Kinesis

Kinesis, October 1977 Oct 1, 1977

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 vol 6 no11  SPECIAL COLLECTIONS  OCTOBER '77  Vancouver status oj women  at VSW,       kjnesis means change EQUAL OPPORTUNITY PROPOSAL PASSED  TRANSITION HOUSE WORKERS CONFER  FOR THE FIRST TIME  ___^_^^_____"    page 1  ATTACKS ON UNORGANIZED WOMEN  On September 13th, Vancouver City Council  voted to hire an Equal Employment Opportunity  Officer at City Hall. Volrich, Kennedy and Puil  were the only opponents.  The officer will review hiring at City Hall with an  eye to getting more women, visible minorities and  the discernibly handicapped into City jobs. The  estimated cost: $35,000.  It was a modest proposal, but a major victory.  Vancouver Status of Women has been working on  the Equal Employment Opportunities Committee  (EEOC) for two years, alongside the Canadian  Asian Association and the Canadian Paraplegic  Association. It was the first time in Canada that  these three groups had worked together to push  for equality in the workforce. The Committee,  headed by Councillor Darlene Marzari, sought and  obtained funding from the Secretary of State for  a liaison worker, Reva Dexter.  The Committee met with opposition in its attempts to collect the data describing the employment patterns of these three groups within City  Hall. The Fire Department refused to be counted  and other departments weren't exactly thrilled.  But the work went on and the facts of the survey  have been compiled into an extensive and enlightening report, released in May of 1977. This  so-called "grey report" reveals, among other facts,  that while women are 51% of the population,  we are only 29% of civic employees. Women's  median salary at City Hall is 64% of men's.  Women fill only 18% of management positions  while men fill 82%. The handicapped are 15% of  the population but only 2% of City employees.  Racial minorities form 10.4% of the Vancouver  population, but only 5.4% of its City's workforce.  NOVEMBER 5TH PROTEST AGAINST RAPE  Nanaimo Women Against Rape, in conjunction  with the B.C. Federation of Women, has declared  November 5th a day of protest against rape.  Vancouver Women Against Rape (W.A.R.) will  join with them to make the day one of intensive  public education about the crime of rape.  W.A.R. groups throughout B.C. will be joining the  national and international organization of women  fighting rape. All point out that the rape of any  woman is a crime of violence against all women.  Rape is at once a political and social problem and  an intensely personal act of aggression. It is an  extreme but logical extension of the "normal"  patterns of female-male relations in society.  Societal institutions such as marriage, education,  and law reify patterns of female passivity and  male aggression. The "good" women who endure  accepted roles are rewarded with the dubious protection of men and the law. In society's eyes,  they are property which must be protected.  But those women who, through choice or economic oppression, either lose this status or have  never been given it, do not receive any of these  dubious benefits.  Vancouver W.A.R. emphatically points out that  all women regardless of age, class, or status, are  subject to the fear and threat of rape.  On November 5th in Vancouver, the major action  will be a public tribunal, with Canada in the dock.  Watch street corners for posters, with time and  place.  The upsurge of protest against rape in Vancouver  follows on the heels of the rape conviction recently, of a local restauranteur, George Pappajohn.  International actions by women against rape have  brought thousands to the streets in Rome,  London and Berlin.  In the U.S., a judge was ousted from his bench in  September for his sexist comment that rape is  a "normal occurrence in a permissive society".  The first conference of B.C. Transition House  workers was held at the Vancouver YWCA September 16-18. *It was a working conference,  attended by 40 women actively working in or  towards Transition Houses in B.C.  Having emerged within the last ten years from  the women's movement, Transition Houses and  their workers have a self-help philosophy.  Women are encouraged to start running their  own lives.  Until this conference, Transition House staff in  this province have been isolated from each  other. A major achievement of the conference  was the establishment of a communication and  support network among Transition House workers, via the B.C. Federation of Women.  Workshops were held on: hiring policies, counselling, community involvement and possible  follow-up with Transition House residents (such  as second-stage housing and positive alternatives  for their battering partners). Particular problems of Native and immigrant women were  addressed by women from those groups.  SORWUC (Service, Office and Retail Workers  of Canada) explained to Conference participants  its usefulness as a possible bargaining unit for  Transition House workers.  BEAT  C  BILL   £  BILL 65 PASSES - VRB GOES DOWN  The battle is over. The Vancouver Resources  Board (VRB) has been abolished. Bill 65, which  wiped the VRB out, passed second reading in the  B.C. legislature Tuesday, September 27th.  Massive community protests could not succeed in  killing the Bill on the order paper. They became,  finally, a statement of principle. In a gruelling  and courageous attempt to delay passage of Bill  65, Human Resources Critic Rosemary Brown  (NDP, Vancouver-Burrard) conducted an almost  17-hour filibuster over a period of five days.  Throughout the filibuster, VSW sent her messages of solidarity and support.  Rape will not be wiped out by legislative reforms  although these are imperative. Only when women  stand together and raise a massive cry of outrage  and demand self-defense education and other  measures will rape be eradicated.  Take part in the action November 5th. Contact  VSW (736-3746) and your name will be passed  along to the Vancouver W.A.R. collective.  To show public support, wear a Women Against  Rape button and T-shirt, and display a Women  Against Rape decal in your car and apartment  window. These have been prepared by the  Nanaimo W.A.R. collective and B.C. Federation  of Women to defray the costs incurred by their  newsletter. Buttons, T-shirts and decals are on  sale at the Vancouver Women's Bookstore, at  Ariel Books, and at Vancouver Status of Women.  In Vancouver, you will also see donation boxes  with the W.A.R. label. Give whatever you can,  in support of Women Against Rape.  During September, the Social Credit government  introduced amendments to the Labour Code.  These amendments, known as Bill 89, will make it  more difficult for unorganized workers to become  unionized. As only about 22% of the waged  female labour force is unionized, this bill will  create more hardship for women.  In debate Rosemary Brown (NDP MLA, Vancouver-Burrard) pointed out that 74.3% of unorganized workers and of women are making minimum  wage and less. "By making organizing more difficult, people who are trying to organize people in  clerical positions, in service positions, in department stores, in the banks are not going to be able  to do the job. Why? Because the minister cares  more about people who own the banks than  about people who work in banks."  The legislation raises the percentage of employees  a union must have signed up (from 35% of a  bargaining unit's potential membership to 45%),  before it can make a certification application.  Secondly, it removes the employer's obligation  to provide names, addresses and telephone numbers of employees to the union once it has  applied for certification. Thirdly, it increases the  employer's right to communicate with his/her  employees during a union organizing drive.  Other amendments would exclude from bargaining units any employee who exercises some  (which could be any) supervisory functions-, and  appear to change the Labour Relations Board's  power to establish policy precedents to policy  guidelines. If this is the case, the government  will be able in the future to appoint Board members who can completely ignore and undermine  past L.R.B. policy.  In addition, two other Ministers have taken cracks  at the organized labour movement. Pat McGeer,  our marvellous Minister of Education, has decerti-  fied'a union in wiping out Notre Dame University  and also removed university faculties from  Labour Code provisions in an obscure section of  the miscellaneous Statutes Amendments Act.  Finally, we are all familiar with Vander Zalm's  attempt to destroy the bargaining units of the  Vancouver Resources Board along with the VRB.  Bill 89 is a serious attack upon all unorganized  workers, and women in particular are on the  firing line.  WRITE TO ALLAN WILLIAMS, MINISTER  OF LABOUR, PARLIAMENT BUILDINGS,  VICTORIA,   AND   EXPRESS   YOUR  ANGER.  THE INSIDE STORIES  We launch the STELLA BLISS APPEAL FUND  so that the BLISS CASE can go to the Supreme  Court 3  Rape Relief's critique of the FRED STORASKA  FILM 4  DOES GOVERNMENT FUNDING CO-OPT THE  WOMEN'S MOVEMENT - Dorothy Smith and  Rosemary Brown speak out 5  LESBIAN CAUCUS on feminist ideology .... 9  At VSW, we are opening a SELF-ADVOCACY  CENTRE FOR WOMEN 10  HANSARD, THE EDUCATION DEBATES . . 16  THEATRE, BOOKS, INTERNATIONAL NEWS,  EVEN SOME GOSSIP 18  '      ,"&-.,': '..'":■'   ,■:■■ KINESIS  page 2  kfoesfs  OCtOBGR     1977  ISSN 0317-9095  Vol. VII, No. 11  NAME:      MEMBERSHIP DONATION:  INSTITUTIONAL SUBSCRIPTION  ($15/year)  INDIVIDUAL SUBSCRIPTION  ($8/year or, if less, what you can afford)  Please check one:    Subscriber Only    Member    Renewal  Indicate clearly if you wish to be a member of  Vancouver Status of Women and a subscriber to  Kinesis, or a subscriber only. Membership in  VSW is by donation. In determining your donation, please balance your own financial situation  with the fact that VSW receives only partial  funding.  Kinesis costs 50 cents in bookstores.  You can help our subscription base by delivering  free copies in your community. Call VSW and  we'll send you some: 736-3746.  Kinesis is published monthly by the Vancouver  Status of Women. Its objectives are to enhance  understanding about the changing position of  women in society and to work actively towards  achieving change.  Views expressed in Kinesis are those of the writer  and DO NOT necessarily reflect VSW policy. All  unsigned material is the responsibility of the  Kinesis editorial and production crew.  CORRESPONDENCE - Kinesis, Vancouver  Status of Women, 2029 West 4th Avenue, Vancouver, B.C.  V6J 1N3.  SUBMISSIONS: VSW welcomes submissions  from the feminist community and in particular,  from VSW members. We do reserve the right to  edit, and submission does not guarantee publication. Include a SASE if you want your work  returned.  WORKERS ON THIS ISSUE - Miriam Azrael,  Janet Beebe, Mieke Hamer, Summer McGee,  Gayla Reid, Lori Rudland.  GRAPHICS CREDITS - Cover, Amanda Bankier;  p.3, LNS; p.6-7, Peg Averill, LNS; p.8, LNS  Women's Graphics; centrefold photos, sundry  feminists; p.12, Peg Averill, LNS; p.l 3, Peg  Averill, LNS; Union Star and New Star Books;  p.15, Richard Bennett, LNS; p.18, Lilith and  Glen Erikson; back cover, Susan Touchbone.  letterzs  Sisters and Friends:  You must have noticed that this issue of KINESIS  is typeset and that all the columns line up on the  right hand! This is a great source of joy to  KINESIS workers. We manage to print more  words per page this way, as well as having it look  very spiffy.  We are also running a colour on page 1 and on the  centrefold — another source of joy!  How is KINESIS managing to do all this?  First: we find that one colour on those front and  centre pages costs no more for a 20-page paper  than black-and-white printing costs for 24. So, if  we manage to say a little less, we can say it in  colour. And if we typeset, we can say more,  anyway...  Second: a fine supporter of the women's movement has permitted our ace typist to learn to  typeset on his compugraphic. We have been able  to use the machine for free. Needless to say, this  is costing him money and he cannot provide the  use of the machine indefinitely.  What we wanted to do was show you how nice  KINESIS looks typeset. We hope it whets your  appetite, and that you will exhort some friends to  subscribe, so that we can present a professional  format each and every month. If we can't find  more subscribers, then it's back to typing again!  At KINESIS we have also been concentrating on  making our production area more elegant,  resourceful and productive. A feminist friend has  built us lots of shelves, painted and installed them  in her spare time. We are very grateful to her for  her beautiful work. We have also scored a coup in  acquiring, at no cost to VSW, a light-table —  painted and cleaned up by our ace typist. (A  light table helps you line up columns, etc.) Other  feminists have volunteered their labour to help  get our distribution into better shape.  HERE'S WHERE YOU COME IN: please contact  us if you want free, complimentary copies for  your friends, classes or conferences. Please contact us if you can spare some time each month to  take KINESIS to your local library and bookstores.  In Sisterhood, the KINESIS workers.  taeLp as keep  typesetting 1  KINESIS:  I'm enclosing a small donation to Kinesis which I  thoroughly enjoy receiving. The paper seems to  have developed greatly over the past year and I  find it most enlightening and informative. Especially being way out here in Edmonton, Kinesis is  like a refreshing breath of Pacific air over the dry  prairies. So, I've been savouring each issue delect-  ably, then pass it on to friends.  Please keep up the good work!  Sororally, Wendy Danson  THE  CHILE STORY  September 11 was the fourth anniversary of the  Chilean junta. For this reason, KINESIS presents  instead of our usual letter-writing campaign, an  overview of the recent events in Chile.  Four years ago, on September 11, the Popular  Government of Salvador Allende was overthrown  by the Chilean Armed Forces and the bloody  military regime of General Augusto Pinochet  entrenched itself in power.  During those four years the ruling military Junta  has killed approximately 40,000 people, sent over  100,000 people through its concentration camps,  and driven an estimated one million Chileans into  exile.  The Chilean people, on the other hand, have been  implementing numerous forms of resistance to  that military rule. Their determination to resist  the constant violations of their most elementary  rights and to replace the military rule with a  Popular Government in which they will directly  participate, has not been broken. Although  opposition to the Junta is over 90% of the  Chilean population, according to the Chilean  Cardinal, Silva Henriquez, the strength of organization and effectiveness of those active in the  Popular Resistance is not yet sufficient to enable  them to overthrow the ruling minority at this  time.  Nevertheless, as a consequence of increasing  opposition within Chile, together with publicity  around the world on what life is like today under  the military dictatorship, the Junta has felt itself  pressured. Concerned people from throughout  the world have contributed to this pressure on the  Junta to assume responsibility for its actions and  to immediately halt its repressive policies.  sciBscRfBe cc  sciRofoe  KINESIS:  My god! I don't know how I've missed you up until  now but I'm glad to have discovered KINESIS. Please  send copies forthwith to my daughter and I. Enclosed is a cheque for $16.00 — more to come when I  can afford it!  Please keep up the incredibly needed and good work!  In sisterhood,  Mavis DeGirolamo  0nc6 ueoNA-OME-VXERE WM  But the regime can do neither. In response to internal resistance to its rule, the Junta has simply  increased its force against the Chilean people,  disguising its actions as much as possible and  attempting to blame those who oppose the Junta.  And in response to pressure from outside the  country, the Junta has engaged in elaborate  schemes to conceal its action.  Denounced by even U.S. Senator Hubert Humphrey as "a gang of thugs who shot their way to  power", the Junta has felt the necessity to  present a new image of itself. Some of the  schemes it has employed to this end, during this  last year, are the following:  1. In November 1976, the Junta announced the  'release of all political prisoners', only later to  clarify that this simply meant some 302 political  prisoners who had been detained without charge  under the State of Siege decree, while over 6,000  condemned or yet unprocessed political prisoners  are to remain imprisoned and still subjected to  torture. Even eleven of those very 302 prisoners  were re-detained within two weeks after their  release.  continued on page 12 page 3  When is being laid off NOT being laid off? When  you're a four-month pregnant stewardess, that's  when.  The B.C. Court of Appeals ruled September 13th  that forcing stewardesses to take leave without  pay is legal. Pacific Western Airlines won the  case against an appeal to the federal Justice  Department by two stewardesses who are members of the Canadian Air Line Flight Attendants  Association (CALFAA).  The Crown had contended that the dismissals  without pay after four months of pregnancy  contravened the Canada Labour Code. Federal  Justice Department lawyer P.W. Halprin, who  represented the stewardesses, explained they are  quite capable of continuing work into the seventh  month of pregnancy. "Call it what you like," he  said. "The fact is that they were not permitted  to work solely because they were pregnant."  CALFAA was appealing an earlier decision by a  county court judge, M.I. Catlisse. The Catlisse  decision in 1974 had also said that P.W.A. had  not violated the Canada Labour Code in laying  off the two stewardesses, saying that the stewardesses had not been laid off.  CALFAA President Shirley Poole commented:  "We are going to have to lobby the federal Justice  Minister Basford to have the appeal taken to the  Supreme Court of Canada. In addition, we have  to lobby to have the case made a case of reference. If the case becomes a case of reference,  this means that the judges will be called upon to  interpret the Canada Labour Code.  "Now, the P.W.A. collective agreement with the  stewardesses allows for dismissal after the first  four months of pregnancy. CALFAA sees this as  a violation of the Canada Labour Code. The  Code says that no stewardess who has been employed a year or more can be dismissed or laid off  solely because of pregnancy.  "Either the collective agreement or the Canada  Labour Code, whichever is greater, must take precedence. The Canada Labour Code sets certain  minimum standards for the working people of  Canada. P.W.A.'s collective agreement does not  come up to these minimum standards, and accordingly, the Canada Labour Code must take  precedence.  "If the Code is not interpreted in the P.W.A. case  it will mean that the government legislate minimum standards, in the Canada Labour Code, and  then employers can come along and provide less  than the minimum. The provisions of the Canada  Labour Code could be wiped out by individual  employers."  SUPPORT THE STELLA BLISS APPEAL FUND  MATERNITY RIGHTS  GO TO SUPREME COURT  MATERNITY RIGHTS -  THE STELLA BLISS CASE  The Stella Bliss case is being taken to the Supreme Court of Canada. The case concerns the  right of pregnant working women to equal treatment under the law. Specifically, it challenges  the practice of the Unemployment Insurance  Commission denying pregnant women access to  regular unemployment benefits.  In order to get this case to the highest court in  the land, Vancouver Status of Women and the  Vancouver Community Legal Assistance Society,  with the endorsement of the Service, Office and  Retail Workers' Union of Canada (SORWUC), are  launching the STELL BLISS APPEAL FUND.  THE STORY SO FAR...  If you've been reading Kinesis, you know about  the Stella Bliss case. Basically the facts are  these:  Stella Bliss was fired in January 1976; the cause  was pregnancy. She was at that time denied  maternity benefits from UIC because she had not  been working at the time of pregnancy (as Section 30.1 of the UIC Act provides). Bliss took a  complaint regarding her firing before the Human  Rights Commission and won her job back.  She then worked until mid-March, when she was  again fired. The second firing took place on a  Friday. The following Tuesday she gave birth to  her son. She was ready and willing to work by  the following Monday, but was unable to find a  job. She applied for regular Unemployment  Insurance benefits, but was denied them.  UIC denied her application for regular benefits  because the recent birth of her child meant that  she was "covered" by the Maternity Benefits  section (even though she had previously been  denied eligiblity under that section!). She had to  wait a full six weeks after the birth of her child,  plus a two-week waiting period, before she could  apply for regular benefits, outside of the stipulations regarding pregnant women. (Thanks to a  SORWUC brief for these labyrinthine details!)  When Bliss was disentitled by UIC, she appealed  the decision, with the support of SORWUC, of  which she was a member. Vancouver Community  Legal Assistance Society provided legal counsel.  The UIC empire, Judge Collier, ruled in Bliss'  favour, with the comment: "I am driven to the  inescapable conclusion that the impugned section  (that is, Section 46 of the UIC Act, under which  Bliss had been denied benefits) ... authorizes  discrimination by reason of sex, and, as a consequence, abridges the right of equality of all  claimants in respect of the Unemployment Insurance legislation."  UIC appealed the decision to the Federal Court of  Appeals in Vancouver on May 19. UIC won.  NOW READ ON:  On September 29, Bliss' lawyers appealed the  decision handed down by the Federal Court of  Appeal.  They asked the Federal Court of Appeal for  leave to appeal the decision to the Supreme Court  of Canada. They won leave to appeal, and will be  filing the papers by December 1, 1977.  The Supreme Court deigns to meet only in one  grey building in Ottawa, so that will require a trip  by the lawyers. In addition, the Supreme Court,  being a very important place, demands to have  not just triplicates, but 20 copies of all the documents. Printing costs must be met by the applicant. It just doesn't do to mail them in, either.  They have to be hand-delivered. In such ways,  the law wisely guards itself against access by  ordinary people.  Vancouver Community Legal Assistance Society  (VCLAS) lawyers Al McLean and Lynne Smith  are handling this case on a shoe-string budget.  They are looking at about $3,000 in costs for  travel and filing fees. And they are looking to  supporters of the Bliss case to find the necessary  funds.  The Bliss lawyers will be arguing that Section 46  of the Unemployment Insurance Act is inoperative because it contravenes the Canadian Bill of  Rights, which prohibits discrimination on the  basis of sex and guarantees all equality before the  law.  The Bliss case is vital for all working women in  Canada. Section 46 of the UIC Act is clearly  discriminatory and an insult to women. A UIC  official has stated that the rationale for Section  46 was to prevent women from becoming pregnant, working a bit, and then collecting regular  benefits! 25,000 to 30,000 women workers  could be affected by the decision in 1977 alone.  At VSW we see the Bliss case as being a priority  issue. We are, therefore, launching a STELLA  BLISS APPEAL FUND. Web.ope to raise $3,000  for the Bliss case to be heard in the Supreme  Court.  We are undertaking this fund-raising drive in  cooperation with the Vancouver Community  Legal Assistance Society and with the endorsement of SORWUC (Service, Office and Retail  Workers' Union of Canada).  We are asking each of you to regard the STELLA  BLISS APPEAL FUND as a priority, and to send  what you can.  The Stella Bliss appeal raises the basic issue of  women's right to control our own bodies. The  systematic discrimination practised by the federal  government against women who choose to exercise their child-bearing abilities must be challenged. Every working woman of child-bearing age  has an immediate stake in the Stella Bliss  decision.  The goal for the STELLA BLISS APPEAL FUND  is $3,000. That's a goal which we could reach,  working collectively. This issue is one we could  win. Already, the Stella Bliss case has done much  to raise the consciousness of the public about  discrimination against pregnant women workers.  With one final and determined push, we could  actually roll this rock of discrimination away, if  not via the courts, then through pressure which  changes public consciousness.  We urge you not to dismiss this appeal as only  one of the many money-please pleas. Please help  us make this one a success.  Send your cheques to Vancouver Community  Legal Assistance Society, writing STELLA BLISS  APPEAL FUND below the name "Vancouver  Community Legal Assistance Society". MAIL IT  TO VANCOUVER STATUS OF WOMEN, 2029  West 4th Avenue, Vancouver. These donations  will be tax-deductible., KINESIS  rape film denounced  (The following was released recently by Vancouver Rape Relief.)  Vancouver Rape Relief, along with Rape Crisis  Centres from all across Canada and the U.S.,  joins other women's organizations, the B.C.  Federation of Women, and the National Organization for Women in denouncing a U.S. film  by Frederic Storaska entitled: "How To Say No  To A Rapist And Survive".  We realize that the groups showing this film,  school boards, police departments, etc. are in  good faith attempting to educate the public  about rape. However, we are appalled that organizations which are seriously attempting to end  violent crimes against women are using such a  dangerous, misleading film. Rather than helping  a woman in an assault situation, this film may in  fact do her harm..  While agreeing with the necessity of rape prevention programs, women who are experts on rape,  that is — women who have dedicated years of  their lives to researching extensively the topic of  rape, those who work with women who have been  raped, rape victimes themselves, and women who  teach self-defense are united in their position  that "How To Say No To A Rapist And Survive"  actually hinders public understanding about rape  by reinforcing misconceptions and presenting distortions of fact."  THE FILM  Storaska sees rape as a crime of sexual passion  that occurs when a woman, consciously or unconsciously, provokes a man to the point where  he can no longer .control his desires. He then  draws these conclusions-.  1. It is unwise to resist actively at the onset of an  attack. This will only anger the assailant and  make him violent.  2. If a woman does not anger her assailant by resisting, the worst that can happen is that she will  be raped. By appeasing his sexual desire, she will  be spared murder.  Storaska insists that women have little chance of  escaping rape by screaming or using self-defense.  His advice is this: play along with the assailant,  use feminine wiles and imagination to outwit him,  offer him sexual favours and wait for an opportune time to escape. If none of this works, Storaska maintains that a woman can resist later. He  advocates only an attack to the eyes or the testicles.  OUR RESPONSE  Rape and sexual assault are dangerous crimes and  a serious phenomenon. Storaska does stress  mental awareness, he acknowledges that rape does  occur in dating situations and he demonstrates  two self-defense techniques. Rape Crisis Centres  give their audiences this information without the  half-truths and misinformation found in Stor-  aska's film.  Our criticisms of this film fall into two categories.  1. The presentation: it is done in a traditionally  seductive, entertaining style which includes the  use of editing, camera work and humour.  2. The message or content: which is "in order to  be spared murder you must play along with the  rapist until you can react safely."  1. The Presentation  Storaska is a high-pitched entertainer. His stage  performance captures the audience; he exudes  charm and personality while throwing out bits of  misinformation with an air of authority.  Storaska keeps his audience laughing with a  "sexy" style of presentation. He claims his  humorous approach is designed to put women at  easft, but rape is not a joke — it is a real fear for  women. Making women laugh at their legitimate  fear of rape does not build their confidence, instead it trivializes their very real concern about an  all too common act in our society.  His comic approach undermines, and is insulting  to, women who have worked with rape victims  or experienced the crime of rape.  The film portrays women as sex-objects. The  cameramen linger on the bodies of the most  scantily-clad young women. For his demonstration, Storaska chooses attractive "rapees" from  the audience, grabs them out of their seats and  follows them onstage while rolling up his sleeves  and saying, "This won't take long folks ... I'm  some man ... four at one time ..."  Storaska's presentation reinforces stereotypical  sex roles. He humiliates women with funny stories insinuating women are incapable of defending  themselves and can't really learn even if they  wanted to: "I know many of you couldn't hurt  so much as a fly ..."  He suggests women cause rape by existing in provocative bodies and engaging in aggressive flirting.  "You all know you tease men unmercifully all the  time ...". Women are portrayed as dumb, giggling  and easily frightened, in short, as victims. Storaska advises women to be humble and to protect  the "feelings" of the rapist — again depicting  women as passive and nurturant.  Storaska gives no encouragement to break free of  traditional female behaviors, no encouragement  to be assertive, to say "NO" at the outset of an  attack and mean it, no recognition of the fact  that quick, defensive, decisive action DOES work.  Storaska depicts rape as a regrettable, but  unavoidable, fact of life: "Rape is only sexual  intercourse when you don't want it." This is an  insensitive, fallacious statement. He continues:  "If you think rape is the worst thing that can  happen to you, look at a blind woman." This illogical comparison says nothing about the lasting  psychological trauma women experience after  being raped. These concepts deny that rape is an  aggressive act. of terror, humiliation and control.  Rapists do not attack women out of a need for  sexual contact — 50% of rapists do not even  ejaculate.  The slick presentation of this film lulls women  into a false sense of security by providing them  with pat answers on how to avoid potential rape  or rape/murder situations. But, as Vancouver  City Police Inspector Stan Ziola stated after seeing Storaska's film:  "There is no one answer and no one expert on  preventing rape. One must take what Storaska  says and analyze it thoroughly. He is very superficial, a high-pressure salesman ... Some rapists  rape after murdering their victim. Rapists have  beaten up females because they were submitting  and others have been beaten up because they  were struggling. Each case is different."  2. The Message  The strategy Storaska advises is a dangerous one.  He says: be passive, humble and seductive, play  along with the rapist until you can safely escape.  If they follow Storaska's advice, women finding  themselves in violent rape situations may overlook safer courses of action. Rape Relief counsels  that women consider their safety carefully and  logically by planning responses to the threat of  rape appropriate to individual situations. Women  must avoid pat answers.  Most of Storaska's "defense tactics" are concentrated on one stereotype rape situation: the  young, attractive woman being able to convincingly seduce her rapist. This is conceivable only  in limited situations. Storaska's solution is totally  inappropriate for children, for older women and  also for those women who find it impossible to  pretend attraction to a man who intends to harm  her.  Storaska incorrectly claims that if a woman is passive she will escape assault. Dr. J. Selkin of the  Denver Centre for the Study of Violence has  worked extensively with rapists and has found  through research that passive, acquiescent behavior in a woman is exactly what rapists or attackers  check for before proceeding with the assault.  When a woman hesitates or shows fear, the rapist  is encouraged to follow through with an act he  may have felt undecided about.  Physical resistance, Storaska warns, is the wrong  tactic. He says rapists are so sexually aggressive  that struggling only arouses them. Storaska confuses rape with sexual pleasure and sees resistance  as a stimulant: "If you don't believe me, try  struggling with your boyfriend the next time you  make love; he'll love it." However, if there is  more than token resistance, Storaska stresses that  the attacker will be incited to murder. This  advice is legally indefensible. If there is no evidence of resistance, it is next to impossible to  convict a man of rape.  Although Storaska allows a woman the use of two  self-defense techniques "if and only if" she is in  immediate defense of her life, every woman faced  with the possibility of rape experiences it as a life-  threatening situation. The truth is that resistance  DOES work. A Stanford University study of  women who escaped rape showed that 100% did  so through active resistance. In 50% of the cases,  a loud shout or scream was all that was required.  CONCLUSION  Who benefits from this film? Storaska makes a  great deal of money from the entertaining aspects  of his film and from his speaking engagements.  His movie costs $250 to rent from most distributors and he charges $800 to $2,000 for his  two-hour "lecture-entertainment" (that's how it's  billed). Storaska presents himself as a long-term  expert on rape. By making this film and giving  lectures he perpetuates the illusion that he is the  authority on rape. And yet no one involved with  any of North America's Rape Crisis Centres supports his program.  Women do not benefit from this film. Storaska's  presentation offends audiences and reinforces  traditional, passive, feminine roles. His message is  clearly harmful; women who believe his pat answers and play along with an attacker will end up  in dangerous situations, ones they may not be  able to escape from safely. Storaska does-not  look at what forces in our society actually do  cause rape, and how we can all work together to  ward the elimination of this violent crime.  This film is misleading. DO NOT SHOW IT.  Please consider the alternatives.  SOME ALTERNATIVES  1. Invite a speaker from^ your local Rape Crisis  Turn to P&^e 6 page 5  DOES GOVT. FUNDING CO-OPT ?  "Our understanding of the state is a Marxist  understanding and it's a Marxist analysis that I  want to put before you: not something that is  abstract or dogmatic but is a way of understanding how the government works. When one says  government, when one's talking about the state,  you aren't talking just about the provincial government or the federal government, you are talking about a whole set of agencies, institutions,  including universities, including many aspects  of the school system, that are part of the state  apparatus in this kind of society. The way Marxists understand the oppression of women is to see  that it is an oppression that arises within capitalism and therefore that the ways in which we have  to work in order to change that are to work for  the transformation of society towards a socialist  society, but a socialist society that does represent  the emancipation of women."  "The view that Marxists take of the state is that  the state is not even handed; the state is not as it  has been represented as a place that we can make  our claims as part of citizens in a democratic  society; it's not an agency that is responsive to  the needs, concerns and interests of citizens. The  state is in fact serving the interests of a ruling  class and a ruling class that is concerned to maintain capitalism because that is its basis in the  society. When we look at what the state does,  look at the way the government proceeds in relationship to the women's movement, we have to  understand it in this kind of way."  Smith stressed that she didn't use the Marxian  analysis as a kind of dogma but merely as a  means of analysing and understanding what the  state is and how it works. "If it doesn't do that  for us then it isn't right. So, we don't forego our  knowledge of what is happening on the basis of  our political experience in favour of an abstract  and dogmatic analysis. I think this is kind of  important to keep in mind. My experience is  that Marxist analysis is a pretty good one, it tells  you a lot of the time how things happen and  what's going on. That's one of the reasons why  I'm a Marxist."  HOW THE STATE ORGANIZES THE WOMEN'S  MOVEMENT  "We've been talking about how the state organizes the women's movement: If you go back  historically and look at the kinds of ways in  which the state has developed agencies, welfare  agencies, etc., you see a lot of the time what this  has been about has been the way in which the  state has sought to control and anticipate the  possibilities of civil disorder, of revolution — to  prevent that kind of development, to integrate  protest, to co-opt organizations which seek to  represent the interests of oppressed groups, such  as women or the working class, and to prevent  dorothy  Smith  organization, particularly organization in the  working class and in relationship to the working  class." Smith said that an examination of how  funding works shows a kind of selective process  in terms of how we know what kinds of things  will be acceptable and the whole processes by  which grant applications are processed through  levels of government means that "all these kinds  of things work together to exercise a fairly extensive but not altogether visible kind of control."  "Now I'm not going to suggest that one's options  are funding or no funding because, at the same  time, if we are concerned to do things for women  politically we also have to take into account the  implications of deciding NOT to seek funding  which often means that we don't do anything  because we actually do depend on it. So, I don't  want to close the options in that way. I want to  pose them in terms of saying what we have to do  is begin to be able to clarify what the implications  are of taking funding on a particular basis or of  what the implications are of agreeing to participate in a co-ordinated scheme which is essentially  run by government. I think it is that kind of way  that we have to work rather than saying we won't  have anything to do with the state. It's hard not  to have anything to do with the state in this kind  of society, one way or another."  Dorothy referred to the work of Roxanna Ng  which examined agencies in the immigrant community that had developed out of funding such  as LIP grants. She said that although these organizations were not particularly concerned with  women, they had been funded on the same kind  of basis. "One of the things that Ng sees is that  many of these kinds of agencies, these voluntary  organizations, were set up to play an advocacy  role for the working class, for people on welfare,  for immigrants who didn't have proper status or  whose status was in question, and to mediate  between people who didn't speak Chinese and  those who were not able to function in bureaucratic contexts, such as UIC, Manpower and  Immigration, etc. And the organizations were set  up in many cases by people who were specifically  concerned that they act as representatives of the  people that they served, that is, that they should  act as representatives, should advocate, should  stand for, should work for, should fight for, the  interests of those they represented.    But in the  This excerpt is from an address given  at a B.C.F.W.   conference,   "Does Government Funding Co-opt the Women 's Movement?" which was held in Vancouver  June 8 1977.  course of how they've developed, what they've  developed is essentially, and I use this term with  full sense of its irony, as 'handmaidens' of the  bureaucratic agencies of government. Essentially  what they do is the kind of work which represents and facilitates and helps to organize the  work of government agencies; that is rather than  really being able to work for, represent, and  advocate the interests of people in the working  class, people on welfare, people in difficult situations, people in poverty, to represent their interest vis-a-vis the government agencies, they come  over time to represent and organize the relation  of those agencies to serve the government, to  become essentially an extension of the state  apparatus into the community."  "One of the ways we can see this happen if you  look at the funding process is that many of these  organizations have been required to be sponsored.  Some, for example, were set up originally on the  basis of groups of people coming together to act  in their own interest. But in that kind of situation they were not able to get funding. They  were required to set up a board of directors: a  society in order to get the funding. And the  board of directors were expected to be professionals, businessmen, 'leaders of the community'.  The people who had set up the organizations for  themselves and for developing relationships which  actually represented the people who are oppressed in this society found that what happened was  that they became transformed into employees  and over time the organization takes on the character of the board of directors ...". Smith said  that funding institutes often make another  stipulation, that employees be hired through  Manpower and be 'the best qualified people' or  the appropriately qualified people to do the job.  She said this is an antithetical measure because  the original conception of an organization performing an advocacy role means that there is  less concern over what a potential advocate's  qualifications are, a bachelor's degree or whatever, than with where they are at politically.  "The other thing is that what you do in setting  up a board of directors like this is that you then,  in effect, articulate your organization into the  local sections of the ruling class in the community. That is, what you are doing by having  professionals, businessmen, 'leaders of the community' on your boards of directors is, in fact,  building in the control of the ruling class into  your organization." Smith said these were some  of the ways which changed the intention of the  people  wanting  to   do   advocacy work  in the  (^PJlcOBm & vtan they get  thetwcBL rahen ;Scmethiric5 gxS right  and we get _t whenftmettfind goe£  *  The comments from Dorothy Smith and Rosemary Brown on these 3  pages are excerpted  from their addresses  at a recent B.C.F.W.  conference,   "Does  Government Funding  Co-opt the Women 's  Movement?"  c&jMjbmui is when.  they decide lA/hettier M get"  a.^Hwatdidr apinR flip. page 6  Smith (cont)  Chinese community "from this kind of original  concern to act as representatives against the government, against the state, to becoming in effect  its agent. Now, this whole kind of way in which  we are exposed to becoming the agents of the  state apparatus is often not very visible because  how it is done is not very visible to us. We are  not brought under a hierarchical organization."  Smith said we can see it happening in another  way by looking at the way that agencies and  groups are asked to produce statistics on some  kind of schedule. She referred to the Vancouver  Women's Health Collective where in the course  of a government evaluation a fairly elaborate set  of statistical procedures for counting and evaluating the work of the Collective had to be instituted. "What one can see here in this kind of work  is the way in which the state apparatus has found  an alternative to a direct bureaucratic method of  control by hierarchy or supervision through these  kinds of methods of accounting, which are extra-  bureaucratic." She said that although they seem  trivial and unimportant, they take up time, and  secondly, a major reorganization of the project  may have to occur in order that the project measures up so that its funding is renewed.  "And so, one has to see this kind of extension of  the state into our work as a way of actually  organizing our work: not necessarily fucking it  over but actually organizing it, giving it a particular direction ... giving it a form that fits it in  relationship to the state."  Smith said that in addition to examining one  particular group, we must look at the way the  state organizes the relations among different  organizations in the women's movement. For  example, she said, in terms of funding, competitive relations are set up as relationships of a  particular kind can be set up as a conditon for  funding. "1 think it would be a mistake to  think that the state, Machiavelian as it may be,  always knows what it is doing. It may not know  what it is doing but it is clear that it's doing  something, that it's doing this kind of organizational work, creating relations of a particular  kind among different segments of the women's  movement. This is something that we don't  know very much about, it's not clear to us what's  happening and we don't have any control over it  so long as we don't know what's going on. So it  is of fundamental importance that we do come  together, that we begin to talk about these  issues, that we begin to understand how it's in  the interests of women and as we work together  in opposing women's oppression in this society."  "I think we have to be careful of how we may be,  •essentially, an extension of the state apparatus  into the women's movement; how we may be  working not on our side but on the other side.  And I think these are the kinds of things we have  to clarify and to try to bring under some kind of  control."  STORASKA(/mn.p4)  Centre to discuss issues Storaska doesn't raise,  such as why rape is seen as sexual rather than serious, why there are so few convictions, etc.  2. Rape Crisis Centres also have packets of information they send out.  3. Audio-Visual Materials:  a) "Rape is a Social Disease", a 28-minute  video from Vancouver Rape Relief (produced by  Women in Focus);  b) "Self-Defense for Women", a 25-minute  video from Women in Focus;  c) "Rape the Reality", video available through  Video Inn;  d) "Stop Rape", a 45-minute slide show available through Rape Relief;  e) "Not A Pretty Picture", 80-minute film  from Dabara Films, Toronto;  f) Rape Relief and B.C. Police Commission  film in progress.  ROSEMARY BROWN Parttwo  on lobbying DoesGovt  of  Funding Co Opt?  "One of the reasons that I wanted to talk about  lobbying is that I thought I should share with you  my experience as someone who has been lobbied  and who has listened to people who have been  lobbied, to talk about the kind of things they respond to and don't respond to when they have been  lobbied. So I'm going to talk about lobbying from  the other side of the fence.  ELECTORAL POWER  "Governments are really influenced by only three  concerns: The first is electoral power — voting  blocs; and when you think in terms of lobbying a  government, that's a major thing to keep in mind.  When they look at or read your brief or listen to  your phone call or read your letter or whatever,  they immediately try to assess you in terms of  your power as a voting bloc. That is the main  thing because governments are interested in being  governments. So you don't go off and give support  and funding to a whole bunch of weak little groups  that can't help to keep you in power. That is the  major thing. And governments perceive senior  citizens' groups, mining interests, workers with  strong trade union backgrounds — these kinds of  groups as strong electoral power groups and they  are influenced by their lobbying.  MONEY  "Then the last thing they think about is the money.  Because in fact if you rate high on one and two,  money is no object. Like they'll rip off the poor  and do all kinds of things to get the money that  they need to give you, as they have been doing with  the mining companies and people who die and leave  estates of more than a quarter of a million dollars  and these kinds of things. So the major thing is to  measure yourself in terms of electoral power and the  role you have in the community in terms of being  perceived to be a positive force in the community.  A force for good, a force that the community really  wants to keep going — it's like the chamber of commerce or something like that.  "The second thing that governments are concerned  about is their image. They like to have a nice image  of good government. So in terms of when they  decide to respond to your lobbying or not depends  on where you measure on the Richter scale of  popularity in the community at large. And if you  haven't got a good rating on the Richter scale, then  the government isn't interested in any of the lobbying that you have to do for them.  "A lobby should include in any kind of report or  whatever you're presenting a very clear and strong  picture of your electoral strength and there should  also be a lot of indication of public and community  support. And I think if you look at groups that  have been most successful, certainly in the women's  community, in terms of getting funding out of the  government, the ones who turned up with a lot of  community support, not because the government is  responsive to the community, but because every  community group equals so many votes, are the  ones that are successful. You really do do some fast  arithmetic in your head when you run down a list  of supporters. You say, 'that's good for so and so,  that's good for so much, that one's never voted for  me anyway.' So the community thing is really  good. And, especially as the public image goes,  what we found to our horror was that governments  do tend to accept the support from the community  image that they support. In other words, with this  particular government, for example, if you have the  support of the Women's Temperance Union, you  have a much better chance. Whereas if you went to  the NDP with the support of the Women's Temperance Union, you wouldn't have as good a chance.  The biases tend to take it.  "And the group I'm going to cite as an example has  got to be the Women's Health Collective. In terms  of preparing their budget and supporting it and getting it into the government, they were an absolutely  incredible example of how lobbying is done. I'll go  into that in more detail but the first rule that they  really abided by was the one that said 'Early'. You  get your budget in long before the government even  •starts to put their budgets together. And what this  means is that you have to know when departmental  budgeting starts. Because an estimate is debated in  April doesn't mean that you get your budget in by  rosemary brown  uroucner "  trx vvMd  ■nhoto LOBBYING   cont...  March, because in fact the budget that they are  debating on was probably decided on in September  of the year before, and the people started to put it  together maybe the Februrary or March of the year  before. So in terms of being early, I mean early,  early, EARLY.  "The second point and this is just mechanics, I'm  not discussing philosophy, I'm just talking about  mechanics. The other thing is that it should be  very clear, very uncluttered, very detailed. Remember that you're dealing with people that are uncomplicated in their thinking. If a balance sheet doesn't  have 'In' and 'Out' and 'What's Left Over', I have a  hell of a time figuring it out. So I think that if a  budget could be done in such a simple form that  even a politician can understand it, then you're  more than half way there. Also remember that the  one thing that's always in short supply is time, so if  it runs over 3 or 4 pages, forget it.  "The fourth thing is to include the end cost to the  government if this service isn't funded now. That is  really important. Because they say '$70,000! They  must be crazy if they think we'll give $70,000.'  Now I say, 'That's fine, $70,000 a year. If they  don't get those services, you're cutting off service to  a certain number of people, but then, you extrapolate this by a point of 7% increase. Next year or  two and three years from now, the pressure on the  social services in this particular city is going to be  something to the event of two or three hundred  thousand dollars.' It's like the ads say, you can pay  me now or you can pay me later. But if I could  have some real honest information or if the government could have that information in terms of the  real cost of turning down this budget that would be  useful to them.  the civil servants-  get to know them  "Now, who do you send these very brief, uncluttered, concise budgets to? The first person you send it  to of course, is the minister and the second group of  people you  must have on your side is the civil  servants.   Because in fact, ministers come and ministers go, but those people are there forever.  And if  they've decided this is a 'no-no' group, you've had  it until they retire with a gold watch. You're going  to run into problems with your funding every single  time.   So I think if there's any actual frontline work  that continually has to be done, it has to be done at  the civil service level.   They're far more important  than the minister.  In fact, the minister is a courtesy  thing.   But you send the first copy to the minister,  you don't send a carbon copy.   Because, well, if I  were a minister, it wouldn't upset me, but I think  most of the ministers would get upset about getting  a carbon copy.  They'd wonder about who is more  important and got the original.   So you send the  original to the minister.    But you can send your  copy even before it gets to the minister, to the top  civil servants that you relate to.   Phone and say,  'Listen, I'm working on my budget'; even ask a bit  of advice from them in terms of it.   Establish personal contact with the civil service.   You have to go  and dig out who they are and who the real ones are  that have the real power.   And you keep in continual contact with that person. Now I don't think it's  a good idea to send them a ham at Christmas.   But  be nice.   And then your local MP or MLA is your  third line that should come down in terms of your  carbon copies and the opposition is the fourth.  Because  in fact, what the civil servant does is  feed the recommendation to the minister about  what should happen to your budget.   What your  MP or MLA does is go the minister and say 'this  group is in my riding and I've checked them out  and they really seem to be doing a good job.' So  he's getting two reinforcing or conflicting positions,  depending  on the position of the  civil  servant.   What the opposition does is monitor and  say 'You've received the brief, what are you going  to do about it?'  "If the opposition doesn't know what is going on,  there's absolutely nothing they can do in terms of  monitoring.    In fact, I don't think there's any  thing that moves a department faster than a letter  that says carbon copies to: — and they see names  of opposition people on it. In a very short period  of time, the opposition person gets a response  carbon copies to the  opposition  even before you do, acknowledging that the budget has come in and that it's going to get attention. Because there are a couple of things that  the opposition can always do to embarrass the  government. And even though the minister, when  the minister's embarrassed on the floor of the  House, may sluff it off as though it is nothing,  when that minister goes back to her caucus or his  caucus, they really get criticized. Because  nobody likes the government or their member to  be embarrassed publicly.  "The other point is perseverance or follow-up.  It's not enough just to mail it in, and then let a  month, two months, three months, go by. You  haven't heard anything and you sit and wait.  Mail it on Monday, phone on Tuesday and say  'Have you decided about the budget yet?' And  they'll say 'Sorry, but it hasn't arrived yet' and  you'll say 'but I mailed it'. Now they're looking  out for it because they know it's coming. That's  your first thing. Then a week later you phone  and say, 'You must have received the budget by  now because if not, what I would like to do is  bring over a copy for you myself.' And they say,  'No, no, we've received it and we're reading it,  we're working on it, don't come over please.'  And I think you'll find if you do that — in maybe  another couple of weeks you phone and say 'I'm  going to be in Victoria' or say 'I'm going to be in  Ottawa on such and such a date and I really  would like to talk to you about clarifying some  of the topics in the budget', and that kind of  water torture method. They deal with your  budget and get it out of the department as fast  as they can, because you are crazy, you are kooks  and they can't get any work done because you're  always phoning and dropping in. Now, feel the  vibrations to see if they're coming through positively, and if they're coming through negatively  I'd cool it for a bit. Because they may decide  to speed the budget through and turn it down  because you're a nuisance.  public involvement  vital  "I stress public involvement again, as many  people as can write letters saying this is a really  great thing this service that you're giving. It  helps, and again you look for establishment  people.  "The final point I have on this is always to bear  in mind that you cannot make deals with any  government. I think that any women's group or  any minority group or any multi-cultural group  that thinks it can go in and wheel and deal with  the government is really kidding itself. You can't.  You're going to get the short end of the stick  every single time. So you should always be  straight forward and upfront in your dealings  with the government. And don't do any negotiations that wouldn't pass public scrutiny. The  real reason for that is when you sit down in  caucus and discuss a group in terms of its needs,  and somebody can stand up and say, 'Listen, I  have an 'in' with that group, I'll take care of  them for you.' And once the word gets out that  you can be taken care of you are diminished as a  threat or a force. If before, because you were  irrational and nobody was sure what you were  going to do, there would be a chance of your  getting two-thirds, or three-quarters, or four-  fifths of your budget. Once the caucus is assured  that you can be made to behave in a rational  manner, your budget goes to a third or half or  a quarter or whatever. Because, really what my  experience has been is that the strongest thing  page 7  unpredictability ~  our strength  that the women's movement have going for them  is that they're so unpredictable. Like, nobody  ever really knows what the group is going to do  next. And I think once we become really predictable like some women's groups, who trot to  Ottawa once a year and present a brief and have  tea with the Prime Minister and so on, then in  terms of any kind of alternative or revolutionary  programming or funding, we can forget it. We've  been creamed off, we've been taken care of and  we're doomed to live under the Secretary of State  forever.  "There was one other point I had to make. I just  want to make it absolutely clear that what I'm  saying to you in terms of the mechanics of lobbying is a matter of what you have to deal with at  this point. In fact, I don't believe that as long as  we are on our knees begging, we're going to get  anywhere. I still feel that in the final analysis,  we're going to have to deal with MPs and MLAs  that understand what we're talking about. But as  long as you have 55 MLAs of which 5 or 6 are  women and 264 MPs with 8 or 10 women, we're  going to have problems with that. I don't think  we can get away from our political responsibilities  by saying we're going to do a better job of lobbying. We're going to have to become more actively  involved in the political arena, it's still a priority.  We're going to have to address ourselves to it.  "The other thing is, we have to accept that everybody's living on welfare. The difference is that  when corporations and industries get it, it's called  incentives and when women's groups get it it's  called welfare.  meet  your  civil  servant ■'page 8  A PRETTY FACE  ISN'T SAFE  IN THIS CITY.  MAX FACTOR ASSAULTS WOMEN  WITH AD CAMPAIGN FOR "SELF-DEFENSE"  New York (LNS)—Take one package of rape. Knead  in some concern for the environment. Add a liberal  pinch of "women's liberation". Half-bake in a public  place, and wait for profits to grow.  With this recipe, Max Factor & Co. is hoping to cook  up a national market for its new line of skin cleansers  and moisturizers called "Self-Defense", using the slogan "A Pretty Face Isn't Safe In This City".  The multi-media promotion campaign "broke in 30  major U.S. markets this summer," according to  Advertising Age, a trade journal of the ad industry.  During the heavy summer rape season that reaches its  height in August, women in these 30 "markets" are  receiving Max Factor's "warning".  "Your face," reads the newspaper copy, mixing safety and environmental themes, "is under constant  attack from pollution, smog, the dirt and grime in the  air, heat and wind — all drying your skin, making it  look older. But now, you can fight back. With "Self!  Defense."  The blue-and-white poster ads, conceived by Max  Factor's new ad agency, Wells, Rich, Greene of Los  Angeles, are subdued and official-looking — "so you  think it's going to be about safety," as a woman librarian described it. But as you read the copy and  notice the lotion bottles with their city sky-line  graphic, you realize it's "PH-correct" protection  against "the beauty spoilers" that's being promised  instead.  Max Factor has budgeted approximately $1 million  for the initial stage or "first flight" of the 1977 promotion for "Self-Defense". The project was first  tested in selected supermarket outlets in the west and  southeast. Now as the promotion goes national, a  heavy TV and radio spot campaign is being planned  for September and October, according to Ad Age,  with a second push likely for the holiday gift-buying  season.  "Self-Defense" is just one new product-line with  which the newly-reorganized company hopes to rise  in the intensely competitive cosmetics and fragrances  industry to become "a billion dollar company in even  less than five years," in the words of its chief executive office Sam Kalish.  If the company succeeds, it will be doing well for its  parent-corporation. The Norton Simon Conglomerate  of which Max Factor is a part, is one of the 200 largest U.S. industrial corporations in terms of sales,  and includes Avis, Canada Dry, Halston Enterprises,  McCall Patterns, Redbook, Norton Simon Communications, Somerset Importers, United Can Company,  Wakefield Seafoods, and Talent Associates.  Max Factor itself ranks third in domestic cosmetics  sales — after Avon and Revlon. With over half its  sales in Japan and the United Kingdom, the company  ranks 5th in world-wide cosmetics sales and plans to  expand to Germany, Italy, Spain and South America,  reaching new markets with new products like "Self-  Defense".  "So far," Kalish has said, "we've had a lot of dialogue  and expounded on the philosophy of 'being in the  right place at the right time with the right product at  the right price'. Now everybody is waiting to see just  how much of this is going to be translated into performance.  "There's no question that I have the resources and  with our new agency, Wells, Rich, Greene, the worldwide connections to support whatever I want to do."  SASKATOON ABORTION PROTEST  Saskatoon —On June 16, Saskatoon Women's Liberation organized a noon-hour demonstration outside  University Hospital in Saskatoon. They were protesting the lack of abortion services to the women of  Saskatchewai at University Hospital.  The administration of the hospital showed up at the  protest to announce that they "never allowed demonstrations outside the hospital."  Representatives of the University Hospital claimed to  provide excellent abortion facilities: five beds,  in-service seminars for nursing staff and two R.N.s.  Despite these near-perfect facilities, only two abortions have been performed at University Hospital  since January 1977. In 1975 they performed 299  abortions. Prairie Women, August 1977  FIGHT BAC  WIT?  SELF-DEFENS  THE NEW MOISTURIZER  by i»« »em  APPEALING?  INFORMATIVE ?  defend us  front Max Factor  Ms. Mercia Stickney  Research Librarian  Vancouver Status of Women  2029 West 4th Avenue  Vancouver, B.C. V6J 1N3  Dear Ms. Stickney:  I wish to acknowledge receipt of your  letter dated August 31, 1977 to Mr.  Belvedere, the former president of  Max Factor (Canada) Ltd.  Although I share the social concerns  set forth in your letter, I do not agree  that the use of the name "Self Defense" suggests a callous treatment of  women's concern for their safety.  Max Factor (Canada) Ltd. and its related companies expend considerable  resources in the presentation of its  advertisements for its cosmetic products. Our advertisements are pro-,  duced only after many hours of study,  evaluation and analysis. We believe ,  that the self defense message of protection against environmental pollution is self evident. We doubt that our  customers would draw any connection  between "Self Defense" and the concerns set forth in your letter. We  believe the advertisement is in good  taste and would be appealing and informative to Canadian women.  The "consciousness" of our social  responsibility with regard to the  advertising and marketing of our  products is as informed and aware as  any in Canadian industry today.  Yours very truly,  A.N. Piccoli, President  Max Factor (Canada) Ltd.  PORTUGUESE DOMESTIC WORKERS  Lisbon, Portugal—The Lisbon city government has  marked the third anniversary of the Portuguese  Domestic Employees Union by sending them an eviction notice. They are being ordered to leave the  building th^y occupied in 1975, which houses their  union offices, a cooperative laundry and cafeteria,  and a dormitory for domestic workers who have been  fired from their jobs.  The domestic workers have fought long and hard to  change their working and living conditions. Organized as a union after the April 25, 1974 overthrow of  fascism, the women began local branches in all the  major Portuguese cities. Over 6,000 domestic workers joined the union and participated in activities  which ranged from workers' general assemblies,  where all major decisions were discussed, to union  campaigns in the neighbourhoods to contact domestic  workers. This often involved knocking door-to-door  and meeting in the street — rain or shine — to tell  domestic workers about the union.  Throughout 1976, the women in the Domestic Employees Union held marches, rallies and sit-ins at the  Ministry of Labour, insisting on the enactment of  work regulations. Heading the list of demands was at  least one day off a week for domestic workers. They  also demanded a national minimum wage of $125 per  month; a minimum work age of 14 (girls now begin  domestic work at age eight or nine); protection again  against being fired; decent sleeping quarters and nourishing food. The government continues to stall on  passing these regulations.  The Domestic Employees Union has been a member  of the Intersindical Labor Union Federation from the  beginning, but they do not feel they have received  any meaningful help. The domestic workers need our  support — now — in the hard work they have accomplished so far: for themselves, for the movement in  Portugal, and for the international women's liberation  movement.  You can concretely express your international solidarity and support by sending messages and financial  help to: Sindicato do Servico Domestico, Rua de Sao  Bento, 337, Lisbon 2, Portugal.    (From Union Wage)  WARNINGS ON IUD SIDE EFFECTS  New York (LNS)—The Food and Drug Administration's Gynecology Device Panel unanimously recommended on June 6 that doctors and patients be  warned that women using Intra-Uterine Devices  (IUDs) run a three to five times greater risk of Pelvic  Inflammatory Disease than women using other contraceptives. While continuing to approve the IUD as a  safe and effective contraceptive for most women, the  warnings to doctors would urge prompt treatment for  symptoms of bleeding, pain, fever and unusual discharge. Pelvic Inflammatory Disease can cause sterility.  Dr. Lillian Yen, Executive Secretary of the FDA Device Panel, said that a consumer fact sheet would be  distributed to family planning clinics, but the press  would be notified "so as to avoid undue and unnecessary concern."  The panel also recommended that additional research  be started to determine the incidence of sterility in  women who have discontinued IUD use in the past  for medical reasons. KINESIS  page 9  FEMINISM AS IDEOLOGY   *«*»«» caucus  I.  Feminism is a political ideology. It is a perspective on the way the world functions from the  reality of living as a woman. It is an analysis of  the structure of power relationships in human  society. Feminism embraces a comprehensive  system of values, values which are implicit in its  ideology. In its broadest sense, feminism is concerned with the equalization of power. Our basic  value, therefore, is equality for all human beings.  This society justifies inequality by saying that  those who have more deserve it because they are  better, and that those who do not could get  enough if they really tried (i.e. we all have an  equal chance). Equality for all human beings is  not possible within a hierarchically-structured  society. Feminism therefore is committed to a  horizontal rather than a vertical process and  structure, and to a concern for the well-being of  all people (including oneself), in order to achieve  equality of power.  The concepts which follow directly from the  basic values of equality and concern are cooperation, collectivism, the demystification of knowledge, and classlessness. We are opposed to  competition, authoritarianism, and any form of  hierarchy.  The value of non-oppressiveness is crucial to  feminism. Non-oppressiveness gives rise to the  concepts of non-racism, non-sexism, and non-  aggression. (Non-aggression does not deny the  right to the use of violence for self-defense, nor  the use of violence against oppression.)  The basic rights of the individual are crucial to  the formation of a truly non-oppressive society.  Feminism includes the value of respect for the  uniqueness of each individual, and thus the  concept of the right to individual dignity, self  and mutual respect, creativity, and the right to  develop one's own potential.  These values and concepts are even more significant in that they are manifested through certain  principles, which in themselves acquire the status  of values. A basic principle is the concept of  integration: that is, a commitment to developing  and expressing these values at all levels of personal existence/experience, and to inter-relating  these values on all levels. For example, we see  the importance of logic, articulation, and rationality, but only when they are not separate and  distinct from emotional experience. Not only  must the personal reflect the political; there  should be no separation between body and mind,  emotions and intellect, thought and emotion.  Such integration requires an incredible amount of  continuing struggle, as 'consciousness' is not a  static goal, but a process which requires more  with each achievement. The struggle for consistency between what we know and feel and what  we say and do demands a high level of personal  responsibility, and a commitment to using that  personal responsibility in a collective setting.  A basic aspect of women's oppression is economic. In a capitalist society, money determines  value. Women are seen and used as unpaid labour  in the home, and as a cheap, fluctuating labour  pool outside the home. Thus, women's work,  being unpaid labour, has little or no 'real' value,  and is often not even recognized as labour.  However, even if women were paid for all the  work they do, they would still have low status.  Instead of doing service and maintenance work  without pay or recognition, women would be  paid to continue doing the same kind of work  for the lowest wage. Economic oppression can  only be abolished when all productive work has  equal value, and service and maintenance tasks  are given value, paid well, and rotated. It is the  class system which must be destroyed.  However, even when the class system is destroyed  we cannot assume that women's oppression will  end. Due to our role in reproduction, women  have been and would still be required to be primarily responsible for childcare and for service  and maintenance; witness the position of women  in socialist countries. Thus the abolition of  capitalism constitutes only one step towards the  removal of women's oppression.  0M^'  In capitalist society, the principle mechanism  used to achieve and actively maintain our oppression is the nuclear family. Women are socialized  to fulfill themselves primarily through service to  the family. Women who do not fulfill their prescribed role — wife/mother in the nuclear family  — are punished (ridiculed, abused, discriminated  against, etc.) according to the degree of their  deviation from that role, in order to discourage  any deviation. Lesbians, as easily-identifiable  symbols of the rejection of the traditional female  role, receive the most severe punishments. It is  clear that lesbians are oppressed more for refusing  to relate to men, and to society as a whole, in the  approved female roles, than for choosing to love  other women. Women are socialized to fulfill  these roles, and heterosexual conditioning is a  necessary part of that socialization. When viewed  in this context, it becomes obvious that heterosexual conditioning not only demands a particular  sexual orientation, but a corresponding set of  attitudes and actions. The term 'lesbian' is used  as a threat against any woman whose attitudes  and actions do not match those which are  demanded by society. The myths and fears which  have been created by society around lesbianism  function, therefore, to deter women from moving  away from the position in which society finds  them most useful.  An understanding of the class system is necessary  to comprehend the totality of women's oppression. Within the capitalist system, all women do  not have the same amount of privilege and power,  since privilege and power are based primarily on  economic status, race, and physical appearance.  In addition, most of the privilege accorded to a  woman is derived from her attachment to a man.  It is clear that we must destroy the class system;  however, destroying capitalism and its class  system will not end women's oppression.  Women have a common oppression in that all  women are oppressed by the patriarchal system.  The patriarchal system (a socio-economic system  where men control the power in the society) predates capitalism. It is postulated that the discovery of paternity and the consequent desire  to 'own' the children produced, necessitated  male ownership of women. However, regardless  of the 'causes' of patriarchy, it is a fact that the  position of women in a patriarchal society cannot  be other than oppressed. We do not advocate a  return to the matriarchy (a society in which  women have the power) but rather we advocate  working towards an egalitarian society in which  neither maternity nor paternity bestows power  (or oppression). In order to destroy the patriarchy, we see women having control of reproduction and a massive re-shaping of ideology as  necessary and crucial.  III.  A feminist analysis incorporates many theories  and beliefs from other political ideologies. Feminism shares many socialist values and beliefs.  For example, feminism agrees with the Marxian  concept of alienation, and sees the importance  of the dialectical concept of change. Feminism  shares the belief in collective/cooperation as  opposed to individual/competition. Feminism  sees the necessity for presenting an economic  analysis of oppression, and basically agrees with  the socialist model.  Socialism proposes a system in which property  and the means of production are owned and controlled by the workers. However, in the basic  class model of the socialist analysis, 'workers'  equals 'wage labourers'. This category does not  include all women, nor does it include all of the  work done by most women. An analysis of  women's oppression must include in its basic  framework an analysis both of women's specific  relationship to the means of production, and an  analysis of women's relationship to the role of  reproduction and maintenance, i.e. women's  biologically-based oppression.  We as a group are just beginning to examine  anarchist theory, and can see that feminism  shares many anarchist ideals, such as decentralization, work in small groups, the importance of  personal responsibility and communal responsibility. We do not believe in a vanguard or in any  form of hierarchy, and we do believe that the  personal is political.  In presenting a paper on the values and assumptions underlying feminist ideology, it is necessary  to clarify our understanding of ideology. We see  ideology as a process, where beliefs and ideas are  in a constant process of change and growth. We  believe that ideas change as part of the process  of putting them into practise, and we know that  ideas do not automatically fall into direct and  consistent practice, as change and growth involve  both time and struggle.  This paper presents some of our beliefs at this  time- by the Lesbian Caucus  This paper was presented at BCFW's Day of Feminism, on June 8, 1977 at Vancouver, B.C. page 10  page 11  Beginning this month, Vancouver Status of  Women is moving in a new direction.  In recent months, we have been discussing ways  to best work with women who are caught up  within, and beaten down by, various levels of  bureaucracy.  Most of us have encountered systematic discrimination. We have learned from these hostile  experiences that the only route to power is  through collectivity. How best, then, to provide  para-legal information and personal support in an  atmosphere that stresses collective decisionmaking and self-help?  What we have come up with is a new ombuds service, and a new introduction to assertiveness  training and consciousness-raising. Here, Gayla  Reid of Kinesis interviews two people at VSW  who have been deeply involved with this innovative program: Carol Pfeiffer and Susan Hoeppner.  / understand that, beginning October 1st, VSW  will be undertaking a new series of programs. I  gather that you are in the process now of training  facilitators for them.   What exactly is happening?  Susan: Traditionally, VSW has provided services  to women on a one-to-one basis. The ombuds  service has handled legal problems, and in addition, we have provided various consciousness-  raising (CR) groups and assertiveness training(AT)  workshops.  Our personal experience has shown us that, as  women, by the time we reach out for assistance,  our perception of ourselves is so poor, and we are  so conditioned into dependency, that we feel unable to tackle our problems.  Carol: Women who come into our office for one-  to-one 'service' have to define what their problem  is. But it's not just one problem, it's a whole  complex of problems. And women tend to share  that whole complex of problems with other  women. If the problems are collective, then the  solutions to them can be reached collectively.  Susan: I see the basic premise of the women's  movement as being the equality of people, of  women. If we really believe that, how can we  revert to the hierarchal counsellor/client relation  when women come to VSW with legal problems?  You just can't use the hierarchal structure to  deliver legal services when you don't believe in  that structure.  Carol: I agree with Susan. Our responses to  problems are common, as women. The procedures we have to learn to use are common. We do  draw support from each other in seeing the commonality of this situation. We share each other's  wins as well as each other's problems. We need  the strength which that support and sharing gives  us, because the fight is going to be so bloody  long. One of the things we have discovered already in the training program for facilitators is  that we share the frustration of being the invisible  woman. We share the feeling that if I have a  problem, it's my fault. And if it's my fault, then  I can't solve it...  Tell us something more about this facilitator's  program.   What is a facilitator?  Susan: My definition of a facilitator is that:  traditional leadership has an implied hierarchal  structure. This form includes an understanding  that the leader has not only responsibility but  also control. A facilitator is different. A facilitator takes the responsibility for the well-being of  the group, but never controls the people in the  group. This is a difficult thing to learn to do,  because it involves the problem of completely  remaining  one  of the  group without pushing  people into your choices, and at the same time  ensuring that each individual in the group is able  to work comfortably toward her own goal.  Well, how do we learn to do that? What's involved?  Susan: We ensure that the facilitators learn communications skills from a feminist perspective.  We learn to express our feelings and we learn to  really listen. Role-playing is a technique that we  use throughout the program, for peer counselling,  for assertiveness training, for consciousness-  raising, and for advocacy techniques.  For example?  Susan: For example, we role-play about the  following situation. Someone from a religious  group is at the door. One person plays the  woman who is busy and who doesn't want to  and the other plays the religious zealot who wants  to convert her. You role-play until somebody explodes. Playing the oppressor is an excellent way  to flatten your ideas about hierarchies. You learn  to recognize inside yourself the tricks you play  when you're being the person with the power.  Try playing you're a UIC official and see how it  feels...  Carol: When the facilitator's program is through,  we'll have facilitators for self-advocacy  for CR and AT.  Let's take these one by one. Consciousness-  raising at VSW is structured CR, isn 't it?  CONSCIOUSNCSS  RAISING  Susan: Right. Structured consciousness-raising  follows a very carefully planned schedule. CR is  not therapy, it's not a rap group, it's not an encounter or sensitivity group, it's not a class or  seminar and it's not a personal problem-solving  group.  What it is is this: structured CR allows each and  every woman to speak; it does not allow confrontation or distractions, it demands confidentiality. Women learn through CR that their problems are not necessarily personal, but the result of  society's objectification of women. Women's  position in society is politically determined.  Realizing this frees us from a sense of isolation  and personal failure.  Our Assertiveness Training programs encourage  participants to express their feelings, particularly  those feelings of anger which have been taboo for  women, and to take responsibility for those feelings. We learn how to make "I feel" statements  without apologizing for them.  POLITICAL  CONTCXT  Even after all the CR and AT in the world,  women find that the system continues to discriminate against women, to exploit us as cheap  labour. What connections do you make between  CR, AT, and the larger political context?  Carol: By the time women have been through  these groups, I hope that they will think it's important for women to work together in groups.  This is one preliminary to working collectively  to change the system...  A COLLAGE OF VSW WOMEN  PAST AND PRESENT  Okay. The facilitators' program prepares women  to facilitate not only CR and AT, but also self-  advocacy workshops. What do you mean by  "advocacy".  ADVOCACY  Carol: I define advocacy as using whatever  resources you personally have available to get  what you want. You must 1) identify and prior-  ize the issues you're working on; 2) identify who  has the power to make the decision you're seeking; 3) find out what the law is; and 4) look at a  number of techniques that can be used to get the  person in power to make a decision in your interest. We use role-playing to help discover which of  those techniques will work effectively. The group  assesses that together.  In the self-advocacy workshop you get used to  asking for things, to challenging the people who  say no to you. You learn how to make them ex- .  plain their reasons for saying no without losing  control of the situation yourself. In short, you  learn to present your arguments while keeping  yourself together.  When the facilitators who are now learning self-  advocacy skills are ready to take part in workshops, what areas will the workshops concentrate  on?  Carol: Initially, we'll be looking at family law,  which we'll divide into two categories. First,  a group of women who are contemplating separation, but who are not yet dealing with the  courts. Secondly, those women who are going  through the courts right now, and being harassed  along the way.  So, family law is where we start. If we receive  sufficient demand, we'll start a group doing their  own divorces collectively.  Sooner or later, you are going to have to use the  services of a lawyer.  Carol: My Grand Plan does include the part-time  service, volunteer or otherwise, of a lawyer at  VSW, so that we can build up a fully-functioning  Advocacy Centre.  Let's lay out the Grand Plan and take a look at  how VSW's Advocacy Centre will operate, when  everything falls into place...  Carol: This is what we'll go for — we'll have three  groups of women dealing with family law matters.  GRAND PLAN  Prepare your own separation agreement — The  first groups will be working on the preparation  and negotiation of their own separation agreements. Most professionals working in family law  recognize that a separation agreement that is fairly arrived at and agreed to by both parties reduces  significantly the emotional and legal costs involved in a marriage breakdown. We believe that  'if the woman is actively involved in the process of  arriving at a separation agreement, it will be a  positive reinforcement of her sense of self-worth.  Arm yourself for family court — The second  groups will be working on family court procedures. Most of these women will be already involved wkh family court before they see us and  will have come to the centre because they feel  they are being discriminated against. They will  learn what the law is and how to prepare materials and take actions in family court. Working as  a group will allow them to share experiences and  information and provide support as they learn  new skills necessary to take control of their own  lives.  Do your own divorce — The third groups will be  working together ontheir own divorces. Again  the emphasis is on control of self. Not only will  they run all the errands necessary to collect the  appropriate forms and documents, but they will  learn the law and the procedure and the techniques necessary for them to present their petitions. They will have their own day in court.  Again, working with a group provides support and  breaks down the isolation and feelings of inadequacy.  / suppose you're going for separation agreements,  family court procedures and divorce routines  because those are the three areas for which there  is the greatest demands in this office. But what  about other problems — the welfare hassles, for  example, will no doubt grow more numerous as  Vander Zalm's creeping fascism becomes rampant...  Carol: In addition to the family law workshops,  we will hold at least one drop-in clinic where  women will be able to seek assistance and assurance for representing themselves on other matters. Topics include government agency hassles,  discrimination in employment or services, landlord and tenant matters and consumer problems.  Will women still be able to phone into VSW and  get legal information?  Carol: Yes. In addition to the direct service provided by the advocacy workshops, we will continue to provide legal information to callers to  the best of our ability, without fuss, and anonymously. Women want to know what their rights  are, and what resources and avenues are open to  them. In addition to the phone line, we would  hope to develop a regular column for Kinesis  focusing on legislative changes, both present and  needed.  That's a pretty big scheme. Do you have any way  of making the information portable?  Susan: The information is already portable.  Anybody who really intends to use it can have  access to it. We have our facilitator's course  recorded in detail. Already, women in Smithers  and Prince Rupert have asked for it. Hopefully,  we will have some travel funds to do workshops  in rural areas. We are also willing to take the program to community groups within the Lower  Mainland.  When this facilitators' course is over, when will  the next one take place?  Susan: When we have the workshops on the road,  and when there is a demand for it. I want to  emphasize that we see this plan as on-going. Facilitators' programs will continue to take place,  and the family law workshops, CR and AT programs will also be on-going.  When will the family law workshops at VSW be  taking place during October?  Carol: Sunday afternoons l-3pm, and Monday  and Tuesday evenings from 7:30-9:30pm. We  will set these up and see if they're the best times.  So far, we don't have childcare available, although  we recognize the need for it.  What about consciousness-raising and assertive-  ness-training?  Susan: Consciousness-raising and assertiveness  training sessions have already started. For more  information on coming groups, call me at VSW  (736-3746). equality at city hall (cont-)  The EEO Committee was formed by Mayor Art  Phillips two years ago. The present mayor  Volrich has always maintained an overtly sour  attitude towards it. Perhaps he regards it as an  embarrassing legacy from less prudent times.  The City Manager's position is that there isn't any  proven problem. But the Council voted for an  Officer of Equal Employment Opportunity anyway.  The four women on Council voted yes to the  proposal. I don't know any feminists naive  enough to assume that alderwomen will respond  favourably to a proposal just because it's a  "women's issue". (Bernice Gerard's anti-choice  position on abortion is enough to scuttle any  fantasies to that effect.) Their concurrence on  this occasion was due to very competent lobbying  by the community groups involved, before the  vote was taken.  Councillor Rankin could be counted on: he  cracked his joke about "Who puts the fires out in  Shanghai?", and pointed out, correctly, that  having women cops will not in itself wipe out  economic class differences. He voted yes.  Kennedy's opposition was another sure bet:  hoary old numbers about reverse discrimination,  delivered, as Councillor Harcourt once pointed  out, like a devout Ayn Rand disciple. This time  Kennedy was afraid that the handicapped people  had been put up to wanting equal opportunity  by the racial minorities and the women. In the  gallery, the handicapped contingent booed.  The three groups adopted a tactful approach. Lee  Grills, President of VSW, spoke for our organization. She pointed out that various levels of  government are already implementing equal  opportunity programs. The federal government  is involved in equal opportunity; Winnipeg is  involved. Isn't it time, therefore, that City Council became involved in responding to the demands  of women? We are 51% of the population, she  told Council. We are therefore 51% shareholders  in City Hall.  Behind all the lobbying for an Officer of Equal  Employment Opportunity is this dynamic: a) the  system we live under is dependent, utterly, upon  an unequal distribution of wealth; and b) it's also  dependent on the myth that every person has a  real right within the system to equal opportunity.  You need b) to keep a) rolling right along. On  occasion, victims of inequality, such as women,  get so pushy that in order to maintain b) it is  necessarv  to  make a few concessions from a).  From the system's point of view these concessions must be as small as possible and of a temporary, reversible nature. Every concession we win  from them is a little victory for us. That's what  was happening at City Hall. It was a small, but  important victory.  Following the victory, VSW received this letter  from Reva Dexter, Liaison Worker with the  Equal Employment Opportunities Committee:  Dear Sisters:  Congratulations! Our victory at City Hall points  out once more the tremendous power we can  exert with careful, systematic pressure. Having  joined the Equal Employment Opportunities  Project after the committee had worked hard for  two years and felt stultified, I never allowed  myself to fantasize this end result.  I am feeling a bit overwhelmed today after last  night's tension at City Hall. It is taking me a  while to grasp the reality of this new victory for  the Women's Movement in Vancouver and its  inevitable repercussions for women working  everywhere.  Your constant support not only acted as a political tool to make City Council aware of the need  for an E.E.O. program, it was also felt personally  by me working as the liaison person in a sometimes hostile environment.  I know I speak on behalf of all the women who  worked on the project when I extend my personal  thanks and warmest feelings of sisterhood for  your invaluable participation.  Sincerely, Reva Dexter  ANTI-GAY HYSTERIA HITS  PORTLAND, OREGON  New York (LNS)—A group plainly  styled after Anita Bryant's "Save Our  Children" has filed a petition to recall  the mayor of Portland, Oregon because he declared June 28 as Gay  Pride Day.  The group, which calls itself Citizens  United to Protect Our Children,  claims that Mayor Neil Goldschmidt's  proclamation "...increased the danger  of sexual molestation of children ...  defying God's ordinances ... which  leads to destruction of the family and  national suicide." (Thanks to the  Scribe)  NEW LAW IN WICHITA, KANSAS  TO END ANTI-GAY DISCRIMINATION  New. York (LNS)—A civil rights  amendment banning discrimination in  housing, employment and public  accommodations against homosexuals  was approved by Wichita, Kansas city  commissioners on September 7th.  Although opponents of the measure  may organize a petition against it, the  amendment is expected to become  law after another city commissioner  vote. A similar amendment was  recently repealed in Dade County,  Florida where a vicious anti-gay campaign was spearheaded by singer Anita  Bryant.  CHILEANS STRUGGLE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS  2. Some of the most infamous concentration  camps throughout the country were closed, in  favour of transferring those incarcerated there to  smaller, easier-concealed detention centres,  housing no more than 20 persons apiece.  3. In July 1977, the Junta announced its farcical  plans for the creation of a Congress in 1981 led  by a president appointed by the Junta and composed of members hand-picked either by the  Junta itself or by its puppet president.  4. Finally, in August of this year, Pinochet announced that he had dissolved the internationally  notorious secret police, the DINA, only to clarify  that of course a similar such agency, the CNI  (National Centre for Information) would be established to fulfill the functions previously undertaken by the DINA.  l he need for the Junta to change the name of the  secret police in an attempt to pretend that that  agency no longer exists, came not simply as a  result of the DINA becoming widely-known and  feared in many countries outside of Chile, but  also because of its exposure within Chile itself.  One of the major blows to the DINA's free rein  in terrorizing the Chilean population came from a  16-year-old who they kidnapped and who today  is living in Canada.  The following are a few excerpts from the  account printed in the Newsletter of the "Inter-  Church Committee on Human Rights in Latin  America":  What Catholic church officials here (Santiago)  call the "institutionalized lie", contrived by the  government with the cooperation of the press in  order to hide DINA (secret police) activities from  the average Chilean, has lost its credibility, thanks  to the integrity of a 16-year-old boy.  Carlos Veloso, a working class youth, endured a  month-long nightmare that began with his kidnapping and torture by DINA and continued with  a macabre scheme to convince the Chilean public  that his kidnappers were a band of Marxists and  Christian Democrats, not DINA agents.  Carlos Veloso's saga finally ended on June 25  when he flew to Canada and joined his family  who had left the country as soon as the DINA  guards moved out of their house.  Before leaving, Carlos wrote his true story in a 24-  page sworn statement presented to the President  of the Supreme Court, and spent four days testifying to a military court about the DINA cover-  up. The judge, on the basis of his testimony, had  to release three of the five prisoners whom the  DINA had kidnapped and tortured.  During the four days of testimony before the  military court, regular police even guarded  Carlos to protect him from the enraged DINA  agents whom he fingered as the real kidnappers.  All major newspapers and magazines except the  government-owned 'El Cronista' carried extensive reports of the disintegration of the DINA  cover-up, and two news magazines made it clear  that the DINA had committed the real atrocity.  It was the first time since the coup that Chileans  were able to read in the censored daily press  that persons whom the DINA accused of being  terrorists were actually innocent and the charges  were fabricated.  For us in Canada, who are concerned not only  with the equality of the sexes, the rights of minorities, but the situation of an entire people, it  is crucial that we contribute in whatever small  way possible to expose the activities of the  Chilean dictatorship. For that reason, the  Committee for the Defense of Human Rights  in Chile regularly lists the names and relevant  information of political prisoners or "missing"  prisoners, who the Junta denies holding, in  KINESIS. For those of you who would be  interested in other campaigns which the Committee organizes to free these prisoners, please  contact the Committee at Box 80593, South  Burnaby, B.C. or No. 906 - 205 W. Hastings,  Vancouver, B.C. POTR€B€NKO'S  N€WDOOK  No Streets of Gold: A Social History of Ukrainians in  Alberta, by Helen Potrebenko  Multiculturalism, immigration policy, Canadian identity, racism and sexism — these are widely discussed  topics nowadays. In No Streets of Gold they are critically examined in light of the Ukrainian-Canadian experience, from the first wave of immigrants in the  1890s to the present. Not always a pleasant story, it  is one about "farmers and workers, men and women  who struggled for a better life for themselves and for  us, and who got if for us ... and it left them broken."  Throughout, Potrebenko asks: Who held power?  How did it affect those who didn't? What did they  do about it? The answers, focusing regularly on the  position of women, amount to a valuable book of  Canadian history. As well as stories of her own  family, Potrebenko presents life-histories translated  from Ukrainian of many early Canadian settlers.  Those who have read her novel Taxi!, will recognize  Potrebenio's incisive insights into both the blatant  and subtle forms which racism and sexism assume.  "When I was 15 and in a Vancouver school, many of  the other students walked up to me and asked what  nationality I was ... This threw me into a state of confusion. Sometimes I said Russian, sometimes Ukrainian, sometimes Belorussian. What I actually was, was  a terrified fat kid off the farm who didn i have the  nerve to tell them I was a Canadian. "  $5.95 paper - $12.95 cloth  foil titles from ■$£  #   NOV STAR  page 13  Feminism & Marxism — A Place To Begin, A Way To  Go by Dorothy E. Smith  Dorothy Smith begins by telling how in her experience feminism led to Marxism. She describes feminism not as a political ideology but as a commitment  to the standpoint of women enabling them to identify with one another as women. She sees many gains  made by the women's movement, particularly in  women's ability to organize. But in the present crisis  in capitalism, many of the reforms women have won  are being eroded.  Feminists learn that the state is not even-handed, but  represents the interests of a ruling class whose interests don't coincide with the emancipation of women.  Lasting advances in women's situation require more  fundamental changes in society. But when feminists  try to work with Marxists they are generally rejected  as bourgeois ideologists or on the grounds that feminism is divisive. In opposition to this, Dorothy Smith  argues that women's oppression is itself a basic division within the working class. She concludes that a  feminist critique is essential if there is to be unity in  the Marxist movement which does not build on the  division in the working class concealed by women's  oppression.  $1.95 paper, $8.95 cloth  &zZ  NEW STAR BOOKS, 2504 York Avenue,  Vancouver,   B.C.   V6K   1E3.  IN THEIR BEST INTERESTS by Sally Floyd  Most women take for granted the right to raise  children. Lesbian mothers have not yet won that  right. Only recently have they begun to live  openly and to fight for their children's custody.  At the same time the courts, child-welfare agencies and other relatives are challenging the rights  of lesbian mothers, charging that a parent's homosexuality is harmful to the child.  "In The Best Interests Of The Children", a recently released film, is a moving story of the lives of  lesbian mothers and their children. The film  counters traditional stereotypes of lesbian  mothers. The women in the film are all real, caring about their children and different from each  other in a myriad of ways. As Bernice Augen-  brahn, a clinical social worker, says in the film,  "I know of no special problems that a lesbian  mother has except that she is constantly oppressed by the attitudes of our society, and has to  deal with that with her children."  Lesbian mothers are shown as everyday people  who unpack their groceries, play in the park, and  argue with their children. We also see the oppression lesbian mothers confront. One woman tells  how she won. custody of her children only on the  condition that she and her lover did not live together and could not even see each other when  the children were around.  The children talk about what it means to have a  lesbian mother and they show particular strength  and self-respect as well as support for their  mothers. One school-age boy says about custody  cases: "The judge don't listen to the children.  If you say your father is an alcoholic, they say,  'but he makes a living.' "  Judges have the arbitrary power to decide what is  "in the best interests of the children", and as a  result the children are likely to end up with the  party whose culture, life-style and values are closest to the judge's. Women who are lesbians, on  welfare, disabled, or who have been in prison, are  all open to the charge that they will not raise the  kind of children the judge wants to see.  Jeanne Jullion is one lesbian mother currently  fighting for custody of her children. Jeanne and  her four-year-old son were living in Oakland, California in a supportive, family oriented household  with Jeanne's lover,  Sheri  Fried  and her four  medio  LESBIAN MOTHERS  From: CANADIAN INFORMATION SHARING  SERVICE (CISS), 51 Bond Street, Toronto, Ontario,  M5B 1X1.  The Canadian Information Sharing Service is develop-  _ ing a network of information exchange among Canadians working for social change in situations of inequity which reveal dehumanizing aspects of our society. People and working groups in various regions are  asked to gather and summarize materials which are  then collated into a regular publication by a volunteer  collective.  The following criteria govern content:  1. Alternate materials in any media form available for  limited distribution but not widely circulated.  2. Materials should relate to Canadian issues. These  may be at any level — local, provincial, national,  international.  3. Materials should relate to transforming social processes or structures and contain elements of research,  critical analysis, position statements, strategies, or reflection on action.  CISS is not a documentation centre. Materials should  be ordered directly from the producer. Samples of  areas covered: Quebec, Military, Minerals, Pipeline  Moratorium, Police, Poverty, Racism, Skid Row,  Social Services, Wage Controls, Women.  CISS publishes six times a year. Individual copies:  $2.00; yearly subs: $10.00; institutions: $15.00.  children. Jeanne's oldest son, eight, had lived  with his father since his parents' separation two  years ago.  Jeanne attempted to gain custody of her oldest  son so he could share her family, where he had  already formed strong ties with the other children. Jeanne's husband countered her custody  action with his own demand for custody of both  children, charging she was an unfit mother  because she is a lesbian.  The judge, after declaring the hearings closed,  granted custody of the two children to their  father. Jeanne said of the case, which is being appealed to the California State Supreme Court,  "It was almost as though we were on trial for the  crime of being lesbians. We wanted some public  pressure on the court to examine whether we  were good parents, not whether we were good  lesbians."  For information on how you can help write to  the Jeanne Jullion Defense Fund, P.O. Box 88447  Oakland, CA 94662.  To show the film "In The Best Interests Of The  Children", write to Iris Films, Box 26463, Los  Angeles, CA 90026.  (from Union Wage)  LESBIAN WINS CUSTODY  Colorado —Donna Levy, a lesbian and second  mother to her deceased lover's daughter, won  custody of the child after an eight-month legal  battle in Denver Juvenile Court.  According to Gerald Gerash, an attorney and  gay activist who represented Donna in court,  the decision marked the first time a court has  granted custody to a lover of a parent in a  lesbian or gay relationship.  (Big Mama Rag, September/77)  Dr. Eaves, Director of the provincial Forensic  Psychiatric Clinic in Vancouver and a "specialist  in the treatment of child molesters" told the  Vancouver Province that "while most men are  adapted to the women's movement, many others  are creating a bulge in the ranks of ... child  molesters." Women, he added, "have emerged  from their traditional role as sex objects to  become in some cases sex objectors, expecting  and even demanding (!) sexual fulfilllment."  This produces in men, according to Eaves, a fear  of sexual failure, and that fear leads to child  molestation. c  o  u  ?  r  y  w  o  nn  e  D,  i  v  a  I  Against all odds, such as rain, exploding rock, and a  2x4 swinging psychopath, the 2nd Annual North  Island Country Women's Festival happened. Though  not quite as planned, due to the above, about 100  women gathered together the last weekend in August  at a site between Courtenay and Cumberland on Vancouver Island.  Possibly because of last minute site changes and the  ambivalent weather, there were fewer women than  planned for, especially from farther-away places. But  this in some ways helped fulfill one of the original intentions of the festival, namely to give women in the  local communities and isolated areas of the North Island a chance to meet or re-connect, share experiences, and set up further communication networks.  Workshops given on Saturday and Sunday were popular and many women had difficulty deciding which  ones to choose. They covered three main areas:  healing, politics, and rural skills. Included were  Drama, Politics of Food, Chain Saw Maintenance,  Self-Defense, Native Land Claims, Anger, Women and  the Law, Mothers and Daughters, Dance, etc.  The full moon was celebrated Sunday evening with  white grease paint, chanting and howling.  What became very clear this year during the organization of the festival, beginning in March, was the difficulty in securing an adequate site, for the event. Surrounded by acre upon acre of precious Mother Earth,  the many women involved in the organization still  had a hard time finding a place for the gathering.  Land usually belongs to people who are male and/or  rich. Women tend to have few, or no, acres — to be  renting or caretaking — to be part of a larger group  sharing land — or own, or have access to it, with their  male partner. Well, of course, we all knew on some  level that we didn't belong to the propertied class but  you come to a much keener realization of this when  you actually try to find 30 acres, for three days  where 100 or so women can get together.  The first site, offered by renters of land on Quadra  Island, owned by absentee Californian landlords, fell  through when a threatened male island resident (see  the 2x4 swinging psychopath) phoned the distant  owners with tales of abandonment by the renters and  a repeat of 'Woodstock' happening on the land. We  also heard he didn't want "150 whores" on the island  but that's only a rumour!  Therefore two weeks before the festival date, another  site was needed and finally found when a local marx-  ist agreed to our using part of his farmland. The land  was beautiful and suitable though our ideals of ocean  front and isolation (as we had the previous year) were  somewhat modified. It was unfortunate that the festival coincided with the drilling of a well on the property and our timing seemed a little 'off when, in the  middle of a fine, sensitive performance of a play by  the Denwomen Theatre Group about native and immigrant women, we heard a gigantic explosion and  saw a backdrop of exploding rock and sod. But the  players played on...  The festival was set up to encourage participation by  all those attending so that the work of cooking, cleaning, etc. was shared as well as the responsibility for  the gathering generally. One area that caused much  debate prior to the festival was child care. Whose responsibility is it? Who is willing to do it? Finally ten  teenaged women were hired to take over this area,  which they did very well, but we brought the issue to  the gathering for further discussion. It was interesting but unresolved.  At one of the periodic 'circles' during the weekend  we took the time to do a Rural Income Exchange —  everybody in turn sharing how they made a living and  /or what they did with their time. Dreams, as well as  reality, were shared. There was certainly a variety, including midwives, craftswomen, tree planters and a  scattering of professionals, though most incomes  seemed around the subsistence level. Unfortunately,  we never took the time to validate those women who  were 'just' housewives or mothers.  Basically the festival felt relaxed with pockets of  'high'. It seemed less intense, more low key than the  previous year, probably due to the easy accessibility  to nearby communities (compared to a three-mile  hike-in after a 50-mile drive last year) which made it  convenient for many women to come and go, often  to the rhythm of the rain. But we learned lots,  played lots, hugged lots and talked lots, and will probably do it all again next year. by Diana Smith  page 14  WOM€N AND  €CONOMIC  D€V€LOPM€NT  On July 28th in Prince George a group of women  from across the North met in the basement of the  Community Resources Society Building and began  planning what they hope will be one of the most exciting conferences for women in 1977. The topic,  Women and Economic Development, is a direct result  of the work being done by the Northern B.C. Women's Task Force on Single Industry Resource Communities. During the course of their research into the  quality of life as experienced by the women of single  industry communities, the task force members realized that although there were problems particular to  each community, there were also general problems  that covered all single industry towns due to the fact  that the needs of women had not been taken into  consideration in the planning of the town. Furthermore, women had not even considered themselves as  having any rights in demanding a role in the economic  development process as a whole.  At a spring meeting of the task force it was decided  that it was time to present the topic of women and  economic development in a way that would excite  women living in non-urban areas about their right to  be concerned and involved in the resource development of their region. As well, it was recognized that  women living in single industry and resource towns  needed a communications network to share information on employment, childcare, isolation, health care,  town planning, etc. And last but not least, the task  force wanted to share the information in their research reports with other women.  A steering committee was formed consisting of women from Kitimat, Fraser Lake, Prince George, Quesnel, Mackenzie and Dawson Creek and plans for the  conference on Women and Economic Development  were well under way. It will take place in Prince  George's Inn of the North from November 11 - 13,  and approximately 100 women from single industry  and resource towns throughout B.C. will attend. The  conference has a non-urban focus, and the steering  committee is structuring the procedures to ensure a  maximum of information sharing, education and  action planning.  Workshops will include how-to sessions on coping  with unions in small towns, non-traditional employment for women, lobbying for more and better community services, doing community research, strategiz-  ing on how women can become more involved in the  economic development plans of their region, and sensitizing the economic development systems into becoming more responsive to the needs of women and  their families.  Several years ago, at a conference in Terrace, the Director of the Women's Economic Rights Branch remarked in a speech that "the economic development  of our society, whether planned or unplanned, affects  the lives of us all. The quality of our day-to-day living, the framework into which we have to fit our decisions about our present and our future, depends on  the economy of the area in which we live. For most  of us the notion of democracy presupposes that we  have at least some degree of control over the way our  region or area develops. Both sexes are equally affected and few of us would deny that both sexes  should have equal input to the decision making process...and yet...wo men are marginal to the whole  economic development process. They are not involved in making the decisions which so closely shape  their whole lives."  contacts*.  The Women and Economic Development Conference  will begin to address that imbalance. For more information about the conference, please contact Diana  Ellis, 11-1820 Bayswater, Vancouver (733-1058) or  Marie Mitchell, Prince George Women's Collective,  1306 7th Avenue, Prince George (562-1762). TELEVISION - PERPETUATING STEREOTYPES  The men control, the women are subservient, the  whites hold power, the Blacks are pimps or criminals.  The lawyers are "infallible", the police "authoritative", and the detectives "invincible", leading to a law-  and-order mentality.  The report was equally critical of the television  industry's hiring and news programs. While women  and minorities are now seen more often on television,  they "serve merely as window dressing" without  "comparable representation in decision-making posi-  Of 230 newscasts sampled, only nine dealt with minorities and only three with women. Of the 141  "newsmakers", 78.7% were white males. Only 9.9%  were white females, 7.8% nonwhite males, and 3.5%  nonwhite females.  Those are just some of the conclusions of 181-page  report on the television industry released last week by  the U.S. Civil Rights Commission. The report,  "Window Dressing: Women and Minorities in Televis-  s ion", studied television programming, employment  practices and news programs. It charged the industry  with perpetuating racial and sexual stereotypes and  said the Federal Communications Commission (FCC)  is taking no effective measures to change the situation.  The study's conclusions are not surprising. But its  careful documentation adds up to a shocking indictment. For example, it listed portrayal of minorities  in 1973 episodes of the "Hawaii Five-0" detective  show. Of nine Blacks, five were pimps, two were  prostitutes and two were students. Of 11 Hawaiians  and Polynesians, two were pimps, two were assassins  and three were involved in organized crime.  Of the 5624 television drama characters studied,  65.3% were white males. Only 23.8% were white females, 6% were nonwhite males and 2.3% were non-  white females. In addition, 57% of the white women  and 53.4% of the nonwhite women didn't have any  apparent occupation.  (Excerpted from The Guardian, 7/9/77)  PREGNANCY PROVOKES NEGATIVE REACTION  Chicago (CDN) —Pregnancy is billed as a positive experience, but the reality is that it provokes negative  social reactions, according to Human Behavior.  Two psychologists simulating pregnancy, one swollen  with a fake tummy and the other not, took positions  in an apartment building elevator and noted how  closely passengers stood to each.  Male subjects showed a strong tendency to keep their  distance from the "pregnant" woman, backing off  suddenly when they noticed one of the women was  "showing". Female subjects were not so apt to shun  the "prospective mother".  THANKSGIVING TURKEYS  The    Hon.    Alan   Williams,   Minister   of   Labour-.  "Women in the work force — the statistics show that  currently the ratio between men and women in the  work force is three men and two women, and I suppose that actually is only fair.  It makes it even."  (Hansard, August 3/77)  Eric Nichol — "Humourist": "Rape is not the stuff  of chuckles, except that the current preoccupation  with it is bound to exacerbate a man's reluctance to  have sex with a woman unless accompanied by a witness ... Hell, we are reminded, hath no fury like a  woman scorned. As prosecution is made less of an ordeal for the woman violated — a change for the better  — there will be increased temptation for a woman to  use it as a club to beat the snake for a wide variety of  offences, none of them involving forced entry."  (Vancouver Province, August 24/77)  page 15  UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE  Prime Minister Trudeau was recently invited to join  the ranks of the jobless and try to live on unemployment insurance. Had the prime minister accepted the  invitation, put forward by an opposition member of  Parliament, he (like nearly one million other Canadian unemployed) would have had to know that  there are different kinds of unemployment insurance.  Since he's had his job for more than twenty weeks,  Mr. Trudeau would be a "major attachment" claimant. A person who has only worked between eight  and twenty weeks is a "minor attachment" claimant.  Generally, it's better to be a major than a minor  attachment.  ' Sickness benefits, for example, are not payable to  minor attachment claimants who have lost their job  because of illness or injury. (These benefits are payable to a major attachment claimant.) Sickness benefits are payable, however, if the minor attachment  gets laid off or fired first, then gets sick or injured.  Nobody, though, gets away with being sick for more  than fifteen weeks. After fifteen weeks worth of  money (benefits) any claimant must be capable of  work to continue getting benefits. Your doctor will  have to fill out the special form that entitles you to  medical benefits.  It's also better to be a major than minor attachment  if you get pregnant. If you're a minor attachment  you can't get maternity benefits. A major attachment claimant can, if she can prove her pregnancy  with a doctor's certificate.  The regulations here get quite confusing: to get maternity benefits you must have worked ten weeks out  of the twenty weeks preceding the thirty weeks  before your expected confinement (the expected  birth date).  For the period before the thirtieth week before expected confinement, you can be on unemployment  insurance and have it count as work.  You can start to collect these benefits up to eight  weeks before the expected birth of the baby. (There  is a two-week waiting period; apply ten weeks before  the expected birth date.)  There are fifteen weeks of pregnancy benefits. Once  these benefits are used up, you can only collect regular benefits if you can convince the Commission that  you are capable of work and that you have made  arrangements for the baby that will allow you to look  for work and are looking for work like everyone else  on unemployment insurance.  People 65 years of age and older are not entitled to  benefits. However, if you are a major claimant the  UIC will cash out your policy for three weeks worth  of benefits, even if you are still working. It doesn't  matter how long you have been paying premiums;  three weeks benefits is all you get. You get these  benefits as a lump sum; you don't have to prove that  you're looking for work.  Holiday and severance pay are considered earnings by  the UIC. If, for instance, you receive four weeks of  holiday pay at the end of your job, you will be disentitled from benefits for four weeks.  Once your claim has been established, you will receive report cards in the mail every two weeks. With  these report cards you regularly assure the Commission that you are fulfilling the conditions of the insurance policy; that is that you are available for and  capable of work, but unable to find it. Fill in and  return the report cards whether you are getting  money or not.  Always keep the- UIC advised of any change of  address. Always put your Social Insurance Number  (S.I.N.) on any correspondence with the UIC.  For a copy of the booklet, Unemployment Insurance,  contact the Vancouver People's Law School. The  booklet costs 50 cents, plus postage. Write to 2110-C  West 12th Avenue, Vancouver V6K 2N2 or phone  734-1126.  Next: Filing Your Claim  (Law Talk by Gordon Hardy) page 16  MENTAL HEALTH  WORLD MENTAL HEALTH CONFERENCE  The World Federation for Mental Health sponsored the 1977 World Congress on Mental Health the  week of August 21-26, on the campus of University of British Columbia. This conference is held  every two years; the next one to be held in 1979  in Athens, Greece. The theme for the conference  was "Today's Priorities in Mental Health".  A few of the main speakers for the entire assembly were Virginia Satir, Margaret Mead, Ivan Illich  Karl Menninger and Morris Carstairs. The conference was oriented towards the professional.  Virginia Satir was the only main speaker to give  some of her time to non-professionals to speak.  One of those speakers was a woman who, as an  ex-hospitalized mental patient, discussed the  stigma attached to mental illness. As far as I  know, she was the only mental patient to speak.  This is ironic considering that one of the goals of  the conference was to make health programs relevant to the needs and demands of the people by  focusing on "Health By The People". Yet, the  people who receive the services were not consulted, or made part of the conference. Unfortunately, this kind of separation between "professionals" and "patients" creates a feeling of "us" and  "them". "Us" are the "well ones", those who  can function, and are better than "them", the  "sick ones". It was stated several times throughout the conference how services were provided  due to compassion and that compassion is needed  for "those" people. It would be more just to  view mental health services as support services  needed due to a sexist, over-competitive, over-  productive, over-consumptive, and alienated society.  One so-called highlight was a speech made by  Rosalyn Carter. She addressed the entire Congress  regarding Mental Health.     For a fifteen-  Dr. Doreen Schecter (U.S.) gave another perspective on the exploitation of the career woman.  She has been treating career women who are  robot-like from working in this "performance-  oriented" society. She discussed how advertising  agencies and the mass media promote women  who are extremely capable, but non-feeling. The  more you're able to juggle various activities, the  more successful you are. Many of these women  give automatic responses, as though programmed,  and have lost the sense of feeling self. She also  stated that only 3% of U.S. working women earn  more than $25,000 a year. Thus, the image being  portrayed that you, too, can be successful is a  myth.  Speeches on the Rights of Women in Mental  Health were delivered by Irene Allard, Gene  Errington and Freda Paltiel. Irene Allard gave a  native Indian perspective on how services differ  when you are native Indian. Mental health services are prejudiced and reflect the attitude of the  dominant white class. She spoke without the  jargon of "professionals"; her presentation was  straightforward and real.  Gene Errington provided a political perspective  on mental health especially related to her experience with the Human Rights legislation. She  discussed the influence employment and housing  can have on mental health, as well as the effect  on women of the violence (including wife-battering) that is condoned in our culture. She ended  by saying that we have a right to speak of our  own experiences and a right to be heard as  authorities on our own lives.  Freda Paltiel reported on various sex role studies  and women's right not to be involved in sex-role  stereotyping. She also stated that dependency is  not consistent with mental health and yet women  have been patterned in a dependent role.  minute speech on generalities, there was a lot of  media fuss. Her speech represented political  protocol and no major policy or philosophical  views were presented. Carter's analysis was that  if you have attitudinal change, everything else will  fall into place! She too, emphasized compassion  for people in need of mental health services, again  reinforcing the "them'V'us" position. Her participation was too highly emphasized. There was  pressure to dismiss workshops early in order to  hear Rosalyn Carter. Some people in workshops  didn't even get to present their papers because  "Rosalyn Carter was speaking".  Besides the major speech presentations in the  morning there were afternoon workshops held on  32 different topics. These included topics such  as: Violence, Drugs, the Healing Arts, East and  West, Community Care of Mentally 111, Aging,  Work, Leisure and Retirement, the Mental Health  of Mental Health Workers and Their Spouses, the  Penal Systems and Social Health, and Women and  Mental Health.  The workshops on women and mental health  covered three different topics: "World Wide Perspective on Mental Health", "Priorities of Third  World Women", and "Rights of Women in Mental  Health". These were organized and coordinated  by Dr. Sue Stephenson of Vancouver.  Three speeches were given in the first workshop.  Rosemary Brown delivered a. strongly political  feminist speech that had been collectively written  and stated the concerns, oppression, and demands  of women  extremely well.  (We'll print excerpts of Rosemary's speech next  month.)   Gene Errington of the Women's Research Centre  organized a women's drop-in centre for the conference. This was a place where literature on  feminist resources, programs and activities could  be obtained, and a place where women could  meet and exchange their experiences, ideas and  feelings. The drop-in centre also sponsored  alternative workshops for women. These included "Women and Violence" (by Women's Transition House and Rape Relief), "Women and  Health" (by Vancouver Women's Health Collective), and "Women and Community" (by the  Women's Research Centre and Women's Resource  Centre). The workshops provided an opportunity  to exchange knowledge regarding programs and to  hear from out-of-town women about their programs.  Some recommendations came out of the Women  and Mental Health workshops. One recommendation was to reserve one of the main speeches of  the Congress specifically for women with a feminist perspective. The second was to have workshops deal with strategy (how to change things,  not just studying the problem). Thirdly, a  demand was made for feminist therapy workshops. These recommendations make good sense  — hopefully the 1979 Congress will respond to  these changes.  You may ask the point in attending a conference  dominated by elite professionals spouting theory.  Feminists' presence at the conference raised the  issue of feminist therapy. The visibility of the  women's drop-in reminded delegates that women  do have something to say about their own experiences. We made ourselves heard.  St/e   FK.eiDR'CH       **S-  GATE APPEALS TO SUPREME COURT  The Gay Alliance Towards Equality (GATE) is  pursuing its case against the Vancouver Sun.  They have hired lawyers in Toronto to apply  to appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada.  Labour Minister Allan Williams has yet to agree  to allow the Human Rights Commission to join  GATE in this matter, although they were participants in the B.C. Court of Appeal case.  Briefly, the Vancouver Sun in 1974 refused to  run a classified ad by GATE giving the name of  their publication, Gay Tide, and their postal  address. GATE made a complaint to the Human  Rights Branch which went to a Board of Inquiry,  which in turn decided that the Vancouver Sun  had violated the Human Rights Code of B.C.  The Vancouver Sun appealed this decision to the  B.C. Court of Appeal where the judge, A.E.  Branca, held that the bias of the Vancouver Sun  had been "honestly entertained" and therefore  did not constitute "a reasonable cause" for  discrimination. At the B.C. Court of Appeal,  the Human Rights Commission joined GATE as  a respondent and presented arguments in favour  of the determination found by the Board of  Inquiry. Their presence at the Supreme Court of  Canada is necessary if anyone is to believe that  the government backs its Human Rights legislation. It has a moral obligation to do so.  WE URGE YOU TO WRITE HON. ALLAN  WILLIAMS, MINISTER OF LABOUR, AT THE  LEGISLATIVE BUILDINGS IN VICTORIA,  AND TELL HIM TO GET ON WITH IT.  SIMONSON REPLACED  Madison, Wisconsin—The U.S. judge who recently remarked that rape is a normal event in a  permissive society has lost his job.  Last May 27th, Judge Archie Simonson exonerated the rapist of a 15-year-old woman with  these remarks: "Whether you like it or not, a  woman's a sex object and they're the ones who  turn the man on, generally."  Women's groups immediately demanded the  judge's resignation. Simonson has repeatedly  made public statements about women as  "teasers" and "provokers of rape". The  women's movement was instrumental in gathering the 35,000 signatures needed for a recall  election.  The election was held, and Simonson was defeated by a woman, Moira Kruger. Said Judge  Kruger: "The most important principle is the  right of everyone to know they will get a fair  trial ... They aren't going to be judged on their  gender or race or any other extraneous factors." KINESIS  HANSARD - SEXISM IN EDUCATION  B.C. Minister of Education Pat McGeer brought  education estimates before the House in July. At  that time, members of the Opposition pressed  him to respond to the issue of sexism in education. Here we provide a brief scenario of what  took place:  Rosemary Brown (NDP MLA, Vancouver-Burrard): "Now in 1970, ... seven years ago, the  Royal Commission report on the Status of  Women was tabled in the Federal House. At that  time, certain recommendations were made which  affected education in the provinces. Seven years  later, I find myself ... repeating those recommendations. They have not been implemented.  "... today, as sevens-years ago, two-thirds of the  people on welfare in this province are women.  Now that is a very clear indication that something  is wrong in terms of their getting into the labour  market ... The educational system continues to  fail women.  " ... the higher educational qualifications go, the  fewer women we find ... in terms of people pursuing Masters' degrees in Canada ... only 27% of  them are women and when you get to the doctorate level you're down to 12%.  "The textbooks are not being upgraded fast  enough ... Jane is tired of watching the stupid  things that Dick is continually doing ... they  could probably do it better if they did it together.  (July 20)  "... the minister, in a letter on April 13 assured  Pearl Roberts, the assistant director (BCTF)  Status of Women program, that plans were being  formulated to facilitate information of exchange  and women's studies courses ... What I am really  trying to get from the minister is some answers as  to how and to what extent he is implementing the  recommendations being m*de to him ... " (July  19)  During the education debate, Brown kept raising  the issue of sexism in education, pressing McGeer  to respond to the demands of the education  lobby, which visited Victoria June 23.  "On June 23 ... a year after the march on the B.C.  legislature by the women of the province, the  women returned and had a meeting with the Minister of Education in an attempt to see whether ...  anything had changed. They issued a press release  at that time which seemed to indicate that very  little, if anything, had changed ... the education  system continues to perpetuate inequality between the sexes." (July 19)  page 17  Here's the B.C. Education Minister, Pat McGeer,  with his ideas on sexism:  ... education is such a sensitive issue that you  can't direct your whole system to satisfy one  particular point of view. We try to keep a balanced direction within the Ministry that will  satisfy the majority of people. Of course, individuals can have very strong views that this or that  is wrong with the system and they can come and  be militant about something being done to adjust  the system to their particular perceptions.  ^tstna^  Dc&n>ri*a<riM*  AS iNPIVIPVAl*  QUOTE OF THE MONTH  BARBARA WALLACE (NDP Cowichan-Islands) enlightened the Hon. Alan Williams, Minister of Labour,  on the number of women in the higher-priced apprenticeships within our province:  Autobody repair — male 387, female, 0; bricklaying  - male, 207, female, 0; carpentry - male, 1,748,  female, 0; industrial electrical — male, 481, female, 0;  ironworkers — male, 119, female, 0; joiners — male,  148, female, 0; linemen — male, 163, female, 0;  fishermen - male, 307, female, 0; millwright - male,  678, female, 0; plumbing - male, 507, female, 0;  refrigeration — male, 130, female, 0; sheet metal —  male, 119, female, 0; steel fabrication — male, 203,  female, 0.  ... you can't go beyond what the general public  is prepared to accept.  We have a full-time person who has a responsibility for rooting out any of these dreadful things  that the member for Vancouver-Burrard is certain  are hidden on virtually every page of our text  books.  Mr. Wallace: Who is that person, Pat? Is it Jane  or Dick ?  Hon. McGeer: We haven't got a name, but I'll  endeavour to find that out.  Mr. Gibson: But you have a person? There is a  body with no name?  Hon. McGeer: Yes, that is my understanding.  It's a turnover thing. We want to keep again a  fresh ... we don't want anybody in that job to  get stale.C) (Hansard, July 27)  Throughout the education debate Gordon Gibson  (Leader, Liberals) and Scott Wallace (Leader,  Conservative) spoke of the need to eliminate  sexism from our education system.  Gordon Gibson, in response to McGeer's comments, had this to say:  "I can't agree with the Minister's remarks today  when he said that you can't direct the whole  educational system to one point of view ... There  is no reason why we cannot direct our whole  educational institution to the concept that there  should be equality of opportunity for men and  women in our society ... It's not just going to  happen with a part-time person ... That's why I  support the position of the Vancouver Status of  Women in a news release of June 23 of this year  on sexism in education." (July 27)  Scott Wallace also pointed to McGeer's absurdities:  "I received a disturbing letter ... from a lady in  North Vancouver. ... She says, 'Dr. McGeer had  informed us that he disregarded mail from the  Vancouver Status of Women, as it is a special  interest group. This to me is completely ridiculous, as I am a wife and mother of three children  attending both elementary and high school, I am  a taxpayer in this province and I've lived here for  over thirty years ...'. ... I don't believe that that's  a very fair description of those women, and even  if they were a so-called special interest group,  they're considering the special interests of 50% of  the population." (July 27)  *ci °o <sP>   tufa-  BLAST OFF A LETTER TO HON. McGEER  AND RAISE ONE OR ALL OF THE FOLLOWING ISSUES. The Education Lobby, which visited Victoria on June 23, tried to elicit responses  to these questions. McGeer was not forthcoming.  (Send copies of your letters to Scott Wallace,  Gordon Gibson, Dennis Cocke, and Rosemary  Brown.)  1. There is no accountability when you say that  the elimination of sex-role stereotyping and sex  discrimination is an integral part of all ministry  programs. We want to know how you are  addressing this problem and what methods are  being used.  2. In a recent circular (29.4.77 to 10 schools)  regarding provincial curriculum consultants,  Mr. Phillipson (Associate Deputy Minister for  Schools) indicated "among the functions envisaged will be those connected with the elimination  of sex discrimination and sex role stereotyping."  a. Who has been selected for this position?  b. What are the terms of reference for this  position?  c. Will this person be able to initiate action?  3. A Department of Education news release  (Feb. 4, 1976) mentioned that a guide book for  teachers and counsellors on ways and means of  avoiding sex discrimination was being prepared.  Julia Goulden (Special Advisor on Sex Discrimination to the Minister of Education, 1975-76)  also made some recommendations regarding  counselling and guidance.  a. Has the guide book been completed?  b. What is being done with the recommendations?  4. Women's Studies has been designated a locally  developed course by the ministry. Regional  workshops were held throughout the province  this year to provide in-service training for teachers  in the fields of Business Education, German,  Earth Sciences, Math, etc. We believe that special  incentive money should be provided for Women's  Studies. Our information is that the ministry  pays the cost of substitutes for resource teams  and the cost of duplicating materials.  a. Is money available from the ministry for  in-service training?  b. Will there be money available for Women's  Studies in-service training?  5. Jim Bennett (Executive Assistant to McGeer)  gave the Women's Education Lobby on June 23 a  paper dealing with integration of Home Economics and Industrial Education.  a. Has this information gone out in an official  manner?  6. There is a dearth of material at the elementary level showing women in a positive and con-  tributive manner. At present, four little books  entitled "Women At Work" Series I are on the  prescribed list.  a. Are Series II and III available for teachers  to use this year? "MOONLIGHTING", a play by LILITH, a San
Francisco women's theatre group, takes place
October 14th at the Western Front Lodge, 303
East 8th Avenue, Vancouver. A donation of $3
is asked. The Full Circle Coffeehouse is sponsoring Lilith.
SOMETHING ABOUT THE GROUP -
Lilith began in Berkeley, California in the fall of
1974. The founding members wanted to work
together to develop theatrical material based on
their personal experiences, political ideals,
and gripes. They felt that the Bay Area needed a
feminist theatre and that they could explore personal issues more freely if they worked only with
women. They believed that the personal and
political are interwoven, and that by presenting
their private experiences, they could make statements about the world around them.
Lilith started as a theatre of questions rather than
answers, of problems instead of solutions. They
found a sense of humour and a professional attitude toward their work crucial in communicating
their ideas to an audience.
Inspired by these high-flown ideals, Lilith opened
its first show in June 1975 at Live Oak Theatre in
Berkeley and discovered that there was indeed an
audience for what they wanted to do. This first
piece was a collage of songs, scenes, and monologues, developed through improvisation, to
reflect the current concerns of the three women.
Subjects covered were menstruation, birth control, lesbianism, their mothers, masturbation, and
celibacy, among other things.
SOMETHING ABOUT THE PLAY -
"Moonlighting", with a new group of actresses,
opened in San Francisco in January 1977 and
played to enthusiastic audiences in the Bay Area
for several months. "Moonlighting" explores the
world of women and work, the conflicts women
face at work, the daily routine, the crises and
triumphs of working lives. After playing at
colleges, prisons, and community centres in California, "Moonlighting" is touring the U.S. Northwest and Vancouver during the fall of 1977.
Marta Ames, who reviewed the play for Common
Sense, describes its content:
"Moonlighting", a new play written and performed by the eight-woman collective Lilith, uses the
material of daily life on-the-job to explore the
strength, humor and tragedy of working women.
Sixteen or so skits provide glimpses into the lives
of people we can all recognize. With the aid of
music, comedy and versatile acting, Lilith takes
their material and brings it to life.
The skits are so varied they're hard to describe.
The top five candidates for a job as a salad maker
are grilled by their prospective employer: 'What
do you think about marshmallows?' The secret
fantasies of a clerical worker are revealed: 'Secretary staple guns boss to death.' The thread that
holds the many parts together is reality. The
audience is witnessing the truth and I for one
wanted to stand up and shout, 'That's true, that's
true, that's the way it is!' (I probably could
have. Only a false sense of decorum held me
back.)
Lilith seems to work best as a group. Consistently the best effects are achieved when most of the
eight women are acting together. But this ties
back into one of their major themes, cooperation
at work. The skits repeatedly examine how people cooperate, if cooperation is really possible,
what can the results be.
The answers to these questions vary within different scenes. While it is made clear that cooperation is essential, the play doesn't hide the fact
that the issues are not that simple. For instance,
in one scene a white teacher at a Black school has
increasing trouble determining what her role
should be. If she attempts to organize the other
white teachers, will the result be racist? In
another scene, assembly line workers disagree as
to what their responsibility is to an aging coworker who can no longer keep up with the
machines.
Lilith is revolutionary in what it achieves on
stage. It doesn i shy away from difficult realities,
every scene is acted from a working class perspective and the drama doesn't lag into sermonizing.
With great skill these women zero in on excruciatingly heavy moments, as when a harassed day
care worker slugs an obnoxious child, but never
lapse into melodrama.
Make sure you see Lilith performing "Moonlighting". For more details, contact Full Circle
Coffeehouse at 872-7119.
page 18
€XCHANG€ CLOS€S
KINESIS:
The Women's Cultural Exchange at 16th & Main
in Vancouver closed September 1st after five
months of operation. This letter is meant to
notify the women's community of that fact and
to explain briefly some of the reasons for its
closure.
A combination of things were involved. Most
events were drawing very small crowds, and this
drastically affected the Exchange's revenue. We
also found that six women was simply not a large
enough group to operate the Exchange properly.
The decision to close was made after several
unsuccessful attempts during the summer to
enlarge our working collective.
It was a hard decision to make, because we felt
strongly about the Exchange's potential. Yet we
felt it was unrealistic to carry on with the uncertain prospects that we faced, at great expense to
the few workers who were involved. I hope it is
understandable why the decision to close had to
be made by the workers themselves.
We are sad that we have had to lose this fine
space, but we are proud of what we did accomplish while the Exchange was open. I think that
many of you did get to the Exchange at least
once to see and hear some of our really fine local
artists, poets, dancers and singers.
I want to thank both the members (especially
supporting members) of the Exchange who provided invaluable financial support in the beginning, and the artists who exhibited and performed
at the Exchange.
The Women's Cultural Exchange remains a society, and there may possibly be future activities in
the Exchange's name. If this happens, present
Exchange members can expect to be notified.
Members will also be receiving a letter soon with a
more detailed account of the Exchange's position.
Finally, I would like to announce that the Art
Raffle draw was madg on August 28th at the
Exchange. Jill Bend, Jill Kelly and Arlene Tul-
loch were winners of pieces donated by artists
Teresa Reimer, Persimmon Blackbridge and
Colette French.
In Sisterhood,
Janet Beebe
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Volume 3, No. 2 of ROOM OF ONE'S OWN is
now available. The whole issue is devoted to a
play by Cam Hubert, RITES OF PASSAGE.
The central character is a young woman who is
growing up in a mining district in the north of
Vancouver Island. The play is a celebration of
women's herstory, of the wisdom/gossip/superstition/humour passed down from mother to
daughter.
The play costs $2.00, and is available from Room
of One's Own, 1918 Waterloo Street, Vancouver,
B.C.
Above: Maggie and her grandmother Bess in the
first production of Rites, New Play Centre,
November 1975. Actors are L to R: Lani
Reynolds and Doris Chillcott. KINESIS  page 19  %   courses  conferences  media  militant merrymaking  #  FULL CIRCLE COFFEEHOUSE  152 East 8th Avenue, Vancouver (879-7119)  Open at 8:00pm — $2.00 admission  Wednesdays — Women & Men  October   5   —   Dianne  Campbell,  feminist  folk  singer from Victoria.  October 12 — Leona Gom, Vancouver poet.  October 19 — "Moonlighting", a play by Lilith,  San Francisco women's theatre group.   To be  held at Western Front Lodge, 303 E. 8th Ave.  $3.00 donation.  October 26 — Audie Spallin, Vancouver singer/  songwriter.  Fridays — Women Only  October 7 — Poetry Read-In with Poh & Friends.  Bring your own too.  October 14 — Val Pickard, singer from Seattle  October 21 — Nellie McClung, Vancouver poet.  October 28 — Audie Spallin, Vancouver singer/  songwriter.  Other Events This Month, For Women Only  Party - Saturday, October 1, 8pm-lam.  $1.00.  Sunday Night Drop-In (free).  Assertiveness Training Workshop — Isobelle  Kiborn. $20 for two sessions, Sunday October  9 and October 16,12pm-5pm.  Healing Ourselves & Each Other Through Touch  Workshop — Isobelle Kiborn. $30 for 6 sessions, starting Monday October 17. Includes  massage, reflexology, Shiatsu.  Please pre-register for workshops at Coffeehouse  THE RflriY STORY  to HwwawAMe  52 pages describing the most comprehensive  lobby action in the history of B.C.  "WOMEN RALLY FOR ACTION"  The book includes organizational  information, analysis, tactics,  photographs, quotes and much more.  gel gcwt ccpim WW  $2.00 each  plus . 50dpostage  (for orders of 4 copies or more ....  please enquire re: bulk mailing rates)  B.C. FEDERATION OF WOMEN CONVENTION  The B.C. Federation of Women will hold its 4th  Annual Convention, October 7-10 in Abbotsford.  Accommodation for delegates will be at the  Davey Crockett Motel (!), which is about 2 blocks  from the Fraser Valley College where the daily  proceedings will take place.  Focus of this year's convention is around issues of  concern to B.C. women. One day will be devoted  to small group discussion of issues such as violence against women; single industry towns;  government funding. Women can form their own  small discussion groups for those issues which are  a priority for them. We hope that strategy and  action proposals will emerge from these workshops.  B.C. WOMEN'S STUDIES ASSOCIATION  CONFERENCE  Friday,   October   21   from   7:30-10:00pm  and  Saturday, October 22 from 9:00-5:OOpm  Capilano College, North Vancouver  Workshops include: Women's Studies Curriculum,  Rural Women, Feminist Counselling, Effective  Media Technique, Women and the Theatre,  Women's Studies in the High Schools, and many  more.  Lunch, wine and cheese, good conversation, and  fun too! For more information, contact Mercia  Stickney, 4931 6th Avenue, Delta, B.C. V4N 1L3  WOMAN ALIVE ON CABLE 10  In Vancouver — 9:30pm Wednesdays  October 5 — What Are We Doing For Immigrant  Women? Roxanna Ng and Rachel Epstein  of the Women's Research Centre interviewed by Diana Ellis.  October 12 — Pre-empted by Cable 10  October 19 — VSW facilitators discuss Assertiveness Training and Consciousness-Raising.  October 26 — Transition Houses. Jillian Riddington, Georgina Marshall, and Peg Campbell  discuss the recent provincial conference of  Transition Houses.  RICHMOND WOMEN'S RESOURCES CENTRE  11051 No. 3 Road, Richmond  October 12 — Consumer Law  October 19 — Insurance & Investments Demystified  October 26 — Money Management  November 2 — Steering Committee Meeting  (everyone welcome)  November 9 — Health Foods by Diana Roiko  November 16 — Food Co-ops  WOMANSONG, a Salt Spring Island group, are  offering the following fall workshop weekends.  Fee is $30.00 for each. WOMANSONG is within  walking distance of the Fulford Harbour Ferry,  which leaves from Swartz Bay. For more details,  write to them at the address below:  **m  WOMANVISION - CO-OP RADIO (102.7FM)  Tuesdays from 6:30-7:00pm  October 4 — Carol Street sings.  October 11 — A Program On Rape!  October 18 — Eileen Brown (in studio).  October 25 — Women's News.  •  Send cheque or money order made out  to:   WOMEN RALLY FOR ACTION  FOCUS WOMEN, the 5th Annual Fall Women's  Conference, will be held Friday, October 28,  7:30-10:OOpm and Saturday, October 29, 9:30am  4:30pm, at the University of Victoria. The  conference is sponsored by the Victoria and UVic  Status of Women Action Groups and is open to  the public.  Keynote speaker is Lisa Hobbs, Associate Editor  of the Vancouver Sun.  Sixteen workshops have been planned for Saturday. Something for everyone will be available in  the areas of health, education, human rights, law,  labour, and consciousness-raising. Small groups  and experienced leaders will make each seminar  a valuable experience.  Free day care is available and billets can be  arranged for out-of-town registrants.  and address to: THE RALLY STORY  c/o 2029 W. 4th Ave.,  Vancouver, B.C. Canada  Pre-registration, before October 21, is $4. Registration at the door, $6 — if available. For workshop details and registration forms contact  Maxine Cowley, 164 Beechwood Avenue,  Victoria, B.C. (598-8167).  Country Options  Open vs. Closet Lifestyles  Spiritual Side of Life  Women's Sexuality  Women's Groups  Woman Talk: Mind To Mind?  Separatism: To What Degree?  October 21-23  October 28-30  November 4-6  November 11-13  November 18-20  November 25-27  December 2-4  Relationships: Open vs. Monogamous      Dec 9-11  Woodland Setting — Tipi Accommodation  For    further    information    write    Womansong,  Fulford Harbour, B.C. V0S 1C0.  \cincouver  Peopled  LawSchool  2110C West Twelfth Avenue; Vancouver, B.C. V6K 2N2 (604)734-1126  FREE LAW CLASSES  "Right-to-Work" Legislation (seminar):  October 20, 7:30-9:30pm  Britannia Community Centre Library,  1661 Napier, Vancouver  Instructor: Tom Fox (IWA)  Landlord & Tenant Act  October 24, 25 & 26, 7:30-9:30pm  Britannia Community Centre Library,  1661 Napier, Vancouver  Instructor:-Allan MacLean  Women & The Law  October 31, November 1 & 2, 7:30-9:30pm  John Oliver School, 530 E. 41st Avenue  Instructor: Barb Findlay  Proposed Changes in Family & Children's Law  (seminar)  November 17, 7:30-9:30pm  Fraserview Public Library, 1950 Argyle (54th  and Victoria), Vancouver  Instructor: Allison Burnett Vancouver status of women  2029 west 4th avenue  Vancouver, b.c. V6J1N3  736 3746  St  Division,  am Library,    U.B  ARCOUVER,   B.C.  INCHESI   MUCHO   CR0TCH0  TouCMAOOANf    '77  PEOPLE NEED SORWUC - SORWUC NEEDS YOU  SORWUC is a small, independent Canadian union devoted to  organizing the unorganized. Working women make up 40%  of the Canadian labour force, but only 22% are organized.  Unorganized women are underpaid, have no provisions for  medical and dental benefits, no job protection, and no  seniority rights.  SORWUC NEEDS -  — volunteers to leaflet.  — people who have office skills; people who can  use those skills in the office or in their homes; people who  can help organize unorganized women workers.  — money and pledges. No sum is too small, but  large sums are much better!  SORWUC's GRAND SCHEME -  First, we find volunteers (like you). We discover what you  are interested in doing, and what you would enjoy doing  with us. Share skills and the fun of working together by  calling SORWUC at 684-2834 or 681-2811 - TODAY!  This cartoon dedicated to MACLEANS magazine. •  tftftfV  Sara David  EMERGING,  We live in a world which constricts us, teaches  us to hold in and hold back. In learning to  please others and do as they wish, we lose  touch with our essential selves. Emotionally we  experience anxiety, fear, stress, emptiness and  self-doubt. Physically we tighten our muscles,  restrict our breathing and/or become vulnerable  to a variety of ailments and disease.  Many of us have adopted traditional roles in the  working world and in our intimate relationships.  We have accepted, often unwittingly, common  myths about women's and men's place. In  doing this we have often overworked some  characteristics while neglecting to develop and  use equally important others. We need to expand the range of behaviors available to us and  to use our current emotional talents and  ;s more selectively and wisely.  In this workshop we will learn how and what  we hold back and how to let go. We will focus  on experiencing and expressing ourselves more  deeply, releasing blocked emotional energy and  allowing new parts of ourselves to emerge in  physical, emotional, spiritual and cognitive  realms,.   .      UMIT 16  SABA DAVID, Ph.D., is a clinical psychologist  and feminist therapist who received her M.A.  from the University of California at Berkeley  and her Ph.D. from Duke University in North  Carolina. She has been associated with the  Counselling Service and Division of Continuing  Studies at Simon Fraser University where she  first developed and conducted Emotional Self  Defense groups. She has also taught in the  women's studies program at Douglas College  and is co-editor, with Dorothy Smith, of the  book Women Look at Psychiatry. Sara has been  active in the women's movement and has had  e experience in leading groups.  Cold Mountain Institute REGISTRATION FORM  Mail  to:  Cold Mountain, Granville  Island, Vancouver, B.C. V6H 3M5  NAME SEX AGE   CITY, PROV   . . .  PHONE: (home)   .  .OCCUPATION   .  AMOUNT ENCLOSED: $ . .  Your deposit can be charged t(  nov 4- - nov 8  fee:  $150  scholarship information  463  6420  Master Charge □                                 Chargex D  Expiration date:   Cheques payable to Cold Mountain Institute

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