Kinesis, June 1994 Jun 1, 1994

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 ^  JUNE 1994  Special Collection  TAXING CHILD SUPPORT...PAGE 3 CMPA$2.25  RICA Inside  KINESIS  #301-1720 Grant Street  Vancouver, BC V5L 2Y6  Tel: (604)255-5499  Fax: (604)255-5511  Kinesis welcomes volunteers to work on  til aspects of the paper. Our next  Writers' Meeting is Jun 7 for the Jul/  Aug issue and Aug 2 for the Sep issue,  at 7 pm at Kinesis. All women welcome  even if you don't have experience.  Kinesis is published ten times a year by  the Vancouver Status of Women. Its  objectives are to be a non-sectarian  feminist voice for women and to work  actively for social change, specifically  combatting sexism, racism.classism,  homophobia, ableism, and imperialism.  Views expressed in Kinesis are those of  the writer and do not necessarily reflect  VSW policy. All unsigned material is the  responsibility of the Kinesis Editorial  Board.  EDITORIAL BOARD  Shannon e. Ash, Lissa Geller, Agnes  Huang, Fatima Jaffer, Faith Jones  PRODUCTION THIS ISSUE  Shannon e. Ash,   Fatima Jaffer, Tanya  de Haan, Robyn Hall, Leslie Virtue,  Winnifred Tovey, Faith Jones, Wendy  Frost, wendy lee kenward, Teresa  McCarthy, Marsha Arbour, Lael Sleep,  Riun Driscoll, Lydia Masemola, Larissa  Lai, Karen Bachman, Anne Jew  Advertising: Cynthia Low  Circulation:Cat L'Hirondelle, Jennifer  Johnstone, Christine Cosby  Distribution: Cynthia Low  Production Co-ordinator: Agnes Huang  Typesetter: Sur Mehat  FRONT COVER  Rural women in Moutse  Photo by Fatima Jaffer  PRESS DATE  June 28. 1994  SUBSCRIPTIONS  lndividual:$20 per year (+$1.40 GST)  or what you can afford  Institutions/Groups:  $45 per year (+$3.15 GST)  VSW Membership (includes 1 year  Kinesis subscription):  $30 per year (+$1.40 GST)  SUBMISSIONS  Women and girls are welcome to make  submissions. We reserve the right to  edit and submission does not guarantee  publication. If possible, submissions  should be typed, double spaced and  must be signed and include an address,  telephone number and SASE. Kinesis  does not accept poetry or fiction.  Editorial guidelines are available upon  request.  DEADLINES  All submissions must be received in the  month preceding publication. Note: Jul/  Aug and Dec/Jan are double issues.  Features and reviews: 10th  News: 15th  Letters and Bulletin Board: 18th  Display advertising  (camera ready): 18th  (design required): 16th  Kinesis is produced on a Warner  Doppler PC using Wordperfect 5.1,  PageMaker 4.0 and an NEC laser  printer. Camera work by the Peak.  Printing by Horizon Publications.  Kinesis is indexed in the Canadian  Women's Periodicals Index,  the Alternative Press Index and is a  member of the Canadian Magazine  PublishersAssociation.  ISSN 0317-9695  Publications mail registration #6426  KjN¬ßsr*  1974-1994  News  Taxing child support payments 3  by Agnes Huang  SFU janitors targetted in cutbacks 5  by wendy lee kenward and Teresa McCarthy  Features  Community policing in BC .  by Bonnie Agnew  South Africa Report  Chronology of the struggle 9  compiled by Fatima Jaffer  Interview with Brigitte Mabandla, ANC 10  as told to Fatima Jaffer  Interview with Mum'Lydia Kompe, Rural Women's Movement 11  as told to Fatima Jaffer  Report from South Africa: Interview with Fatima Jaffer 14  as told to L. Muthoni Wanyeki  Commentary  Speaking out against the backlash at UVic 17      South Africa supplement..  by Cheryl Harrison  20 years in review: feminist journalism and Kinesis 18  by Esther Shannon  Regulars  As Kinesis Goes to Press 2  Inside Kinesis 2  What's News 4  by Lissa Geller and Agnes Huang  Movement Matters 6  by Shannon e. Ash  Bulletin Board 20  compiled by Leslie Virtue and Robyn Hall  The next writers'  meetings are on  June 7 & August 2  @ 7 pm at VSW  #301-1720 Grant St m^  s  '' ' ' ^r  t  '  ISltiWfci       —  3^  S  *TQo news would be*  JHil m*  o          p    r    e    s  g  O  e  women in South Africa. Next month's special will include excerpts of interviews with:  Mmatshilo Motsei,a violenceagainstwomen  advocate and worker in Alexandria Township; Rosalee Telela, a founding member of  the Johannesburg Lesbian Forum; Nise  Malange, who sits on the board of Agenda  and Speak, two South African feminist publications; and Maganthrie Pillay, director of  Contours, the first theatrical piece on black  lesbians in the country. We only hope you  get a chance to read it all!  We usually throw in the last-minute  notices we recieve as Kinesis goes to press,  Who said it's the age of apathy? Last  month at Kinesis was one of those months  when we dammit came close to that ideal  woman-supporting culture we are trying so  hard to build. We pulled together this issue  in less than two weeks, thanks to the work  and commitment of many many volunteers  and friends. This has left us reeling...but,  yeah, proud. And no, we're not saying this  so you'll excuse the typos in the following,  even if it is minutes to deadline.  Looks like Audrey MacLaughlin will  step down as leader of the NDP at the next  convention. This is stale news by now, but  we forgot to mention that last month, this  means there are no political parties with  women leaders in Canada...unless NAC  decides to throw politics to the wind and run  next elections. But, as we know, it's not the  party that makes the system, but the  system...etc.  A bit of news: We've heard that the  musical Miss Saigon is not coming to Vancouver after all because its promoters have  decided it's not economically worth it. Some  of you may remember Kinesis' coverage last  summer of the protests against the racist and  sexist representations of Asian women in  Miss Saigon [see Kinesis, Jul/Aug 93]. Well,  we're glad the play won't be coming down.  In fact, for once, women in BC are glad to be  left out of the "action."  While we're on this regional thing, and  for those feminists who insist on watching  hockey, (we weren't watching, we were  working on the paper, honest, but we heard  the hoorahs out there)~Vancouver beat Toronto in the Western conference hockey final! Ha, ha, ha! We're going to the Stanley  Cup!!...not that we really care about hockey.  But, now if we could only harness some of  that energy we saw around Vancouver to  start a social, economic, political revolution...!  We suppose we're in revolution mode  because an errant Kinesisite just returned  from South Africa and is causing all kinds of  a fuss around here. Read our special 8-page  supplement this issue for more on women  and South Africa. This is only part oneof our  two-part special.  We decided to go for a two-parter because: it's not often we have international  reports like this; we wish to celebrate the  current victory of South Africans and of the  anti-apartheid liberation movements; and  we've got lots more great interviews with  ^Thanks  Our thanks to Vancouver Status of Women members who support  us year 'round with memberships and donations. Our appreciation  to the following supporters who became members, renewed their  memberships or donated to VSW in May:  Janet Berry * The Blue Ewe * Kate Braid * Eleanor Brockenshire * Annabelle Cameron *  Donna Clark * Cathie Cookson * Inez Curl * Barbara Curran * Ann Doyle * Nancy Duff *  Joanna Dunaway * Mary Frey * Arlene Gladstone * Katherine Heinrich * Cheryl Heinzl * B.  Karmazyn * Karen Kilbride * Barbara Kuhne * Barbara Lebrasseur * Kara Middleton * Anne  Miles * Adrienne Montani * Michele Pujol * Ronalea Richards * Rosemarie Rupps * Jeanne  Shaw * Sandy Shreve * Ann Staley * Joanne Taylor * Pat Tracy * Frances Wasserlein  We would also like to thank the following new members of our Recommending Women  Club:  Members ($250 - $499): L'Hirondelle Financial Services  This month we would like to say a very special thank you to the following supporters  who have responded so generously to our annual spring fundraising appeal which we  mailed in May. The ongoing support of VSW donors, as well as the support of many new  donors, is crucial to the expansion of VSW's vital services and programs in the face of  continued government cuts to our funding. We are very thankful to:  Leslie Alexander * Cathy Bannink * Lorna Brown * Janet Calder * Karen Clark * Todd  Copan * Jill Davidson * Marlene Duerksen * Karen Egger * Cynthia Flood * Dennis Foon  * Anita Fortney * Janet Fraser * Leona Gom * Ellen Hamer * Judith Harper * Rosalie  Hawrylko * Alison Hopwood * Shayna Hornstein * Naomi Katz * Bonnie Klein * Sarah  Knoebber * M.K. Louis * Carolynne Maguire * Catherine Malone * Sandra Mayo * Jane  McCartney * Chris McDowell * Josef e McGregor * Arlene McLaren * Eha Onno * M.V.  Ostrowski * Lafern Page * Susan Penfold * Joanne Quirk * Adrianne Ross * Susanna  Ruebsaat * Jane Rule * Patricia Russell * M. Schendlinger * Marilyn Schwabe * Bonnie  Sheldon * Colleen & Ken Smith * Susan Soule * Verna Splane * Nora Sterling * Virginia  Stikeman * Coro Strandberg * Sheryl Ty * Helen Walter * Mary Watt * Susan Wendell *  Phyllis Wilson  A very big thank you to the volunteers who helped stuff all of the envelopes: Heather  * Lael * Robin * Agnes * Miche * Carol * Tory  Finally, we would also like to thank all those who contributed to and volunteered at our  highly successful 4th Annual Single Mothers' Day in the Park with food, fun, games and  prizes:  ABC Novelties * Norman's Fruit & Salad Market * Que Pasa Mexican Foods * Purdy's  Chocla tes * McDonalds Restaurants * Starbucks Coffee * Uprising Bakery * East End Food  Co-Op and our volunteers: Sylvi Murphy * Kari Brown * Agnes Huang * Claire Robillard  * Sally & Billie White * Jenny Falk * Rachel Falk * Raynee Taylor * Margaret Alber  CORRECTION  In last month's review of Indigeni: Native Women: Politics (page 19), we incorrectly  listed Renae Morriseau as the producer of  the video. Morriseau was the production  assistant; Richard Helsey produced the  video. Our apologies.  3, we forgot to credit Canadian Di-  n, January-February 1994 for the funny  cartoon about tax loopholes and that we  used on our table of contents page. Thanks  for the laugh.  but this month, due to our unusual production schedule, we managed to include them  all in our large (four pages) Bulletin Board  section at the end of the paper. There's lots  going on, all over the country...the world  and we hope you get a chance to do some of  it. Especially try to come to our 20th anniversary celebration on Friday, June 24. Check  out our ad below, in Inside Kinesis, and the  back page for details! It will be fun...we  promise.  And remember, this isn't really the age  of apathy. There's hope yet!  Our most exciting news this month is  that editor Fatima Jaffer got back from South  Africa with interviews, photos, and lots of  new ideas. She was there as part of the  National Action Committee on the Status of  Women's team observing the elections.  Fatima was based at the feminist magazine  Speak while she was there, and met with a  variety of women's groups, including the  brand-new Johannesburg Lesbian Forum.  You'll find Fatima's interviews with two  South African women, as well as a description of her own experiences, in the special  eight-page South Africa supplement, part 1,  in this issue, starting on page 9.  Fatima also got a lot of ideas about  making Kinesis more accessible from the  women at Speak. For example, a larger type  size would be better for vision-impaired,  low-literacy, and second-language readers,  and probably for all women. We're planning  to implement this change in the near future.  Another thing they do at Speak is reply to  letters which criticize or question the content  of the magazine. It seemed to us that readers  deserve to know the reasons why we write  about things in a certain way. We'll be trying  out editor's replies in the next few months.  We also thought our content could use  some changes. While Kinesis tries to provide  analysis of current affairs, we don't always  provide simple information which could  help women in day-to-day terms. Speak always includes a page of pracical information on, for example health topics. We are  thinking of having a regular column which  would focus on a different area each month,  such as a legal topic or what rape crisis  centres do.  Watch for these changes in future issues, and most of all, let us know what you  think of them.  We had a number of new voices this  issue: Cheryl Harrison, wrote about the Chilly  Climate in the political science department  at the University of Victoria (page 17); wendy  lee kenward and Teresa McCarthy who wrote  on the situtation of janitors up at SFU {page  5); and of course, Bridget Mabandla, Rosalee  Telela and Lydia Kompe, from South Africa,  who are interviewed in the eight page South  Africa coverage. For those of you interested  in writing, our next writers' meeting is Tuesday, June 7 at 7pm at Kinesis.  On the production side, welcome to  newproduction volunteers Lydia Masemola,  Leslie Virtue, Lael Sleep, and Riun Driscoll.  If you are interested in volunteering next  production, call Agnes at 255-5499. Production for the July/ August issue is from June  22-29.  We also want to thank our neighbour  and friend, Vancouver Photo, where Kinesis  gets its photo supplies and services. It seems  Joanne and Nick, who own the place, got  tired of lending us their flash every time we  needed one (especially since we brought it  back broken once) they gave it to us.  Thanks, Vancouver Photo, it was just what  we needed, how did you know? You can't  ask for better community support.  Finally, there's the exciting Kinesis Benefit to look forward to. It will be on June 24  at the WISE Hall (see back cover for details).  VSW's Miche Hill will MC a program that  includes Sawagi Taiko. There will also be a  kid's room with a childcare worker present,  food, a raffle with lots of great prizes, and  door prizes. The WISE Hall is wheelchair  accessible from the alley and there will be  attendants to assist with the marginally-accessible washrooms. As always, this will be  a women-only, smoke-free event.  Even if you can't come to the event, you  can buy those great raffle tickets with those  great raffle prizes by calling Kinesis at 255-  5499. Also give us a call if you can volunteer  for the Benefit. Hope to see you there!  Come to our Benefit  We're Broke!  Join Kinesis at our 20th anniversary celebration  *oVt  Friday, June 24,1994  \o«*  *tfYt?  *UtS  f*«*«  *<**  ctfV****  w;  1882  WISE Hall  12 Adanac  tut**1  ,\»*^  flltfi  M&*  St.  tAoo*P*  \V&  Music & Performances  Lots of Fun For everyone!  Women & Children only  For more information or for raffle tickets, call 255-5499  JUNE 1994 News  Federal Court of Appeal decision in Thibaudeau:  Taxing child support  by Agnes Huang      The federal government has announced it  will appeal the federal court of appeal (FCA)  ruling that taxing child support payments was  discriminatory.  In its decision, concerning an appeal by  Suzanne Thibaudeau, the federal court of appeal ruled the section of the Income Tax Act,  section 56(l)(b), requiring Thibaudeau to pay  tax on child support payments discriminated  against her as a "single, custodial parent receiving maintenance payments for her children."  Another section of the Act allows her ex-  husband to deduct the child support amount  from his taxable income. The system is known  as the inclusion/deduction system.  In 1989, Thibaudeau, a Quebec woman  with custody of her two children, filed a claim  in the Tax Court of Canada to stop the government from taxing the child support she received (see Kinesis, October 92). Although tax  implications were taken into account when  child support was set, she argued that including the payments inher taxable income pushed  her into a higher tax bracket and left her owing  $1000 more in taxes than accounted for when  the support order was determined.  The tax court rejected Thibaudeau's claim  saying that it was the responsibility of the  family court system to account for the tax  implications of child support payments, and  that the remedy for Thibaudeau was to apply  to the family court system for an increase (a  variance) in child support.  Under the current tax law system, the  burden of paying taxes on child support is  shifted fom the income earner to the custodial  parent, 98 percent of whom are women.  Women pay $330 million a year in taxes on  child support payments, while men save $660  million in taxes. The net loss in revenue to the  federal government of $330 million, which the  government considers a 'subsidy' to divorced  couples.  The government says the purpose of the  inclusion/deduction system is to provide a net  'subsidy' to divorced couples, which is supposed to benefit children, and to provide an  incentive to men to make child support payments and to encourage, through favourable  tax treatment, higher payments.  In its decision, the federal court of appeal  said thai the inclusion/deduction system does  not lead to a distribution of the subsidy to  women and their children. In writing for the  majority, Justice James Hugessen said, "...the  inclusion/deduction system frequently fails  to give any benefit at all to those whom it is  allegedly designed to assist almost always benefits those who do not need assistance, and  contains no corrective or control mechanisms  designed to remedy the problem." Hugessen  added that, "...the non-custodial parent is virtually always a winner by reason of having his  taxable income reduced."  "Right now the government is subsidizing "separated families' to the tune of $330  million, says Judy Poulin, president and  founder of SCOPE. "This $330 million...on  paper look is like it is going to children, but it  isn't." SCOPE, (Support and Custody Orders  for Priority Enforcement), an Ontario-based  organization, intervened in the Thibaudeau  case at the federal court of appeal.  A report of the Federal/Provincial /Territorial Family Law Committee released in May  1992, referred to by the federal court of appeal,  confirmed that "the tax subsidy is often not  passed on to the custodial parent for the children."  In overturning the lower court's decision,  the federal court of appeal also acknowledged  that tax implications are often not considered  in child support orders, and that the family  court system is not an effective tool for remedying any adverse tax effects of the inclusion/deduction system.  "Income tax seeks to be precise, virtually  to the last penny, and income tax liability is  established by a code of rules whose detail  and complexity is legendary, " Hugessen  wrote. "The awarding of child support on the  other hand, somewhat like the evaluation of  damages, is notoriously imprecise."  While the court agreed that the law violates Thibaudeau's guarantees for equality  under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, section 15, the court rejected that the tax law is  discriminatory on the basis of sex, an argument presented by SCOPE. Rather, Justice  Women pay $330 million  a year in taxes on child  support payments, while  men save $660 million in  taxes.  Hugessen wrote that the ground of discrimination is 'family status'.  In rejecting the challenge to the tax la w on  the grounds that it discriminated on the basis  of sex, Huggessen reasoned that, "since, however, the legislation must also impact in exactly the same way on custodial fathers, although in very much smaller numbers, I do  not see how it can be said to differentiate or  discriminate on the basis of sex."  Lawyer Katherine Hardie says that by  rejecting sex equality arguments, the court is  not recognizing the reality of who is adversely  affected by the taxing of child support. "Even  though separated cutodial parents are 98%  women, the Court said that that is not enough  [for the inclusion/deduction system] to be  discriminatory [on the basis of sex]," says  Hardie. "If we cannot say [a law] affects a  particular group disproportionately [and  therefore is discriminatory], then this creates  a barrier for equality rights."  Hardie is representing a coalition of anti-  poverty groups-the Charter Committee on  Poverty Issues and FAPG (Federated Anti-  Poverty Groups)~intervening in the case of  Brenda Schaff, a North Vancouver woman,  who has a similar case as Thibaudeau's before  the Federal Court of Appeal (see Kinesis, Sept  93).  Schaff's appeal is scheduled to be heard  on May 30, but that may be onhold. Katherine  Hardie says she has been told by a ministry of  justice official that they have been advised to  seek an adjournment in the Scha ff appea 1 until  the Supreme Court of Canada rules on  Thibaudeau's case.  Minister of Justice Allan Rock says the  government is appealing the Thibaudeau decision because the decision could hurt those it  was intended to help. Rock says that without  the tax incentive, men could seek to have their  payments reduced, or not make payments at  all. Currently, 75% of men across the country  are in default of their child support payments.  Jane Friesen, an economics professor at  Simon Fraser University, argues that it is unlikely that men will want to go back to court.  "Men won't go back to court to seek variances  because for most of them their financial situations have improved and they might be or  dered to pay more in child support," says  Friesen, who is a witness for Brenda Schaff  in her appeal case.  Nothing short of a change in the current system taxing child support payments  would benefit women. "The current law is  totally ineffective, inefficient, and inequitable," says Claire Young, a tax law professor  at the University of British Columbia. "The  bottom line is that to tax women on child  support payments is inequitable."  Most studies show that lawyers and  judges don't take into account tax implications were determining the level of child  support. "Many of these orders are old and  tax implications had not been taken into  account [when they were set]," says Brenda  Schaff. "Tax laws are extremely complicated; you need accountants to figure it  out."  Judy Poulin of SCOPE adds that many  child support settlements are determined  out of court, resulting in lower amounts  insufficient to meet the needs of children let  alone cover the tax implications on those  amounts. Poulin says that 87 percent of  child support orders are determined  through an out of court settlement.  Under the current tax law system,  changes in their econonic situation, such as  an increase in income, or changes in external factors, such as an increase in daycare  costs or a decrease in child tax benefits,  may have significant tax consequences for  women. "It is almost impossible to assess  tax liability when child support amount is  set, except at the immediate time," says  Young.  In order to even maintain the level of  child support they receive every time their  economic situations improve or the tax law  changes resulting in an increase in the  amount of tax they have to pay on the  support, women would have to go back to  family court to seek a variance in child  support payments they receive.  Even if tax implications are taken in to  account, there is no guarantee that the child  support increase will be adequate. In 1992,  Schaff had an accountant work out a tax  table and went back to court seeking a  variance to her child support for $1200 per  month. She had been receiving $300 a  month. She received $800 a month, but this  increase left her worse off than before she  received the variance. Schaff saw her GST  credits disappear, her family allowance reduced, and her contribution to the coop  housing she lives in increase by 25 percent.  Overall, this left her $132 a month worse off  than before the variance.  Improving their economic situations  may leave women and their children in  worse financial positions after taxes, says  Jane Friesen. "When a woman goes back to  school, gets a higher paying job it moves  moves her into a higher tax bracket, and she  ends up having to pay more tax on her child  support payments," says Friesen.  Claire Young says that the amount of  tax women are required to pay on the child  support they receive may increase as their  income increases, while under the inclusion/deduction system deductions to men  increase as their income increases. Men in  higher tax brackets are able to deduct a  higher percentage of the child support payments than men in lower tax brackets. "The  tax deduction is worth more to those making more money," says Young.  "As women become more financially  independent, they lose; while men benefit  as their income increases," says Friesen.  "We're rewarding men for improving their  circumstances and penalizing women."  Brenda Schaff also thinks it's ludicrous that the government would even  consider providing a subsidy for men to  encourage them to pay their court-ordered support payments. "Men shouldn't  need an incentive to pay for their children,  says Schaff. And considering that 75% of  men across the country are in default of  their child support payments, Schaff says  the system is "not an incentive at all."  Judy Poulin says providing an incentive to pay child support is a social policy  ma tter and should not dea It with in the tax  system. Poulin and SCOPE argue for better enforcement mechanisms such as better coordination between provinces, so  that fathers who leave the province do not  leave behind their obligation to pay child  support.  On the day it announced its appeal,  the federal government also announced  that it will send Sheila Finestone, secretary of state responsible for women, across  the country in June to hold consultations  on the child support issue.  Women are demanding that the government stop taxing women on child support payments they receive. Unless the  law is changed, even if the Supreme Court  of Canada upholds the decision in  Thibaudeau, women will either still have  to pay taxes on child support or launch  their own court challenge against the government.  sassa  SPEAK is a South African magazine (hat puis  women's liberation on the agenda of the South  African liberation struggle. Through interviews,  photographs, poetry, and stories, South African  women speak out about their oppression as  women, and how they are fighting to change it.  Articles focus on black working class women's  lives in the townships and in the factories. They  talk about their struggles to challenge tradition in  the home, and their exploitation in the factories.  They talk about the fight to be recognised as  equals by their comrades in community  organisations and in unions. They talk about a  new non-racist, non-sexist, democratic South  Africa where women are no longer beaten and  where women take up their rightful place as  leaders alongside men.  Are you interested in keeping up to dale with all  of this? And supporting this non-profit-making  magazine? Then subscribe to SPEAK!  Send US $20 to:  SPEAK, P.O. Box 45213, Mayfair, 2018,  Johannesburg, South Africa.  JUNE 1994 What's News  by Lissa Geller  Submitting to  sex not consent  Women's groups, including the Women's Legal Education and Action Fund  (LEAF), say the overturning of a Nova Scotia  ruling by tine Supreme Court of Canada is a  step in the right direction towards defining  the concept of consent in cases of sexual  assault.  The Supreme Court found that the Nova  Scotia Court of Appeal had erred when it  ruled that, because a young girl had not  shown resistance to sexual assault by her  step-father, she had in fact consented. The  Nova Scotia ruling argued that, "the complainant must be shown to have offered  some minimal word or gesture of objection,  otherwise submission or lack of resistance  must be equated with consent."  The overturning of that decision by the  highest court in Canada "is an amazing opportunity to use this case for future definitions of what consent is in criminal law,"  says LEAF spokesperson Mary Teresa  Devlin. "Had the Supreme Court upheld the  [Nova Scotia] ruling, it would have reinforced the presumption that women are sexually available until they resist."  LEAF intervened in the case because of  the case's constitutional ramifications for  the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and  how they relate to women's equality rights.  LEAF argued that, given that the vast majority of sexual assault victims are women and  the vast majority of offenders are men, the  case should be evaluated by recognizing that  those least likely to be able to resist, including immigrant women, women of colour,  the extremely young and the extremely old,  are those most in need of protection from the  court. LEAF lawyer Chantel Tie notes that  "to allow a standard that disadvantages  [women] in a more fundamental way is to  take away their equality and to leave the  most vulnerable the least protected."  Child brides  in Canada  A recent ruling in Montreal has left  women's and immigrant's groups angry over  the racist and sexist treatment by the courts  of child brides in Canada.  A judge in Montreal has acquitted a 50-  year-old man, accused of assaulting his 13-  year-old wife. The 13-year-old woman was  sponsored for immigration from the Dominican Republic by the man earlier this  year.  The girl, who fled the abusive relationship soon after arriving in Canada, was sheltered at the Secours aux Femmes, a shelter  for immigrant women who are victims of  abuse. She was the youngest resident at the  shelter.  The courtacquittal came in part because  the judge questioned the girl's motives for  marrying the man in the first place. Judge  Joel Guberman agreed with lawyers for the  accused who argued that the marriage was a  ticket out of the Dominican Republic for the  girl, which puts her "credibility" into serious question.  A spokesperson for the Secours aux  Femmes shelter, Marcia Aiquel, says shelter  workers and residents are horrified at the  judge's decision. This means that "as a  woman, the onus remains on you as the  victim to prove that you didn't ask to be  abused," she says.  ShelterworkerOmairaFalconadds,"  is true that she married him in order to come  to this country, [but] does that give him the  right to rape...and to sodomize her?"  Women's groups are also concerned  that this ruling will encourage more men to  seek child brides from the developing world  in return for imigration to Canada. In most  cases, the girls come from poor families with  few choices, and the girls are often left  physicially and financially at the mercy of  their husbands. Many of them speak little or  no English or French and know nothing of  their rights in Canada. Of the 78 women who  stayed at Secours Aux Femmes in 1993, more  than half were immigrants sponsored by  their husbands.  Sex Misconduct  The British Columbia government has  finally responded to repeated requests from  women's groups to allow the public to participate in the reviews of physicians accused  of sexual misconduct.  An amendment to the BC Medical Practitioners Act will create a new review committee structure that will include representation from the public and create a new  position within the College of Physician's  and Surgeon's, with the mandate to specifically investigate complaints of sexual misconduct.  The amendments also make it mandatory for the College to cancel or suspend a  physician's license if they are found guilty of  sexual misconduct.  In keeping with the amended legislation, the new committee must draw at least  one-third of its members from the general  population. The committee will also be responsible for establishing a new, special process for investigating sexual misconduct, reviewing the results of the investigations and  recommending whether the complaints  should proceed to a hearing.  The law also stipulates that all members  of the College will now be required to report  any suspected sexual misconduct by another physician. It is not yet clear how this  will be enforced.  The amendments follow an internal report from the College recommending the  changes as well as numerous calls from  women's groups across the province.  Tamoxifen tests show  serious side effects  The director of the National Women's  Health Network in the United States has  demanded that a US Senate panel move to  stop the testing of the drug tamoxifen on  healthy women who are at risk of breast  cancer.  "We believe this trial is too risky for  healthy women," Cynthia Pearson told a  Senate panel on cancer in May. "The tests  should be stopped and anexpert panel should  evaluate the whole $68 million project."  Pearson pointed to studies that show  tamoxifen has serious side effects including  blood clots, increased gastrointestinal cancers, depression and eye and liver damage.  A representative of the American Public Health Association, Dr. Joanne Lukomnik,  has also said that tamoxifen is "a potentially  dangerous drug" that should not be administered to healthy women.  The project currently involves 11,000  women and will involve as many as 16,000  women when it is completed next year. Tests  on tamoxifen are one of two breast cancer  studies that have recently been shown to  contain falsified data.  The National Cancer Institute, which is  administering and conducting the study,  has suspended recruitment for the tamoxifen  study after determining that officials were  slow to act against the research fraud.  Ontario Gay Rights  Ontario's Attorney General Marion  Boyd has announced wide-sweeping legislative changes which would guarantee the  rights of same-sex couples in a variety of  circumstances. Calling the legislation the  "jewel in her crown," Boyd said the legislation would end legal discrimination against  lesbians and gay men by allowing them the  same rights and privileges as straight people.  Tom Warner of the Coalition for Lesbian and Gay Rights in Ontario says the  changes "represent a victory for the voices of  equality and human rights, and a defeat for  OCTOPUS BOOKS  1146 Commercial Dr.  Vancouver, B.C.  253-0913  An alternative bookstore in the  east end for new and used  books by local and international women authors as well as a  large selection of cards and  feminist magazines.  those promoting or pandering to discrimination and intolerance."  However, the government's response  to the motion has been to call for a free vote  on this issue, meaning it will allow its  caucus members to vote according to their  "conscience," and not along party lines. It is  unclear how many NDP caucus members  support the changes. The Liberal Party is  divided on the changes and the Progressive  Conservative Party is expected to be solidly  opposed to the legislation.  The new changes will affect up to 79  statutes that currently restrict access to everything from adopting children to employee  benefits to straight couples only. The government expects that debate on the changes  will begin as Kinesis goes to press.  Similar legislation is being developed in  British Columbia but it is unclear what form  it will take and how long it will be before the  government introduces the changes.  Human rights  in Kanesetake  The Quebec Native Women's Association, the National Action Committee on the  Status of Women (NAC), and the Civil Liberties Union have joined forces to condemn  human rights abuses on the Mohawk reserve of Kanesetake.  Acts of intimidation, violence and  threats were first brought to the public's  attention in January, when these three  groups, along with other public agencies  and federal departments, documented violations on the reserve.  The violations involve at least one member of the Band Council on the reserve,  apparently with the full knowledge of the  continued on page 7  The Port Coquitlam Area Women's Centre  2nd Annual  Women's Street Dance  Happy 19lhBH1idcv  Saturday June 18  6:00 pm to 11:00 pm  Women Only  Tickets: sliding scale $6 - $10  limited subsidized tickets  ft  SueMcQowan  Sharon CosteUo  Carol Weaver  Sylvi - folkjazz that rocks the "norm"  displays, dancing, food, dancing and  much, much more ... did we mention  tfifjON&l11  Volunteers are needed  call 941-6311.  2420 Maryhlll Rd.  Port Coquitlam  Tickets available  Vancouver Status Of Women  255-5511  Pt. Coq. Area Women's Centre  941-6311  JUNE 1994 News  Women on the picket line:  SFU lays off janitors  by Teresa McCarthy and wendy lee  kenward  More than 50 janitors at Simon Fraser  University (SFU) lost their jobs when the  university recently awarded its cleaning contract to the Marriott Corporation of Canada,  a Canadian subsidiary of an American-based  company.  The workers, most of whom are women,  people of colour, and older people, were laid  off, enabling Marriott to hire new janitors at  a lower rate.  In April, the the SFU board of governors  (BOG), the university's decision-making  body, accepted a bid from Marriott for its  janitorial contract. BOG's only stipulation  was that the company's employees be represented by a certified union. Once this stipulation was met, the contract went to the company with the lowest bid.  BOG's decision to accept Marriott's proposal for the janitorial contract was based on  projected savings of approximately $300,000  over a three-year period, amounting to an  estimated savings of one percent of SFU's  annual budget.  According to some students, the same  savings could be achieved if the university's  faculty and administration took a fifty cent  decrease in their monthly wages.  "We want the university to implement a  fair wage policy," says Jennifer Whiteside of  the Simon Fraser Student Society (SFSS).  Whiteside is also president of one of SFU's  campus union locals. SFU administrators  "have been given livable wages—these folks  [janitors] have been given the shaft—we don't  think that's right." According to a leaflet  published by the outgoing janitors' union,  Construction and General Workers Union,  Local 602, wages which were in the range of  $9.49 per hour to $11.01 per hour, plus medical and dental benefits, have been reduced to  $7.50 per hour across the board, with no  medical and dental benefits.  Members of BOG have admitted there  was a possibility that thenew company would  hire new workers at lower wages, but this  wasn'ta concern, thus their decision to award  the cleaning contract to Marriott seemed to be  made without consideration for the impact it  would have on janitorial workers.  "The people who are expendable are  those who do not have access to decision  making," says Donna Lee, an SFU student.  "None of [the janitors] are in BOG, and those  in BOG are making the decisions." Once  Marriotthad secured the contractalljanitorial  employees were laid off. Only "five out of 60  employees were rehired by Marriott and one  of those has since quit (as a result of working  conditions)," states Ann Beil, Business Representative for Local 602.  Jass Pablo worked as a janitor for SFU for  ten years before she was laid off. Pablo supported her family of four, working for an  average of $1000 per month cleaning at SFU.  Pablo re-applied for her job, but Marriott did  not hire her. She is trying to get her job back  but says, "they are not giving us anything—  IMIIIIMIIIIMI  San gam Grant R.P.C.  REGISTERED PROFFESSIOMAL COUNSELLOR  Private Practitioner,  Workshop + Group Therapist  phone (604) 253-5007  when the music changes se does the dance...  Picketing: Jass Pablo (right) and friend  everything [is] for the University, nothing  for the janitors. And we are working so hard  for them!"  Missing a day of high school, Manjoo  Pablo joined the picket line in support of her  mother and all the people who lost their jobs.  She says SFU's treatment of these people was  "pitiful".  "We blame the University", says  Delphina Girardi, who has worked at SFU as  a janitor for 17 years. She has experienced  three contract changeovers, none of which  resulted in layoffs. Girardi was being paid  $9.49 an hour under the most recent contract.  Had she been re-hired under Marriott, her  wage would have dropped to $7.50 per hour,  a decrease of $1.99 per hour. Now, after  laying her off, Marriott has suggested she go  back to school, ignoring Girardi's desire to  continue working until retirement.  "I want to work seven more years and  get my pension," says Girardi.  Once workers realized they were not  going to be rehired, they initiated a job action, beginning with an information campaign of leaflettingand letter writing. Lackof  response from SFU led to workers forming  an information picket line and holding a  rally on May 3rd and 4th.  "We are really happy about the number  of union locals that turned out to support  this," says Darlene Gage of Simon Fraser  Public Interest Research Group (SF PIRG).  DR. PAULETTE ROSCOE  NA TUROPA THIC PHYSICIAN  HOMEOPATHY  COUNSELLING  DETOXIFICATION  HYCROFT MEDICAL CENTER  108-3195 GRANVILLE ST.  VANCOUVER, B.C. V6H 3K2  731-4183  In support of the janitors, members of  campus union locals and some students  joined in or refused to cross the picket line  on May 3rd and 4th.  However, says Gage, "there were an  unusually highnumberof faculty, students,  and business people who crossed this line."  Catherine Snowden, an SFU student,  adds, "There were hordes of people crossing the picket lines, such as unionized Pub  employees."  In reaction to the picket line, SFU applied for a court injunction at the Labour  Relations Board (LRB). The LRB ruling that  the picket was illegal came through on Wed  May 4th but by that time the picketers were  already holding a rally on campus.  Marriott met the union requirement  by striking an agreement with the Service  Workers Union of British Columbia. There  is uncertainty over whether the Service  Workers Union is certified to represent  Marriott's new workers, as the union seems  to have been in place before the new workers were hired.  In her response to a letter from John  Stubbs, president of SFU, Local 602's Beil  writes, "We wonder how you can claim  that the tender requirements have been met  when, as of the date of writing of your  letter, the facts show that those requirements had not and still have not been met.  "Indeed, there are currently two (2)  Applications for Certification before the Labour Relations Board, but filed by two (2) different Unions, [the Service Workers and British  Columbia Government Employees  Union(BCGEU)],both of whomclaim to represent [Marriott's] employees. Neither of those  Unions are certified for these employees."  Strikers and supporters are describing the  Service Workers Union as a "rat union," which  in this context is a union which undermines the  existing union by coming into place when a  new corporation takes over a workplace and  cuts wages and benefits.  Since it is not apparent whether the Service Workers Union is certified to represent  Marriott's workers, another union, BCGEU,  attempted to sign up Marriott's new workers.  The attempts to represent Marriott's employees by both the Service Workers Union and  BCGEU undermine the position of the existing  union, Local 602. Local 602 has since filed unfair labour practice charges against both the  Service Workers Union and the BCGEU.  Whatever the LRBdecides,itwon'tchange  the fact that almost 60 people have lost their  jobs or that those hired to replace them face  lower wages and no benefits.  Some activists say lay offs and concurrent  replacement of workers by lower-paid workers, such as in the case of SFU, leads to the  levelling of wages of all Canadian workers and  is an indirect effect of the North American Free  Trade Agreement.  "This reflects an international trend. Policies such as this are typical in the era of Free  Trade," says SFU student Leah Vosko.  Workingconditions and wage levels of the  most disadvantaged workers in our society,  largely women of colour and immigrant  women, are indicative of the Canadian state's  attempts to level wages and make Canadian  capital internationally competitive, says  Nandita Sharma. Sharma, an SFU student and  activist, says "what has happened at SFU will  happen to all other workers in Canada to make  Canada competitive on a global scale."  As Girardi puts it, echoing the practicality  of the janitors' demands: "All we our  jobs the same wages!"  As Kinesis goes to press, no decision has  been reached by the Labour Relations Board  regarding the charges made by both sides.  Teresa McCarthy is an employee of Simon  Fraser Student Society and is just beginning  to contemplate life off the hill, wendy lee  kenward has recently completed her Bachelor  of Arts at SFU and is currently working as an  Early Childhood Educator in Vancouver.  INA DENNEKAMP  Piano Service  MUNRO • PARFITT  LAWYE R S  quality legal services in a  woman friendly atmosphere  labour/employment,  human rights,  criminal law and  public interest advocacy.  401-825 granvilie street,  Vancouver, b.c. v6z 1 k9  689-7778(ph)      689-5572 (fax)  JUNE 1994 Movement Matters  listings information  Movement Matters is designed to be s  network of news, updates and information of special interest to the women's movement.  Submissions to Movement Matters|  should be no more than 500 words,  typed, double spaced and may bel  edited for length. Deadline is the 18th]  of the month preceding publication  by Shannon e. Ash  Broomstick  shuts down  Broomstick, the only feminist publication for, by and about "Midlife and long-  living women" in North America has ceased  publication due to lack of money.  Billed as "A Quarterly National Magazine by, for and about Women Over Forty,"  the feminist journal was in its 15th year of  bringing "the observations of mid-life and  long-living feminists toa limited but thoughtful audience."  Broomstick has thousands of back issues  of the publication in stock and is requesting  women to purchase as many back issues as  possible. Themes of back issues include: The  "New Older Women's Movement" (Dec 78);  "Disability" (Apr 79); "A Divorced Older  Woman" (Jun 79); "The Myths of Menopause" (Dec 80); "Aging Relatives" (May/  Jun 82); "Employment" (Sep 83); "We Cannot Accept Racism" (May/Jun 84); "Ageism  in the Women's Movement" (Mar/Apr 86);  and "Religion and Feminism Update" (Jul/  Aug 88).  Costs will cover shipping and handling  only and are $3 for $15 worth of back issues,  which is also the minimum order requirement. Send cheques to Broomstick, 354318th  Street, No. 3, San Francisco, C A 94110, USA.  Lesbian Mag in Brazil  Lesbertaria is a new Portugese-language  lesbian newsletter in Brazil. For a sample  copy send an international money order in  the amount of US $3 to: Caixa Postal, 01495-  970 Sao Paolo, SP Brazil.  Aid to  Fight Kemano 2  The Carrier Sekani Tribal Council's fight  to stop Alcan's Kemano 2 project—a massive water diversion project in the northern  coast of British Columbia—is being led by  the Cheslatta Carrier Nation.  The Cheslatta Carrier Nation is requesting financial assistance to continue the fight  against the Alcan project. Alcan is one of  Canada's largest corporations. The Nation is  currently facing a deficit of $100,000 from  this fight. To date, $235,000 has been spent  on phone bills, faxing, postage, travel, legal  fees, research, and salaries. Although the  federal and provincial governments have  offered a total of $150,000 for participation  in the BC Utilities Commission review, the  Carrier Nation has not accepted the money  as they do not consider the review credible.  "We simply have to raise more money to  continue this fight for survival, a fight which  is benefiting Canadians and Americans, Native and non-Native," says Chief Marvin  Charlie. He also thanks those who have  already helped.  If you can help financially, please make  your cheque or money order payable to: The  Cheslatta Kemano Defence Fund and mail  your contribution to: The Kemano 2 Defence  Fund, c/o Cheslatta Nation, PO Box 909,  Burns Lake, BC, Canada, V0J1E0. Contribu  tions can also be made at any branch of the  Royal Bank of Canada. (Acct. #: 500249-8;  Burns Lake branch.) If you do make a direct  deposit, please let the Cheslatta Nation know.  Adoption  Consultations  A three-person team has been a ppointed  to recommend a range of options to improve  adoption policies and practices in British  Columbia.  The team's mandate is to review the  many comments and submissions on adoption issues received over the last year by BC's  Ministry of Social Services, follow up on  outstanding questions, and seek the views of  all affected, including those people who  have been under-represented in the review  process, suchas birth parents, adult adoptees,  and Aboriginal peoples.  All aspects of adoption legislation in BC  are under review, including: access to records;  international adoptions; equity issues such  as the age or marital status of adoptive parents; protection for children, birth and adoptive parents; and the adoption of Aboriginal  children.  The team is composed of: Margaret Lord,  the Comox Valley MLA; Lizabeth Hall, of  the Nuxalkmc Nation from Bella Coola, who  has been working for the United Native  Nations'FamilyReunificationProgram;and  Larry Gilbert, Algonquin Nation, himself  adopted at age five, now practicing law in  Victoria.  The review team is expected to deliver  recommendations by June 30.  Anyone with comments, submissions  or requiring further information should contact: Margaret Lord, MLA, Parliament Buildings, Victoria, BC, V8V1X4. Tel: 387-1789, or  1-800-663-1251.  Hall and Gilbert are seeking input on  the adoption of Aboriginal children. Anyone with comments or submissions should  contact Lizabeth Hall, 4th Floor, 411  Dunsmuir St, Vancouver, BC, V6B 1X4. Tel:  660-2233, Fax: 660-2383.  Open Door  Lending Library  The Open Door, a newsletter for rural  feminists and lesbians, is setting up The  Open Door library, coordinated by Susan  Armstrong, so rural women can enjoy access to a wide diversity of feminist and  lesbian writings.  Women who become borrowers will be  mailed a list of catalogued personal libraries, which will be updated throughout the  year. They can then write or phone the appropriate lender to request books. Books can  be borrowed for four weeks maximum, unless other arrangements are made with the  lender. All books lent be replaced if lost or  damaged, returned on time, and the lender  must be refunded the cost of shipping the  books to you upon their return.  Lenders are requested to mail the coordinator a catalogue of your feminist/lesbian  books, videos, and journals that you are  willing to lend out. Please include fullbiblio-  graphic information (author, title, date, publisher) for each title accompanied by a brief  description. Lenders should have their name  and address on the catalogue; providing  your phone number is optional. Lenders are  requested to keep a record of books borrowed and dates due. Problems should be  reported to the library coordinator. Borrowing guidelines will be printed and mailed to  lenders so they can include them with books  lent out.  The suggested donation for women who  are able to lend books is $5.00; suggested  donation for women who are borrowing  only is $10.00.  Please mail this annual fee and the requested information to: Susan Armstrong  (cheque made out to this name), RR #2, Site  5, Comp 31, Lumby, BC, V0E 2G0. Phone:  (604)547-6991.  Black Lesbians  in Britain  Lesbians Talk: Making Black Waves is the  first book by Black lesbians to document the  lives and history of Black lesbians in Britain.  (In Britain, the term Black encompasses those  whose heritage includes Africa, the Caribbean, South and Southeast Asia and the  Middle East.)  Making Black Waves is by Valerie Mason-John and Ann Khambatta and was published by the UK's Scarlet Press last year. In  64 pages, the book highlights some of the  500-year-old history of Black lesbians in Britain itself and around the world. There are  interviews with Black lesbians about their  lives, political debates, and issues today.  Making Black Waves can be ordered from  the feminist bookshop Silver Moon at 64-68  Charing Cross Road, London WC2H OBB,  UK or by calling 011-44-71-836-7906.  Women in Recovery  SharingOur Strengths is a practical guide  for women interested in directing their own  recovery within a group. It is being sponsored by Women in Active Recovery, a group  for women in New Glasgow, Nova Scotia,  and the Pictou County Women's Centre.  The guide is aimed at reducing the barriers to women recovering from dependence  on alcohol or drugs, and is written in clear  language by women, for women. It will  provide an example of what women can  accomplish in an all-women's recovery  group.  Publication is scheduled for June, 1994.  For more information, contact: Women in  Active Recovery, PO Box 964, New Glasgow, NS B2H 5K7 Tel: (902) 755-4647.  Spanish Feminist  Radio in Toronto  Tejiendo Rebeldias is a feminist collective producing a radio program in Spanish  on CKLN-88.1FM, Toronto, on the first Sunday of every month at 10:30 am. The collective, form edby La tin American heterosexual  women and lesbians, creates a space with  their program for information and discussion about women's struggles. One objective is to spread information about lesbianism and break down stereotypes.  P®s  new and  gently used books     1  1 lllfefl  Feminist  Philosophy - Poetry   1  Native - General  fn9  1 L v-ll  no GST  Open daily 11am-7pm 1  Coffee Bar  1 miiWw MM W  1020 Commercial Drive      1  Vancouver BC V5L 3W9     1  (604) 253-1099  Bonnie Murray  Cynthia Brooke  The collective invites others to contact  them to give ideas and information. "It is  important that our audience knows about  theexistence of groups and activi ties inLa tin  America."  The collective can be reached at: CKLN-  FM, 380 Victoria St, Toronto, ON, Canada,  M5B 1W7 or by calling (416) 595-1477, or  faxing (416) 595-0226.  Books 2 Prisoners  Books 2 Prisoners is a community based  group whose purpose is to broaden the range  of reading materials available to prisoners  throughout Canada. Its mandate is to provide reading material to prisoners by request. All books and magazines are donated  by publishing houses and the group covers  the price of postage, so there is no cost to the  prisoner.  Prisoners can have access to books on a  wide range of subjects including: health,  history, women's issues, Aboriginal issues,  politics, and sexuality plus an array of novels.  Books 2 Prisoners will accept requests  by subject matter or author. Prisoners who  wish to request books, or those seeking more  information, can write to: Books 2 Prisoners,  315 Cambie Street, Vancouver, BC, V6B 2N4.  Lesbians in Croatia  The Croatian lesbian and gay group  LIGMA celebrated a victory recently when it  was allowed to register as an official nongovernmental organization.  LIGMA lost its office with the  Transnational Radical Party and can be  reached at PP 488, HR - 41001, Zagreb,  Croatia, until it finds a new home.  Climb to new heights!  Climbing courses for  beginners taught bu  women, for women  June 11 - 12    Aug. 27 - 28  ($150.00 + gst - incl. equipment)  CANADA WEST  MOUNTAIN SCHOOL |  336 -1367 W. Broadway, Van.  737 - 3053  specialists in mountain safety  for over 12 years What's News  continued from page 4  band chief Jerry Peltier. These human rights  violations have been particularly directed  against women and children who regained  their status in accordance with Bill C31.  "It is utterly unacceptable that these  Native people have to struggle against exclusion from their own community and that  they are victims of discrimination on the part  of their fellow citizens" says a joint press  relase issued in May.  Chief Peltier has repeatedly refused to  meet with the Civil Liberties Union and the  Quebec Native Women's Association, despite assurances in April that the community  intends to "take full responsibility and restore security and order in the community."  The groups involved have serious reservations that the community has not been consulted and that the band's actions may only  serve to open the door to further violations.  Following the refusal of the band to meet  with these groups to discuss how to guarantee the full rights and participation of all  members of the Kanesetake community, the  groups are calling on the Canadian Solicitor  General and the Ministers of Indian Affairs,  Justice and Public Security as well as Quebec's Minister of Cultural Affairs to meet  with them and, if necessary, intervene on  behalf of the women and children on the  reserve.  RU486  Pressure from anti-choice groups is making the makers of the RU-486 abortion pill  uninterested in selling the drug in Canada.  The drug, which some pro-choice groups  have cautiously endorsed as a safe alternative to surgical abortions, has been in use in  Europe and was later approved for use in  France.  RU 486 works by blocking development of hormones necessary for fetal implantation. The body expells the embryo  approximately two days after the pill is  taken and is said to be 97 percent effective.  Roussel Uclaf will not be applying for  a license to sell RU-496 in Canada until  invited to do so by the Canadian government because the company does not want  to be involved in the distribution of the drug  in countries where "there is conflict about  abortion," says spokesperson Dr. Catherine  Euvard with the French company.  "Pro-life groups...threaten Roussel  Uclaf with horrible things, with boycotts,  and call us criminals," said Euvard in an  interview with the Canadian Press,  In response, Health Minister Diane  Marleau says federal officials will not be  inviting Roussel Uclaf into Canada. "They're  going to wait a long time before they're  invited," she "It [drug licensing] doesn't  work that way."  Meanwhile in the US, drug testing of  RU-486 is set to begin on 2,000 American  women over the next 17 months after the US  president invited Roussel Uclaf to apply for  a patent in the US for the drug. The drug  will be adminstered by doctors, and women's health will be monitored to determine  side effects and problems. RU-486 is also be  used to treat some forms of breast cancer,  uterine fibroids and brain tumours. If the  testing is successful, the drug may be available to American women as early as the fall  of 1995.  Child protection law  British Columbia's child protection  laws will be amended following the beating  T-SHIRTS  AND  SWEATSHIRTS  HEAVYWEIGHT  100% COTTON T-SHIRTS  100% COTTON SWEATSHIRTS  AVAILABLE IN THESE COLOURS  NATURAL, BLUE, BLACK  BUTTERSCOTCH & THESE SIZES  L, XL  T-SHIRT $26.00  SWEATSHIRT $40.00  vo6°  ^  €  ^s#-^  T-SHIRT SQ  L □  [_□ XLQ  SWEAT   SQ L □  LQ XLQ  OR SEND A CHEQUE OR MONEY ORDER TO:  EDGEWISE ENTERPRISES LTD.  636 BLACKFOREST PLACE WATERLOO, ONT.,  CANADA N2V 1R4  ALLOW 2-3 WEEKS  death of a seven-year-old boy by his mother  in 1992. The 14-year-old law, which has  been considered badly outdated and inadequate for many years now by children's  advocates, will be amended to include a  number of changes.  These include:  •the protection of children who are  "likely to be" abused and a broader definition of abuse, including physical, sexual,  emotionaland psychological forms of abuse;  •the creation of a Child and Family  Review Board that will appointed by the  Minister but be external to the ministry. The  board will be responsible for reviewing and  remedying complaints regarding the breach  of the rights of children in care;  •court orders will be made more flexible to give judges a wider range of choices  for placing at risk children with extended  family members or others;  •greater emphasis to be placed on family conferences and mediation and developing wider ranges of family support services.  As well, the Ministry has tabled a new  bill which creates a child, youth and family  advocate who will be independent of the  legislatire and appointed by an all-party  committee.  Healthcare  reforms in BC  Women's groups in the Lower Mainland met in May to discuss concerns about  the government's proposed health care re-  formsand their impacton women. Approximately 55 women came together to discuss  the proposals and make recommendations  to the government on how women can be  better served in the health care system.  "Women are the main users of health  care systems and primarily responsible for  the family's health" noted Laura Sterling of  the Vancouver Women's Health Collective.  Despite this, she added, the system is often  very inaccessible to them since it is overly  bureaucratic and paternalistic.  "It's the idea that you don't need to  know, that you can't or won't understand,  and that you should not be challenging authority," that prevents women from being  empowered in the current health care system, Sterling said.  Major areas that the 13 focus groups at  the meeting were concerned about included;  access to and availability of services, consumer education about the system, care provider education, the provision of basic needs  and public health care, preventative care,  and addressing the social causes of poor  health such as poverty and family violence.  As well, the meeting brought foward  concern that the "Closer To Home" initiative  of the BC government, where families are  encouraged to care for loved ones at home  rather than putting them in hospital care,  undervalues and exploits women's labour.  is delighted to announce  thac she is now practising I;  with the law firm of  Smith and Hughes  321-1525 RobsonSt.  phone 683-4176  Smith and Hughes offer a full range of  legal sendees to the lesbian, gay and  bisexual communities of Vancouver.  Initial consultations are without charge.  Closer to Home fails to adequately address and redress the fact that the existing  system works because it is supported by  women's under-paid or unpaid labour, and  it simply continues the existing unfairness  and could likely result in more of the burden  falling 'closer to home' for women, says  health activists.  Women's groups are calling on the government and other stakeholders in the reform to designate specific dollar amounts to  preventative care, and to create health advocates to provide support and education to  consumers on how to access the system and  how to negotiate within it.  by Agnes Huang  Guidelines on  disclosure  In an unanimous decision released May  16, the BC Court of Appeal ruled that the  privacy rights of sexual assault victims should  not be violated in allowing the disclosure of  their records kept by therapists, psychiatrists,  psychologists, or counsellors ("medical  records").  The Court was responding to the appeal of  the stay of proceedings in the trial of Bishop  Hubert O'Connor. A stay of proceedings means  thata new trial cannotbe held unless the stay is  overturned.  In 1991, O'Connor was charged with rape  and indecentassaultof four Aboriginal women.  Thecharges stem fromincidentsthathappened  in the mid-1960s at a residential school in  Williams Lake. In 1992, the trial was stopped in  part because the judge did not have confidence  that the defence had received all the information about the complainants to which it was  entitled.  In its decision released in two parts, the BC  Court Court of Appeal said that it is necessary  to balance the privacy rights of women laying  sexual assault charges and the rights of the  accused to make "full answer and defence" to  the charges when deciding on whether or not  disclose medical records.  A coalition of four women's groups—the  Aboriginal Women's Council, the Canadian  Association of Sexual Assault Centres,  DisAbled Women's Network Canada, and the  Women's Legal Education and Action Fund-  had intervened at the BC Court of Appeal to  argue that disclosure of complainants' records  never relevant in sexual assault cases.  While the court said that a request for  access to medical records should notamount to  a "fishing expedition" by the accused to dig up  information that could be damaging in a trial,  it held that in some instances, this information  may be admitted as evidence.  The judgment set out specific guidelines  for requesting medical records to "balance the  rights between the accused and the victim."  The guidelines set up a two-step process for  determining whether or not medical records  should be disclosed to the accused.  In the first step, the accused must prove  that the medical recordsare likely to be relevant  either to an issue in the trial, or with respect to  the competence of the victim as a witness. The  second step requires the court to review the  documents and release them only if the court  determines that they would add to the accused's ability to make full answer and defense  to the charges.  In the first part of its ruling released on  March 30, the BC Court of Appeal set aside the  stay of proceedings and ordered a new trial for  O'Connor.  However, Bishop O'Connor will not stand  trial for a while, if at all. Because the trial ended  in a stay, O'Connor has the automatic right to  appeal the Court of Appeal's decision to the  Supreme Court of Canada. The four women  still have to wait for the Supreme Court's decision before they know if O'Connor will ever  stand trial. Feature  Community Policing in BC:  Not solving the problem  by Bonnie Agnew  The following submission on Community Based Policing was originally presented  to the Oppal Commission on Policing in BC  last year. The Oppal Commission's report is  due to be released this month.  The concept of community policing is  being promoted and implemented at breakneck speed in this country. An investigation  of its origins, whose interests it serves, and  why the swift and widespread marketing,  seems urgent.  Current changes in "police service delivery" are being championed by the federal  Solicitor General and his provincial counterparts, police chiefs organizations, police associations, criminologists, big city mayors,  and some citizen groups. Yet none of these  groups are advocates for the equality of  Canadian women. Indeed, many are responsible for interfering with the advancement of  equality. For example, although the Police  Services Department of the BC Attorney  General's Office admits that "a number of  groups have been marginalized by existing  policing services, including youth, senior  citizens, visible minorities, women, disabled people," their 15-member Advisory  Committee on Police Services did not include women's equality representatives.  Yet a working definition of Community-Based Policing has been developed by  women's groups. They say the police's predominant focus can no longer be on law  enforcement to the exclusion of other means  of dealing with crime problems, and that the  emphasis must be shifted to "crime problem  solving."  According to BC's Community Policing  Advisory Committee Report of March, 1993  (the 1993 Horner Report), the objectives of  community policing initiatives are to reflect  "ongoing commitment by the police and the  community to work in partnership to increase safety in the community, and to enhance the quality of life, with the corollary  that community policing places emphasis  on the ongoing police-community partnership in problem solving."  Over 150 years ago, the Metropolitan  London police provided the first model for  modern urban, community policing. The  first of the recent experiments in Community Policing in BC were conducted in 1976  at a storefront venue in the Cedar Cottage  neighbourhood at 4065 Victoria Drive in  Vancouver. The basic idea was to provide  services not supplied at the time by police  operations. The storefront established itself  as partoftheCedarCottage Neighbourhood  House complex "affording itself ready access to any of the estimated 5,000 people  attending the house during a one-month  period." But, in nine months, the station was  only contacted 317 times. These were mostly  for immediate assistance, not for the other  kinds of services being promoted, such as  crime prevention or problem solving.  "The success of the storefront," an evaluation of the project for the Solicitor General's  Office tells us, "relied on this traffic as it  facilitated one of the goals of the storefront,  which was information collection about residents' activities."  But it is the Victoria, BC Community  Police (CP) Stations which have served as a  model from which much of the current definition and data is being derived. These were  initiated in several Victoria neighbourhoods  in 1988, continuing into 1992.  One of the objectives of this program  was to reduce the occurrence of crime. An  evaluation of the CP Stations reveals that of  the 13 offence categories represented, there  was a decline from 1987 to 1990 in five  specific categories: break and enter of businesses, of residences, motor vehicle theft,  total theft and bicycle theft. These are all  property crimes. The CP Stations did not,  however, expend a lot of effort on crimes  against people, and against women in particular. Meanwhile, homicides went up from  one to six; assaults from 916 to 1,338; and sex  offenses from 77 to 143. We do not want nor  need community police stations where even  more attention gets paid to crimes against  property and even less to crimes against  women.  Another objective of the CP Stations  was to reduce fear of crime. According to the  evaluation, four neighbourhoods showed a  very small increase in the number who felt  safe after dark. This improvement does not  enough on law enforcement. When we call  police, we want their focus to be on enforcing the laws against those sexually assaulting us, watching and besetting us, battering  us, and so on. We are calling 911 for swift  response and law enforcement and, at that  moment, for no other means of dealing with  the crime.  The Community Policing Advisory  Committee Report informs us that "quick  call response (911) is difficult and decisions  have been to limit services by not responding to some calls for service. Because life-  threatening events make up a small percentage of the calls for police service, basing the  organization of police services around rapid  response may not be appropriate."  Many of these life-threatening events  are calls made by women. What we need are  improvements in responses to our calls to  We do not want nor need community police  stations where even more attention gets paid to  crimes against property and even less to  crimes against women.  appear to have any direct relationship to the  presence of the police, particularly when  one takes into consideration the fact that the  stations were either not open or only had  limited hours of evening operations.  The last objective was to increase the  reporting of intelligence information, as at  the Cedar Cottage storefront project. "It was  anticipated by upper management personnel that the police program would stimulate  the public to report notonly criminal activity  but also activities of a suspicious nature. The  latter was considered of pro-active value  and was seen as helpful by the police in their  crime prevention efforts."  In fact, public use of the station was  m inimal. The number of calls to report crimes  or suspicious activities had gone down. People reported disorderly behaviour and calls  continued to come in for immediate assistance, though they were not answered at  night nor given high priority during the day.  For "Charter-driven" policing  And so to the present. There is no doubt  there is significant tension in the justice and  police service delivery systems caused by  the Canadian Charter of Rights and  Freedoms. I believe this tension must be  broken only in ways that transform the system in favour of women's equality. I do not  support an alternate delivery system as a  way out of the tension. Any new delivery  system must also be "charter driven".  Emphasis on law enforcement  It is not most women's experience that  when crimes are committed against us, that  the police's predominant focus is on law  enforcement. Many women's equality seeking groups presenting to the 1993 Oppal  Commission on Policing across BC made it  quite clear that, for women victims of sexual  and physical assaults, the police do not focus  WOMEN  IN  PRINT  BOOKS & OTHER MEDIA  Discounts for  book clubs  3566 West 4th Avenue  ^  Vancouver BC  Special orders  Voice   604 732-4128  welcome  Fax       604 732-4129  10-6 Daily ♦   12-5 Sunday  911, improvements in both immediacy and  effectiveness. The move to decentralization  of services, with even less emphasis on rapid  response, can only.increase police response  time and undermine the importance of our  calls for assistance. This can only be more  dangerous for women.  Against individual crime solving  Feminists have long taken the view that  wife battering is a public problem of women's unequal status, not of private, individual  relationship dysfunctions or malfunctions.  Any attempt at individual "crime problem  solving" between the police and the batter-  inghusband and thewomen will make things  worse than they are now. We want what we  called police for: immediate response, immediate relief from the violence, and an immediate and competent investigation and  application of procedure.  The Victoria Community Police Stations  evaluation calls for "follow-up with every  citizen victimized in the area, with a view to  assisting them in developing personal crime  prevention strategies." Again we say this is a  return to the notion that every individual  woman can prevent wife beating, sexual as  sault, or a father's incestuous assaulting  crimes.  We already know that this crime  problem can not be solved on an individual basis and cannot be solved without extensive improvements to the status  of women in the whole country and indeed in the whole world. We need the  removal of the barriers to our inequality  and, in this case, the police would be even  more of a barrier to the equal power  relations we are fighting for.  According to the 1993 Horner Report, "crime problem solving" includes  "crime prevention programs." These community crime prevention programs are to  be led by police and community agencies.  For 20 years, we have objected to the  police's individualistic, woman-blaming  programs known as 'Lady Beware' and  'Woman Alone.' The recent Surrey Police  response to the "Surrey Rapist" is a good  example. The police contribution was to  deal with the rapes as a property crime,  and to recommend to women the hardware to use that might prevent a break  and enter. These are all regressive moves  for women. They blame women victims,  as well as falsely reassure us that we can  prevent all male violence against us.  These recommendations also undermine the work done by feminist centres  and groups to which women turn for  help in far greater numbers than they do  to police. Police methods focus on "adjusting" the woman so that she adapts to  the reality of our inequality, while they  demand no adjustment, let alone transformation, of the systems that contribute  to our inequality.  There must be public accountability  of the police to the citizenry.  The Horner Reportalso recommends  the establishment of citizen consultative  or advisory committees. We know this  means, as it did in the Victoria experiment, that "the citizen volunteer is to play  a supportive role under the directional  leadership of the police," not a co-productive partnership role.  Nowhere is there any description of  or recommendation for what we have  continued to call for, and that is formal  structures and meaningful accountability of the police to the citizenry.  Bonnie Agnew works at Vancouver Rape  Relief and Women's Shelter.  EastsicIe DataGrapIhcs  1460 Commercial DmvE     teI: 255*9559 Fax: 255 5075  • Acnylics  • WatercoLours  • Oil pAiivr  • STRETchEd Canvas  /4*t 4ufflUie& conveniently H  f|KPlj    facetted i*t et&ovi neiyAfowi/uwd! |lfl^  OfficE SuppliES Art Suppliss  •^^■•UNioN Shop REcycUd pApER pRoduas (J^ Women  in  South  Africa  Parti  Table of Contents  Chronology of the  struggle: pages 9,12-13  Interview with Brigitte  Mabandla,  ANC: pages 10,16  Interview with Mum'Lydia  Kompe,  Rural Women's  Movement: pagesll,16  Report from South  Africa: pages 14-15  Kinesis would like-to thank: D. Lydia  Masemola, L. Muthoni Wanyeki, Faith  Jones, Amal Hassan-keyd, Cynthia Low,  Sur Mehat, WendyFrostand Agnes Huang  for their help with transcribing, editing  and layout.  All photographs are by Fatima Jaffer,  except p. 14-15 by Fatima Mussa.  Also, thanks to the following people  in South Africa who helped make this  report possible: Juno Walker, Themba  Ndaba, Khadija Jaffer Dawood, Rosalee  Telela, Doreen Zimbizi, Zaidi Harneker,  Marie-Helene, Mmatshilo Motsei, Badu  Pule, the women at Speak, the women in  the Johannesburg Lesbian Forum, and  many many many more.  border graphic courtesy of Sister Namibia;  adapted by Sur Mehat  The first "free" elections in South Africa took place in April this year,  after almost 400 years of struggle against white colonization. Kinesis  celebrates the victory of the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa  and abroad with two 8-page supplements. Parti will appear in our next  issue.  In the last 50 years, colonization in South  Africa took the form of apartheid, which mean  "separate development" in Afrikaans, which relied on race classifications as the basis for its  attempt to "divide and rule" the land and its  people. Anti-apartheid liberation movements  subverted apartheid by forging alliances across  race lines, and with all peoples of colour in South  Africa in the form of united black movements of  resistance.  Given this con text and for our Sou th Africa  coverage, Kinesis uses the term (upper-cased B)  "Black" to denote people of African origin, and  the term (lower-cased b) "black" when referring  to all peoples of colour. In the South African  context, the term "Indian" is also sometimes  used to denote people of South Asian origin.  According to the latest estimates, there are  more than 32 million people in South Africa, of  which 75 percent are Black, 14percent arewhite;  eight percent are "coloured" (mixed race); and  three percent are East and South Asian.  The folloiving is a brief chronology of the  history of colonization of South Africa, and of the  struggle leading up to the recent elections in  South Africa. (Due to space limitations, we are  unable to truly represent the breadth and scope  of the struggle of the various liberation movements—in particular, the contributions of the  country's labour moi'ements. Our chronology  focuses, as mucli as possible, on the contribution  of women in the liberation of the country.)  1652: The Dutch East India company  sets up a food and fuel station at the Cape,  refusing to recognise Khoikhoi and Sans title  to the land. These African peoples had inhabited the land since 8,000 BC. Over the  next two centuries, Dutch settlers are joined  by Huguenots (French protestants) and the  British, and the three colonizing powers wage  war on the different African peoples throughout "South Africa," and on each other in  their efforts to conquer the land.  1860: The first indentured Indian labourers arrive in Natal. About 35 years later,  legislation to limit Indian immigration is  passed.  1899-1902: The Anglo-Boer war divides  thecountry, laying waste to towns and farms,  and killing thousands of people.  1910: The Union of South Africa is established and South Africa is divided into  four colonies: Cape Province; Natal; Orange  Free Trade; and the Transvaal. In addition,  South Africa's government maintains control over Namibia. From 1910, the white  minority government governed by following a policy of racial segregation (unofficial  apartheid). Blacks are excluded from the  vote everywhere but in the Cape Province,  and the right of Blacks to be represented  directly in Parliament is withdrawn. Chinese labourers are repatriated.  1911: It is made an offence for blacks to  break a labour contract.  1912: The South African Native Na-  tionalCouncil (SANNC) is launched. Eleven  years later, it changes its name to the African  National Congress (ANC). The SANNC pro-  tests against passes (identity documents) and  land losses, and demandsbetter treatment of  Africans.  1913: The Natives' Land Act bans Blacks  from purchasing land in most of the country  (about 13 percent of the land is allocated for  Blacks). This leaves thousands of Blacks  landless, forcing many to move onto the  government-controlled reserves (called  bantustans or "homelands" by the South  African government) called Transkei,  Bophuthatswana, Ciskei and Venda (TBVC).  The only Blacks allowed in white areas are  labourers.  1924: The Communist Party of South  Africa parades during the Rand miners'  strike, calling for workers of the world to  "uniteand fight fora white South Africa." A  few years later, it changes its policy to  multiculturalism, and develops a program  for African majority rule with one person,  one vote.  1927: The ANC organizes opposition to  government attempts at removing the vote  of blacks in the Cape and "redefining" the  vote of coloureds.  1936: Blacks are removed from the Cape  voters' rolls.  1943: The ANC Women's League is  formed. As well, Indian women join the  struggle as members of the South African  Indian Congress (SAIC).  1946-7: Indian women play key role in  the SAIC's Passive Resistance Campaign protesting legislation that restricted the freedom of movement of the Indian people.  Over two thousand Indian activists are arrested and jailed for crossing the border  from Natal into the Transvaal.  1947: On March 8, women of all races  participate in anlnternational Women's Day  march in Johannesburg.  1948: The white National Party is voted  into power and apartheid becomes the official state policy of South Africa. Women in government:  A new phase of struggle  by Brigitte Mabandla, as told to Fatima Jaffer  The following is an interview with Brigitte Mabandla, who  was elected into the new South African government last April.  Kinesis spoke with Mabandla in Johannesburg before  the elections when Mabandla was a senior legal researcher  and gender project coordinator at the Community Law  Centre, University of the Western Cape; and a member of the  African National Congress (ANC) Women's League and of  the National Women's Coalition.  Fatima Jaffer: You're currently 66th on the ANC's national election list so it's likely you will soon be sitting in the  National Assembly. Do you see yourself as being able to  continue to represent women and women's interests when  you're in government?  Brigitte Mabandla: The ANC hasn't as yet set up its  structure for government so I don't really know [in what  capacity] I will be [serving]. But I know that we are a team,  as women, who have a strategizing unit for the ANC. We  also have an emancipation committee in the ANC which  looks at issues of women and development, of rights, and  even of structures for negotiation. We are all committed to  pushing gender [issues] and we have made actual plans on  how to go about it. So though I don't know exactly what my  task will be in the national assembly, rest assured, I will be  representing women and I will be pushing on gender issues.  Jaffer: One of the issues I've heard women talk about is  the dangers of women in positions of political office losing  touch with women on the ground, "selling out," living in big  houses, getting caught up in the system. There is a concern  that women who were part of the liberation movements are  not going to remember where they came from once they're  in office.  Mabandla: I think we will have a lot of that kind of thing  coming, not from women themselves but more from those  "monitoring" us, who have no good will. The media for  example, might pick on certain women and try to play up  certain weaknesses. We anticipate and are anxious about  that. But at a practical level, I think we have the trust of  women on the ground.  But you're also right, it depends how we perform. Only  then will the gulf [between women] go. There will be difference [between women]. I don't think we can deny difference  on the basis of colour. Now ethnicity is cropping in because  of the very strong Zulu lobby during the negotiations process, and we're going to have that coming out more and more.  Then there's difference in terms of where we are situated,  whether rural or urban, literate or illiterate; difference on the  class question, the degree of means.  The awareness of differences is important in terms of  strategies, development, growth and the general well being  of women. We need to recognize we are different and that,  in fact, by being in parliament, you do change, in the sense  that you earn more, you are the first crop of African women  who find themselves in positions of power where that didn't  exist before, and I can't deny that I come from that core of  people.  But I still think that the woman on the ground will  appreciate us if we can deliver the goods'. It's like where a  revolutionary movement is led by an intellectual like a  Nelson Mandela, the ordinary man on the street will respect  Mandela provided Mandela is still the Mandela who consults, who can be taken to  task. These are the expectations of the people. We have a  code of conduct in the ANC  for parliamentarians or people going into government  which is quite strict. The challenge is whether we will be  able to adhere to that. Yesterday I was talking to Mavivi  [Manzini,] who's my colleague and is on the [ANC list  for] legislature. We've been  working hard together. We  did congratulate ourselves as  South Africans for struggling  and actually attaining our  goal. But then we were looking at ourselves in terms of  the future and, I can tell you,  there was so much commitment. I was very relaxed and  talking about how we are determined to in fact make a  difference for our people, and  how we'll work hard. You  know, we come from a tradition of struggle so there is that  bonding [that comes from  struggle]. So I don't think we'll  be corrupted immediately, if  there is such a thing, as inevitably people get corrupted.  I'm not sure about that, but I  know that we're getting in  (into parliament/elected positions) determined to make a difference and to regard the  new [parliamentary] office as a new struggle. I think that  makes a difference.  Jaffer: When I saw you in the line-up for voting yesterday [April 27], you said you didn't care how long you had  to stand in line, that after all the years of struggle and exile.  How did you feel when you finally got to vote?  Mabandla: Very excited. I tell was something  else.  Jaffer: Was it everything you thought it would be?  Mabandla: Oh yes. Yes.  Jaffer: Many government organizations working to address the problems faced by women were disbanded in face  of the larger movement. For example many grassroots organizations working to address the problems faced by  women, for example, women in squatter camps, folded after  the liberation movements were unbanned in 1990 to make  way for political organizations like the ANC. The impression I have is that women from these organizations were  encouraged to work within the liberation and political movements and, because they didn't want to be perceived as being  in competition with these movements, in fact disbanded  these organizations.  Mabandla: We [women in the ANC] were part of the  globaleffort of advancing the goals [of the ANC]. So, in 1985,  while we were in exile, we decided to do something concrete.  [The women] made attempts at forming organs of civil  society, such as women's organizations. In certain areas, the  idea was to resuscitate the old Federation of South African  Women. At that time, we had a problem with the mass  democratic movement [the United Democratic Front (UDF)].  There was still the old idea of saying, "we struggle first, and  we'll address gender later." So we had to do something  about that. We [the Women's League] used our own ways,  adapted the product for each region, and set up different  forms [of women's structures].  When we [returned from exile,] we had to deal with the  question of whether we should let these [women's organizations] continue, or have the [ANC] Women's League in their  place. We felt we should have the Women's League. But  there were dissenting voices within the ANC who objected  to the dismantling of the structures. They argued that the  [existing organizations] had done very good work, that they  have people who are not necessarily ANC but are working  on gender issues, and that if we form the Women's League  we are forcing them out forcing a political agenda in.  But we wanted a linkage, we wanted the issue of gender  to be linked to the powerful struggle for national liberation.  We thought this was very important strategically. And since  we assumed, correctly in fact, that the majority of people in  the UDF and women's groups were ANC, we didn't see any  problem in folding them.  But, when [we folded the women's organizations], the  ANC Women's League also set itself the goal of setting up  the National Women's Coalition [in 1992, made up of over 90  groups], which then appealed deliberately across political  lines to bring together women to begin to communicate and  campaign for a clear goal, such as the Charter for Women's  Rights.  So that's how we destroyed the other organizations.  Sometimes I too have felt it was a blunder. Yet, when I reflect  back, I think it was the best thing to do because otherwise,  women would be dividing [their time and energy] between  too many organizations, and we don't have that kind of time.  Also, the chances of conflict would be greater.  Then again, we had on our agenda the idea of starting a  powerful women's movement. When we dismantled the  National Women's Coalition again [in February, 1994], people were very upset. Some women felt that the coalition was  a springboard for starting up a women's movement. But  there were very serious problems at the grassroots level,  with the poorer regions and rural areas having very weak  structures or none at all. Also, there was a feeling that, while  the white women had a smaller constituency or were not  even linked into other [women's] projects, they were more  vocal and more visible. The ordinary women, for whom this  Coalition was set up, were in fact left out.  Folding [the Coalition] is still a debatable strategy. But  while there were lots of gains from the formation of the  Coalition, I think it's good to fold it up now. There are  programs on the ground, in the form of NGOs or community  groups, from which we can, again, reconstitute ourselves  and form a national body [of women].  Jaffer: From what I've heard, many of the grassroots  women in the National Women's Coalition also feel that,  with its mandate fulfilled, the Coalition should fold and  something new and better should take its place. Another  thing I've been hearing is the debate over who has the power  to speak, who pushes the agenda, and so on. Women have  expressed a need for the issue of black consciousness or anti-  racism to be on the agenda.. But the ANC, and in fact, the  South African line, has been for a non-racist as opposed to  anti-racist politics.  Mabandla: You're right. In South Africa, and in the ANC  for example, in our quest for a society ideally non-racial and  non-sexist, we subsumed difference. This topic is beginning  to be addressed now. We are openly saying, "we shouldn't  deny difference." We have subsumed difference to a degree  because it is a strategy of the ANC, but we are likely to have  problems as a result. We have already had problems, for  example, during the campaigns, when we were attacked on  the idea of affirmative action—already [white people] are  beginning to interpret affirmative action as a form of racism.  Had we, in fact, emphasized difference we wouldn't [have  the same problems now.]  You must appreciate also that the [membership of] the  ANC is not ideologically homogeneous. It's a mixed pot  and, one hopes that with an open society, we will have  ideologically based organizations that deal with specifics.  There is an anti-racist movement that is beginning to grow,  some of them are ANC members, some are South African  Communist Party members. They are a small group at the  moment but, as we deal with the issues of difference and as  the ethnic debate develops and grows, we will come back to  these issues [in the ANC].  Jaffer: I'd like to ask you about solidarity and the future  relationship of South Africa with progressive communities  and liberation struggles globally. Given that the ANC already has established strong bases in many places in the  Continued on page 16 Rural women organizing:  Mobilizing  and ready  by Mum'Lydia Kompe, as told to Fatima Jaffer  Lydia Kompe has spent 20 years of her life organizing, first  in trade unions, and presently amongrural women. Shewasakey  founder of the Rural Women's Movement, and is a long-time  fieldworker and founding member of the Transvaal Rural Action  Committee (TRAC). Kompe is also the first representative of rural  women to sit in parliament. Kinesis spoke with her in Johannesburg in April.  Fatima Jaffer: Can you tell us a little bit about the  Transvaal Rural Action Committee, and how the Rural  Women's Movement began.  Lydia Kompe: The Rural Women's Movement began in  1986. Before that, I used to go and stay in the various [rural]  areas, and talk with women. I had to convince the men that,  "it's okay, we're not doing anything against you but we are  trying to form structures which will support you, and for the  resistance movement," so they could appreciate what we  were doing.  We started to bring these groups together in 1986 and to  organize the women. They began to share their problems  with each other. They had similar grave problems—it was  either the forced removals [from land, to make way for white  settlements], detentions of their children, beatings, and so  on. I used union strategies because I was a unionist before.  It was like bringing shop stewards together. At first there  were nine groups and I said, every group should send five  women. Women were sharing tears, they were still emotional [about] being threatened with forced removals, while  others had been forcibly moved already. There was no time  to talk about women's own problems, they were actually just  addressing the general problems. That's why men accepted  the whole thing.  As time went on, we started to discuss, how best we  could get involved in the [liberation] structures, so that we  could strongly participate and also take decisions, because  it's women who are all involved and affected. We started to  make these women's groups very strong and, in 1990, we  lodged it...  Jaffer: the rural government level?  Kompe: That's right. We elected an executive, the executive elected the office-bearers, and then the women started to  organize. The first removals after 1980 were done very  quietly so there was not a lot of rush to organize women  around the crisis. There was therefore more demand on  development and women's empowerment. We started to  work strongly on empowering women, creating leadership,  challenging patriarchy, and also addressing the day-to-day  problems in the rural areas. There was no water to drink, let  alone for income-generating projects, like green vegetable  gardens. Health problems are also a real threat to women in  the rural area. There are no health facilities at all. If there is  hospital, like Moutse [an area withalmost 50 villages], which  has a population of about 300,000 at the moment. But  Philadelphia hospital also has to facilitate the [population  of] Kwandebele, because Kwandebele has no hospital, so if  they're sick they have to go to Philadelphia Hospital. That  means about half a million people [to one hospital].  It's about 60 kilometres to the hospital for some people.  It would be closer to go to [the hospital in the townof ] Marble  Hall from there. But because [the Marble Hall hospital] is  racist, people cannot go there. It's not true that resources  have been opened up for everyone here in South Africa. The  small towns, which are completely dominated by the  [rightwing organization] Afrikaner*Weerstands Bewiging  (AWB) are still closing their doors.  Jaffer: Are there lots of towns like Marble Hall in the  rural areas?  Kompe: Yes, very small ones, not too far from Johannesburg, but people have no access to them. You know we used  to buy through the windows in these towns, while only  whites could go inside. And we'd be sold old fish and chips,  the rotten ones. But you can't argue. If you open your mouth,  you get a sambok. So we decided not to buy these things. But  they would come to us and say, "come and buy, they're  cheap," and make us get in a queue at the window. One  bank, I think it's in Marble Hall, still has separate queues.  Whites cannot see themselves standing behind a Black person [in a line-up]. In fact, they want us to stand outside in the  sun and [be served by cashiers] through a little window. I  don't talk [with them] about the law because they don't care  about it, they take the law into their own hands, and the  [former, white] government has given them that privilege.  There are still many places like that, but they [established  political parties] would deny it, saying "No, no, no. Apartheid is gone."  I took some South African Broadcasting Corporation  (SABC) reporters with me to my home in a rural area [in  March]. I didn't think they would be comfortable in my  home because we have no resources there, my house has no  bathroom, so I said, "you should stay in a hotel, and I'll go  home." But they wanted to interview me and stay at the  hotel. So we got to that one little hotel, I said to them, "I don't  think this hotel is multiracial. Maybe I should stand outside." But they just didn't believe it.  When we entered, I made them go first to the counter.  I saw the [white] owners, an older man and woman. And the  older woman took me, very finely by the a rm—and that's the  sign to us, we know that—so I told them, "Oh, I'm with those  people there, and you know who they are? They're SABC."  But the old man never allowed me to go in. We had to go sit  outside in the courtyard. The [SABC] cameraman was furious. The guy from the hotel said to the SABC, "It's not  personal, it's what these [Black] people want. They don't  want to mix." I didn't take it personally because I know that  if he allowed me in, and those [rightwing Afrikaner] guys  find me there, they'd either kill me or close his hotel. I said  [to the SABC crew], "it's nice that you go out and see these  things." Oh, I wish I had been with [former president] de  Klerk [laughter].  Jaffer. But surely de Klerk knows what's going on.  Kompe: Very well. He can't do anything about it.  Jaffer: Do you think he wants to?  Kompe: He could stop it if he wants to. He could close  that [hotel] if they do not obey the laws. But he wants them  to keep those little privileges. We are in the centre of racism.  That will never go away. If you talk to the Boers [farmers, or  term for Afrikaners], they will tell you, "No, no, we're a  different culture. We'll never mix [with you]."  [Black] People are not buying houses in those little  [Afrikaner] towns because they know there will be a lot of  sabotage, particularly after the vote. When Mandela takes  over after the elections, these [rightwing Afrikaner] people  will go mad. They could just destroy everything. I don't  think I want to move where I am not wanted. I'll stay at my  house in the rural area. I'm very nervous about them. I think  they a re the most cruel people these days. If they feel they are  being defeated, they have said they will fight until they're  left to the white person.  I was telling you about the resources. When the women  started to focus on pressuring the present government to  make them deliver the goods, they actually made demands.  They prioritized their dilemmas. Women have no water, no  education, schools for their children, land, which is the most  important one, health facilities, electricity, better roads,  creation of jobs, skills to develop themselves, and training to  be able to tend the vegetable gardens. Women also need to be  trained to look after their little children because, right now,  every little village has got a creche [daycare centre], since  most of the women work for the fascist people we're talking  about. They have no choice but to go work in their fields.  Jaffer: You're talking about women farmworkers?  Kompe: Yes. The farmers pick them up in the morning at  about 5 o'clock and the women come back 6 o'clock in the  evening, so they hardly see their children. For about five  days, they don't see their children at all because these trucks  come very early. They get seven Rand (about $3) a day,  which is 140 Rand ($60) a month. After very hard labour,  those who stay in the farms, even the little children water the  fields before they go to school. Most of the farms don't even  have a school to send them to. If there is a so-called progressive or sympathetic Boer, he may have a  school that only goes up to Standard Two  (Grade) so that the boys will know how to  count bags of crops. They're not putting up  these schools because they want them to get  educated, but because they want more production. They think we don't see this. These  children walk a minimum of 10 kilometres  to get to these schools, and it's more or less  compulsory, because the farmerwants these  young boys to be better than their fathers. If  they can read and write, they can tend the  cows, [but also] count the cows and sheep.  [The farmer] wants them to look after his  wealth properly.  Jaffer: When the National Women's  Coalition was formed in 1992, and began to  put together The Women's Charter, theRural  Women's Movement presented their demands in that. I haven't read the charter.  Were the demands of rural women included  in the charter?  Kompe: When the initial women's coalition was formed, in 1992,1 was sitting on  the steering committee. The Rural Women's Movement had the same old demands.  We said we need equal rights, particularly  regarding the land—that women should  have the right to land, whether they're married or not married. We demanded full  participation in the existing traditional [African] structures. We also need to be able to  take up positions in the family, where  women have equal status around decisionmaking. Rural women have really been  treated badly.  For example, men don't get paid much  money here so they go to Johannesburg to  get jobs, stay in the men-only hostels, and it  takes them time to send money home. Meanwhile, there are a lot of demands at home,  children need to go to school, need food,  and the women haven't got the money.  They wait for their husbands to send them  money, and out of that, you have to see to it  that the children get money to go to school.  Mum'Lydia Kompe, surrounded by women of the  Women's Movement  Rural  Continued on page 16 Continued from page 9  1949: The Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act is passed, the first in a series of  official apartheid policies.  Around this time, African women form  grassroots campaigns which include bus  boycotts to protest increases in bus fares,  and demonstrationsagainst increases in food  prices or rent increases.  1950: The Suppression of Communism  Act (on the basis of which, the Communist  Party of South Africa is banned and the  government can now ban or place a person  under house arrest under suspicion of being  a communist) is passed. The Immorality Act  (to stop sex between people of different  races), and the Separate Representation of  Voters Act are also passed.  As well, with the Population Registration Act, people are divided into four race  groups: "white"—mostly descendants and  immigrants from European countries, particularly Britain and the Netherlands; "coloured"—people of mixed race; "Asians"-  descendants of immigrants from East and  South Asia; and "Bantu" or "Black,"—all  indigenous Africans. These groups are not  allowed to interact, and their rights, privileges and amenities are disbursed according  to the white state. With this Act, every person over the age of 16 is required to carry a  racial identity card that must be produced  on request.  The Separate Amenities Act requires  the everything, from elevators and washrooms to park benches, be restricted for  different race groups.  Under the Group Areas and Urban Areas Acts, individuals are, on the grounds of  race, restricted to owning private or business property in specific state-demarcated  areas of a town and excluded from all others.  In almost all cases, this means blacks have to  move to make way for whites. In the following years, the government carries out numerous "forced removals."  The Bantu Education Act creates a separate (limited) system of education for Blacks.  At the same time, separate departments of  education were created for whites, Indians  and coloureds.  1952: The ANC and the SAIC launch the  Defiance Campaign and declare June 26  South Africa Freedom Day. Their program  of action includes protests, boycotts, stay-  aways, strikes, and civil disobedience. More  than 9,000 "defiers" were imprisoned for  peaceful opposition to apartheid.  The Abolition of Passes Act is passed,  which introduces the dompas or reference  books, without which blacks do not officially "exist," and which becomes the key to  the administration of apartheid and labour  control.  1954: The ANC, the SAIC, the Coloured  People's Congress, and the Congress of  Democrats form the Congress Alliance. The  Congress of South African Trade Unions  joins the alliance two years later. The alliance  uses a policy of passive resistance to mount  its many campaigns.  The Federation of South African Women  (FSAW) is formed by women from all over  the country and mainly from those in the  ANC's Women's Section and trade unions.  Membership includes AlbertinaSisulu, Lilian  Ngoyi, Rahima Moosa, Fatima Meer, Ida  Mtwana, Helen Joseph, Elizabeth Maf eking,  Annie Silinga, and Hetty McLeod. Women  lead protests and campaigns. Annie Silinga  becomes the first Black woman to sit in a  "whites-only" waiting room at a station.  1955: At a two-day Congress of the  People, sponsored by a range of liberation  organizations including the ANC, the SAIC  and Congress of Democrats, the Freedom  Charter, calling for equal rights for all people, is developed and adopted.  The South African government extends  the pass laws to include women.  FSAW adopts The Women's Charter,  which is later incorporated into the Freedom  Charter.  In the first march of its kind, 2,000  women, organized by FSAW, march on the  government in Pretoria to demand the pass  laws be repealed. Anti-pass meetings are  held around the country.  Black Sash is formed. It is first known as  the Women's Defence of the Constitution  League, a lobby of six white women against  the Senate Bill to remove coloureds from the  voters' rolls. Black Sash protests continue  through the 1970s and 1980s and, in particular, it leads the campaign to expose and stop  the forced removals of blacks. Black Sash is  still active on issues resulting from the policy  of apartheid: land reform, detention without  trial, pension inequalities, gender discrimination, hunger relief, and treatment of domestic workers.  The government passes the "Western  Areas Removals Scheme" by which  Sophia town, a black area, is to be cleared for  white development. Residents vow to die  rather than move. After many protests, led  by, among others, Ruth Mamphati,  Sophiatown is bulldozed and cleared of  blacks. The white suburb of Triomf (Triumph) is built in its place.  1956: On August 9, over 20,000 women  from across South Africa gather again in  Pretoria to demand the passlawbe repealed.  Among other protest songs, the women sing  the now famous: "Strijdom, you have tampered with the women, you have struck a  rock, you have unleashed a boulder, you  will die." August 9 has since been declared  "Women's Day."  Coloureds are removed from the voters' rolls.  In December, 156 anti-apartheid leaders are arrested and charged with treason.  Twenty of those arrested are women, including Helen Joseph, Lillian Ngoyi and  Annie Silinga. The Treason Trial drags on for  almost five years, during which women  gather to protest outside the court. Only 30  are officially charged, but the government is  unable to prove its case and eventually all  are freed.  1958: The ANC mounts a women's campaign against pass laws. Many demonstrations are held. Two thousand women are  arrested after a massive demonstration  against pass laws in Fordsburg, near Johannesburg.  1959: The Pan Africanist Congress of  Azania (PAC) is formed by leader Robert  Sobukwe as a breakaway from the ANC in  rejection of what is seen as the growing  influence of whites in the ANC and the  Communist Party of South Africa, and Indians in the movement. The PAC's stated purpose is not merely to struggle against apartheid, but for a return of lands and self-  determination for the indigenous African  peoples.  1960: On March 21,69 peaceful demonstrators are killed by police in Sharpeville,  Transvaal. In protest, a one-day nationwide  strike is organized by the PAC and ANC,  during which thousands of Africans burn  their passes. The government arrests over  20,000 people and bans the ANC and PAC.  Both organizations go underground. A State  of Emergency is declared, under which thousands of people are detained without trial.  1961: The ANC adopts the policy of  armed struggle against the white government.  1962: Winnie Mandela is banned for the  first time under the Suppression of Communism Act. She is arrested several times for  contravening her banning, charged frequently with "terrorism," held in detention,  placed under house arrest, the banning order against her is repeatedly renewed, and  she is finally freed in 1986. Throughout, she  is often the only voice within the country  openly supporting the ANC.  1963: After seven years of anti-pass  protests, the reference book system is installed and African women, in order to get  jobs or qualify for pensions, are forced to  carry passbooks. The books determine  where one can work and live and restrict  movement to areas not specified in the passbook. Women without passbooks become  non-persons. White, coloured and Indian  women are also required to carry passbooks, but only as a means of identification,  not as a means of controlling the movement  of people. Shortly after, the FSAW disbands  as many of the women are banned, placed  under house arrest, held in detention, or go  into exile.  Nelson Mandela, WalterSisulu and others are sentenced to lifeimprisonment. Then  ANC president Oliver Tambo leads the organization into exile and, over the years,  establishes the ANC as the primary voice in  the liberation struggle, encouraging pro-  gressivecommunities internationally tofight  for international sanctions against South  Africa.  1969: The South African Students' Organization (SASO) is formed, with Steve  Biko as its most well-known figure, marking the beginning of the black consciousness movement. After SASO is banned in  1977, activists regroup in 1979 to form the  Azanian Peoples' Organization (AZAPO).  1972:Theblack-consciousness-oriented  Black People's Convention is formed.  1975: The Black Women's Federation  (BWF) is formed, consisting of over 41 organizations united in rejectionof Bantu Education and in support of Soweto student  protests. The BWF is banned in 1977.  1976: On June 16, school children in the  Black township of Soweto refuse to attend  classes and take to the streets to protest the  imposition of Afrikaans instead of English  as a medium of instruction in their schools.  About 1,000 children are killed, and thousands more are maimed during the uprising. A new era of anti-apartheid protests  begins, where women organize to support  protests by children, who lead the struggle  within the country in the 70s and 80s.  1977: Black consciousness leader Steve  Biko dies in detention. Two newspapers  and 17 organizations, many of them black-  consciousness-oriented, are banned. Biko's  wife, Ntiski Biko, continues the struggle.  1980: The Women'sFederationof South  Africa is formed. Members are opposed to  rent increases and Bantu Education.  1983: In a huge referendum turnout,  two-thirds of South African white voters  approve the establishment of a tricameral  parliament which will include separate and  limited coloured and Indian houses of parliament but exclude Blacks. The white parliament still control most matters of state  and all policies.  The United Democratic Front (UDF) is  launched. Made up of about 600 groups,  most of which are essentially ANC front  organizations, they lead a new campaign of  defiance and civil disobedience within the  country. The UDF's stated claim is to create  a true democracy in which all South Africans can participate. The UDF also sets up  street or people's committees to deal with  issues of community interest.  1986: Pass laws and the Mixed Marriages Act are abolished. A countrywide  State of Emergency is declared. It is renewed annually until 1990. A NationalParty  representative holds secret meetings with  Mandela, serving a life sentence on Robben  Island, to discuss the possibility of the ANC  joining the political process.  1988: The activities of the UDF, 16 other  political organizations, and the Congress of  South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) are  restricted.  1989: In the Harare Declaration, the  ANC sets out the terms under which it will  negotiate with the government. The Harare  "Women are demanding" (the back reads "Women's empowerment now)  Woman at rally, Orlando East Stadium in Soweto.  Declaration is adopted by most international  bodies as the blueprint for the upcoming  negotiations. A new Defiance Campaign begins.  The first anti-apartheid marches are allowed to take place. The Pan-Africanist  Movement is launched, forging the way for  the resurgence of the PAC inside the country.  Political detainees go on hunger strikes  to force authorities to charge or release them.  ANC's Walter Sisulu and other long-term  political prisoners are released.  1990: In February, the ANC, the PAC,  theSouth African Communist Party (SACP),  and the Azanian People's Organization  (AZAPO) are unbanned. Restrictions are removed on the UDF and Cosatu. Nelson  Mandela is released on February 11, after 27  years in prison.  In April, the first of the exiled ANC  leaders arrive in South Africa, and join in  talks with the government. The agreement  reached includes facilitation of the release of  political prisoners, the return of exiles, and  the amending of security legislation. Hospital apartheid is abolished.  In June, The State of Emergency is lifted  everywhere in the country, except Natal.  In August, The Pretoria Minute is signed  in which the ANC renounces its armed struggle. Hundreds of people are killed in a wave  of ANC-Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) violence in East Rand townships.  In October, the State of Emergency in  Natal is lifted.  Also in October, the first South African  gay and lesbian pride march takes place in  Johannesburg. It is also the first African  pride march. Shortly after, a campaign to  collect submissions for a Gay and Lesbian  Charter is put into action.  1991: In January, ANC and IFP leaders  Mandela and Mangosuthu Buthelezi sign an  agreement to stop violence between followers of the two organizations.  In February, prosecutions under the  Group Areas Act are suspended. Some political prisoners are released.  In April, the ANC accuses the government of being party to ongoing political  violence and threatens to withdraw from  negotiations unless the government acts in  good faith. The agreed date for the release of  political prisoners and return of political  exiles passes with neither of these processes  being complete. Political prisoners stage a  hunger strike in protest. The ANC suspends  negotiations and announces a campaign of  mass action.  In May, the ANC Women's League is  reestablished within the country and  Gertrude Shope is elected the first president,  with Albertina Sisulu as vice-president.  Winnie Mandela is found guilty of kidnapping and of being an accessory to assault  in a case involving the death of a young  activist. In 1992, Mandela gets elected president of the ANC Women's League. By 1993,  her conviction on kidnapping charges is  upheld on appeal, but that of being an accessory to assault is overturned. Her appeal of  the outstanding charges is currently  underway.  In June, the 1913 and 1936 Land Acts,  the Black Communities Act, and hundreds  of other racist restrictions in laws are repealed, leaving the constitution as the only  major piece of apartheid legislation in place.  In July, government funding of Inkatha  is exposed.  In September, the National Peace Accord is signed by all major political players  except the white right wing.  In December, most of the major political pa rties assemble at the World Trade Centre near Kempton Park to launch the Convention for a Democratic South Africa  (Codesa). Eighteen organizations participate  including the government, the National  Party, the ANC, the 10 homeland administrations, the Transvaal and Natal Indian  Congresses, and the SACP. Staying away  are theP AC, the Conservative Party, AZAPO,  and the right wing.  1992: In February, a Patriotic Front of  liberation organizations is formed, marking  the entry of the PAC into negotiations. It  includes the ANC, PAC, Cosatu, the coloured Labour Party, and some homeland  leaders. In December, the government suspends talks with the PAC until the Azanian  People's Army (Apia) attacks on white civilians cease. By the following June, the PAC  confirms its refusal to abandon the armed  struggle.  In April, the National Women's Coalition is formed, consisting of about 60-90  national and regional organizations. Women  participate across party lines to write a Women's Charter and to demand inclusion in the  Codesa negotiations. They also lobby for  women to hold 30 percent of the seats in  government and during negotiations, and  succeed in winning the battle against customary law, where the rightsof Black women  have been overridden by some traditions.  In May, IFP leader Buthelezi refuses to  attend the second plenary session of Codesa  (II), because Zulu King Goodwill Zwelethini  is refused full status as a negotiator. The  negotiating session ends in a deadlock after  the working group on a constitution-making body fails to reach agreement.  In June, 40 people are killed in a middle-  of-the-night-attack on shacks in Boipatong,  an informal settlement on the East Rand,  sparking an international outcry. Among  the dead are 23 women. The attackers are  alleged to be IFP supporters, and the police  are accused of complicity. The ANC suspends negotiations with the government and  initiates a "rolling mass action" campaign  with the SACP and Cosatu.  In September, the ANC and the government sign a Record of Understanding  (RoU) in terms of which 150 political prisoners convicted of murder will be released, the  Codesa II deadlock is resolved, certain hostels will be fenced, and the carrying of tradi  tional weapons will be banned. The signing  of the bilateral RoU marks the beginning of  closed-door negotiations between the government and the ANC. Buthelezi points out  that since decisions affecting the IFP are  being made without consulting it, neither it  nor KwaZulu authorities will be bound by  these agreements. In October, the IFP, white  rightwing political organizations, and the  "homeland" leaders of Ciskei, kwaZulu and  BophuthatswanajoinforcesastheConcerned  South Africans Group to oppose the talks.  By 1993, this group is known as the Freedom  Alliance.  In October, President de Klerk conditionally apologizes for apartheid.  In November, the ANC becomes the  leaderof the Tripartite Alliance, with Cosatu,  the SACP and (later) the South African National Civic Organization (SANCO). The  ANC lists for political office in the upcoming  election include members of all four organizations.  1993: In February, the government and  ANC propose power-sharing and a five-  year interim government of national unity  after an election.  In March and April, a multi-party negotiations planning conference is attended  by 26 parties, including the kwaZulu government, the PAC, the Afrikaner Volksunie  (white rightwing group), and delegations of  traditional leaders.  In April, SACP general secretary Chris  Hani is assassinated by a white rightwinger,  sparking protest all over the country.  In May, 18 right-wing groups are  brought together as the Afrikaner Volksfront  to demand Afrikaner self-determination in a  federal state.  Azapo confirms it will not participate in  negotiations.  June: Negotiators use thenotion of "sufficient consensus" to announce that the country's first elections will be held on April 27,  1994. The Freedom Alliance walks out of the  talks. Armed rightwingers attack the site of  negotiations, and assault some of the participants. A peace meeting is held between the  ANC and IFP leaders.  In July, The date for the first "non-  racial" election in South Africa is set for  April 27,1994.  In September, The negotiating council  accepts the draft Bill for the Transitional  Executive Council (TEC) which, with its seven  subcouncils, is responsible for creating a  peacekeeping force and "levelling the playing field" in the run-up to the elections.  In October, the UN lifts sanctions against  South Africa, with the exception of the arms  and oil embargoes. It is announced that  Mandela and de Klerk have jointly won the  Nobel Peace Prize.  In November, there is agreement on  some constitutional issues, to be in effect  until April 1999. South Africa will be divided into nine provinces. The  transitional con  stitution makes provision for a non-racial,  multi-party democracy, three tiers of government and a Bill of Rights applicable in a  unitary South Africa, including the homelands. There will be a system of proportional  representation (the party with the most votes  gets the most seats), and Parliament will  double as a constitution-writing body. This  is passed into law by a special session of  Parliament.  In December, The multi-party TEC is  installed as a neutral body to prepare for the  elections and to create a climate for free  political activity in the run-up to the elections four months away. The TEC has seven  sub-councils, including the Sub-Council on  the Status of Women, composed of six  women from each of the leading political  parties. The Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) is also set up, with the primary  task of arranging the country's first democratic elections.  1994: In January, Voter Education  projects are launched. The country prepares  for the elections.  In February, political campaigns are  launched.  In April, about a week before the elections, the IFP says it will participate in the  elections.  The elections take place on April 26,27,  28, and in some regions, on April 29. Almost  20 million voters participate.  In May, the confirmed election results  find the ANC with 62.6 percent of the total;  the NP with 20.4; the IFP with 10.5 percent;  the Freedom Front with 2.2 percent; the  Democratic Party with 1.7 percent; and the  PAC with 1.2 percent.  On May 10, Mandela becomes the first  Black president of South Africa since white  colonization began over 350 years ago.  Meanwhile in Natal, ANC leaders boycott seatings of the IFP-dominated provincial legislature after reports of multiple attacks on ANC supporters by IFP supporters  are received.  Also in May, a health plan is released by  the ANC that would legalize abortion on  demand and provide free medical care to  children, the elderly, people with disabilities  and pregnant women.  In June, the National Women's Coalition will fulfill its mandate when they present  the final version of the South African Women's Charter to the new government for its  consideration and action.  In August, the first seating of the National Assembly takes place.  Chronology compiled by Fatima Jaffer.  Sources: The Weekly Mail and Guardian's A-Z  of South African Politics, 1994; Peter  Magubane's Women of South Africa: Their Fight  for Freedom, 1994; various news clippings and  conversations with women; and Kinesis, March  1986.  New regional map of South Africa On building solidarity  By Fatima Jaffer as told to L.  Muthoni Wanyeki   Fatima Jaffer recently returnedfrom a five-  week trip to South Africa, as part of the election  observer team of the National Action Committee  on the Status ofWomen (NAC). The mandate for  the NAC team was: to meet with a wide range of  women's groups; to observe women's participation in the election process; and to build long-  term links with women working in grassroots  and non-governmen t organizations. Jaffer is the  editor qfKinesis, the national feminist newspaper of the Vancouver Status of Women. In the  following interview, Jaffer gives her impressions  of women's participation in the election process  and lesbian organizing.  L. Muthoni Wanyeki: Could you tell us  where you were in South Africa and why  you were in that particular location?  Jfljffer.TwasinJohannesburg.Iwasbased  at [one of] South Africa's feminist magazines, Speak. As well, I spent a few days in  Durban, Natal, where I visited the offices of  another feminist publication, Agenda, as well  as other groups.  Wanyeki: One of the things I hear consistently in the Western mainstream media  is that apartheid is over. Yet paradoxically,  the same media will insist that the expectations of the South African people must not  get "too high." What's your take on that?  Jaffer: Apartheid is not over—some  apartheid policies are. Ending apartheid is  going to take a long time. We're not just  looking at 50 years of official apartheid policies, we're talking about almost 400 years of  white colonization.  The very fact that the new government  represents the people of South Africa means  that they're already doing better than the last  one. The legacy of apartheid is the biggest  problem the new government has to deal  with. Apartheid brought about high unemployment, low literacy levels, internalized  racism, housing shortages, overcrowding,  lack of electricity and water, hunger, and  poverty. As well, the white-sponsored violence has left large numbers of women and  children in refugee and squatter camps. A  lot of the resources of South Africa have  been sold off, and whites have gotten richer.  The money has been paid to the old government, but many of these resources haven't  been delivered yet. So, though the new government is not going to get this revenue,  South Africans will now be working to deliver the goods.  The women I talked to in the townships  and in the rural areas are not dreaming  about a different South Africa overnight—  they said it might actually take 1 Oor 20 years.  Some women said, "Not even in my lifetime." They had won a struggle, there was  joy about that, but they did see the work up  ahead.  Wanyeki: What was women's involvement in the pre-election work?  Jaffer: Before the elections, when the  Codesa talks were on, women played a big  role in ensuring women's voices were heard  at every stage. One of the big debates was  around customary law. The Congress of  Traditional Leaders were fighting for customary law to have precedence over the  Constitution—pa triarchal customary law because under customary law, women don't  have rights to land. Rural women's organizations insisted the Constitution take precedence over customary law, in specific areas  like the land issue, polygamy, and lobola.  They won, except the Constitution will take  precedence over customary law across the  board, which could present problems in the  future. It isn't custom that's a problem, it's  patriarchy and the way that customary laws  are interpreted to control women.  Women were at the forefront of voter  education and elections work. They were  very busy. A lot of women had been drawn  away from NGOs into working for the elections.  Voter education was very uneven—for  example, among rural women, in areas  where the Afrikaaners controlled women  farmworkers, farmers would turn away  voter educators saying that a unit came by  last week. It was hard to reach domestic  workers, women in squatter areas, women  refugees.  One of the groups said to be the least  likely to vote were South Asian women. This  was said to be because the men often represented themselves as the voice of the family  and they would vote for their wives; or  Wanyeki: One thing that disturbed me  about the Western mainstream media coverage of the elections was its divide-and-rule  approach to people of colour in South Africa . There were many stories about coloureds  [people of mixed-race] voting for de Klerk's  NationalParty, because they "don't see themselves as being Black." South Asians were  dealt with in the same way. Here in Canada,  I think those of us using the term "of colour"  have really worked at addressing internalized racism and racialism between us by  reference-to the historical context and setups of colonialism. And I believe the term  "Black" in South Africa functions in much  the same way as "of colour" here. What's  your opinion on that?  Black women in South Africa are...organized,  have been at the forefront of the struggle and are  highly politicized.  South Asian womenfeltoutsideof the political discourse and had not been empowered  to take the step to vote. But on elections day,  there was a very large turnout of Indian  women.  The concept of having voice was an  issue. This is what I meant [by saying] apartheid was the biggest obstacle to free and fair  elections, [to] women's participation in the  democratic process. You had to empower  women [to believe] it was their right to vote  and it would mean something to their lives.  [The Women's Development Foundation] was doing amazing work with no resources-producing tapes and videos on why  women should vote, trying to [ensure] it  wouldn't be seen as a threat by men.  There were lots of slogans, suchas "Each  one, teach a thousand." A lot of voter education was geared at training women to pass  on that information. [That was] the way the  struggle had worked, that's how voters' education worked.  Wanyeki: Where did women stand in  terms of the various parties?  Jaffer: Women were in all parties, [the]  ANC, the NP, the PAC, Azapo, although  Azapo did not participate in the election.  Most of the voter education was apolitical or  multi-political. The [thrust] was on how  women should ask where the parties stood  on women's issues, like abortion, like polygamy, housing, education, violence, reproductive rights. The ANC fared the best;  the PAC was better off on rural women's  issues, and so was the IFP.  A lot of faith has been put on the ANC  to address these issues. Some of them have  been addressed in the ANC's reconstruction  and development plan (RDP), the strongest  document that exists in South Africa around  reform.  [The] PAC tended to focus on land reform and black consciousness. Both of these  were under-addressed by the ANC. In the  debates on women's issues, the PAC did not  have a position on abortion, [and also said]  homosexuality is un-African, but did raise  issues of affirmative action, child abuse and  battering.  Azapo decided not to participate and  said they would disrupt the elections. But  we didn't actually hear much from Azapo in  the media [during the elections].  The women's parties were KISS (Keep it  Straight and Simple), a largely white, quite  conservative women's party; and the Women's Rights Peace Party, which seemed a  little better than KISS, but not by much.  There were 27 parties on the ballot paper by  the end but most of them were really very  small. Women were active in all the parties.  Jaffer: The function of apartheid was to  divide and rule. Under apartheid laws, people were split into four racial groups: whites,  Blacks, Asians, and coloureds. Apartheid  worked differently on different groups of  people. The more white blood you had, the  better you were treated but also, the more  you were pressured to strive for "whiteness."  The Western Cape, which has a large  number of mixed-race people, voted National Party. But in the PWV region, which is  where I was, a lot of mixed race people and  South Asians fought with Blacks for the  liberation of South Africa. Many of them  openly supported the ANC. I met lots of  progressive mixed-race people and South  Asians.  I don't want to generalize about the  issue. From my own experience, I can understand what internalized racism does to  you. Apartheid was defeated overall in the  country. The struggle is continuing and internalized oppression is being worked on.  The black consciousness movement  seems to be one of peoples of colour. I loved  the way that worked in South Africa. Blacks  there had been separated by apartheid, yet  they identified, from the beginning, the need  to resist this and organize together. They  came together in a real act of revolution. It  did not seem to be an alliance solely around  a common enemy—it went deeper, had more  to do with a basic understanding of how  they got to be on that land together. When  you carry that historical understanding, you  can really work together.  People considered themselves African,  whether they were Black, Indian or coloured,  because they was only  the whites who had never negotiated that  term, who couldn't truly find ground on  which to truly share.  On TV, I heard Black news commentators use the term "people of colour," which  is another term being considered for use to  replace "Black." There's a real effort to change  the language and terms. Everything is in  turmoil. Whites don't know how to deal  with the legacy of apartheid, and Blacks  have to start breaking down that legacy.  Wanyeki: What were general impression of the elections as they were happening?  Jaffer: The build-up [and] the spirit of  reconciliation were incredible. The mood  was very high—people were saying, "I want  this to last forever, I've waited all my life for  this, I never thought it would happen in my  lifetime." There was so much joy. [I began to  comprehend] what bell hooks said, "In or  der to feel true joy, you have to have felt  pain".  The line-ups were [also] very hard on  people, no matter how much joy they were  feeling. They were extremely long, there  was no water...  Wanyeki: There was a special day of  voting for seniors, people with disabilities,  and pregnant women. How did that go?  Jaffer: What other country has a special  day for people with disabilities, for women  who are pregnant, for the elderly, for people  in hospitals?  [But] it was a difficult day, because it  was the first day of voting. It was a trial, a lot  of things went wrong—ballot papers weren't  delivered, people stood in line for five hours  just waiting for supplies to arrive before the  line-ups started moving, there wasn'tenough  information [on] whatpollingstations would  be open on special voting day.  Other obstacles to women's participation [were the lack of] childcare and transportation. There wasn't enough donearound  intimidation, especially intimidation of domestic workers by their employers, or  farmworkers on the Afrikaaner farms.  Yet despite that, the turnout was fantastic. Women worked extremely hard with  little or no resources to ensure that women  were able to participate, and that work was  largely successful. At most of the polling  stations, women made up at least 50 percent  of the voters.  Wanyeki: What were your general impressions of women's organizing in South  Africa?  Jaffer: Black women in South Africa are  not the victims they are portrayed as in the  mainstream media. Blackwomenareorgan-  ized, have been at the forefront of the struggle, and are highly politicized.  There are numerous organizations in  the country. The infrastructure of such organizations is really impressive. There [are  also] numerous rural women's organizations. The range of issues women are dealing  with cover everything from reproductive  rights to growing your own food and making your own clothes, to violence against  women, to women's health, lobola [bride  price], polygamy and the economy.  The one thing most women identified as  lacking was a national structure for women's groups to come together under. They  were impressed withourdescriptionof NAC,  that it is a coalition of hundreds of women's  groups across Canada, and has a strong  national presence.  In 1992, the ANC Women's League got  together to create such a national body with  a goal-oriented mandate. It included women  from across party lines with the purpose of  producing a Women's Charter of demands,  to be presented to the new government.  They were also instrumental in lobbying for  inclusion of women at all stages of the negotiation process between the political parties.  The mandate of the Women's Coalition  ended this year, partly because there were  problems in the translation of the demands  of rural women into the Charter. A final  version of that Charter will be presented to  the new government in June.  Many of the women's groups were focusing on voter education, producing voter  education material and holding workshops.  There were also women's desks set up at  different organizations, dealing with voter's  education.  We also met with the Transitional Executive Council (TEC) Sub-Council on the  Status of Women. The TEC had been set up  to create a climate conducive to democracy  in the country prior to the elections. The Sub-  Council on the Status of Women was made  up of six women from different political  parties and some support staff, to e equal and full participation of women in'the  democratic process.  Wanyeki: The new South Africa will be  the first country in the world to incorporate  lesbian and gay equality rights into its constitution, which says something about the level  of lesbian and gay organizing in the country.  Was there a strong connection between the  lesbian and gay movement, the women's  movement and party politics?  Jaffer: Lesbians and gay men have always been part of the liberation movements.  There were a lot of lesbians and gays involved in the United Democratic Front (UDF),  the 1980s grassroots movement that kept the  ANC alive within the country when the ANC  was banned.  When the negotiations were on and there  was talk about a new constitution, lesbians  and gays, like every other oppressed sector,  spoke up, organized, and began to push for  their rights. They went to the meetings, pushed  from within the ANC, lobbied, and won the  right to have the constitution enshrine their  rights.  At the same time, the laws in South  Africa contradict the constitutional protection. This raises a lot of questions: are lesbians  and gays going to have to fight for their rights  [in the courts]? Or are these laws going to be  changed because they are contradicting the  constitution?  Wanyeki: There are still a lot of apartheid  laws on the books and I'd assume not every  Black person is going to have to go into the  courts to fight for equality rights.  Jaffer: Well, that was the question. I believe lesbians and gay men are going to have  to keep the pressure on.  Lesbians and gays who belong to a wide  range of political parties. The Gay and Les-  bianOrganization of Witwatersrand (GLOW)  officially endorsed the ANC. They looked at  the positions of the different political parties  [on lesbian and gay rights] because their  membership is not all ANC, but cuts across  political lines. The party that best represented  lesbian and gay interests was the ANC. While  it may be homophobic, and have made some  very homophobic comments during the campaign, it was questioned on each [comment],  and apologized in several cases.  The PAC, on the other hand, openly says  lesbianism and homosexuality is un-African,  and that they do not consider rights for lesbians and gays necessary.  Wanyeki: What's the response to that  from African lesbians and gays? Are there  people doing work place homosexuality in  traditional terms?  Jaffer: Yes, there's a lot of awareness  around that. One lesbian I talked with, whose  sympathies were split between the ANC and  PAC, was outraged by the PAC comment.  There are words for gays and lesbians in  Sotho and Zulu, and where do these words  come from if [homosexuality] is not African?  She talked about the homophobia created by  Western gay and lesbian organizing, how  white gays and lesbians have set the parameters for the debate on gay and lesbian issues,  and how the negative response from African  communities has been more a response to  Western [framing of the] debate around gays  and lesbians.  I was talking to another woman who  was organizing around women's issues with  rural women. She was a woman-loving-  woman if ever I've met one. And yet she  didn't use the term "lesbian," didn't want to  talk to me about sleeping with women, [but]  talked about marriages between women.  Women have to be "Mrs..." to be respected,  so women could marry women, and take the  name of the wealthier or the older woman in  the relationship. Women work together, live  together, sleep together, but nobody talks  about them having sex together.  There isn't enough being done by the  women's movement to recognize the lesbian  and gay movement.  Wanyeki: What were your impressions of  lesbian organizing in South Africa?  Jaffer: Organizing, especially for lesbians  of colour, Black lesbians and gays, is growing. Whites have dominated most of the or  ganizations [and] most of the organizing  has been done as gays and lesbians. They  haven't separated along gender lines.  [But] more lesbians are coming out  now that protection for gays and lesbians is  in the constitution, especially Black lesbians. They're coming out politically, wanting to meet and organize together with  other lesbians.  The Black women .who had been involved with the lesbian forum of GLOW  formed their [own] organization called the  Johannesburg Lesbian Forum. It's the only  lesbian-only organization in the country.  It's quite radical and a foretelling of what's  to come. It's made up of mostly Black lesbi-  ment structures which will be working with  the provincial and national governments to  ensure changes are made according to the  demands of each area. There will be local  elections in October.  Wanyeki:l'm curious about the relationship of the new South Africa to the rest of  Africa. From the women you spoke with,  what's your opinion on that?  Jaffer: The ANC's platform on foreign  policy is to change the way whites did trade  with Africa. It isn't about cornering the African market, but more about mutual development with other African countries.  Black South Africans have had a close  relationship with other southern African  Fatima Jaffer, Juno Walker and Themba Ndaba at a rally in Soweto.  ans [and] there were about 35 members  when I was there.  Wanyeki: From what you were able to  observe, what's in store for the future? What  do you think the impact of the vote and the  new government will be on women's lives?  What do you think the participation of  women will be in the new political structures?  Jaffer: The work is just beginning. There  is an enormous amount of rebuilding and  healing to be done. The spirit of reconciliation ended the violence, got people working together for this election and laid the  foundation for the rebuilding of South Africa. But it can also be taken too far. Whites  are afraid they're going to lose everything  but [they] still control a lot.  Women are faced with the major challenge, post-election, of ensuring that their  voices are not silenced, that they continue to  be at the forefront, not in terms of doing the  work, but in terms of actually reaping the  benefits of what they've done so far. One  woman said to me, "Women cooked the  stew that men are now eating." That's true  of a lot of liberation struggles. But women  are incredibly organized, and they will ensure they too get to eat the stew.  It remains to be seen what the new  government will do to address women's  demands in the Women's Charter. It's great  that they came across party lines to present  the government with this Charter, so they  [should be able to] realise many of them.  There is an ongoing debate on how  women are going to be best represented in  the new political set-up, to ensure that the  impact of policy changes are felt on the  ground, in the most remote areas. There are  questions [as to] whether a women's ministry is the best way to go, or whether there  should be women's departments in each  ministry.  Another step ahead is to see how  women are represented in local govern-  countiies, and have learned a lot from the  experiences of these countries as well as  those of other countries on the continent.  Wanyeki: As a Kenyan, I feel a great joy  that the last colonial regime in Africa has  fallen. On the other hand, I'm frightened  because I see the West amassing on [the  South African] border to take over the South  African economy and I worry about the  future relationship of South Africa to the rest  of Africa.  Jaffer: There is concern about that happening, but there's also a sense that South  Africans will be able to deal with it, when the  time comes.  The women I talked with [were] concerned they will no longer have the progressive support they have had while they were  fighting official apartheid, which leaves the  door open to more reactionary funding bodies, international corporations and the multinationals. On the other hand, some women  felt it was time to change the relationship  between those Western aid agencies and the  South African NGOs, to facilitate the move  to self-sufficiency.  The ANC has applied for funding from  the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and  the World Bank to finance parts of its Reconstruction and Development Program, which  lays out their plans with regard to education,  health, land, and other issues. They are aware  of the dangers of foreign, Western lending,  having seen the impact of IMF policies on  other "third world" countries. But they believe they have no choice, and also seemed  confident they could withstand the negative  impacts on their country because of this  awareness.  They're perhaps not paying enough attention to the fact that investment itself carries a form of apartheid. There is an awareness of what the West is trying to do. [However], I don't know the strategies.  Wanyeki: In terms of solidarity work  and making ongoing links amongst femi  nists here and there, what are your opinions? Was the NAC delegation a success?  Jaffer. The NAC delegation made a beginning. It was the first time NAC has ever  organized a delegation like this—participating in this kind of process [and] sending  women of colour.  The biggest failure of the trip is that the  NAC team did not include any First Nations  women. It really was a shortcoming in terms  of critical expertise on the NAC team. The  women I met who had been to Canada,  usually on NGO-sponsored delegations,  were aware of the similarity of the issues  faced by First Nations peoples here and  South African indigenous peoples.  Then again, a lot of people had no idea  what was happening in Canada. That was  one of our successes—we were able to subvert the wonderful PR job that the Canadian  government seems to have done in South  Africa in terms of what it's really like here  for us as women and people of colour. That  was often the starting point for most conversations—they didn't believe there were any  people of colour in Canada. They were  shocked when we told them there was racism in Canada! Many did not know that  apartheid was based on the reserve system  in Canada. People were horrified when they  made the connections between the indigenous struggles here and there.  Welearntitisinvaluabletohavewomen  of colour making the links with people of  colour movements in other countries. It was  the beginning of a new relationship with  South African women, because it was the  kind of solidarity work they wanted. I heard  this consistently—they were tired of foreigners, meaning white foreigners, because  that's mostly the kind they've had. I heard  frequently how sick everyone is of anti-  apartheid activists, mostly white, visiting  South Africa, coming back, claiming to be  "experts," and getting rich and famous for  writing books on South Africa.  Another concrete success was the follow up to [NAC president] Sunera Thobani's  trip to South Africa last November. Based on  her findings, NAC drew up a women'scheck-  list to measure South African women's participation in the democratic process. We faxed  a copy of the guidelines to the IEC headquarters in Johannesburg, and also showed the  checklist to women involved in voter education work. They found it thorough and useful. After much wrangling, the NAC women's checklist was included in the IEC's kits  for all observers.  Wanyeki: What did you learn in terms of  activism as a woman of colour in Canada—  particularly beingSouth Asian from Kenya?  Jaffer: South Africa's an incredible place  to be as an activist, a woman of colour, a  feminist, a lesbian. Everyone seems to have  a basic level of politicization. In some way,  everyone was a part of the struggle for basic  human rights, even if they didn't consider  themselves "political." [There's] less apathy. In Tshiavelo, a township in Soweto, the  woman whose flat I was in told me she had  been paying about 200 Rand ($80) rent for  the flat. The municipal authorities raised it to  $300 Rand. All the occupants got together,  protested the increase and decided they'd  pay only what seemed reasonable. As a  result, the woman is paying 60 Rand per  month, and there isn't a thing the municipality can do because everyone has refused to  pay high rents. That's the level of organization and the kind of action I hope we can  develop in Canada.  The best thing was being in a country  where the majority of people are of colour,  or Black. Being there brought all the pieces of  myself together—being from Kenya, what it  means to be "Indian" or South Asian in  Africa, as well as what it means to be a South  Asian from Africa working in the woman of  colour movement here.  The struggle here is different. Our  strength is being eroded. We haven't just  had this big success, but we have little victories. We've got to learn to say, "Hey, we  won!" get strength from that [and] move on  to the next struggle. Interview with Brigitte Mabandla  Continued from page 10  world, that there is a strong, global, anti-apartheid movement, some of that support may change now there's this  perception that apartheid is over, the ANC is in power, that  the struggle is over. How do you see the ANC keeping those  lines of solidarity with progressive communities in other  countries and being accountable to that struggle?  Mabandla: It depends a lot on the kinds of staffing we  ha vein each area. The directive from the ANC is that we keep  linked to our friends because we think that the struggle  continues and is going to be very difficult. This is where the  test...  Jaffer: the next five years?  Mabandla: the next 20 years, where the test is really  going to be. At the present moment, there are pronouncements and good will [from the political parties], but whether  there is political will to change the country is another issue.  There is a very strong move for the privatization of apartheid. In the ANC, there is a real awareness that, in fact, part  of the call for changing a unitary state into a federal state was  to weaken the power of the ANC [when in government]. The  worrying thing is the reactionary ethnic lobby of Afrikaners  seeking a Volkstadt [separate state for whites] everywhere,  and trying to keep pockets of privilege in local government  structures. It's a real issue.  When you hear an organization, like Frances Kendall's  [leader of the] Federal Party, which is in fact lauded in  Europe, talking about federalism and empowering the people, it's the usual rhetoric. She knows we're talking about  people who are completely invisible at local and remote  areas, and that a central government, a majority government  voted in at this time in history by ordinary people, must  really be able to make a difference at the local level. They're  trying to stop this. The Democratic Party is of the same mind.  To me, this is a worrying thing and I would like you to  highlight it because that's the critical area of struggle coming  up.  I have been on the ground working and I know how  disempowered people are. Even in the ANC, some of the  service organizations led by our people who are white are  not even aware of the problems of racism. They are doing it  [out of] good will, but the truth is they are doing things/or  people, not with people. I am anticipating those kinds of  problems so, when you talk about what can be done, anti-  apartheid people, many of whom are well nurtured in the  culture of rights, can in fact keep linked with our  com munities. It would be better to have progressive people linked to communities, helping communities. Weneed to have those organizations in  your countries strengthen our NGOs in South  Africa, and ward off those reactionary elements  that are going to come in under religious flags,  and so on, when in fact they are disguising  apartheid and racism.  There is a role to be played but we need to  structure it. We must talk about philanthropy in  South Africa and about aid direction. There's  great potential [for these debates] within South  Africa too but I believe South Africa is strengthened if we reap well from our struggles. It will  impact positively on Africa generally. The joke is  that white business in South Africa sees this  [country] as the "powerhouse," as if they still  have terrains to conquer, to create a hegemony  here and establish monopolies in Africa. We  don't view things that way. We say it in our  foreign policy~we would instead like to cooperate more with Africa and strengthen Africa.  Jaffer: That raises another issue. The relationship between South Africa and the rest of  Africa has been pretty rocky throughout this  period of apartheid. But recently, it was a Kenyan diplomat who helped bring the Inkatha  Freedom Party into the elections at the last moment when all the Western leaders had failed to  break the deadlock. From the way the African  media covered that, I felt it was symbolic in that  it said, "yes, we can work together as Africans,  we don't need the Western powers."  Mabandla: Yes, it was very symbolic.  Jaffer: Also, we have strong anti-racist, anti-  sexist communities and structures growing, in  the West, incountries like Canada and the United  States, that are putting forward an anti-racist  ,enda in those countries...  Mabandla: There is great scope for [a relationship with] organizations like that in South  Africa. Like I say, the test will come with interpretation of the new South African constitution,  and all sorts of reactionary things that will happen. We are going to have to address the question  of racism and link up with anti-racist activists.  Interview with Mum'Lydia Kompe  Continued from page 11  Then there are sheep, cattle and goats that you don't  have power to do anything about. The men expect the child  to leave school and to go and look after those goats instead  of look after his life because, before the husband gives the go-  ahead, you have no right as a woman to go near the goats.  You can get milk [from the animal] but you can't slaughter  or sell it until the husband says you can do it. But women are  saying we need those kind of powers because we are looking  after those animals. The children also keep looking after the  animals and they're getting tired of it. They don't want to  look after the animals because they don't benefit from them.  The animals don't pay their school fees, don't buy them  clothes. The only thing you control as a woman in the home  is the chicken. Women are allowed to kill chickens, but  women have told me that some of the men even control the  chickens, particularly the men who stay at home.  Jaffer: It's the same premise as in Canada.- Men keep  women economically poor so that they have no power, feel  no power, feel they have no control of anything...  Kompe: Yes, women always feel they are owned by this  male. That's what we've turned into. It's done deliberately so  that the men should actually feel they benefit from this  oppression. That's what we've been challenging. Wherever  the Rural Women's Movement is operating, women are very  clear. Wake them in the middle of the night and say, "What  is it that you want in South Africa?" [The answer] is like a  recitation.  We have been discussing these things from 1986 but we  didn'thaveany way we could [voice] this so that everybody  would listen. When the National Women's Coalition was  formed, we thought this would be a solution. The women  really loved it. It's very upsetting to us as women, because  it's just when we started to feel the warmth and the support  of the Coalition that we as rural women can stand in front  and talk our own language and get a translator. Because this  has been done in English so far and isolated us. But all the  time we feel this is the place for us where we can really mix  with urban women. So we're just getting near to our dream,  where we actually spelt out that we want to narrow the gap  between urban and rural. The apartheid system has caused  this breach. And we as women rea lize that it's our duty to try  and narrow the gap.  The Coalition was one of the forums which really made  room for women to meet and mix, and share ideas and learn  from one another. Because  none of the rural women  know much about what's  happening in the urban areas, except that urban  women are taking their husbands [away from them].  And it creates a lot of tension, particularly when they  speak in English because we  can't understand what they  are saying. Now the tensions are starting to be resolved. I remember one time  they were saying to me, do  you think we'll ever, ever  mix with the urban women?  You can only do that if you  talk. They speak their own  language, because they think  we're not important. When  we ask about translation  they say, it's wasting time.  But now I think the urban  women are starting to realize that translatio is important if we want to work as a  H    majority.  Jaffer: So before urban  women were working a lot  with white women, and now  they're beginning to say,  "enough"?  Kompe: Because they can  see that they have left a lot of  their people behind. And  now they see they should go  to the rural areas and meet  with the people and talk to  these women. But now, the Coalition is winding up, and I  don't know if we're going back to square one, where we will  never have the forum that brings us together.  Jaffer: Maybe there's room for something new to come  together.  Kompe: We're waiting to see what women could come  up with. The rural women were thinking maybe we should  have a South African women's movement, where we could  really get together. And I think if women could really get  together in this country, it would be great. Women here are  so mobilized, are so ready, they just need a platform where  they can exercise their abilities and their power. Here we are,  only women, but we are not invisible like people thought we  are, particularly Black urban women and rural women.  Jaffer: Have the elections been a big issue in the rural  areas?  Kompe: People in the rural areas, in particular, are  looking forward to voting. For the first time in our lives, we  have this privilege of getting into a democratic non-racist,  non-sexist election. But we don't know what is going to be  the outcome of the elections because of the crisis of violence.  In our area, the most threat is the AWB. We don't know even  what measures they'll come up with. They can do some  damage. We hope the South African Police and the peace  keeping forces enable people to actually exercise their right  to vote.  Last time I was in Moutse, there were white the  middle of the street...When they saw us, they just started  shooting in the air. That made the older women scared and  come out and go in to the voting booths. And Motsei isn't  even that close to the AWB areas. I think in more remote  areas, we are going to need a lot more protection from the  white rightwing.  Jaffer: You're on the provincial election list for the ANC.  Why did you decide to run?  Kompe: I don't actually know how I got nominated. The  people who approached me after I was nominated came  from the regional ANC. I was part of the formation of the  Yeoville branch [known as the "bohemian," area of Johannesburg]. I discovered a lot of secrets [about the area].  We would climb up to the top of [apartment buildings]  and I realized most of those flats on the top [of the buildings],  which is where the maids live, don't have electricity, and  some of them don't even have running water. I was shocked  because that's the liberal area. It [taught] me a lot. I learnt that  liberals can really delay your liberation. They have already  delayed us. They'd keep on saying, "This awful apartheid,"  and yet they expect these people [maids] to come and work,  through all their pain and suffering.  When I came to this so-called "gray" area [an all-races  area], I was very confident [it would be easy], but then I  found these maids' flats, and I said, "I'd rather go stay with  my own people in an area where I am exposed, where  everybody knows I'm living in an area with bad conditions,  and not [someplace] where [you're] keeping somebody [a  maid] upstairs, hidden and invisible. And yet they would  say, "Oh, she's like part of my family!" I hate that. That's  when I started to hate liberals.  And we were with some of these same white people in  the same executive. The black people in the branch were  saying, "Why don't we expose it? Why don't we picket?" But  because they're liberals, they said they just don't think it's  necessary. We wanted to picket in front of the recreation  centre in Yeoville, because Tony Leon [Democratic Party  leader and then Yeoville Member of Parliament] refused to  let us use the recreation centre for our meetings. We used to  move from one place to another, never having a permanent  place to have meetings. The Yeoville branch office still can't  use it. We don't have a rightful place to hold meetings. Even  our [ANC] members could be challenging this, could expose  it. Tony Leon goes around saying how beautiful he is, he's  got no blood on his hands. Yet he's too busy secretly putting  his foot on people's throats.  They say these issues are petty but they can change  people's lives basically and fundamentally. Tony Leon himself cannot survive one hour without electricity but he  expects me to do it. Why? Because I'm Black, I've got no  brains, I've never had electricity before, so what does it  matter? I think it's terribly undermining. Even if apartheid is  done away with in South Africa on the books, hatred and  racism will be felt for a long time. The only person who will  see apartheid and racism as something in his history will be  my great grandchild. My grandchild, when he is as old as I,  will still feel it.  Fatima Jaffer's report (see p. 14 & 15) is based on factual and analytical information from numerous  women in South Africa. Due to the fact that she does not speak the various languages of South Africa,  most of her observations are based on conversations with English-speaking South Africans. Because  of space limitations her interview had to be heavily edited down. It may not be clear that she speaks  as a woman of colour activist from Canada. She does not purport to have the definitive story on South  African women. Commentary  Women Speak Out against UVic Ice Capades:  Against the Victoria chill  by Cheryl Harrison  On March 11,100 women and a few men  gathered at the University of Victoria (UVic)  to share experiences, information and analysis about the climate of harassment that exists  for women at Canadian universities. The day  long speak-out was organized generally as a  forum for accumulating an historical understanding of the technology of silence being  developed at lofty educational institutions,  and specifically as a strategy session for the  women gathered there.  Currently at UVic, feminism is being  maligned as "sexist fundamentalism," and  women demanding an end to harassment  and sexism are being lashed back into silence.  Ten scheduled speakers, along with many  women who spoke at the open mike, offered  analysisonhow sexual harassment functions  at campuses in BC, how the backlash against  women speaking out functions, and how the  backlash can be subverted.  Catherine Snowdon, from the Women's  Centre at Simon Fraser University, outlined  difficulties women face as students at institutions: where date rape, sexual assault and  harassment are daily occurences.  Janine Watson, from the UVic Faculty of  Law, presented her research on the gap that  exists between "the policy of law and the  reality of what the law provides" in the way  of protection for women from harassment.  According to Watson, claims based on harassment resulting from hostile environments  do not find easy recourse under the law,  which prefers to view harassment in terms of  sexual misconduct, rather than sexual  behavior.  Sandra Hoenle described threatening  letters sent to women in the Counseling Psychology department of the Faculty of Education at the University of British Columbia,  and the unwillingness of the administration  to investigate, let alone curb, sexist violence.  The lack of legislation addressing sexism,  Watson says, underpins the consistent tolerance of misogyny at Canadian universities.  At the Speak Out in March, Constance  Backhouse, (Professor of Law from the University of Western Ontario) described the  clamour that followed the release of the Climate Report as typical of the response of  universities across Canada to calls for the  elimination of systemic discrimination.  Backhouse asserted that each time women  attempt to intiate change, resistanceand backlash follow a consistent and specific pattern.  Backhouse described how characteristically cautious reports, focussing on institutional sexism (not individual acts of harassment), like the one written by the women at  UVic, are ironically responded to by "howls  of outrage from those who deem themselves  falsely accused." These reports are then labelled libelous. The names of the women  whose experiences are described therein—  and to which confidentiality was guaranteed  by the researchers—are demanded. And, as  atUVic, male academics then simultaneously  perform usual patriarchal reversals, that is,  by representing themselves as the real victims of sexual harassment. Backhouse says,  when university administrations realize that  the matter will not simply blow over, they  formulate a public response, framed in terms  of diffusing the situation rather than addressing the issue of systemic discrimination. They don the guise of neutrality and  commission so-called 'objective' reviews.  Here Backhouse paused, saying that the  Berger/Bilson Review commissioned by  UVic president David Strong, deserves careful scrutiny because it moves beyong the  typical call for "mutual respect and civilized discourse," and "seeks to set up a  framework for future discussion of climate  issues," a frameworkthatcondemns women  to another eternity of skating on thin ice.  Berger and Bilson warn of the 'dangers' inherent to such terms as "sexism,"  "racism," and "harassment." They say  women should be allowed to describe their  experiences collectively "so long as individual character and reputation are not  thereby compromised." Damning complaints, they say, "should be made through  a complaint procedure with procedural safeguards for both the complaintant and the  person against whom the complaint is directed." Such a procedure does not exist at  UVic.  At the close of the Speak Out, a surprise, melodic visit by the Raging Grannies  kicked off a march. Sixty pissed-off, placard-carrying women flooded the halls outside the Uvic president's boardroom.  (Strong's term is ending and the Search for  the President Committee was meeting to  review his conduct and renegotiate his contract.)  The women on the march offered an  oral submission to the Search for President  Committee (through the loudhailer), reiterating demands from UVic Faculty Women's Caucus, Student's Society, and Graduate Women's Caucus for the termination of  Strong's reign.  Since then, four of the eight tenured  male faculty members at UVic's Political  Science Department have filed a libel suit in  the BC Supreme Court against the CBC for  radio broadcast interviews with Constance  Backhouse and Somer Brodribb recorded  during the March 11th Speak Out.  During the Speak Out, Sylvia Bardon  (a Political Science graduate student and  member of the Climate Committee) had  made what I thought was the observation of  the day: "what sexist men fear the most, is  being redundant." If there is one thing which  characterizes the angry memos, vicious articles, ineffectual reviews and trumped up  law suits following the release of UVic's  Climate Report, it is redundancy. "Put up  and shut up" is the message being sent. The  women at UVic and other BC campuses are  doing neither.  Cheryl Harrison recently graduated from the  University of Victoria with a Women's  Studies degree.  r«  WOMENBWORK  SCREEN       .PRINT  Making a Postive impression  for Our Community Since 1984!  (604) 980-4235  •Women Owned  & Open  KARATE for WOMEN  fftWJW:U=in=i=nna  Mon., Tues., Thurs. 7 pm  Fitness, self confidence,  self defense  ASK ABOUT BEGINNER  EH3 734-98I6  The Chilly Climate at UVic ^  Women from UVic's Political Science Department have been on the backlash  rack ever since the Committee to Make the Department More Supportive to  Women (known as the Climate Committee) produced its preliminary report last  March [see Kinesis, June/93]. The short report described a plethora of barriers that  women face in that department, ranging from sexist jokes and innuendo to the  erasure of works by and about women in the classroom. The report also  recommended a variety of educational and structural steps to stop inappropriate  behaviour, including the use of representative amounts of women's theory and  research in all courses.  Upon presenting the Report, Chilly Climate Committee members were met  with immediate hostility. Somer Brodribb, the faculty representative on the  Committee, was threatened with a libel suit by eight tenured male faculty  members of the department, who felt that the Chilly Climate Report had harmed  their reputations. The five other Climate Committee members (Nadia Kyba,  Denise McCabe, Theresa Newhouse, Sylvia Bardon and Phylilis Foden: all  students) were targetted and harassed both in and outside the classrooms.  All the women have been repeatedly attacked on myriad levels in the flurry  of documents produced in reponse to their work. The media have described the  goings on at UVic in terms of a 'gender war'—sex and violence, academic style.  Some UVic campus "radicals" have been personally targetted. Pressure has been  placed on other women to denounce the report and the women involved in its  production.  In one document, entitled "Response from the Tenured Faculty to the Report  of the Climate Committee," the eight tenured male faculty members (the eight)  claim that the section of the Report describing "Sexual Harassment and Everday  Hostility" defames every member of the faculty, including the untenured and  sesssional instructors."  Ignoring the Report's emphasis on systemic sexism and racism, the eight  demanded that the women (upon whose oral and written submissions the  Climate Report had been based) file formal and individual complaints through  the Administration's own equity Office—a lengthy, arduous and often ineffective process.  Further, arguing that "academic freedom" includes the right to harass, the  eight maintain that the "most worrying of the Committee's recommendations are  the ones that would establish a system of policing to ensure that professors were  held to certain standards of 'anti-racist and anti-sexist' conduct."  The men also condemn the report as methodologically unsound, claiming  that it presented an"oddly distorted view of departmental life."  The wrath of the eight was so mammoth, it awoke UVic President, David  Strong. Following a mountain of memos in support of the eight from both Strong  and Vice President—Sam Scully, an internal review of the situation in the  department was commissioned. The findings of the two-person review committee (which includes recommendations that the Climate Committee continue their  work and be provided with resources sufficient to do so) were booed and hissed  by the eight and summarily dismissed by the Administration.  In a last ditch attempt, Dave Strong spent $160,000 commissioning Beth  Bilson, a law professor at the University of Saskatchewan and Thomas R. Berger,  the former Supreme Court Justice, to perform a second review of the situation.  David Strong, who appears pleased with the findings of the Berger/Bilson  Review Committee, has said that his office is taking action on all ten of its  recommendations.  Meanwhile, it's been business as usual in the Department of Political Silence.  The new chair, the one that Berger and Bilson recommended be female and  sought from outside the Department, has been selected. His name is Rob Walker  and he is one of the eight.  The Climate Committee has filed five Human Rights complaints against the  University of Victoria. Donations for the Chilly Climate Legal Defense Fund are being  collected by the Victoria Status of Women Action Group at #213-620 View St Victoria,  BC, V8w 1J4.  V. J  1 Ita inking a lb ©mi wn£ing l©r IKinesis i     ©  1 Itneire s a <oleaaIine<»       (§)  ju.i i£ as JKinesiSoo.       ©  •255-5499  PRE'iNVENTORY SaIe  SATimdAy, June 25  1 5^40% Off EVERVThJNq  VANCOUVER  WOMEN'S  BOOKSTORE  315 CAMBIE ST.  VANCOUVER, B.C. V6B 2N4  TEL: (604) 684-0523  (Mail Orders Welcome)  HOURS:  MONDAY - SATURDAY  10 AM-6PM 20th Anniversary  Commentary on feminist journalism and Kinesis;  Influences and inspiration  by Esther Shannon   Esther Shannon was the editor of Kinesis  from 1985 to 1989. Basedon her experience and  prior knowledge, Shannon reviews Kinesis'/owr-  ney through feminist journalism painfullyaware  she doesn't know the whole story.  Feminists who launch newspapers are  motivated by a very simple objective: they  want to give women a voice. While the  mainstream media has a collection of rules  about how to select and edit news that emphasize "objective" reporting and keeping  the reporter out of the story, feminist newspapers don't believe there can be objectivity  under patriarchy. Their explicit editorial  agenda is the necessity for women's liberation and they make no bones about it. The  stories they report most often arise directly  from the women who experience them. Usually there is no reporter in the story, there are  participants. And with these participants,  feminist papers contribute to building an  analysisof women's struggles thatconstantly  expands feminism.  Piles of "news about women that's  not in the dailies"  The mainstream media assume that  commitment to a point of view means the  truth will not be told. But women rarely see  any truths about themselves on the front  pages or on the television news. In fact, until  feminism's second wave, the media's  "truths" managed to co-exist with the near  silencing of 50 percent of the globe and the  men in charge of the front pages never even  noticed. They barely notice today.  Feminist newspapers provide the most  immediate and personal record of where the  women's movement came from, where it is  today and how its politics are evolving. They  are the movement's most timely and accessible medium for news and reviews, discussion and debate. If you want to make a  statement, you don't have to write a book,  you can just write a letter; you don't have to  produce a video, you can just take a picture;  you don't even have to write a cheque, you  can just ask for a free subscription.  Feminist newspapers share more wiith  one another than their dedication to women's liberation. Their readerships have a very  activist bent. Their editorial structures tend  to be non-hierarchal. They have little or no  money. Their writers, graphic artists, photographers, production crews, in short their  workers, are usually unpaid. They have a  tough time getting their papers on newsstands and in bookstores. They have no promotion budgets and their advertising sales  never cover costs. Many have a short and /or  erratic publishing life, falling casualty to  rising production costs, low revenues, overwhelming administrative demands and volunteer burnout. At 20 years and still going  strong, Kinesis is a rare article in the world of  feminist journalism.  BC, Vancouver and Lower Mainland  feminists have been privileged to have had  their own "community newspaper" since  the earliest days of the women's movement.  The Pedestal, BC's first feminist newspaper,  published its first issue in 1971 and folded in  May of 1974, after Kinesis had already started  publishing. Over the past 20 years, Kinesis  has become an indispensable movement partner in the organizing, educating, influencing  and motivating efforts of local, provincial  and national feminist groups.  As much as Kinesis is similar to other  feminist newspapers, it is also a unique universe created from a distinct blend of influences and inspiration. For instance, the paper's support from its publisher, the Vancouver Status of Women, as well as its unusually secure funding base have contributed  enormously to the paper's stability and  growth.  Just as importantly, however, the paper's ever-evolving nature depends on the  efforts of the dozens of committed women  who have served on its editorial collectives  and by the hundreds more who have left  their mark as writers, graphic artists, production and office workers. But ultimately  the paper's life springs from its readers and  the movement it is a part of and at the same  time chronicles.  The point that most decisively sets Kinesis  apart from many of its sister publications is  that it has always had paid staff. From its  first issue, the paper had a paid editor plus a  person responsible for its administration.  Traditionally, Kinesis' editors have strongly  influenced the development of the paper.  While it is a powerful position, it also has a  daunting reputation for a heavy workload  and, perhaps not surprisingly, amazingly  few applicants vie for the editor's job.  Kinesis has managed to pay women for  more of the core work by adding a part time  Production Coordinator in the mid-1980s  and, later yet, Distribution and Advertising  Coordinators on an hourly and a  sion basis.  In a world where most feminist papers  struggle to survive on volunteer labour, it is  impossible to underestimate the benefits of  paid staff. Paid staff can give consistent attention to the business end of the paper's  production: reader servicing, distribution,  promotion, advertising, continuity and planning, crisis management, and volunteer recruitment, coordination and training. The  other advantage of paid staff is that eventually they leave. When the editor or production coordinator depart to their well deserved rest, the new staff invariably bring  new energy and perspectives as well as a  fresh group of volunteers.  Kinesis is different from many other  feminist newspapers in that its publisher,  the Vancouver Status of Women (VSW), is a  distinct entity unto itself. VSW, one of BC's  oldest feminist organizations, provides a  wide rangeof services to the community and  is a key player in women's political strug-  gles.  Because Kinesis shares office space with  VSW, the paper's environment is one where  feminism's home truths are authenticated  daily. Whether it's linking with individual  women who are turning to VSW for support  or eavesdropping on the women's groups  who have arrived to plot a new campaign,  Kinesis' workers are saturated with firsthand knowledge about the day-to-day reality of women's individual and collective  battles.  So what does the average Kinesis worker  do and where does she come from? The first  question is comparatively simple to answer,  they do what they can or they do everything.  Most volunteers will either do writing or  production work including proof reading,  layout, design, etc. Others do the above and  a whole lot more by assisting in the overall  operation of Kinesis, usually as members of  the editorial group. It is the editorial group,  along with the editor, who truly control the  paper's evolution by grappling with the key  editorial and business-related decisions.  Many of Kinesis's volunteers do not even  consider themselves Kinesis workers. They  are the writers who are called out of the blue  for an article on their area of expertise. They  may have written for Kinesis in the past or  they may be being tapped for an offering for  the first time. To the great relief of the editor,  they usually see the proposed article as an  opportunity to spread the word on their  issue. Other women come heeding the endless call for new writers: "No Experience  Necessary." Today, literally hundreds of  women quite rightly view Kinesis as their  journalism alma mater.  Former editors, Nancy Pollack (left)  and Emma Kivisild with the Kinesis  banner  While Kmesis has always put a premium on being accessible to women, it has  not been accessible to all women concerned  about feminist issues. Up until a few years  ago, the great majority of Kinesis workers—  whether writers, production workers, edito-  rial group members, editors or administrative workers,—have been white women from  middle-class backgrounds with university  educations. The few women of colour, Aboriginal women and working-class women  who contributed to the paper were keenly  aware that their cultures and backgrounds  were not recognized as an integra 1 part of the  dominant feminist framework.  18  Some of the many demos and  marches Kinesis has covered over  the past 20 years  KINESIS 1974-1*994  As the women's movement is being  forced to acknowledge and reject the hegemony of white middle-class perspectives  on feminism, Kinesis is also struggling to  become a paper that involves and speaks to  more women of colour and working-class  women.  According to the paper's masthead,  Kinesis' "... objectives are to be a non-sectarian feminist voice for women and to work  actively for social change, specifically by  combatting sexism, racism, classism,  homophobia, ableism and imperialism."  The major questions and debates that  have challenged feminism are very much on  the editorial agenda. The major issues feminism has forced onto society's social, economic and political agenda are consistently  and competently reported, often complete  with comment from the "powers that be,"  who have been sought out to account for the  effect their decisions have on women's lives.  In the early 80s, women of colour's growing criticisms of the racism and elitism of the  white women's movement forced Kinesis to  begin a long overdue scrutiny of its content  and process.  Over the next 10 years, the women running the paper became increasingly aware  that its coverage of women of colour and  Aboriginal women's issues was both sparse  and superficial.  The Vancouver Women of Colour Group  was at the forefront of demands that Kinesis  deal with its racism. A meeting between the  Kinesis Editorial Board and the Vancouver  Women of Colour Group in 1988 was the first  step in establishing an of f ical commitment by  the Kinesis Editorial Board to changing its  policies and structure. In 1990, the Kinesis  Women of Colour Caucus, la ter known a s the  Not Just Another Page Collective, was formed  to facilitate these changes.  Kinesis's move to an "affirmative action"  hiring policy in 1991 was another step in the  process. Gradually, through a process of internal debate on racism and steady pressure  from women of colour, Kinesis is becoming  more inclusive of all women's perspectives.  Most recently, the paper's coverage on issues  affecting women of colour and Aboriginal  women has been far more timely and comprehensive, because more women from these  communities are working and volunteering  at Kinesis.  Ultimately a newspaper's life springs  from and is revealed by its content. What has  Kinesis promised to be, what has it delivered  to its readers and what record has it left of the  women's movement?  Any future feminist historian would be  impressed with the range and depth of coverage Kinesis has delivered over the past 20  years, especially given its almost painfully  limited resources.  Kinesis has also had to wrestle with the  issue of its editorial independence from the  movement it reports on. The paper has been  seen as betraying movement solidarity by  printing criticism of groups, organizing efforts, or the movement as a whole, most  notably in the early 80s, when the Vancouver  women's movement was split over the course  taken by Rape Relief, a local sexual assault  centre.  When the paper carried a spoof on fashion in the women's community and, more  seriously, a ground-breaking story on women  who rape, readers accused it of being anti-  woman and of violating "feminist beliefs."  While to VSW's credit, the paper's editorial  independence has always been respected,  some readers clearly believe Kinesis's function should be to serve as a safe and non-  critical "house organ" for the women's movement.  JUNE 1994  In contrast, the women at Kinesis believe  its primary role is to get the word out, whether  that be via news stories, community listings,  articles featuring commentary and debate or  letters to the editor. The paper has never been  willing to act as a gate slammer determining  what is and is not appropriate for the women's movement or the world at large to know  about women and feminist practice.  Despite this commitment, an honest observer must note that there is, increasingly, a  trend to less debate in the paper over the last  decade. Both Kinesis and its readership play a  role in this troubling trend.  /"The mights'  I5I5  . U//WTS  YOU To Cor^C  I^Pdun/ 4n/d  -HeLp puf  kinesis To&ETHeR—  i No  EXpeRie/jce Reouuzeo]  The Mighty Isis put out the call  for volunteers in the February  1987 issue  Kinesis itself does not deliberately seek to  spark debates. In common with many feminist periodicals, it has never printed editorials and its editorial groups have always been  extremely reserved about taking a position  on issues.  From the paper's beginning Kinesis has  never carried editorials, the reasoning behind  the "no editorials" stance stems from an appreciation of the degree of power and privilege editorial groups traditionally have had gjf  in periodical publishing. The Kinesis editorial f  board already largely determines what people are going to read in the paper each month.  It decides what issues the paper will focus on  and solicits the articles, often from writers  already known to the paper. Board members  also have much greater access to the paper  should they decide to put forward their individual opinion. And, in contrast to many  Kinesis readers, editorial board members often see themselves as writers and tend to be  more self-confident in expressing a point of  view.  Sometimes the question of whether the  paper should cover difficult or contentious  issues never arises. Articles are not refused,  they are simply not considered or solicited.  Often harried Kinesis workers don't believe  they have the time to write the definitive  articles on the issue everyone is talking about  and no one has the time, or the nerve, to  put in print. Whatever the reason, a consistent lack of debate in the paper should  raise concerns about the thorny issue of  self-censorship, a guaranteed route to a  cautious and essentially boring journalism.  Without question, however, a paper's  readership plays the most vital role in  inciting discussion. In comparison to the  lengthy and debate-packed letters pages of  many American and British publications,  Canadian feminist publications receive  fewer letters and Kinesis is no exception in  this regard. Perhaps it is the "let's not make  an unseemly fuss" Canadian identity showing up in the feminist world.  Unfortunately, when a reader does  take the time to put her thoughts on an  issue on paper, one of two things usually  transpires. She receives absolutely no reply in the paper despite the fact that her  article or letter may arouse intense comment in the movement. She is left feeling  exposed yet unsatisfied because nothing  she has brought forward for discussion  has a public forum. Naturally, there is a  sense that all her time and effort has been  wasted.  Alternatively, her article spurs the utter and absolute rage of one or two respondents who are furiously intent on  crushing her puny character into little  pieces and pounding her worthless opinions to smithereens. She is devastated, feels  horribly exposed and mistreated and never  writes again. The next month a letter may  appear despondently taking everyone involved to task and asking, sorrowfully,  why women cannot be respectful when  they disagree.  While a more respectful response  would undoubtedly encourage more  women to venture an opinion, it is likely  always going to be the case that some are  only motivated to express their opinion if  they can do so in an intense or extreme  manner. It may even be a form of protection from publication anxiety. After all,  there are likely few women who would be  willing to gainsay that fury.  But when only the extremes of an  issue dominate debate, a price is paid.  What is often missing from discussions in  Kinesis is any sense of a diversity of views  or a process of evolving discussion and  resolution, both of which are important  values to the feminist movement. If our  curious feminist historian were to base her  theories of feminism only on the Kinesis  letter pages she would have to conclude  that opinion on most issues was always  firm and final, not to mention infuriated.  There is no doubt that expressing an  opinion, especially if one believes it challenges or contradicts the feminist status  quo, can be an intimidating and downright sea ry prospect for some women. Still,  taking the risk to debate issues is vital,  particularly when there are so many new  and challenging perspectives on feminism  and feminist practice emerging. Feminists  run a greater risk of mistaking silence for  solidarity, losing critical opportunities to  build a movement united by real knowledge  and understanding. However, if we already  believe we cannot use our own newspapers  to express what we think, if we already feel  silenced by a perceived feminist orthodoxy,  then we had better figure out what we are  going to do about the problem.  Feminist newspapers  provide the most  immediate and personal  record of where the  women's movement  came from, where it is  today and how its  politics are evolving.  Twenty years ha ve rolled by in the young  history of Kinesis, Canada's oldest continuously publishing feminist newspaper. Looking ahead, Kinesis is moving forward into a  fascinating future, both as a newspaper and  a women's movement partner.  According to the information  superhighway pundits—all of whom seem  to be men—the days of the traditional newspaper and magazinearenumbered. The computer gurus say people are going to get their  information, launch their debates, build their  connections, bare their souls, advertise their  wares and pay for their subscriptions via  modems and monitors. Is it true? Will we  actually live in the paperless world the computer salesmen promised 20 years ago? Naturally, Kinesis has yet to raffle off its laser  printer. While future readers may very well  see an electronic Kinesis, we need to bear in  mind that we would likely have to run a  tunnel under the superhighway before we  could wire a secure feminist freenet.  The pressures feminism faces in today's  political climate seem more intense than at  any previous time in the modern women's  movement's short history. It is a time of  increasing right wing backlash, reduced government funding for women's groups and  services and harder economic times for  women. It is a time when the gains made by  feminism, and other progressive movements,  are under direct attack. It is a time when a  united women's movement and a vibrant  feminist press are vital if we are to effectively  press for women's liberation. Kinesis's role  in this work is simple: to carry on telling the  real life stories of women and build on the  traditions of feminist journalism.  A look at 1982: three women wearing their Kinesis T-shirts and reading  Kinesis in front of our previous home on W. 5th Avenue Bulletin Board  Bulletin Board listings have a  maximum of 50 words. Groups,  organizations and individuals eligible for free space in the Bulletin  Board must be, or have, non-profit  objectives.  Other free notices will be items of  general public interest and will  appearatthediscretion of Kinesis.  Classifieds are $8 (+$0.56 GST)  for the first 50 words or portion  thereof, $4 (+$0.28 GST) for each  additional 25 words or portion  thereof and must be prepaid.  Deadline for all submissions is  the 18th of the month preceding  publication. Note: Kinesis is published ten times a year. Jul/Aug  and Dec/Jan are double issues.  All submissions should include a  contact name and telephone  number for any clarification that  may be required.  Listings will not be accepted over  the telephone.  Kinesis encourages readers to research the goods and services  advertised in Bulletin Board.  Kinesis cannot guarantee the accuracy of the information provided  or the safety and effectiveness of  the services and products listed.  Send submissions to Bulletin  Board, Kinesis, #301-1720 Grant  Street, Vancouver, BC, V5L 2Y6.  For more information call 255-  5499.   'Rarrhoyi 7\  Festival  EVENTS  EVENTS  EVENTS  F  The Most  Colourful  Beats Under  the Sun  • Music - Casselberry-Dupree,  Black Umfolosi (Zimbabwe),  Roots Puntr Rock (Belize),  Melanie DeMore, Daisy  DeBolt .... and much more.  • Dance - Saturday, July 16  Mother Tongue  • Drum & Dance Workshops  • Art Exhibit  • Art Market  • Lecture & Discussion Series  Discuss issues such as racism,  human rights and global  development with performers  and guest speakers.  Information:     .  r     The     '  796-3664      j  intimate and  or Vancouver   1  affordable  681-2771  l.    Festival  Box 399, Harrison Hot Springs, BC  VOM 1K0  Super, Natural Southwestern BC  July 9 -17,1994  Harrison Hot Springs  WANNA GET INVOLVED?  With Kinesis? We want to get involved with  you too. Help plan our next issue. Come to  the Writer's meeting on Tues, Jun 7, 7 pm  at our office, 301-1720 Grant St, Vancouver. If you can't make the meeting, call 255-  5499. No experience is necessary, all women  welcome.  VSW WANTS YOU!  Want to get more involved but not sure  where to begin? Join us—become a volunteer at Vancouver Status of Women. VSW  volunteers plan events, lead groups, raise  funds, answer the phone lines and help to  connect women with the community resources they need,- organize the library and  other exciting tasks! Come to the committee  meetings: Finance/Fundraising, Mon, Jun  20, 6 pm. The next volunteer potluck and  orientation will be on Thurs, Jun 16,7 pm at  VSW, 301-1720 Grant St. For more info, call  Jennifer at 255-5511.  POLITICAL ACTION GROUP  The Women of Colour and First Nations  Women's Political Action Group meets once  a month. For more info please call Miche at  255-5511.  SEXUAL HARASSMENT SUPPORT  GROUP  Meets twice a month at VSW, 301-1720  Grant St. For more info, call Miche at 255-  5511.  FEMINIST NETWORKING  Meets once a month. Call Miche for more  info at 255-5511.  GOLDEN THREADS  The 8th Annual Golden Threads Celebration  will take place on Jun 24-26 in Provincetown,  Mass. Golden Threads is a worldwide social  network of Lesbians over 50, and women  who are interested in older women—no one  is excluded. The conference includes sing-  alongs, line dancing, lesbian videos and  entertainment by Heather Bishop. Attendance is limited so write for reservation info:  Christine Burton, Golden Threads, PO Box  60475, Northampton, MA 01060-0475.  DYKE ART RETREAT  The fifth annual Dyke Art Retreat Encamp-  menf(DARE)willbeheldJul3-9atRootworks,  wooded lesbian land near Sunny Valley in  southern Oregon.One weekof focused group  and individual self-initiated art projects in a  supportive environment. Rustic cabins and  tenting space, three vegetarian meals daily.  Limited registration, $135-150. For info send  SASE to DARE, 2000 King Mountain Trail,  Sunny Valley, Oregon 97497.  100 LANGUAGES OF CHILDREN  The Hundred Languages of Children, an art  exhibition foryoung people andtheirfamilies  will run until Jun 12. The exhibit will be held  in four locations, Surrey Art Gallery, Douglas  College, Vancouver Art Gallery and UBC.  For info, call (604)596-7461.  STONEWALL  The fourth annual Stonewall Festival in the  Park, a grassroots forum for the city's gay &  lesbian artisans, sports groups, performers,  arts and cultural groups, charitable organiza  tions and businesses will be held Sat, Jun  25, from 11 -4 at Grandview Park, Commercial just south of Venables. This year's festival will include a full week of community  events and a country/western dance. For  more info or to participate contact Vancouver's Stonewall Society, 1170 Bute St, Van,  V6G1Z6, 684-5307.  HARRISON ARTS FEST  The 1994 edition of the Harrison Festival of  the Arts will be held Jul 9-17. Performers  include singer/songwriter Melanie Demore,  Toronto band Mother Tongue and Bating, a  new 6 piece group led by West African  musician Alpha Daillo. Children's Day is on  July 11. An art exhibit focussing on West  African artists runs throughout the event.  Lecture & discussion series participants to  be announced. For info write Box 399,  Harrison Hot Springs, BC, VOM 1K0 orphone  (604)796-3664.  MICHIGAN!!!  The 1994 Michigan Womyn's Music Fest  runs Aug 9-14, on 650 acres of secluded  woodland. The performers includeLucie Blue  Tremblay, Toshi Reagon, Lillian Allen & Karen  Williams, plus intensive workshops. Postmark deadlines: Jun 10for Workshop Applications, Jul 16for Advance Ticket Purchase.  Write tothe WWTMC, Box 22, Walhalla, Ml  49458.   GENDER HISTORY CONFERENCE  The conference, BC and Beyond: Gender  Histories, will be held from Jun 16-18 in  Victoria. The conference will focus of B.C.  gender history, but also will include comparative papers by B.C. scholars working in the  field of gender history. For more info, con-  Introducing Amplesize Park's  own line of clothing  New hours:  Mon, Tues, Thurs 11 -6  Fri 11-7  Sat 10:30-4:30  Closed Wed & Sun  Quality consignment  ciothing  Size 14... plus  Amplesize Park has moved to:  1969 Commercial Dr.  Vancouver, B.C.  Sarah-Jane (604)251-6634  A  Memorable  Escape  Centre Yourself  in the comfort and tranquility  of Canada's beautiful, natural  Gulf Islands  5 acres of forested foot paths  trails with ponds  ocean and mountain views  Decadent Breakfasts  Hot Tub  A private retreat  (604) 537-9344  Mail: R.FUtt, S-23, B-0, Ganges, B.C. V0S 1E0 Bulletin Board  EVENTS  EVENTS  EVENTS  EVENTS  tact: BC Gender History Conference, Department of History, University of Victoria, PO Box  3045, Victoria, BC, V8W 3P4, or call (604)  721 -7382. *  .  SEXUAL DIVERSITY CONFERENCE  The conference Understanding SexualDiversity will be held in Guelph, Ontario from Jun  20-22. The conference will facilitate a better  understanding of relationships and sexual  problems facing our society. For more info,  contact: Guelph Sexuality Conference, Office  of Continuing Education, Rm 159, Johnston  Hall, University of Guelph, Guelph, Ont, N1G  2W1,orcall (519) 767-5000   FIRST NATIONS CIRCLE  The Circle Unbroken are presenting a series  of thirteen 20 minute programs about current  issues, cultural identity and relations between  First Nations and Canada. The next event is  Time Immemorial on Wed Jun 15. It will be  held at 12:00 noon at the Women's Centre,  3028 Fifth Avenue, Port Alberni, BC.  GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE CONFERENCE  The 1994 National Action Committee on the  Status of Women (NAC) conference, Women  Take Back the World: The Global Fightback,  will be held from Jun 10-13 in Ottawa. The  Conference will provide an opportunity to fit  women's work into a giobal perspective, to  understand women's struggles in a broader  context and to make links with women from  other countries. For more info, contact: NAC,  57 Mobile Dr, Toronto, Ont, M4A 1Z5, or call  1-800-665-5124.  SYLVIE READMAN  Sylvie Readman's art exhibition, Champs  d'eclipses will be held at Presentation House  Gallery, 333 Chesterfield Ave, North Vancouver, from Jun 15-Jul 24. A reception with the  artist will be held Tues Jun 14, 8-10 pm.  Gallery hours are Wed to Sun, 12-5 pm;  Thurs, 12-9pm.  CARIBBEAN DAYS FESTIVAL 94  The Trinidad & Tobago Culture Society is  hosting a two day festival, July 23 & 24,at  Waterfront Park in North Vancouver. Authentic Caribbean entertainment, including many  live bands, crafts, and food. For more info call  876-7101.  SHANI MOOTOO  Vancouver based artist and writer Shani  Mootoo explores the complexities of lesbian  identity within South Asian and Canadian  culture. Mootoo will read excerpts from her  new novel Cereus Blooms at Nightandscreen  her new video Her Sweetness Lingers, Fri  Jun 3 at 8 pm. Admission free at the Contem-  Press Gang Publishers &  JOSEPHINE'S invite everyone to  a reading/gathering  Wednesday, June 8, 5-7 p.m.  at Josephine's, 1716 Charles Street  (off Commercial)  KARLENE FAITH, a long-time  community activist, will talk about her  work as an advocate for incarcerated  women and will read from her recently  published book Unruly Women: The  Politics of Confinement and Resistance.  porary Art Gallery, 555 Hamilton St. For  more info call 681-2700.  JUDITH FINLAYSON  Judith Finlayson, Toronto author of The  New Woman's Diary and Season of Renewal, will give a free mini-workshop for  women on journal-writing Tues Jun 21,  7:30-9:30, at Women in Print, 3566 W. 4th  Ave. Bring a pen and paper. For more info  call 732-4128.  HARRISON FESTIVAL  A Question of Voice, a one day forumfor arts  presenters, administrators, artists and individuals interested in the debate surrounding  cultural appropriation organized by the  Harrison Festival of the Arts will be held Fri,  Jul 15. Participants will share and exchange  ideas on the topic of cultural appropriation  and its effects on the arts community. Guests  speakers are Lorena Gale, Yasmin Jiwani,  Margo Kane, Haruko Okano and Beverly  Yhap. For more info 681-2771.  MOTHER TONGUE  The Harrison Festival of the Arts presents  Canada's hottest world beat Afro-reggae  band Mother Tongue at the annual festival  dance on Jul 16. For ticket info call 681-  2771.  BAD GIRLS GO EVERYWHERE  sheila norgate's mixed emotions on paper,  Bad Girls Go Everywhere opens Thurs Jun  2 at 7pm at the Doctor Vigari Gallery, 1407  Commercial Dr. Showing throughout June.  For more info call 255-9513.  FRIENDS IN THE VALLEY  The Gay/Lesbian social group is hosting a  "Prom Night" on Sat Jun 25, 8 pm-1 am in  Abbotsford. Come see how we swing in the  country. For details call 853-7184.  WOMEN'S STREET DANCE  The Port Coquitlam Area Women's Centre's  2nd annual women's street dance on Sat  Jun 18 from 6-11 pm at 2420 Mary Hill Rd,  Port Coquitlam. Tickets $6-$10. To volunteer call 941-6311.  ern Front, 303 E 8th Ave. For more info call  Delia at 876-7787 or Zainub at 876-9343.  AN EVENING OF WOMENS MUSIC  Ellen Churchill, vocalist, and Peter  MacDonald, guitarist, honour women in an  evening of blues, jazz, pop, original and  women's music on Fri Jun 3 at 8:15  pm.Tickets $4-$8. At Josephine's, 1716  Charles St.  MARUSYA BOCIURKIW  Press Gang celebrates the release of  Marusya Bociurkiw's new book of short  stories and narratives, The Women Who  Loved Airports, on Fri Jun 3,8:30pm.Author  reading and music by the Zeellia Ukrainian  Women's Vocal Ensemble plusavideo showing of Bodies in Troubleby Marusya Bociukiw  and Discreet Moments (And What is Between Them) by Mary Daniels at the West-  THE DOCTOR VIGARI GALLERY  1407 Commerical Drive 'Ģ 255-9513  > p e  n   J.  n g       j  u  n  <  running     thro  KAZUE MIZUSHIMA  Japanese composer Kazue Mizushima  presents Eve of the Future, a combination of  visually stunning art installation and radical  sound performance on Jul 2 at 8pm at the  Western Front, 303 E 8th Ave. Tickets $5-$7.  For more info call 876-9343.  BINGO FOR GAY PRIDE  Lesbo Bingo is back at Josephines on Sat  Jun 4 as a benefit for the Gay Pride Parade  at Josephine's, 1716 Charles St. $3-$10 plus  percardfee. 8-11:30 pm, door opens at 7:30.  For more info call 253-3142.  KARLENE FAITH  Press Gang Publishers will launch Karlene  Faith's new book, Unruly Women: The Politics of Confinement & Resistance on Wed  Jun 8. Karlene will speak on her work and  sign books from 5-7pm at Josephine's, 1716  Charles St. Admission is free. For more info  call Delia at 876-7787.  FAREWELL BASH  Josephine's Farewell Bash Concert and  Fundraiser will be held Fri Jun 10with entertainers Sue McGowan, with Sharon Costello  and Carol Weaver, Louise n'ha Ruby, Sylvi,  Inclognito Women Cloggers, and more. Concert 8 pm, Door: 7:30. Advance tickets $5-  $15. At Josephine's, 1716 Charles St.  VANCOUVER FOLK FEST  The 17th annual Vancouver Folk Music Festival will run Jul 15-17 at Jericho  Beach.Performers include Ani DiFranco,  Veda Hille and Quartette featuring Sylvia  Tyson, Cindy Church, Caitlin Hanford, and  Colleen Peterson, just to name a few! For  more info call 879-2931.  THE PEOPLE'S LAW SCHOOL  The People's Law School is giving free law  classes on Immigration Law, Wed Jun 7,7-  9pm at Sexsmith Community School 7455  Ontario St, and Welfare Rights & Gain, Tues  Jun 21,7-9 atthe Sunset Community Center,  404 E. 51st Ave. To pre-register call 325-  1202.  MONICA SJOO  Monica Sjoo, author of The Great Cosmic  Mother, presents a slide show and talk on  Wed Jun 1 at 8:30pm at Josephine's, 1716  Charles St. Door opens at 7:45pm. Tickets  $5-10.  PERSEPHONE...UNPLUGGED  Persephone ... unplugged, Sun Jun 12, at  the Vancouver East Cultural Centre, 1856  Venables. Come see some of Vancouver's  most giftedf emale musicians: Veda Hille, Mo  Field, Judy Atkin, Me and Another Woman,  and Yvette. Show starts at 8:30pm. Tickets  are available at the VECC, the Book Mantel,  and Little Sisters $9-$12. For more info call  623-9361.   TIT-A-LATION  A nasty little soiree for women and their  friends, Jun 4,10pm at the New York Theatre, 639 Commercial Dr. Tickets available at  the Book Mantel and Little Sisters. For more  info call 623-9361.  GRRRL PRIDE PARTY  Girls only Pride Party, Sat Jul 30, 10pm at  the New York Theatre, 639 Commercial Dr.  Tickets available at the Book Mantel and  Little Sisters. For more info 623-9361.  POLESTAR PRESS  Polestar Press is celebrating the release of  four new books by female authors on Mon  Jun 13 at 7:30 pm: Brenda Brooks' Blue Light  In the Dash, Florence McNeil's Breathing  Each Other's Air, Rita Moir's Survival Gear  and Vi Plotnikoff's Head Cook at Weddings  and Funerals and Other Stories ofDoukhobor  Life. At the Firehall Theatre, 280 E Cordova.  For more info call 251-9718.   YEAR OF THE FAMILY: CHILDREN'S RIGHTS  The University of Victoria will be the site of  Stronger Children, Stronger Families: the  1994 Year of the Family Invitational Conference on the U.N. Convention on the Rights of  the Child from Jun 20-23. The five day event  will highlight national and international child,  youth and family-serving organizations. For  more info call 660-1366.  FEMINIST BOOK FAIR  The 6th International Feminist Book Fair  takes place in Melbourne, Australia from Jul  27-31. The theme of the Book Fair is Indigenous, Asian and Pacific Writing and Publishing. The first two days are trade only and  the last three days are open to the public.  GAY AND LESBIAN PRIDE  The Gay and Lesbian Pride Week rally,  parade and BBQ in Calgary starts at 5pm,  Sun Jun 26, at City Hall Plaza. Everyone is  encouraged to attend and support equal  rights for lesbians, bisexuals and gay men.  For info call (403)266-5318.  LESBIAN STRENGTH  The Hackney Lesbian Strength and Gay  Pride Festival is being held in England, Aug  6-7. For more info call 071 -241-4071 or write  to Box 9, 136-138 Kingsland High St. E8  2NS, England.  SUSTAINABLE ALTERNATIVES  Sharing Sustainable Alternatives for Development North and South, a gathering of  people from Aboriginal communities and  environmental groups will be held Jun 11-12  at the La Ronge Kikinahk Friendship Centre  in Saskatoon. The hope is to bring together  both First Nations and non-Aboriginal people  from northern and southern communities.  No cost for registration or meals. Billeting,  hostel and camping space available. Phone  (306) 933-4141 or (306) 665-1915 for more  info.  GROUPS  VANCOUVER LESBIAN CONNECTION  Groups currently running are Suns 7-9 pm  Youth Group; Mons 7-9 pm Ki Connections;  Weds 7-9 pm ACOA; 1st and 3rd Fri 7:30-  9:30 pm Over 30's Social Group; 1 st and 3rd  Sat 6-9 pm Writers' Group.  EAST-SIDE LESBIAN YOUTH  The East-Side Youth Drop-in for lesbian, gay  and bisexual youth and their friends will be  held at Britannia. This is a safe, confidential,  non-threatening environment to discuss issues, build support and meet people. If you  are between 15 and 25, want to get involved  2l" Bulletin Board  GROUPS  or get more info, call Jason at Britannia  Community Services, Mon or Wed, or leave  a message at 253-4391.  DAWN BC  The Disabled Women's Network of Vancouver is holding monthly meetings for all disabled women interested in meeting other disabled women for support and information  sharing. Meetings are held on the second  Sun of the month from 2-4 at the Vancouver  Housing Registry, 501 E Broadway. For info  call 253-6620.  MATURE LESBIANS  If you are starting or continuing the coming  out process and want to meet other mature  lesbians for friendship and support call Geri  at 278-8497.  HIV POSITIVE WOMEN  The Oak Tree Clinic, a new care centre for  HlVposftive women andchildren has opened  its doors and is accepting new clients. It's  focus is the care of women and children who  are HlVposftive. To make an appointmentto  see a doctor or counsellor call 875-2212.  MOSAIC ACTION GROUP  MOSAIC has started a Multicultural Women's Community Action Group, for immigrant  women active in the community and wishing  to get further involved. Enhance knowledge  of issues, acquire practical skills, become  resource persons for multicultural organizations and community projects. Meetings will  be heldtwice a month at MOSAIC, 2nd Floor,  1720 Grant St. For more info, call Nikki  Nijhowne at 254-9626, voice mail #305.  REPROTECH COALITION  Vancouver Women's Reproductive Technologies Coalition brings together women  with common concerns about the social,  ethical, political and health implications of  new reproductive and genetic technologies.  Women who are interested or want to learn  more welcome. Meetings held at 6 pm the  first Wed of every month at the Vancouver  Women's Health Collective, #219-1675 W.8th  Ave. Next meeting Wed, Jun 1. for info, call  879-0779.  MAPLE RIDGE CONTACTS  The Lesbians and Gays of Maple Ridge  Social Group hold monthly potlucks,  brunches, games etc. New to the commu-  nity? You are welcomed here. Call 467-9566.  NAMES PROJECT  The Vancouver Affiliate of The Names Project-  Canada (the group which manages the Canadian AIDS Memorial Quilt) is holding  monthly Panel-Making Workshops for people wanting to create a panel for the Quilt in  memory of someone who has died of AIDS.  3rd Sat of every month at the Vancouver  Cultural Alliance, 938 Howe St, 11am-3pm.  No charge to attend. Need donations of  sewing materials, equipment, supplies. For  info, call Michel Arsenault, co-ordinator, 685-  9194. For general info call the Names Project  office, 669-2425.   LESBIAN SOCIAL GROUP  A Bunch Of Lesbians (ABOL) social evening  every Wed 7:30 pm at the Gay and Lesbian  Centre, 1170 Bute St. Open to all lesbians.  Guest speakers, discussions, videos, special events.  GROUPS  women who would like to get involved in the  causes, but don't want to lose their confidentiality, there is the option of phone  conferencing. For more information, please  contact Carla at the PWN, 893-2200.  WOODS (WOMEN OUT OF DOORS)  This newly formed group is for women who  want to enjoy the beautiful out of doors with  other likeminded women. All Welcome! For  info call Cindy at 251-6347.  VALLEY MEN & WOMYN  If you would like to meet other lesbians, gays  or bi's and you live in the Abbotsford area,  you are invited to call Friends in the Valley at  853-7184 or write to Box 8000-591,  Abbotsford V2S6H1.  TAKE BACK THE NIGHT  The Calgary '94 Take Back the Night Committee meets every fourth Tuesday of the  month at 7:30 in the Old Y, 223-12 Ave SW.  For more info call 283-7650.  MENOPAUSE SUPPORT  A Menopause Support Group in Edmonton  meets every third Wed of the month at  7:30pm at the Royal Alexandra Hospital-  Womens Center in the Out Patient Diabetic  Clinic. For info call 939-3699.  SUBMISSIONS SUBMISSIONS  SUBMISSIONS  topics include memories, how to cope and  protect yourself today, disclosing and  parenting as a survivor. For info on safety  precautions and howto submit material write  to Jeanne Marie Lorena, RA SPEAK OUT,  4104 24th St, No 127, San Francisco, California 04114. Deadline: Jun 30.  WOMEN, WAR AND PEACE  Women, War and Peace: The Vision and the  Strategies—an international conference of  Women in Black and women's peace movements—will be held in Jerusalemf rom Dec29-  31. Women from women's peace movements throughout the world are invited to  share their experience in an activist conference that will include discussions, workshops, a mass vigil and march through Jerusalem. Both activists and scholars are invited. Those interested in presenting, please  indicate your subject and preferred format  (workshop, panel, etc.) and contact Erella  Shadmi, 4/11 Dresner St, Jerusalem, Israel  93814, Tel: (2) 718-597; fax (2) 259-626.  POSITIVE WOMEN  The Positive Women's Network in Vancouver has formed a Women's HIV Caucus to  provide a time and place for HIV positive  women to discuss advocacy issues. For  WOMEN OF COLOUR  Sister Vision Press is inviting women of  colour under 30 to submit poetry, stories or  journal entries on experiences of incest and  sexual abuse for a new anthology. Deadline:  Aug 31. Please send hard copy or work on  IBM disk with SASE to Sister Vision Press,  PO Box 217 Stn E, Toronto, ON, M6H 4E2.  LESBIAN MOTHERHOOD  There is a call for papers for a book on lesbian  motherhood/parenthood to be published  byGynergy Books in the spring of 1995.  Articles by native lesbians and two-spirited  women, lesbians of colour and disabled lesbians are especially encouraged. Articles  should be no longer than 20 pages and can  be on a variety of topics. Please send proposals to Professor Katherine Arnup, School  of Canadian Studies, Carleton University,  1125 Colonel By Dr, Ottawa, ON, K1S 5B6.  LESBIAN LAND ANTHOLOGY  There is a call for material for a Lesbian Land  Culture Anthology, edited by Nett Hart and  Jean Mountaingrove and published by Word  Weavers. Work is sought that reflects the  innovations and adaptations lesbians make  in their relation with the land. Both lesbians  who have never published and who frequently publish are encouraged to make  submissions. SASE for guidelines. Deadline  is Oct 1. Word Weavers, PO Box 8742,  Minneapolis MN 55408.  A FRIEND INDEED AWARD  $5,000(US) will be awarded to the person(s)  who demonstrate(s) innovation in studies  about or services to women in menopause.  NominationsshouldbesenttoJanineO'Leary  Cobb, A Friend Indeed Publications Inc, 3575  boul St. Laurent, Suite 402, Montreal, PQ,  H2X2T7byJul31.  RITUAL ABUSE STORIES  First person stories of ritual abuse are wanted  for an anthology of life stories. A wide range  of experiences and authors of both genders,  different sexual orientations, ages and racial  heritages will be included. Submissions  should be under 20 pages and possible  VISUAL ARTISTS  Vancouver Women's Bookstore is currently  seeking submissions for the window display  of visual art and literature initiated by women.  Works in painting, photography, and mixed  media, as well as previously exhibited work  are all requested for entry. Submissions are  accepted throughout the year. Contact:  Remick Ho at 684-0523.   BLACK GIRL TALK  We are young Black women, age 14 to 30  years, who want to talk, to write, to hear each  other. Here's your chance to join us and  publish your thoughts. We want: poetry,  stories, journal entries, photographs, drawings. Themes: family, relationships, friends,  sex, love, racism, religion, sexuality, politics.  Dealine: Aug 31. Send your work to: Black  Girl Talk, Sister Vision Press, PO Box 217,  Stn E, Toronto, Ont, M6H 4E2. For more info,  call (416) 533-2184.   CRIAW AWARDS  The Canadian Research Institute for the  Advancement of Women (CRIAW) invites  nominations for the Marion Porter Prize, for  the most significant feminist research article  from a journal or an anthology; and the  Robertine Barry Prize, for the best feminist  article or column in the popular print media.  All articles considered must have been published between Jul 1993 and Aug 1994.  CRIAW also invites nominations forthe Muriel  Duckworth Award, to a feminist (or feminist  group) that has contributed to the advancement of women within Canada through action-research in the field of social justice,  including peace. Nominations for all three  awards, including three orfour sentences on  why you are making this nomination, must be  received by Aug 31 at the CRIAW office,  #408-151 Slater St, Ottawa, Ont, K1P 5H3.  LESBIAN CONTRADICTION  Lesbian Contradiction: A Journal of Irreverent Feminism is looking for submissions of  non-fiction accounts and reflections from  women who have had experiencestruggling  against efforts by the Far Right to take power  by making lesbians, gays, and women pawns  in their hate campaigns. This feature is ongoing in 1994 and 1995. Send submissions to  Les Con, #365-584 Castro St, San Francisco, CA, 94114.  CARIBBEAN  WOMEN'S ANTHOLOGY  Biographical stories and interviews from lesbians of all ages born in the Caribbean or  culturally identified with the Caribbean are  being sought by a collective of Caribbean  women for this anthology. What was it like  growing up in the Caribbean knowing you  really preferred girls to boys? What were the  messages you received about homosexuality? Sendyoursubmissionstothe Caribbean  Women's Anthology c/o Women's Press,  233-517 College Street, Toronto, ON M6G  4A2. Deadline is Jun 30.  LESBIAN SEX ANTHOLOGY  Women's Press is looking for poems, stories, fantasies, and realities from lesbians of  diverse backgrounds for this anthology, exploring the whole range of lesbian sex. Submissions must be no longer than 5,000 words,  and should include a one paragraph bio and  a business sized SASE. Send submissions  to Lesbian SexAnthologyc/oW'omen's Press,  #233-517 College St, Toronto, ON, M6G  4A2. Deadline is Aug 31.  CRIAW GRANTS  The Canadian Research Institute for the  Advancement of Women offers annual grants  of $2,500 for projects that promote the advancement of women. The project must make  a significant contribution tofeminist research  and be non-sexist in methodology and language. Priority will be given to emerging  independent researchers, women's groups,  and projects with Canadian content. Candidates should send four copies of their application, and submissions must be postmarked  no later than Aug 31, and sent to CRIAW,  151 Slater St, Ottawa, ON, K1P 5H3.  SISTER VISION ANTHOLOGY  A call for submissions to the First International Anthology of Lesbian and Gay People  of African Descent. Sister Vision Press is  seeking testimonies, short stories, essays,  photographs, recipes, illustrations, interviews,  and poetry crossing boundaries of culture,  language, geography, history, identity and  gender. Deadline is Nov 30. Send submissions to Sister Vision, PO Box 217, Stn E,  Toronto, ON, M6H 4E2.  EYE WUZ HERE  eye wuz here will be a collection of short  stories thematically linked to any area of the  adolescent girl/young woman's experience.  These stories are to be written by young  Canadian women (aged 30 or younger), and  the anthology will reflect Canada's regions  and multicultural make-up. Experimental and  traditional forms welcome. Send to: eye wuz  here, c/o Shannon Cooley, Casson Film  School, Devonshire Rd, Victoria, BC, V9A  5T9. Deadline is Jun 30.  ASIAN-CANADIAN WRITERS  Variasians, an Asian-Canadian journal of  commentary, criticism, and culture, is calling  for writing and visual based work for Check  Your Transmission, a feature issue on "the  politics of media representation." Send submissions to Varasians, c/o 2-572 Spadina  Ave, Toronto ON, M5S 2H2. Include bio and  SASE. Deadline: Jun 15.   FAT-POSITIVE WRITINGS  Writing and art sought for inclusion in big, fat  anthology which will give visibility and voice  to the wide diversity of life experience and  stories of fat lesbians. Preference will be  given to non-fiction and personal reflective  writings. Contributions from fat dyke social or  organizing groups are also encouraged. Mev  Miller, P.O. Box 300151, Minneapolis, MN,  55403. Deadline: Nov 1.  FILM AND VIDEO FESTIVAL  The St. John's Women's Film & Video Festival is committed to searching out, presenting  and promoting films and videos made by  women, to providing the public and film/  videomakers from Canada and abroad an  opportunity to discuss these works, and to  supporting and stimulating regional produc-  22  JUNE 1994 Bulletin Board  SUBMISSIONS CLASSIFIEDS  tion. So whether you are an emerging or  establishedfilm/videomakersendusyourfilm  or video. Inquiries to: St. John's Women's  Film & Video Festival, PO Box 984, St. John's,  Nfld, A1C 6C2. Tel, (709) 772-0358; fax 772-  4808. Entries must be shipped pre-paid to: St.  John's Women's Film & Video Festival, c/o  Noreen Golfman, Memorial University of Newfoundland, St. John's, Newfoundland, A1C  5S7. Deadline for submissions is Jul 15th.  SOUTH ASIAN WOMEN  Diva The Quarterly Journal of South Asian  Women calls for contributions for the Aug  issue. The theme is Sex, Sexuality and Desire. A journey into our concepts and experiences. Erotica, sexual identities, poetry, profiles, fiction, reviews and artwork. Deadline is  Jun 30. Send to 427 Bloor St W Toronto, ON  M5S 1X7. Tel (416) 921-7004.  LITERATURE FOR CHILDREN  The Federation of British Columbia Writers  presents Literary Writes VIII, a literature for  children competition. Max 1200 words for  fiction and non-fiction and 36 lines for poetry.  Writing must be for readers aged 9-14. The  competition is open to Canadian writers and  residents of any age. Competition closes Aug  15. Mail your entry to The Federation of BC  Writers, 4th floor, 905 W.Pender Van BCV6C  IDENTITY  Acall for submissions for the anthology, ...But  where are you really from: Writings on Identity  and Assimilation in Canada. Essays, personal narratives, articles, commentaries and  poetry are wanted which willexamine issues  around identity and assimilation in Canadian  society. Submit in duplicate with a SASE to  Hazelle Palmer c/o Sister Vision Press, 19-  1666 Queen St. E., Toronto, Ont., M4L 1G3.  Tel: (416) 691-5749.  CLASSIFIEDS  THERAPEUTIC ALLIANCE  Counselling and therapy using an integrative  and eclectic approach in order to explore the  individual's conflict and distress within the  social context in which this occurs, such as  adoption and fostering; racism and anti-  semitism; heterosexim, etc. For an appointment, please call Sangam Grant at 253-5007.  GENERAL PRACTITIONER  Joan Robillard, MD, General Practitioner for  all kinds of families is located at 308-2902 W.  Broadway, Vancouver, V6K2G8, phone 736-  3582.   CARIBBEAN GUESTHOUSE  Villa de Hermanas in the beautiful Dominican  Republic is going to be open for you this  summer. Delicious temperatures at great  rates: $290 single; $390 double per week.  Magnificant, unspoiled beach, beautiful tropical gardens and pool, large attractive, private  questrooms, sumptuous meals and massages. Call Susan: (416) 463-6138.  LOOKING FOR A HOME  Basement Suite in Commercial Drive neighbourhood. 1 1/2 Bedrooms, laundry, secured  windows, parking, garden. $560/mo includes  utilities. Available June 15. Non-smoker. Also,  part-time housemate wanted to share house  with lesbian feminist. Ideal for woman with  weekend home elsewhere. Rent negotiable.  Available Jun 30. Call 999-4609 (Judy).  SAPPHO LESBIAN WITCHCAMP  July 3-8 $250-$400. Magical retreat, vegetarian cuisine, market area...wimmin! Fiona  Morgan: ritualist, author, astrologer, tarot  creatrix; Jena Hamilton: "Writing the Healer"  and Lesbian Erotica workshops, Gitta Ridder:  martial arts—Womon as Spirtual Warrior,  and more. Brochure, call 253-7189 or write  to Box 21510,1850 Commercial Dr, Van BC  V5N 4A0  GARDENING & LANDSCAPE CARE  Hard-working gardener seeks to continue  her horticultural apprenticeship. If you need  an extra hand with your maintenance and  gardening projects, call: The Harbinger of  Horticulture at 251-3765.  CABIN-RAISING  Cabin Raising at Spinstervale in Coombs  July 1st long weekend. Women invited.  Bring your tents, music, tools, stories, enthusiasm. Good work, refreshments, new  friends, dip in the crick, laughter. For more  info contact us at 248-8809.  ROOM TO RENT  Room to rent in East End house. Clean,  quiet, SM accepting woman only. Garden  space and p/t fireplace. Available Jun 1  (pref) or Jul 1. $400. Call 254-5824.  DARKROOM TO RENT  Darkroom and work space available. Completely equipped with 4/5 enlarger and en-  larger with colour head. $100 per month.  254-5824.   CALL FOR WORK  Line drawings, graphic art and writings by  women wanted for an anthology that tells  our experiences about brother-sister incest.  Pseudonyms can be used. Deadline Jun  30,1994. Send contributions, brief bio, and  SASE to: Risa Shaw, P.O. Box 5723,  Takoman Park, MD, 20913-0723, USA.  SHIATSU WITH A DIFFERENCE  For pain relief, stress management or as a  compliment to therapy, Astarte's focus on  body-awareness will help you gain insight  and tools to further your healing process.  Call Astarte Sands 251 -5409.  EARTHLY PLEASURES  Earthly Pleasures, a visual arts exhibit of works by East and South-East Asian womer I  opens June 14 at the grunt gallery, 209 E. 6th Ave., Vancouver.  Earthly Pleasures is a show about childhood, memory, food, sex, and longing. The exhibit  curated by Larissa Lai (pictured above), features the work of Vancouver artists: Lorraine I  Chan, Marilou Esguerra, Cynthia Low, Sarinah Haba, Laiwan, Jin-me Yoon, Ana Chang  Karlyn Koh, Effie Pow, and Karen Tee.  The opening night reception is Tuesday, June 14 at 8:00pm. The show runs until July 9  For more information and gallery hours, call the grunt at 875-9516.  CLASSIFIEDS CLASSIFIEDS  LAND-MATE WANTED  Short-term rental and/or long-term partnership on beautiful varied acreage north of  Duncan, $325.00 per month, negotiable.  N.S., N.D., you need transport. Eco-femi-  nist values. Please call collect, 748-6879  after 6pm for an interview.  WORK FOR RENT  Eco-feminist offering renovations, repairs,  landscaping & misc. labour in return for  reduced rent (willing to pay up to $350 cash  additionally, per month) forclean, quiet self-  contained accommodation in rural or urban  BC. Message 736-6399.  WRITING THRU RACE  The Writing Thru Race conference, a conference for First Nations writers and writers  of colour, is looking for volunteers for the  conference to be held Jun 30-Jul 2. If  interested, call or fax Lucinda Pik, 874-  1611.  ALBERTA ADVISORY COUNCIL  The Alberta Advisory Council on Women's  Issues has moved. Our new address is:  #1630,10405 Jasper Ave, Edmonton, Alta,  T5J 4R7. Phone: (403)422-0668. Fax: 422-  9111.  FIRST NATIONS COMMUNITY  HEALING CENTRE  The Professional Native Women's Association is looking for First Nations volunteers  and resource people to share their abilities  and gifts through the First Nations Community Healing Centre. PNWA encourages  elders, traditional healers, medicine people,  facilitators, speakers, holistic practitioners  and resource people to contact Pat Forrest at  873-1833 (Fax: 872-1845).  NATIVE CRISIS LINE  Women of Native heritage are needed to  volunteer on the Professional Native Women's Association's 24 hour crisis/counselling  line. Acertif icate of completion willbeawarded  upon completion of training. Contact: Patti  Pettigrew at PNWA 873-1833 (Fax: 872-  1845).  FREE LEGAL ADVICE  UBC law student are again offering free legal  advice to those who cannot afford a lawyer.  There will be 20 neighbourhood clinics  throughout the Lower Mainland, including  specialized clinics for women, First Nations  people, seniors, persons with AIDS and Cantonese speaking people. For info contact  Nikos Harris at 822-5791.  SUMMER LEGAL CLINIC  Battered Women's Support Services and  UBC Law Students Legal Advice Program  are co-sponsoringf ree legal clinics for women  to be held Weds, 2-8pm beginning May 18  and ending Aug 17. For more info orto make  an appointment call Battered Women's Support Services at 687-1867.  PRIDE PARADE  The Vancouver Pride Society is looking for a  summer student to assist it to produce special fundraising events during June and July.  The job will last 9 weeks on a Challenge 94  grant.   If you want to aquire PR skills, are  creative and outgoing and will be returning to  school in the fall leave or mail a resume to  Box 300-1195 Davie St, Van, V6E1N3 orfax  to 681-4812.  PRIDE CALENDAR  You can advertise your events to be held in  Jun/Jul in the Pride Calendar, produced by  the Vancouver Pride Society (the group that  holds that Pride Parade on Aug 1). The  calendar will appear in the IVesf End Times  and Xtra West. Deadline is Jun 15 for July  events. Write to Box 300 - 1195 Davie St,  Van, V6E 1N2. Call 684-2633, Fax 681-  4812.   STONEWALL FESTIVAL  You can rent a booth at the Stonewall Festival, Jun 25, at Grandview Park. There are  different rates if you or your group want to  have a display or sell a product. The first  registration deadline is Jun 1 (rates are  cheaper). Write Vancouver's Stonewall Society, #1 -1170 Bute St, Van, V6Z 1Z6 or call  684-5307 for info.  BIG SISTERS  If you are 19 or over, and are willing to spend  5 hours a week with a South Asian girl, Big  Sisters of the Lower Mainland would like to  hear from you. We are looking for South  Asain women who have experienced growing up in the South Asian community, are  aware of cultural issues, and would be a  positive role model for a young girl. For more  info please call 873-4525.  JUNE 1994 What am I going to  do at 7:30 pm on  June 24 at the  W.I.S.E. Hall,  1882 Adanac for  $3-5?  Where is there  going to be great  entertainment,  cheap food and  a chance to win  great prizes?  When will I be able to  go somewhere where  there'll be on-site  childcare in a  smoke  free space?  THE KINESIS  20TH ANNIVERSARY  BENEFIT  D + $1.40 GST  Two years  Q$36 + $2.52 GST  Institutions/Groups  □$45+ $3.15 GST  Nam*  □Cheque enclosed If you can't afford the full amount for |  □Bill me Kinesis subscription, send what you can ^  □New Free to prisoners I  □Renewal Orders outside Canada add $8  □Gift Vancouver Status of Women Membership M  □Donation (includes Kinesis subscription) J  □$30 + $1.40 GST  Address—  Country —  Telephone  . Postal code.  Fax"   Published ten times a year by the Vancouver Status of Women  #301-1720 Grant Street Vancouver, BC V5L 2Y6


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