade Unions/La Femme et  Les Syndicats  is a crucial resource to  have around the house, for it shows where  we are fighting and what we are working  towards.  This issue of Women and Trade Unions  is  available from Octopus Books East and West,  Spartacus, and Ariel Books in Vancouver,  or order directly from RFR/DRF, Dept. of  Sociology, 0ISE, 252 Bloor St. W., Toronto,  M5S 1V6 ($5.00 for individuals or 10 or  more copies; $10.00 otherwise). 0_  It is sometimes desirable in the course of political lobbying to send letters to  every politician at the federal and/or provincial level. If that is the case, here  is a way to save money, time and energy.  Simply send letters in bulk (the number is specified) to the contact person -listed  and their staff will distribute the letter to each member. A telephone call and/or  accompanying letter of request would be in order,  (from NAC Memo)  BRITISH COLUMBIA  Ministry of the Provincial Secretary  Postal Branch  Parliament Buildings  Victoria, B.C. V8V 1X4  Attn: Mr. Leon Hall  Tel: (604) 387-3952        (57 copies)  FEDERAL MP's  The Honourable Jeanne Sauve  Speaker of the House  Parliament Buildings  Ottawa, Ontario K1A 0A6  Tel: (613) 992-5042        (300 copies)  SENATORS  Senator Jean Marchand  The Senate  Parliament Buildings  Ottawa, Ontario K1A 0A6  Tel: (613) 992-4416  (96 copies)  Support choice  on abortion rights  May 8th & 9th  The B.C. Federation of Women and one of  its member groups, Concerned Citizens for  Choice on Abortion (CCCA), are sponsoring  province-wide actions on abortion rights  on May 8 & 9, 1982.  Joining them in coalition will be women-1 s  groups, unions, associations and church  groups from around the province.  A united struggle and mass mobilization  are needed to fight the most recent threats  to choice on abortion AND to demand the  repeal of the legislation that keeps us  vulnerable to attack.  In Vancouver, participants are asked to  assemble at 12 noon Saturday, May 8 at the  Queen Elizabeth Theatre Plaza. The march  will proceed through the downtown area to  Hotel Vancouver, where the rally will be  held.  The rally will feature speakers from the  international abortion rights movement,  the trade union movement, and the B.C.  women's movement. For more information on  the march and rally, call CCCA at 876-9920. 22    Kinesis    April 1982  MOVEMENT MATTERS  Festival '82 still seeks submissions from B.C. women artists  Following is an interview by Nicole  Laplante with Jean Kamins,  an organizer  of Festival   '82: A Celebration of Women  in the Arts.  Festival   '82 will take place at Robson  Square Media Centre from July 5 to 17.  Nicole: Is Festival '82 the first of its  kind in Vancouver?  Jean: Two years ago, women from London,  Ontario received money to organize a National Women's Art Festival. It was there  that B.C. women got the idea for Festival  '82. The objective of Festival '82 is to  feature the artistic accomplishments and  creative talents of B.C. women artists.  Women in other provinces are also holding  arts festivals this year. There are committees organizing events in Edmonton, Regina,  Halifax and Charlottetown. Quebec women  held an arts festival during International  Women's Day in March.  Nicole: Has there been good response from  B.C.  women artists?  Jean: We've had very good response, but we  want more submissions. We have just moved  the deadline for submissions to the Festival ahead to May 1, and we urge all B.C.  women artists to submit their work. We are  looking for submissions in the areas of  art, music, literature, dance/film, video,  and performance art.  As well, we would like to hear from women  who are not artists but who would like to  volunteer to help with the Festival.  Nicole: I assume you have received outside  funding for Festival   '82.  Jean: Yes. The federal Secretary of State  Women's Program has provided $18,000 in  "seed money" to get the Festival off the  ground. For the rest, the committee has  applied for donations and grants from various organizations.  Nicole: Is Festival '82 free, or will there  be admission fees attached to events?  Jean: Many of the events, especially evening performances, will have admission fees  attached, but in most cases it will be a  minimal one.  Nicole:  What arrangements have you made to  accommodate mothers during Festival   '82?  Jean: There will be childcare. We ask mothers who need childcare to pre-register  us.  th  Nicole:  What about special bookings or "big  names" for the Festival?  Jean: It doesn't work that way. Every artist will have equal profile in this Festival. Artists submit their work to the appropriate Festival committee, and the committees choose the work which will go into  the Festival.  The visual arts committee, in an effort to  be truly representative of all visual artists in B.C., will be making a slide presentation during the Festival comprised of  all visual arts submissions.  Visual art entered in the Festival will be  judged by a jury of six well-known women  artists and curators.  Nicole:  Will artwork be on sale,  or is it  strictly on display?  Jean: Both artwork and literature will be  on sale during Festival '82.  Following is a schedule of events for  Festival '82. All events will take place  at Robson Square Media Centre. For more  information, contact Jean Kamins at  738-8991.  Monday, July 5:  Gallery opening and wine & cheese party,  8:00 p.m.  Tuesday, July 6:  Film night featuring works by B.C. women  artists, 8:00 p.m.  Wednesday, July 7:  Readings by six well-known B.C. women  writers, 8:00 p.m.  Friday/Saturday, July 8 & 9:  Performance of "Rites of Passage" by  Ann Cameron, 8:00 p.m.  Saturday, July 9:  An afternoon of "open readings", 1:30  4:30 p.m.  Film night featuring works by B.C. women  artists, 8:00 p.m.  Saturday/Sunday, July 9 & 10:  A series of daytime workshops focusing  on all disciplines, 10:00 a.m. - 12:30  Sunday, July 10:  Afternoon panel on the arts, moderated  by Eleanor Wachtel, 1:30 p.m.  Music night, 8:00 p.m.  Monday, July 11:  Video night, 8:00 p.m.  Tuesday, July 12:  Dance night, 8:00 p.m.  Wednesday, July 13:  Poetry and music night, 8:00 p.m.  Thursday, July 14:  Performance pieces, 8:00 p.m.  Friday to Sunday, July 15-17:  The Gallery will remain open for the  final three days of Festival '82.  YWCA organizes single mothers  support groups  The Support Services Department of the YWCA  is helping to organize neighbourhood single  mothers support groups.  The weekly support groups are free, and  childcare is provided.  Downtown YWCA: 580 Burrard St, Vancouver  Wednesday mornings, 9:30am-12:30pm  Leader: Margaret Kinsey, 683-2531  Little Mountain: Little Mountain Neighbourhood House, 4397 Main St, Vancouver  Monday evenings, 5:00-7:00pm  Tuesday mornings, 9:30-11:30am  Leader: Sheena Lawson, 879-7104  Champlain Heights: Champlain Heights Community School, 6955 Frontenac, Vancouver  Tuesday evenings, 5:00-7:00pm  Leader: Bonnie Cowen, 683-2531  False Creek: False Creek Community Centre,  1318 Cartwright St, Granville Island  Wednesday evenings, 5:00-8:00pm  Leader: Judy Rogers, 683-2531  North Vancouver: 3521 Norwood, N. Vancouver  Thursday evenings, 5:30-8:00pm  Leader: Dianne Clements, 980-9938  Groups can be developed in other areas. For  more information on any of the above groups  call Judy Rogers, 683-2531, local 252.  False Creek women's group  seeks members, childcare  A women's group in False Creek which meets  Tuesday evenings is looking for new members.  In their flyer, they state:  "Our objective is to provide a time and  place to explore our feelings and discuss  our experiences in a supportive atmosphere.  We provide each other with emotional support, validation and honest feedback, including political analysis.  "We do skill and information sharing. We do  not do ongoing political action as a group.  It is our intention to maintain as much as  possible a situation in which we do not  have a closely vested interest in each  other's changes.  "We each take responsibility for what goes  on within the group. The group collectively  takes responsibility for providing and  funding childcare."  This group, which is made up mostly of low-'  income single parents, is also seeking  people to take care of their children on  the nights they meet, either in False Creek  or near Main & 25th Avenue.  They need to have childcare provided on a  regular basis, at little or no cost, and  would prefer childless people who feel some  responsibility to the children of the community. They state, "Our ability to seek  support is restricted by our choice to have  children."  If you are interested in either joining  this group, or providing childcare, contact  Evelyn at 683-6438(home) or 684-9264(work),  or Joa at 738-1430. April 1982   Kinesis   23  LETTERS  BCOFR demonstrations taught participants a valuable lesson  Kinesis:  Dorrie Brannock's article in January's  Kinesis  about the use of violence in  BCOFR's'October 17 rally contained a fairly accurate account of BCOFR's history  and actions up to the time of the rally.  Some of the other assumptions and interpretations in the article were not so  accurate.  I was heavily involved in the first year  of BCOFR's formation and work and I continue to maintain that the march and rally  were.successful.  I was pleased at the  relative    absence of violence, i.e. relative to what it could have been.  When BCOFR was attacked the first time  (October 4th) I was an unprepared, inexperienced participant, as were my two preschool children and everyone else there.  More than one person was sick with fear  and distressed for days afterwards. We  could have been beaten and injured amidst  the general confusion and shock.  At the second rally (I left the kids at  home) I was afraid and timid but also very  angry that yet another group of people  could have me in that state of fear. Were  the State, the Klan, men in the streets,  not enough already?  I was glad to participate in an anti- .  racist rally first and foremost. I was  extra glad the organization thought of  ways to ensure that I could participate in  an anti-racist rally first and foremost.  I was extra glad the organization thought  of ways to ensure that I could participate  in that rally with less possibility of  being harmed than there had been at the  previous rally.  If we're going to fight racism, fascism,  sexism, classism, we have to be more prepared than we usually are, especially as  it is clear that the Police are not prepared to protect certain types of people.  So, the purpose of the rally was twofold:  to hold the anti-racist demonstration  which was disrupted and destroyed two  weeks before, and to "get back in the  saddle" after the fear-inducing attack.  Some supporters of the October 17 rally  may not have known of the incidents on  October 4th and thus were genuinely surprised on the 17th. All people I know went  to the rally with the same knowledge and  motives I had, and did not feel shocked or  "used".  I cannot agree with Dorrie that violent  reactions in an individual under pressure  are more acceptable than organized, group  violence.  Personal, reactive violence is  more dangerous (although perfectly understandable) and has limited positive results. A group organizing to defend itself  and fight back against institutionalized  and societal violence can try to be fairly  objective, minimize random destruction,  and protect the defenceless.  Another problem arising from this whole  discussion is the confusion and conflict  brought about by the overlapping of such  characteristics as class, race and sex.  Does, say, a white woman refuse to fight  against people of another race, even if  they are women and/or fascists? Or does  it have to become a political decision  and struggle? At the BCOFR rally, according to the CPC-ML's representative in  February's Kinesis  some East Indian women  supporters of CPC-ML joined in the attack.  The fightback was not against them as  women or as East Indian.  It was against  their tactics and politics.  It's true that the marshals at the BCOFR  rally were mostly white men. Many of the  Feminist view only hope for a nuclear-free future  Kinesis:  Have just read the March issue from front  to back, full of admiration as usual.  Should have commended the February issue  in particular for the insert, "Towards a  Non-nuclear World -- a feminist view". If  there is to be any hope and any future,  there is no other view for it.  This is a  critical time; 1982 could go down in  history as the best yet, the year when the  people of the world forced the nations and  the powerful to turn around, to face the .'  task of Disarmament and thus to open up  possibilities of unimagined and constructive human energy freed to work out solutions to the myriads of problems which  patriarchal attitudes have fostered or  have been impotent to prevent.  I believe that at last it is clear to  overwhelming numbers that there is a  handle, the main switch handle, which if  reached and thrown will effectively shift  the gears. That handle is now in 'Annihilation' position; its other position is  'World Disarmament' and the means of  . grasping it is the United Nations 2nd  Special Session on Disarmament (UNSSD II)  June 7th to July 9th, 1982. The NGO's  (Non-governmental Organizations) Committee on Disarmament in New York has  established four task forces- Media, Disarmament Info. Centre, Substantive Issues,  Parallel Activities, which latter stresses  all manner of Active-ity.' We are so completely dependent on the self-elected dispensers of what-the-natives-should-know,  called funnily 'The Media', that all of us  must needs publicize this 1982 Major Event,  a turning-point in human evolution.  Otherwise, through our small omission, our  lack of input and awareness, the one straw  that would have broken the camel's back or  the one nail gone missing through which  the battle was lost may be our bad fortune.  Please everyone, show some interest in  UNSSD II.  Talk about its importance. Expect and demand good media coverage.  Write about your hopes for its success to  your friends and enemies. Phone in about  its activities, e.g. a walk.across the  US led by Japanese Buddhists. Sign International Peace Petition and World Nuclear  Disarmament Petition.  Let's all STOP the  Warmakers' Game. Let's make a decent  world!  D.H. Blair  East Indian men in BCOFR have been attacked and threatened for a long time by CPC-  ML, and it would not have been useful to  have them in the marshalling unit.  Also, almost no women (of any race) volunteered to marshal. BCOFR is not a political party and cannot lay down duties  for its supporters. That any women at  all, including a few East Indian women,  attended the rally was positive and reassuring to me.  Jill Bend's reply in February's issue to  the two articles on non-violence was, in'  the main, a reply which echoes most of my  feelings on revolutionary defensive vio-  ence.  But she belied her statement claiming to respect women and men who have  acted on their beliefs by excluding Marxists and, in an erroneous link, BCOFR  members and their supporters.  She describes both BCOFR and the CPC-ML  as being Marxist, hierarchical and male-  dominated.  CPC-ML may well have both of  the latter characteristics.  BCOFR is an  organization of individuals of many racial,  class and political backgrounds. My disappointment with "the left" in B.C. is  that a relatively small number of them  have chosen to join BCOFR and work in a  broadbased anti-racist group.  Many sectors of the women's movement (in  Vancouver, at least) exhibit an anti-  communist bias, to the point of not bothering to find out facts about socialism  in general and facts about groups and  their actions in particular.  Films, photos and eye-witness accounts of  the BCOFR rally show clearly that BCOFR  supporters were defensive, not aggressive.  As a woman, mother and a member of the non-  ruling class I feel that I am not going to  gain anything unless I am willing to defend myself and my principles.  The marshals at the recent International  Women's Day march and rally were brave,  calm and strong.  But don't believe for a  moment that their tactics would have worked  if (a) the police had not been there doing  their job, for once, and (b) if the disrupters had not been under restraint orders  from their leadership, probably due to the  number of assault cases they are involved  in in court at present.  Along with most people I know and respect,  I hate and fear violence but I am firmly  convinced that we shall all ultimately  have to choose either to join our oppressors- or to fight them.  Kay Ryan  — NOT —  FOR  WIMIN  ONLY  A WQMQN'S  PAINTING  BUSINESS  REASONABLE RATES  FREE ESTIMATES  CYNTHIA  253-2212 BULLETIN BOARD  GROUPS  SELF-HELP DISCUSSION/ACTION GROUPS for  anyone with physical problems.  The  groups are free, and there is free transportation and room to lie down.  Kits"  House, wheelchair accessible. We deal  with issues such as asking for help,  earning a living, relationships, anger,  sexuality, pain, and working together  for change. For more information call  689-4787 anytime.  BISEXUAL WOMEN'S GROUP offers a series of  discussions and mutual support meetings.  Next meeting is Wed., April 17 at 7:30  p.m. For details phone Georgia at  224-5614.  HANDS OFF OUR KIDS is a community development project working on the issue of  sexual abuse.  Co-sponsored by Vancouver  Community College, the project provides  educational programs for parents' groups  and self-defense classes for children  and women. For more info, contact the  project at 1034 Commercial Drive, Vancouver or by phoning 255-9841.  THE LESBIAN LITERARY COLLECTIVE needs you.  We meet once a month primarily as a  literary discussion group, not a social  one. We're interested in works by and  about women. We are ages 12 to 40. Our  next meeting is a potluck on April 17,  6 P.M. You can contact us c/o  400A West 5th Ave. We'll get in touch  with you before the meeting.  LESBIAN INFORMATION LINE - Want to talk?  Need information? Call LIL at 734-1016  Thursdays or Sundays, 7:00-10:00 p.m.  or drop in Sunday evenings.  THE BEST OF VANCOUVER STREET POSTERS —  We are organizing a show of local political/community street posters at the  Vancouver Public Library, Burrard and  Robson, from April 20-May 9, 1982. We  still need Vancouver feminist posters.  If you can loan some of yours, call  731-2370 or 733-5249 evenings.  VICTORIA STATUS OF WOMEN is now sharing  office space with Victoria Women's Bldg.  Society at 760B Yates Street, Victoria.  CLASSIFIED  ROOM AND BOARD in exchange for 2 hr. cooking and cleaning per day, approx. 5-7pm.  Non-smoker, East End.  Call 255-7272.  GAY WOMAN, 28-38 to share beautiful house,  own sunny room with view, $275 including  once a week cleaning service.  On East  5th Avenue near Victoria.  Call 254-2433  evenings.  BONNIE H. RAMSEY, Accounting services,  income tax, financial statements, bookkeeping. (604) 738-5349.  JUST OUT  HISTORIC ORIGINALS is a program of the  Women's Institute for Freedom of the  Press,   set up to make available to the  public early publications of the  current  women's movement.     Back issues of No  More Fun and Games:    A Journal of Female  Liberation and Paid My Dues:    A Journal  of Women and Music are now available.  For more info,  write W.I.F.P.,   3306 Ross  Place N.W.,  Washington,  D.C.  20008.  WOMEN AND MEDICINE,   special issue of the  Journal oj  Medicine and Philosophy  (Vol.   7,  no.   2) will be published in  spring 1982.    Single issues can be  ordered for $6.50 from the publisher:  D.  Reidel Publishing Co.,   P.O.   Box 17,  3300 AA,   Dordrecht,   The Netherlands.  SWING SHIFT, an all-women's jazz quartet, is  coming April 25, 8:00 p.m. to the Arts Club  Theatre on Granville Island. Tickets are $7 in  advance, $8 at the door. Co-sponsored by Soro-  Mundi Productions and Women Against Nuclear  Technology. Childcare available.  EVENTS  1st ANNUAL FESTIVAL OF FOOLS on Granville  Island, Thursday through Sunday, April  1-4, a children's and adults' delight.  Co-sponsored by Isadora's Co-operative  Restaurant. Clowning, juggling, mime,  storytelling. Tickets and information  available at False Creek Community  Centre or call O.H. Lettuce B. Fools  Society, 875-6975 (special ticket rates  for Isadora members).  If you haven't  yet bought your share and joined the  other 700 Isadora's members, buy your  share now. Construction is slated for  May. Keep posted. Rumour has it that  they will soon be having menu parties.  ABSURD ENDEAVOURS, an art installation at  Xchanges Artists Co-operative Gallery in  Victoria. Gameboards and works on paper  by Nina Weller and Robin Campbell. Opens  April 3.  BETSY WARLAND READS from her first collection of poems, A Gathering Instinct,  Friday, April 2, 9 p.m. at Women in  Focus, 456 West Broadway.  Book party  runs from 8-11 pm.  INTERVENTION IN SEXUAL ABUSE: A Feminist  Perspective. A One-day workshop, Fri.,  April 16, 9:00-4:30 p.m.  Blake Hall.  Theatre, Justice Institute of B.C.,  4180 West 4th Ave. Fee $25. Deadline  for registration April 8. Co-sponsored  by the Feminist Counselling Association  of B.C. and the Justice Institute of B.C.  WORKSHOPS IN RADICAL THERAPY drawing on  constructive criticism, peer counselling,  gestalt process and bioenergetics.  April 10-12, women only workshop led by  Lorraine and Regina; April 24-26, workshop for women and men, led by Joni,  Isobel, Tom and Henry. Fee $60  (negotiable based on income).  Childcare provided. To register, call David  Hastey 437-0767, or write Box 65306,  Station F, Vancouver, B.C.  THE YMCA-YWCA in New Westminster is offering the following workshops:  April 15:  "Free" Parenting (for parents  of adolescents)  April 19: Wen-Do Self-Defense  April 20:  Snooker for Women  April 21:  Violence in Adolescence  April 22: Massage Techniques for Women  April 28:  But What Will I Tell My Kids?  (on sexual violence).  Also groups for single mothers.  Call  Diane Edmondson for details: 526-2485.  A DAY OF FEMINIST FILMS by women producers  from other countries, Sunday, April 18,  at Women invFocus, 456 West Broadway.  Call 872-2250 for more details.  MARCH AND RALLY to abolish nuclear weapons  and fund human needs, April 24th.  Assemble at Kits Beach at noon and march  to Sunset Beach for a rally at 2:30 p.m.  SAY NO TO CRUISE MISSILE TESTS IN CANADA!  PROPOSALS FOR CONFERENCE PAPERS are invited for the 3rd B.C. Studies Conference,  to be held February 1984. Suggestions  will be considered as they are received.  Deadline for proposal submissions is  Dec. 1, 1982.  Direct inquiries to  R. McDonald, Dept. of History, University of B.C.  ON THE AIR  W0MANVISI0N on Co-op Radio, 102.7 FM, from  7:00-8:00pm each Monday:  April 5 - Domestic Workers and their  Organizing  April 12 - Minimal Music  April 19 - Art Show: Festival 82', Personal Best, Swingshift, Aubrey Thomas  April 26 - Another Look at Services for  Incest Survivors.  DOMESTIC WORKERS BENEFIT, Saturday April 3,  8pm at Ukrainian Hall, 805 E. Pender St.  Live music by Ad Hoc. $3 domestic workers  and unemployed, $5 others. Free .childcare.  Tickets available at Ariel Books, Women's  Bookstore, Octopus East and Spartacus  Books. For more info, call CARDWO at  321-5364 or DWU at 733-8764.  RUBYMUSIC on Co-op Radio, 1Q2.7 FM, from  7:00-7:30pm each Friday:  April 2- Miss Grace Jones  April 9 - Laurie Anderson, Pretenders,  Gwen Avery, L. Tillery, Nina Hendricks  April 16 - Karen Lawrence Pinz, Cheryl  Barnes, Beebe K'Roche, Kim Carnes  April 23 - Aretha Franklin: Part One  April 30 - Aretha Franklin: Part Two.  THE LESBIAN SHOW on Co-op Radio, 102.7 FM,  from 7:30-8:30 p.m. each Thursday.  April will be our second month with a  new format. Response to the changes  has been favourable. We have abandoned  our weekly theme shows in favour of a  weekly 15-minute feature, to allow us  to become more up-to-date on current  issues. We also offer our regular  calendar of announcements, news, reviews,  and music as well as a regular Lesbian  Herstory spot and a reading of Lesbian  Literature.  If you have comments or  news or issues you feel warrant consideration, call us at 684-8494 Thursdays  from 6:30-7:00 p.m., or from 8:30-9:00  p.m. or leave a message during office  hours Monday through Friday.  NIGHT TRAIN on Co-op Radio, 102.7 FM,  Saturdays 1:00 a.m. to 8:00 a.m. Seven  hour variety show with news, interviews,  music, comedy and spoken word.  This  month, among others, you can hear:  Ruth Draper, Linda Tillery, Sweet Honey  in the Rock, Big Mama Thornton, Little  Esther, Alive!, Joanne Brackeen, and  The Roches.  Spotlight on April 16th  is on Eartha Kitt, including her music  and an interview.  CO-OP RADIO FUNDRAISING MARATHON will be  held May 9-16. Tune in to 102.7 FM and  support community radio. AXWORTHY MISLEADS  DOMESTIC WORKERS  PROGRAM TO "PROVIDE SAFEGUARDS AGAINST EXPLOITATION" A LIE  On November 26, 1981, Llloyd Axworthy, Minister of Employment and Immigration, announced new policies affecting foreign domestic workers in Canada.  In theory, these new measures allow domestic workers, who have been here  for two years or more, to apply for landed status in Canada. Those who fail  to qualify, may be given up to two years to attend school and up-grade their  skills. If after these two years they still do not qualify for landing, they  will be able to work for another year and then have to go home.  Just how are these new measures working?? To date, the Domestic Workers Union  (DWU) knows of only one domestic worker who has benefited from the new program. On the other hand, DWU is aware of five domestics who are worse off  because of these changes. Such a ratio, makes the new policy a sham. The  following are examples of how the Immigration Department is now treating  domestic workers.  PRUDENCE CUMMINGS  Ms. Cummings, a Jamaican, came to Canada as a domestic worker in 1975,  She is a widow and sole support for her two children back home, Ms,  Cummings stayed with her first employer for five years and left when  when the employer's children had grown. In August 1981, she was denied  a renewal of her work visa on the grounds that she wished to apply for  landed status. The logic used was that Ms. Cummings could not have a  temporary work visa, because her intentions were to stay. She has been  fighting to stay ever since. She had been denied U.I.C, despite six  years of paying premiums; spent $2,000 in legal fees; had to file legal  action against her previous employer for wages owed. Added to all this,  is the fact that a departure notice was issued against Ms. Cummings in  December 81, one month after the new changes announced by Axworthy. All  legal avenues have been exhausted. Only Axworthy has the power to intervene.  MARIA ELENA SOLIS  Ms Solis, a Chilean, came to Canada as a domestic worker in 1977. She  is a single woman who supports her mother back home, In 1981, Ms.  Solis became ill and required an operation. This was directly due  to an experience with a previous employer. Because she could not work,  Ms. Solis lost her job. Despite paying premiums, she could not collect  U.I.C. Ms. Solis is now better, but Immigration is refusing her a  new work permit. After five years in Canada and spending most of her  savings, Ms. Solis is being told to go home.  DAPHNE WILLIAMS  Ms. Williams, a Jamaican, came to Canada as a domestic worker in 1973.  For nine years, she has given her labour and her tax dollars to  Canada. Ms. Williams also supports five children and her parents back  home. Ms. Williams has also been one of the leading spokespersons on  behalf of all domestic workers. In 1981, after a long battle, Lloyd  Axworthy issued a Mininsterial Work Permit to Ms, Williams. It expires on March 29, 1982. Despite several attempts, Immigration has  not allowed Ms, Williams to renew her permit or allow her to become  landed in Canada.  domestic workers union  (see  over) Domestic workers have traditionally been one of the most exploited  sectors of Canada's work force. The hours of work, rates of pay and  living conditions that many domestics face, would horrify most Canadians,  Added to this has been the callous treatment domestics have experienced  from the Department of Employment and Immigration. Lloyd Axworthy  has stated that he recognizes these facts. These are the very reasons  he used when introducing the latest policies affecting domestic workers.  If Mr. Axworthy is to be believed, then he must prove his intent by  his actions. Ms. Cummings, Ms. Solis and Ms. Williams must be allowed  to stay and work in Canada. We demand that he act in these cases.  The Domestic Workers Union urges individuals, unions and organizations  to write to Mr. Axworthy on behalf of these three individuals. On April  8, 1982, DWU is sponsoring a public meeting to expose the bankruptcy of  Axworthy's new program. Come lend your support for the following demands:  THE RIGHT TO RENEW WORK PERMITS  THE RIGHT TO APPLY FOR LANDED STATUS  NO PENALTY FOR BEING SICK  THE RIGHT TO UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE FOR PREMIUMS PAID  Hon. Lloyd Axworthy  WRITE TO:    Minister of Employment and Immigration  fee-DWU)"    Phase IV, Place du Portage  V  ' Ottawa-Hull, K1A 0J9  COME TO DWU'S PICKET LINE ON MONDAY MARCH 29, 1982. PLACE: REGIONAL  IMMIGRATION OFFICES 1550 ALBERNI ST.,  VANCOUVER. TIME: 12:30  DOMESTIC WORKERS UNION  c/o 199 2 West 1st Ave. Vancouver, V6J 1G6  GOOD   ENOUGH    TO     WORK  PUBLIC  MEETING  GOOD   ENOUGH    TO    STAY!  APRIL 8, 1982, THURSDAY  7:30 P.M.  FISHERMEN'S UNION HALL  138 EAST CORDOVA, VANCOUVER  Contact:   Susan at 876-2849 (day) or DWU at 733-8764


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