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Chinese immigration : Mr. Wright, from the Select Committee on the Cause of the Present Depression of… United States. Congress. House 1880

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Array Ytyxrcfy \<?, isso The University of British Columbia Library
2d Session.       ( i  No. 572.
March 19, 1880.—Referred to the House Calendar and ordered to he printed, with th<
views of the minority.
Mr. Wright, from the Select Coninrittee on the Causes of the Present
Depression of Labor, submitted the following
The select committee of the House of Representatives of the United
States appointed "to inquire into and ascertain the causes of general
business -depression, and especially of labor ; and to devise and propose.
measures of relief, &c.,w have concluded to present the result of their labors
and inquiries in two distinct reports: One of them embracing that part
of the testimony, and the committee's conclusion, as to the character,
"habits, and influence of the Chinese immigration on the industries and
labor of the Pacific slope; the other to embrace the question involved
in the inquiry generally.   And first as to Chinese immigration.
In order to make a thorough examination of a subject of so great importance to the welfare of the country, five of the committee visited
San Francisco, during the recess of Congress, for the purpose of obtaining such information as. they could procure. This information consists
mostly in the shape of testimony taken by them while in California;
with a reference to materials bearing on the subject, furnished by a
committee of the State senate of California; and personal observations
of the committee.
Chinese immigration, in the State of California, is an absorbing-
question, by the people of the Pacific slope, and is confined to no particular class. It is a general subject of complaint amOng all classes and
conditions. There is a unanimity of sentiment there on the propriety of
its suppression that is conclusive that unless some kind of legislative
action is adopted by the general government serious trouble will undoubtedly follow. The State authority has exhausted all its sovereign
power by constitutional and legislative enactments. This has failed to
carry out the will of the people, and they now make an.appeal to Congress for relief.
It is, indeed, a matter of surprise that the white men of California
should have acquiesced for so long a period, subjected, as they have
been, to so great an encroachment upon their civil rights, and in a great
measure the absolute destruction of many of their industries, and the
injuries and wrongs inflicted upon laboring men.
Acting with deliberation and caution, the assembly of the State
enacted a law submitting to the voting population of the State the
^—"        j Chinese immigration.   It was deemed wise and proper to
h precision the sense of its citizens.   In accordance with
onth of September last, the voting population of the entire
State of California met at the polls and cast their votes upon the subject.
For Chinese immigration there were cast eight hundred and eighty-
three votes (883).
Against Chinese immigration, one hundred and fifty-four thousand six
hundred and thirty-eight votes (154,638), showing a majority of 153,755
against immigration. The almost entire vote of the State was cast—
within less than 4,000. In the city of San Francisco, in a poll of forty-
one thousand two hundred and fifty-eight votes (41,258), there were but
two hundred and twenty-four votes (224) cast in favor of immigration.
These figures, on a test question of the propriety of cheap Coolie
labor, when brought in competition with the industries and labor of the
American workingman, exhibit a popular verdict which is easily understood. It is a conclusive argument that some great wrong exists. Had
the citizens of California good reasons for recording so decisive a verdict"?
The vote was confined to no class; they who expressed their opinions
embraced all political and religious shades—the day laborer and the
merchant, the miner and the banker, the employe and the employer in
the branches of trade and industries, all in accord joined hands, and
with an almost unprecedented unanimity declared by their suffrages that
the great State of California should be protected from the invasion of a
race of uncivilized men, whose mission unchecked will destroy the
wealth, taint the morals, degrade the character of labor, and weaken
and impair the political power of the State. The sacrifice was too momentous. It was not to be endured. The result of such a verdict comes
up to the American Congress with a degree of force that cannot safely
be resisted. It assumes the shape of an appeal of a sovereign State; it
is not to be overlooked or disregarded; it is a voice clothed with power;
it presents the issue whether a State of the confederacy shall be denied
the rights and privileges guaranteed to it by the Constitution of the
Those matters which affect the welfare and prosperity of the entire-
people of a State are subjects of general concern, and it is the duty of
the Federal Government to see to it that such causes of complaint as
those which now exist in the State of California are redressed. Every
impulse of justice demands it.
Your committee, therefore, deeply impressed by the conviction that
the people of California had good cause of complaint, have made an
earnest effort to examine closely into the question of unlimited Chinese
immigration, and ascertain, so far as it was within their power, whether
these causes of complaint were founded in reason. To see by inquiry
and examination, and by personal observation, what cause moved a hundred and fifty-four thousand electors, and almost the entire voting population of the State, to enter their solemn protest against the wrongs
they complained of in consequence of Chinese immigration.
Our examinations of witnesses were public. We gave all who desired
to give their views a hearing, so far as our time would permit. The
friend of the Mongolian had his day in court, and it was our purpose to
impose no restraint.
It will be impossible in this report to give but a small portion of the
testimony taken by the committee. Such parts of it as may be material, however, to sustain our conclusions we will, in as condensed a
form as possible, allude to. Those who are disposed to examine the
subject more in detail, we respectfully refer to the volume of testimony.
It would, perhaps, not be fair to say that the type of Chinese character as it appeared to us by testimony and observation would be a
proper standard upon which to frame a just comparison with the
Chinaman at home, in his own country. For undoubtedly the Chinese
on the Pacific slope, as a class, are inferior to any other people that this
country ever had quartered upon its soil. Their food, their raiment,
their habits of life all indicate the lowest condition in the scale of humanity. And as to their ideas of our government and laws they are entirely
ignorant, nor do they have any disposition to inform themselves or receive instruction.
Being here for a temporary purpose only, that may in a measure account
for his stolid indifference as to our institutions and laws. The Indian
of the plains has as much knowledge of that subject as he. He refuses
to imitate or follow the habits and customs of the American citizen.
A deformed wooden image he worships as his God; he indulges in vices
which enlightened men hold in abhorrence and detestation, but which
are tolerated in his own country; he takes no interest in those things
which add to our national prosperity or promote the social condition of
our people; he pays no taxes if he can, by any cunning or deception,
avoid; his oath upon our witness stand is not entitled, nor does it
receive, credit and belief; he seldom becomes the owner of real estate,
and if he does, it is for profit with the prospect of sale. The idea of
making a permanent home on it enters not his head. He lives upon
what would hardly sustain life with one of our own race; he accumulates
•what he can and sends it back to China. And the condition of his bond
of emigration is that if he dies here his bones shall be shipped to his
own country.   And this is the Chinaman of the Pacific slope!
. What is his status at home, before he sails for this land1? How does
he reach here? And for what purpose does he come here? Answers
to these questions will be found in the testimony that your committee
has gathered up.
There are located in the city of San Francisco what are known and
designated as "The Six Chinese Companies." These six companies
seem to have the absolute control not only of shipping the cooly here,
but after he lands here. They are supreme in their power over him.
He is their slave. By a report of the State senate committee of California, in 1878, and which was laid before us, it appears they called
upon these notable companies to examine their records and ascertain
the number of Chinamen enrolled. This inquiry was attended with the
following result (see. page 109):
Sam-Ynp Company  10,100
Yung-wo Company  10,200
Kong-chow Company - 15,000
Ning-yeung Company *  75,000
Yan-wo Company     4,300
Hop-wo Company  34,000
Total 148,000
"This," the witness says, "is the number now on this coast belonging
to those companies. There are some Chinamen not belonging to any
Probably these figures will give a pretty correct idea of the number
on the Pacific slope. Including those "belonging" to the companies
(Heavens, what a term of designation to American citizens—residents),
and those not the property of the six companies, we may safely state
that the whole number of Chinamen west of the Nevadas to be a hundred and sixty thousand. So far as your committee could ascertain,
these companies have almost absolute power over the immigrant on his
arrival.   He is duly enrolled, and he is assigned to some place, to labor,
till the amount is canceled for which he is mortgaged before he sails
from Hong-Kong.   Till this is paid he is a cooly slave to the company
to which he belongs.   But the fees of brokerage attached to the mort-.
gage is generally a pretty clever sum.
The immigrant is generally of the lowest type of the Chinese.
Dr. O'Donnell (see page 271) says that " most of the Chinamen who
come here are from Hong-Kong, and are the lowest type of river
thieves and pirates. When a steamer arrives from China, I generally
go down and have a conversation with the captain and mate. When
the ship Crocus arrived here, three or four years ago, I visited her to
see if there was any small-pox on board; and in a conversation with the
captain he said that it was almost impossible for him to bring the ship
in, as the Chinamen that he had on board were all pirates, and that he
had to increase his crew, and to keep red-hot pokers ready, so as to
keep the Chinamen in subjugation. The mate also told me the same
thing. That vessel brought over somewhere in the neighborhood of 800
Chinese. I was going down the street, in my buggy, when I saw one
of these Chinamen come off the vessel. He had the small-pox. I drove
up to him, stopped, and saw that it was a case of small-pox. I then
went on board the steamer to know if there were any more such cases
there, and then it was that I gained this information."
Mr. James Gilroy, a witness, states that he had been a resident of
China for ten years, and relates in his testimony an incident within his
knowledge, which shows the kind of people who form the immigrant
train to our shores. "One day I stood watching the game of tan, which
is practiced in this city by Chinamen, in a gambling-house in Amoy. To
the right of this gambling-house there were bars put up.
"I looked through these bars and saw a lot of fellows there. I recognized one of these faces, and I asked the man what he was doing there.
He said that he had been gambling and that he had lost, and that the
consequence was that he had to go to California or Peru; but he
said, < If you pay up $20 for me, I will promise to work $200 worth
for you.' They have a sign put up in the gambling-saloon that any one
who wants to try his luck at the game to the amount of $20 will get the
money paid down; but if he loses he goes into this corral to be shipped
to California or Peru. If he has a friend who will pay the money to release
him, it is all right; but if he cannot get released, there is'the cooly
ship in the harbor. He gets a blue shirt and a pair of blue pants, and
is put on board and shipped for five years to one of the six companies."
He says further, " The class of coolies who come here are not Chinese
proper. The Chinese proper are paid higher wages; but the coolies,
such as you have here, are paid only from 6 to 7 cents a day. If you
burst up the six Chinese companies you will burst up the whole Chinese
Further, as to the character of the Chinese element in the city of San
Francisco, the report of the State senate committee gives the language
of J. D. Murphy, esq., district attorney of the city (page 32):
bout thirty thousand Chinese living in the city :
Q. Iti
of San Pi
I should
f that there
you know ^
I thin!
lcluding tin
>se who live
: almost the
Mr. John Richard Freud, a resident merchant of San Francisco, states
in his testimony that, " of the 550 criminals in the State penitentiary, CHINESE   IMMIGRATION. O
over 200 are Chinese; that the actual cost of supporting these 200 convicts exceeds by $12,000 per annum the entire amount of revenue collected by the State from all the Chinese in California."
These extracts of testimony will enable us to conclude with certainty
that the class of Chinese who reach our shores are of the most degraded
character at home, and made up of the very dregs of the Chinese nation;
and were we to adopt the standard for the whole nation furnished by
Mr. Bayard Taylor, who forms his opinions from a residence among
them, we must conclude that the national standard i* far down the
scale of the civilization of nations. In his work on "India, China, and
Japan," published in 1855, he says: "It is my deliberate opinion that
the Chinese are, morally," the most debased people on the face of the
earth. Forms of vice, which in other countries are barely named, are,
in China, so common that they excite no comment among the natives.
They constitute the surface-level, and below them are deeps of depravity
so shocking and horrible that their character cannot even be hinted.
There are some dark shadows in human nature which we naturally shrink
from penetrating, and I made no attempt to collect information of this
kind; but there was enough in the things which I could not avoid
seeing and hearing—which are brought almost daily to the notice of
every foreign resident—to inspire me with a powerful aversion to the
Chinese race. Their touch is pollution; and, harsh as the opinion may
seem,justice to our oxen race demands that they should not be allowed to settle
on our soil. Science may have lost something, but mankind has gained,
by the exclusive policy which has governed China during the past centuries."
When, therefore, we.come to inquire into fhe character of the Chinese
who immigrate to this country, and who are the criminals of all grades
at home, the cast-offs of the people, described by a man of the intelligence and learning of Bayard Taylor—we can but place them at the
bottom of the scale of humanity.
And such is the Chinese immigrant in California. There may be individual exceptions, it is true ; but they are comparatively few. The motive which induces him to sell himself to one of the " six companies,"
has therefore nothing in it which commends him to our people or country.
Having shown, upon what we regard as good testimony, the social
condition of the Chinese immigrant in his own country, and the means
by which he reaches our shores, let us inquire as to the motive which
brings him here, and how widely different are the reasons which move
him to leave his country, when compared with those of the Caucasian
races, who have added so much to the exalted standing of our own
country in its wealth, courage, prosperity, morality, aud political grand:
eur. The immigrant from Europe who settles upon our shores is impressed with our system of government. He comes here with his family
and his estate, with the all absorbing idea of making it his permanent
home; to become one of us—to aid in fighting our battles, paying the
expenses of our government, building our seminaries of learning, and
erecting our altars of worship dedicated to the living God. He is the
strong friend of republican government, and is ready and willing to assume all the duties and requirements of this master piece of national
work—the American Union. He comes here because he is imbued with
the generous ideas and impulses of republican government. To such
people the wide portals of this government are thrown wide open.
Our invitation is broad and general to immigration based upon such
mm IBBHHK^:..      _._       ..;£S^^S
Our government from its organization has been liberal and just in
such a course. Our people have not misplaced their confidence either.
Our battle-fields, our vast lines of intercommunication, our forests converted into fertile fields, our progress as a nation, all show that the Caucasian immigrant has done his adopted country good and faithful services.
And it is to be hoped that such a line of political policy may continue till
every acre of unoccupied laud in our vast territory shall be occupied; and
occupied by owners of the soil in fee. This is one of those great questions
which should demand the attention of the State, and it will. If there
be any one measure of public policy which is paramount to any other,
it is that which promotes the settlement of our public lands. These
millions of acres which are now a desert plain must be peopled—and
public opinion is fast coming to this grand and imposing idea—peopled
not by a tenantry, but-by owners; each man the lord of his own castle,
and in supreme command of his own broad acres. Such citizens are what
this government requires, and such it will have; not a tenantry, but a
nation of sovereigns. Does the Chinese immigrant seek the snores of
the Pacific slope with a single idea in his head that comes up to the
standard of what should constitute American citizenship ?
The Chinaman who lands upon our coast may be generally regarded
as a man who has been bought by one of the "six companies" out of a
prison at home, or is a fugitive from justice, or who is an outlaw, and
they have the double purpose in their motive for immigration to avoid
the penalty of the law at-home for the commission of crime, or to temporarily make this country a residence to accumulate a few dollars, and
then return to their own land. The Chinaman does not come here because he likes our form of government. This he will never acquire. He
does not bring with him his family, if he have one; he does not buy a
homestead in view of a permanent residence; he avoids taxation; his
meat and raiment come from his own country; he sends back to China
all the money he earns; he will labor at a price that no white man can;
he will live upon garbage, and sustain life upon a diet that a civilized white
man cannot; and his morals and practices of vice and crime are abhorrent. Mr. Shannon, the collector of the port of San Francisco, and a very
intelligent gentleman, says (page 240) that " the Chinamen, as a mass,
are like so many Gypsies camped on our hills. They absorb, but they
do not produce; or what they do produce by their labor is returned to
China;—either taken back by themselves or sent to their families, or expended there in clothing, rice, and other materials which they consume
in this country. The white man, on the contrary, invests here all the
profits of his labor in property or the purchase of materials which go to
support the various branches of industry and business. As a rule, they
make no purchase of real estate. When they acquire some money they
return to China with it."
It is impossible that the framers of our naturalization laws and treaties
ever contemplated that people of this class should be permitted to be^
come the objects of our bounty. It is in violation of the good sense of
the people of this land.
Having seen the class of Chinese men who immigrate here and their
purpose of immigration, what shall be said of the three thousand or more
of Chinese women who are polluting the very atmosphere of San Francisco and other parts of the Pacific coast with their immorality and vice ?
Mr. George Duffield, in his examination before the California State
committee (page 111), "thinks there are from one thousand to one
thousand two hundred of these unfortunate women in the Chinese quar- CHINESE   IMMIGRATION.
ters in San Francisco, and that there may be one hundred, but not over
that, who are not prostitutes."
Mr. Lewis estimates the total number of Chinese women in the State
of California " at from one thousand five hundred to two thousand five
hundred." These unfortunate creatures do not seem to be the chattels
of the " six companies." From a statement made before the California
senate committee (page 17) by Mr. Charles Wolcott Brooks^ for sixteen
years Japanese consul in San Francisco and one of the attaches of the
Japanese embassy to the great powers, we make the following extracts:
Ids or companies, established a peculiar, but
The Chinese have, tt
revolting, kind of slav
bought aud sold at pru
are compelled to live as
make money for their c
. tt
established a pe
ids of Chinese
They are
statutes for the pecuniary profit of their owi
sing surveillance; they are cruelly beaten if they fail to
srs; and they are left to starve and die uncared for when
they become sick or unprofitable. The great majority of these slaves do not know
tiat they have rights, though they would be glad to escape if they con Id. Sometimes they wish to marry and escape with their chosen husband, but they are speedily .
kidnapped and returned to their owners.
Sometimes their owners invoke the aid of our courts, arrest the Chinese who seek
to marry these women upon some criminal charge, and keep them in prison until they
obtain possession of the women, when the prosecution is suffered to go by default.
Warrants are easily procured for these purposes, because our officers are ignorant of
the Chinese language, and because of the extraordinary cunning of the Chinamen who
control this busint-ss; and thus these women are held in slavery for life without
hope of relief. We do not charge the better classes of the Chinese, or the six companies, with complicity in this crime, and we are confident that they desire the suppression of this evil. It is evident, therefore, that this form of slavery is sustained by an
organization which is all-powerful as against the six companies and the municipal
and State governments of California.
Doctor O'Donnell, in his testimony before your committee (page. 271),
says: " I have been called upon several times to see women who had
been beaten nearly to death." This was in the Chinese quarter, and the
whole tenor and force of the testimony taken by us shows conclusively
that the Chinese woman, in San Francisco, is treated as a slave. She
has no civil rights that seem to be respected or regarded. Left in her
filth and destitution and crime, she becomes not only an object of detestation and abhorrence, but also of pity and commiseration. Her customs and her manners seem to exclude her from the pale of civilization,
and her short career ends in suffering and death which shock the human
The influence which Chinese immigration has upoii the industries and
labor of California is not only demoralizing, but almost destructive to the
prospects and welfare of the American citizens. In the very heart of
the great city of San Francisco there is a Chinese population of some
forty thousand. It is a colony of their own, no white resident presuming to live or make his home within the limits of this putrid and infectious district. Here they are supreme. They have their own courts,
through which their accused go through the forms of trial. Their punishments are inhuman, and not unfrequently the death penalty is enforced.
Mr. Charles T, Jones, district attorney, &c, in his testimony before the
State senate committee (page 188), says: "I have records in my office of
a Chinese tribunal, where they tried offenders according to their own
rules; meted out what punishment they deemed proper. These records were captured. * * I had them translated by an interpreter,
and used them in the trial of the robbery cases. The records recite that
the members enter into a solemn compact not to enter into partnership
with a foreigner; that this man did so.   And the company offers so CHINESE   IMMIGRATION.
many round dollars to the man who will kill him. They promise to
furnish a man to assist the murderer, and they promise, if he is arrested,
they will employ able counsel to defend him. If convicted he should
receive, I think, three dollars for every day he would be confined; and
in case he died, certain money would be sent to his relatives. These
records were admitted in evidence."
Mr. Karcher, formerly chief of police, says (page 193), before same
committee, " They have their own tribunals, where they try Chinamen,
and their own laws to govern them. In this way the administration of
justice is often defeated entirely, or, at least, to a very great extent. I
know this, because I was at a meeting of one of their tribunals about
seven years ago. There were some-thirty or forty Chinamen there, one
appearing to act as judge. Finally the fellow on trial was convicted,
and had to pajr so much money as a fine for the commission of the offense
with which he was charged. Generally, their punishments are in the
nature of fines; but sometimes they sentence the defendant to death.
In cases in the police court we have often found it difficult to make interpreters act. They would tell us that they would be killed if they
spoke the truth ; that their tribunals would sentence them to death and
pay assassins to dispatch them. About two years and a half ago Ah
Quong was killed. During the trial at which he was interpreter there
were a great many Chinamen present. I stationed officers at the door,
and then caused each one to be searched as he came out of the room,
the interpreter having told me that he feared they would murder him.
Upon these Chinamen I found all sorts of weapons—hatchets, pistols,
bowie knives, Chinese swords, and many other weapons. There were
forty-five weapons in all, I think, concealed about their persons in all
kinds of ways.
" The interpreter testified in that case, and half an hour after leaving
the court-room he was brought back, shot, arid cut with hatchets. He
was terribly mutilated, and lived only a few moments after being brought
to the station-house. The murderers were arrested, but attempted to
prove an alibi, and had a host of Chinese witnesses present for that purpose. Although there were some hundreds of Chinese present at the
time of the murder, the prosecution was forced to rely on the evidence
of a few white men who chanced to see the deed committed. We were
opposed at every turn by the Chinamen and the Chinese companies.
As a general thing it is utterly impossible to enforce the laws with any
certainty against these people, while they will themselves use our laws
to prosecute innocent men who have gained their enmity. They seem
to have no ideas concerning the moral obligation of an oath, and care
not for our form of swearing."
Dr. O'Donnell, of San Francisco, in his testimony before this committee, says (page 270), that "the Chinese in San Francisco have a kind
of high judge, who pronounces sentence upon those who commit crimes
or do anything to injure their principal men or merchants; that they
have their private tribunal of justice; that in case a Chinaman gives
testimony contrary to the will of his people he is ordered to be killed;
that their executioners, whom they calli high -binders,' are covered with
a steel-wire armor, which is proof against bullet or knife, and that these
men carry out any judgment of their court." This witness says further
that he knows of the enforcement of the death penalty among them,
and has seen men and women whipped, pursued, and nearly killed; that
he has been called upon several times to attend women who had been
beaten nearly to death. This is done with clubs and sticks and dull-
pointed instruments.   Revealing the secret's of their tribunal is visited CHINESE   IMMIGRATION. 9
with death. They have their own prison, and put their own prisoners
therein, keeping some of. them till they starve to death. This witness
"knows personally of many cases of starvation and death among them.
He found such victims, in their hospital who told him that they had not
received food for three or four days. Their hospitals are some above
and some below ground, in wretched places, where whites would fear to
penetrate. Here they send a Chinaman when they think he is going to
die, without anything whatever, not even clothing."
It is therefore manifest that these people living, within the Chinese
quarter of San Francisco, as well as in other places along the Pacific
Coast, have their own tribunals for the administration of their crude
ideas and notions of justice, all of which is in violation of the spirit of
our laws, as administered by our courts of justice. The subject-matters
which they pretend to investigate, and upon which they decide, are not
crimes or misdemeanors either under the statute or common law of
fhi^ land. Their proceedings, therefore, are infamous, and do not conform to the legal rule of any enlightened and well-regulated condition
of society. For those matters which they call crimes, and for which
they convict, and which our statutes do not recognize as offenses, they
impose barbarous penalties, by whipping, by starvation, by scourging
in different ways, and by death. So the volume of our testimony informs us. Testimony taken by your committee, as well as the testimony
taken before the State senate committee of California, and by the general report which reached our ears, are in strong corroboration of the
facts above stated. It is a pagan tribunal established within the bound's
of civilized life. The State of California is powerless to put an end to
this mockery of the administration of justice, or to bring before its
courts those who participate in it with any degree of certainty of convicting them.
The testimony taken on that subject shows conclusively that one of
their own people, in one of the cases mentioned, who gave his testimony
in a legal court of justice, was assassinated in the presence of over a
hundred Chinese, and the crime could not be established by Chinese witnesses, who either stood by and saw the assassination or participated
in it. Having thus referred to the jurisdiction of Chinese courts in opposition to the State courts of California, we will direct our attention to
other matters immediately connected with the manners and customs
common in this Chinese quarter of San Francisco.
Can there be any doubt of the demoralizing effects this disregard of
our laws, and the substitution of their own tribunals have upon the
white population of the Pacific coast? Our people are prepared to have
no such examples of Chinese jurisprudence laid before them as examples
of imitation.
Their example of their religious rites, if they may be dignified by that
name, are more to be dreaded than their ideas of law. Joss has his
temple of worship in the Chinese quarters. Within the walls of a dilapidated structure is exposed to the view of the faithful the God of the
Chinaman, and here are his altars of worship! Here he tears up his
pieces of paper; here he offers up his prayers; here he receives his religious consolations; and here is his road to the celestial land. And
who and what is the god of his adoration f The power to condone his
sins and direct the benighted pilgrim to the land of promise?
A description of the Chinese God is furnished by one of the witnesses
who was examined before us.
*• Joss is located in a long, narrow room, in a building in a back alley,
upon a kind of altar.   He is a wooden image, cut out of a piece of hard 10
wood, and looking as much like an alligator as like a human being. It
is something between an alligator and a human being. They take the
form of a human being and they try to deform it in every possible shape
by carving. They go before him and bow down and smoke. They be-
lieve that their bodies must be buried in the Celestial Empire, or that
they would never go to heaven. They think that there is such a place
as heaven. They call heaven their country. All classes of Chinamen
worship these idols. The temple is open everyday at all hours. They
have no Sunday. Chinese people are always in this place of worship.
They have some high Joss there—a great I am."
Other witnesses describe this heathen god "as having huge jaws, a
big, red tongue; large, white teeth; a half dozen arms, and big, fiery
eyeballs. About him are placed offerings of meat and other eatables—
a sacrificial offering."
Thus, we present you the God of the Chinaman; the great "1 am," to
whom they look in the future world for the forgiveness of their sins,
and the future object of their eternal worship. Now, while we admit
that under our laws every one is protected in his religious opinions, we
do not, of course, make pagan worship a test of citizenship; it is unquestionably a bad example.
This exhibits a phase of pagan idolatry unknown in the civilization
of modern times. And yet here, in one of the most populous cities of
the American Union, celebrated alike for its wealth, intelligence, and
culture, a god of wood and stone is planted in its very center, receiving
the homage and worship of forty thousand people.
This worship sets municipal law at defiance, and furnishes an example of idolatry that is nowhere exhibited in any other Christian land.
It produces a demoralizing effect upon the morals of our American
youth, by bringing sacred things into disrespect, and making religion
a theme of disgust and contempt. Any one who is really endowed
with a correct knowledge of our religious system—which acknowledges
the existence of a living God, and an accountability to Him, and a future state of reward and punishments—-who feels that he has an apol-
. ogy for this abominable pagan worship, is not a fit person to be ranked
as a good citizen of the American Union. It is absurd to make any
apology for its toleration. It must be abolished, and the sooner the decree goes forth, by the power of this government, the better it will be
for the best interests of this land.
The modes of life of the Chinaman, his social habits, his vicious practices, the. filthy manner in which he lives, and the food he consumes,
are all tended not only to lower him in the scale of human civilization,
but to demoralize the white man who comes in contact with him.
They are not the owners of the tenements they occupy. We learn
from the testimony before us that "their houses are divided into very
small apartments, six feet by four or five. About fifteen of them sleep
in an apartment, say, eight feet by ten, and from five to fifteen of them
occupy double tenements. Some of the houses are three stories high,
with two stories under ground, all divided up into small apartments.
An apartment five feet by eight will accommodate from five to seven
persons, and those that are from eight to ten feet accommodate ten to
fifteen persons. They have shelves all around like bunks, about two
feet wide by six feet long. They lie on a mat spread on a board, and
over that they have some calico stuffed with wool. They have no
sheets nor pillows. They have poor ventilation, with generally a little
opening over the door. They burn coarse oil in lamps, and there they
lie and smoke opium most of the time at night." CHINESE   IMMIGRATION.
Your committee was informed that the basement parts of these buildings were the common receptacles of all the filth and garbage of the
occupants. Their food is generally rice, which is imported from China,
and that, with some of the coarser vegetables, and an inferior article of
meat occasionally, make up the daily allowance, which may cost fifteen
or twenty cents per head a day. The dress of the Chinaman is a blue
cotton shirt and pants, a pair of wooden-soled shoes, and a cap of some
coarse material. His associates are men of his own degraded standard
and women who have no redeeming character for virtue, no habits of
industry, and whose only occupation or means of life is prostitution.
Thus we have given some idea of the character of the people of the
Chinese quarter, and this is Chinatown, in the heart of the great city
of San Francisco; and the population, composing as it does one-fifth of
its population, and constantly increasing, is there not good reason upon
the part of the white population that they should rise up in indignation in a body, as they have done, and denounce the great calamity
that has fallen upon them ? The influences produced by such pagan
examples upon the youth of that city, the enormities of which a sense
of decency prevents us from recording, can be readily imagined.
More to be feared, however, than the influences of Chinese immigrants
upon the public morals of the people of San Francisco are the effects
these immigrants have upon the industries, trades, and occupations of its
inhabitants. This is depressing, and if continued without restraint in
some way will drive the great majority of white American citizens engaged in the various branches of trades and industries from the city and
the entire Pacific slope.
White labor cannot compete with Chinese labor, and at the same time
maintain that character and social position which under our form of government it should have. The cooly can live upon one-third that the white
laborer can.' He can support himself, under Chinese customs, and work
for a compensation that the white laborer will not, nor cannot, and enjoy
the respect that the white laborer of our country is entitled to have and
enjoy. It is not the policy of the American system to degrade that portion of its people by placing them upon a common level with the Chinese
cooly. All our history and experience heretofore are hostile to such an
idea. The laboring white man of this country is worthy of such pay for
his services as shall make him and his family comfortable, and shall
enable him to have those conveniences and necessaries of life as will
make him and them respected and honored in the land. This cannot be
done when brought in contact with the Chinese cooly. The compensation which makes the condition of white labor honorable is destroyed by
this conflict. Why? The white laborer of America is a freeman. He
is the peer of the American citizen in high or low life. The cooly of
China is a slave. He works for the payment of the mortgage upon his
person. The white laborer bears no bonds. He is no man's serf. By a
reference to the testimony taken before your committee, we find that
many branches of industry in the city of San Francisco have passed from
the individuals and firms who had control of the different trades, and
occupations of American citizens have passed into the hands of the
cooly. The American white man has been obliged to abandon his trade
and occupation and retrace his steps to the East in poverty and want,
and the cooly has taken possession absolutely of the occupation he followed. He has made this usurpation not by Superior skill, but because
he performed the labor incident at a rate of wages less than that upon
which the white man could live and support his family. It is simply
monstrous that such a state of affairs should meet the approbation of 12
our legislators of the national government.   We refer to some of the
evidence as to this interference of the cooly with the industries of the
great city of San Francisco.
Mr. John F. Schaeffer (p. 263):
I am a resident here; crossed the plains in 1850, when I was twelve years of age
I am engaged in manufacturing clothing and selling woolen goods. In my opinion
the Chinese will ruin the Pacific States, and .as soon as they get through here they
will go to the East. I have fought for the Chinese for ten years. I thought that they
would make good American citizens; that they would be like other people, and would
adapt themselves to American customs; but I find that I was mistaken. Even the
Chinese merchants and the Chinese millionaires who are here are just as much Chinese
to-day as when they came here. I know one Chinaman who dresses in American
clothes. He talks English pretty well. I said to him some time ago, while the excitement on this subject was high, "Why do you not tell your intelligent people to
wear American clothes, and adapt themselves to American customs? They all look
like stuffed monkeys in their clothes."
"To tell you the truth," said he, "I wear American clothes because I make my
living here; but the other Chinamen look upon me as a degraded slave, and they do
not admit me into their houses and families, because I wear American clothes."
The Chairman : In your intercourse with them as a merchant have you learned
that there is any affinity or any common feeling between them and the American
people, or whether the feeling that exists between them is a feeling of hostility ?—A.
I do not know one white man to-day who is in favor of tne Chinese coming here.
The Chairman. Why ?—A. Because he has found out by experience that the
Chinese will drive us out by starvation. It is a question of starvation. I talked not
long ago to a Chinaman. I said, "Chinaman must go." He said, "Me no go; white
man go." vThe Chinese drive*us out by degrading labor. Even the manufacturers of
cigars and of boots and of shoes, who employed them at first, find out that the Chinese
have taken awuy their business, and that the Chinese can sell at 25 per cent, less than
they can. It is merely a matter of time. Chinatown is increasing, and the property
of the white people in the vicinity is depreciating. The rich people lose much more
by the Chinese than the poor do on account of the depreciation of property. I have
a good deal of property here, which I cannot sell for what it cost me ten years ago.
The Chairwan. Does the presence of the Chinese here prevent immigration from
other parts of the United States ?—A. Most assuredly; people cannot get anything to
do here. I know young men who are offering to work for me at almost any price, but
who cannot get employment.
The Chairman. Is there a general depression of labor in this State?—A. Most assuredly.
The Chairman. Greater than at any other tii
to my knowledge; and I have been here for th
not get anything to do.
The Chairman. Is this state of things improving or growing worse ?—A. According
to my experience, it is growing worse.
The Chairman. What do you think ought to be done with the Chinese ?—A. That is
a hard question to answer. I have been thinking that as the j>eople East do not know
and will not learn the merits of the question, we ought to send all these Chinese east,
and give the people v.f the East a trial of them. I have been always a steady Republican, but this idea of waiting to sell out (as I may say) our country and homes to the
> ?—A, Greater than it ever has been
last six years steadily.   People can-
against tin
would 1]
all back."   T
act that they
i sent back.
The Chairma
Have you ever met a Chinaman whom you could make a citizen of,
3 creditable to the American standard ?—A. A Chinaman once said
3 me four bit, I will pray to Jesus, and for four bit more I will take
will not even leave' their bones here. They come out under con-
11 be sent back to China, or if they die here'that their bones shall
ite labor a
mntry.    TI
The Chairman. Is the i
lever can agree together unless v
Mr. Joseph 0. Gorman (p.
I am a resident of San Francisc
inner, a surveyor, and an engine
ail roads; I am now engaged in t
The Chairman. State what efft
ind occupation.—A. In .one part
> by degr
ogether incompatible
ed hei
even y<
[ have been a
; I w
is f
>ur yea
rs sur
veying on the
of th
e C
tiinese 1
on your trade
of (
etition is very CHINESE  IMMIGRATION.
little, because the work is too hard for them ; but in other parts of it, where the work is
light, they can do it so much cheaper than white men can (having no families, and
hving so cheaply) that we cannot compete with them at all. They can do it in canning factories, for instance.    On the Columbia River there are several thousand Chi-
live for that we cannot get employment in that business at all. That is six hundred
miles north of San Francisco: I think that two thousand would be a low estimate
for the number of Chinamen employed there. I was surveying on a railroad there
from 1870 to 1874—in Washington Territory.    On that railroad, there were from twelve
gon where Chinamen were also employed. I suppose that at a low estimate there
were from six to eight thousand Chinamen employed at that time. They worked at
such low wages as prevented the competition of white men. The same state of things
existed all along the Columbia River. There are. about twenty or twenty-five canneries there, and they were all overstocked with Chinese."
The Chairman. How long did you remain in that country?—A. Four years. This
was the state of things then and is yet. All the white men who were employed in these
canneries were, perhaps, a foreman over from sixty to eighty Chinamen, as also the
men who did the fishing in the river.
The Chairman. Are you now engaged in the tinning business ?—A. I am.
The Chairman. How do the Chinese come in collision with you?—A. Because
they do the work so much cheaper that we cannot compete with them. They have
■ shops of their own. They take the raw material into these shops, and they work day
and night. They have no families, and they live crowded together. In those five or
six city blocks where they live there are probably 30,000 Chinamen, whereas it would
take seventy-five blocks to hold the same number of white men. In this way the Chinaman lives so much cheaper than white men that it is impossible to compete with
The Chairman. What, in your judgment, will be the effect of this Chinese immigration if it continues ?—A. My judgment would be that if Chinese immigration continues we will have to leave or fight; I cannot see any other way. They will either
drive us out or compel us to fight, because there is no such thing as competition with
them. If the government does not give .heed to us I do not know what we shall do.
We must either leave the country or have a row, and I do not think that white men will
be very apt to leave this country for Chinamen.
The Chairman. That would depend upon the forces opposed to you.—A. We can stay
here even if we are dead. Our bodies will stay here. We mean to stay here at all
events. One of the reasons for our hard times here is that while 80,000 Chinamen are
employed constantly, we are out of work. These Chinamen send their earnings back
to China instead of employing them here and building and owning property. In that
way they all take the money out of this country, while the white men stay here and
build houses here. If we had 50,000 white men here at work instead of 100,000
Chinamen the money would be kept here and the country would be more prosperous.
If half of the number were white men there would be employment given to a great
many thousand mechanics, and stores and shops would be supported.
The Chairman. How much can the Chinese undersell you?—A. A few years ago
we were getting in Oregon for certain work on cans at the rate of $1 a thousand, and
now the Chinamen have got it down to 36 and 40 cents a thousand.    They do work for
one-half less than we can do
work and have advised my friends not to come here
: have had letters from the East inquiring s
Mr. Thomas Terry says (p. 280):
I have been a resident of this city for the last seventeen years. My business is
that of manufacturing hose, belting, collars, harness, &c.
The Chairman. What effect has Chinese cheap labor on your business?—A. It has
the effect of humbling the white men in our business. It has the effect of discouraging my brother mechanics from coming here and living on this coast. It has the
effect of driving many skilled men in my business into the Army and Navy, and from
this country altogether. There are some large houses in this city which employ Chinamen on harness work, particularly on collar work.    I am a man of large family; I
my industry in early days here I took up government land under my right as an
American citizen, but my harvests unfortunately failed through drought, and I was
vout of the city only four years, but when I came back I found myself, as it were,
in a foreign country; I found my business changed. From being a flourishing bus-
only white men as their foremen. I found the prices such that it would be impossible
for me, even if I did get employment, to maintain myself alone, much less to maintain mummm
my family respectably. But, in the first place, I could not get employment at all, and
if I did get employment in harness and collar making I could not get pay enough to
maintain my family with common running expenses. White mechanics who are not
so skilled are the most unfortunate, because the Chinese competition is the greatest
we have. On what we call fine harness work we can occasionally get a job, but in
this city, to-day, the skilled men in our branch of the business do not get as much
wages as a common average mechanic gets in the city of Boston, Mass. I can, to-day,
find you men by the score in our branch of business who, if they had means enough
to get back to their native cities in the East", would be only too willing to go back. I
can point out to f?oxx mechanics standing in the railroad cars, as extra men, waiting
for a day's work, or a half day's work, and merely getting enough work in the week
to keep them. Some of them get one day's work in a week as an extra man on the
car. I know some of them who have been car-driving for two or three years, and it
would be impossible for any man in our branch of business to hire these men again as
harness makers and to put them into the harness shops, because they consider themselves better off and better paid as car-drivers than they would be as mechanics, j
The Chairman. Then they have been driven from their occupations as skilled
mechanics, and have been obliged to seek other means of employment ?—A. Yes.
The Chairman. Receiving less prices for longer hours of labor than they used to receive in prosperous daysfor shorter hours?—A. Thatisit. I came here with my family
with the determination to make this my home and to stay here. I love my country
and its institutions, and my notion of it is that the presence of the Chinese here is dangerous to me and to all my fellow workingmen who have to labor for a living. At one
time here, a few years ago, a gentleman carried on the business of manufacturing slippers. It was the only slipper factory in the city, and he accumulated in a short time
a good deal of money. He employed one Chinaman in a cellar on the corner of Sacramento and Battery streets. In a short time this Chinaman worked on his cousin
(they all have cousins), and in the course of a year a Chinese company (whether it
was this first Chinaman and his cousin or some others, I do not know) owned this
slipper establishment. Mr. Marks, the original owner, then started into the business
of boot and shoe making, but found that that was not as profitable as the slipper business, on account of the Eastern competition, and he attempted to get back again into
the slipper business. He found, however, that it was utterly impossible to get back
into it again, because John had a hold of that business. The fact of one of these
Chinamen learning a business is quite sufficient to take away that busiuess from white
men, because this Chinaman gets in another, and then gets in more, and he educates
them; and in a year from that time it would be utterly impossible for any white man
to compete with the Chinamen in that line of business.
Mr. Martin. Are these Chinamen whom you spoke of in the slipper business still?
Mr. Terry. I cannot say whether these particular Chinamen are, but I know that
the Chinese run the slipper business in this city, and have the sole control of it. They
followed the slipper business up until a few of them got into the boot and shoe business. At the start they only made ladies' work, but they got on and on until now
they manufacture men's work, and to-day the result is that with the improved machinery in the boot and shoe business, and with the aid of Chinese labor, a man can
run a shoe factory successfully in this city independent of any white labor, even independent of a white foreman. To-day in this city factories are running with improved
machinery, at which the Chinamen get skilled, and the employer is perfectly independent of and can conduct his business withont any white man. Now, the Chinaman
himself goes into the business; and the Chinaman as a business man will some day in
the near future compete so directly with the manufacturer himself that it will be impossible for a white man to manufacture shoes in this city, even with the aid of Chinamen. The Chinese get into a hovel under the sidewalk, and crowd into a cellar, so
that a place which would not accommodate more than three or four white men to
work in will accommodate a,t least fifty Chinamen. Consequently the expenses are
reduced. Then they go round and buy stock. They are the shrewdest buyers of any
people I ever saw. They come into our establishment to buy cheap sole leather and
scrap leather, and their shrewdness in buying beats that even of my native Yankees.
If you ask five cents a pound for a piece of leather, and if it is dirt cheap at that, the
first answer they give is, " No, four and a quarter;" and they will stay there offering
four and a quarter until they are almost driven out of the concern. Then, when they
purchase four or five or six hundred pounds of leather, instead of having it sent home
by express and paying 50 cents for expressage, they have their men put it in bags and
carry it to their place of business. So it is also in the selling part of the business.
In former days, when a man in the- shoe business ran out of a particular size of boots
Br sevens or number eights—when he went to a wholesale
a whole case of that size; but to-day the Chinaman goes
all sizes on his arm, and the man in the retail business
s, number nines, number fours, or whatever number he
by quantity of them he likes. The Chinaman is there
Consequently the Chinamen will interfere as seriously
and shoes—say
out of
over this city a
can pick out n
has a mind to,
with si
every morning
with the business men on this coast as they interfere now with the laboring classes.
As to our competing with them in cheapness of living, it is impossible for a white
man, whether he be German, French, or any other nationality, to do so. No white
man can live in the same manner as these Chinese people live. I consider them a dangerous class of people. I consider them an immoral class of people. I love my family;
and all that I care for in the world is to protect my family. All that I have got to
live for is their welfare. Now, I can take any of you gentlemen into this Chinese
quarter, and show you sights which you would not have believed. I can take my
little boy of eleven years, put a 25-cent piece in his hand, and let him go into one of
these Chinese hovels, and there full-grown women will expose themselves naked as
they were born into the world for the sum of 25 cents, and they Will gratify all the
desires or wishes that the hoy may have; and these are the people that we have to
compete with, and that we are asked to affiliate with. I have visited the city and
county hospital (not for the purpose of seeing such sights, but to see a sick friend),
and there I saw a sight which, as the father of a family and a lover of my country,
made me shudder. I saw a child of thirteen perfectly eaten up with venereal disease,
caught from these Chinese women. These are facts, and what we working people
say about them is this: We cannot compete with these Chinese in mechanical pursuits; we cannot compete with them in living; we cannot affiliate with them politically or morally ; it is impossible. I have taken every step to the best of my judgment to prevent bloodshed and to prevent an outbreak on the part of the people. But
myself and my only son are connected with an organization which is determined that
the Chinaman shall not drive us from our homes and from our native country. I have
got my son side by side with me in that organization, and I know many men whose
sons are side by side with them in the same organization. I have done all that I pos- I
sibly could in the way of bringing this thing before the people and before Congress.
We are now determined that, rather than allow these Chinese to come here and drive
us from our native or our adopted homes, we will sacrifice ourselves and fight for it.
The men in this organization that" I speak of are lovers of the country, and what we
may have to do in the line of expelling the Chinese will be done with no intention of
offering an insult to the American flag. When we assemble in our place of meeting
the American flag is hoisted. Every man in the organization must bow with respect
to that flag. Our hostility to the Chinese, therefore, is not to be considered as an
insult to the government, but wre feel as though it is only a matter of a short time
when we must take either one of these issues—when we must say that this Chinese
immigration shall stop, or else we must leave the country. We who are connected
with that organization have come to the determination that under no circumstances
do we intend to leave the country.
Mr. Webster is engaged in agricnltnre (p. 287); upon being asked his
opinion of the effect of Chinese immigration upon that department of
labor, he says—
That it is absurd to talk about competition with Chinese labor. Any one who considers the history of the Chinese people, who studies* their customs and habits, will
be satisfied that we have got to go through the same course of mental and physical
training which they have gone through there before we can begin compete with them—
that we have got to educate, not only our minds, but our stomachs, to their condition
of things in order to live on the subsistence on which they live. They have been four
thousand years in educating themselves to their present modes and habits of life, and
it is an impossibility for a white laborer, especially of this country, with any self-respect, to compete with them.
There is no doubt that the effect of Chinese labor is detrimental to our laboring
people. It would be so in any country, and is especially so in this State, where large
estates are held by those who farm the land. It costs them less to live and they have
no families to support.
The Chinese avoid the poll-tax whenever they can. They are all so much alike that a
tax may be collected from one fellow one day, and if you meet him the next day you
cannot tell whether it was he that paid the tax or not. You cannot tell one from the
oth'r. They are very shrewd. There is no shrewder people in the world. They know
every officer in the city, and they especially know a tax-collector in the city. The
collector writes the name of the Chinese tax-payer in his list; but as they are so much
alike, and as they all resemble each other so much, he cannot tell the difference between them, so that a dozen Chinamen can use the same tax-receipt and the officer
cannot tell the difference. He cannot tell whether the man who presents the receipt
is the same one who has paid him the tax or not, because they all look so much alike;
Being asked how long it is since there was this marked opposition to
Chinese immigration, Mr. Webster's reply was:
There was a feeling against it even when the Burlingame treaty was adopted. It
was felt then as though that treaty was a mistake; but the commercial men felt that 16
here was a great opening for immense commerce, and that it would assist our city,
because every country through which eastern commerce has passed has grown wealthy.
That was the idea associated with the Burlingame treaty. But even at that time
those who looked deeper were dissatisfied with that treaty, and that dissatisfaction
has been growing ever since. It has been intensified within the last three, years.
Many have attributed our financial difficulty to the Chinese element. Whether it
enters into it or not, any financier must know that the contraction of the national
finances within the last' five or six years from $1,800,000,000 to about $800,000,000,
must have had the effect of making all values shrink. The balance of trade being now
in our favor the financial condition will be improved.
Mr. B. C. Duffy (p. 2.99) has lived in San Francisco eleven years. He
is from Massachusetts, and is a cigar-manufacturer. Upon being
inquired of as to his opinion as to the effect of Chinese labor upon the
cigar business of this city, he says:
It has been the means of reducing our wages one-half, whereas the cost of living
has been reduced probably only 25 per cent. At present there are 350 white people
engaged in the manufacture of cigars in this city. Their average wages will amount
to $7.50 a week. There are 5,000 Chinese employed in. the business in this city, and
their wages will average $4.50 a week, so that the wages of the wdiite that
business amount to $2,625 a week, and the wages of the Chinese to $22,500, so that at
least $15,000 is taken out of the State every week in that business, and is sent to
China. Now, if white people were altogether engaged in that business, their weekly
wages would amount to $40,125, all of which would remain in the country, and the
greater portion of which would go immediately into circulation in this city. The
Chinese wages in this trade amount to $1,170,000 per annum, of which amount
$780,000 is sent to China, leaving $390,000 to be circulated here, and that principally
among their own people. This shows that if this cigar industry was conducted by
white people alone the wages of these white people, even at the present low prices,
would amount to $2,086,500 per annum, all of which would be added to the wealth of
the State. This is a brief outline of what we consider the effect of Chinese competition in our business.
The Chairman. What effect has it had on the men whom you have had in your employment as cigar-makers? Are they still here, or have they been driven out of the
trade ?
Mr. Duffy. When the Chinese first went into the cigar business there were probably in the neighborhood of 500 white men engaged in it here. That was in early
days, when cigar-making first commenced here. That number was reduced three or
four years ago to less than 100. Then a few men formed an association and gave the
people to know those places where cigars that were made by white people could be
bought, and there was a prejudice got up in the community against using Chinese-
made cigars on account of the disease that Chinamen are troubled with, and because
it was shown by medical testimony that this disease is contracted by persons using
the cigars made by these diseased Chinamen. This association advertised that cigars
made by white people could be found at certain places, and consequently the demand
for cigars manufactured by white people has grown so as to raise the number of hands
employed in the business from 100 up to 350, and that number is gradually increasing.
The Chairman.
the wants of this
What number of white :
t if they had the
it now.    That
makers get p]
Chinese get.
i Chii
same quality o
f c
twenty cases c
f 1
tobacco to the
which they hii
e a
s a fa
gangs, who tai
:heir i
good deal chea
that their livin
3 so ve
would hardly
r a wl
The Chairm
t r
remedy, unless
here I presume
at pe
The Chairm
ings of the pe
e at
longer.    I do r
matter into the
own h
n engaged
in cigar-making could supnly
;rol of the
whole business ?—A. It would
re Chinan
len and white men engaged in
000 hands
employed.    The white cigar-
ir   the sa
me amount of work than the
irse betwe
een 20 and 25 per cent, for the
diy they c
an do so is this: they will buy
■om a lea
t'-dealer;  they will take that
bime.    Th
sy have two or three different
3 takes no action, then
not think that they
so.    I think they will
i the feel
eat while
>.ak onlj
pie of a
It inclu
des ti
The Chairman. Do you speak of the people en masse, or do yo
laboring part of the population ?—A. I mean the majority of tin
and occupations. This Chinese immigration affects all occupatio
land question and the gold question.
Mr. Samuel Braunhart (p. 306) came to California in 1862; has been
engaged as a commercial traveler in the boot and shoe trade.   On being .
inquired of as to the effect of Chinese labor upon that branch of business, says:
nging to the Chi-
of boo
e num
but the
also tin
the ladi
nd boj
.    The
> per c
11 Formerly there
nese race in this S
manufacture boots
and ladies' wear, a
borers. In my opi
worn in California
ence as a traveler,
manufactured by >
Hence, all those 1
Chinamen. . Counl
their boots, broga
directly from Chin
ufacturer would ce
ferior to th
account of
The Chai
men do ?
Mr. Braunhart. It is not the same class of goods, b
will sell equally as well, especially in auction stores and
Chinese sell from 40 to 50 per cent, less than similar good
Mr. Cowgill. I understand you that what you are cor
buy an inferior article rather than a superior one becau
Mr. Braunhart. Not
factured by the Chinese
factured by white labor.
Chinamen is equal to th
buy cheap goods, and tl
f thei
percent, of t
T m
erchants diree
t to
buy their go
nd $
roods of that
Is made Ir
auch ch(
oods than tin
)ds that
s.    The
exactly that. I mean tc
svhich'has taken the pla
They are inferior of cou
: like article manufactu:
i Chinaman producing i
is my opinion that in less than five y
will not be a shoe manufactory carried or
The Chairman. Have you been over al
Mr. Braunhart. Yes.
The Chairman. Did you find this com
Mr. Braunhart. Everywhere.   There
Chinese-made goods, but these are in plae
towns like Sacramento and Stockton they
Take a lady's bahnora], which costs $16.50 a dozen
for $18 a dozen.    The Chinaman will manufacture
if CI
L parts i
i where
say that a class of goods is manure of the same class of goods manu-
se. No article manufactured by the
ed by white men. But people will
le cheapest goods will survive. It
nese immigration continues, there
bes in the State of California,
f the State?
verywhere ?
merchants who do not purchase
eople will pay high prices.   But in
almost exclusively Chinese goods,
o manufacture. We can sell them
in article that will look as well (of
J. 50 a dozen.   There is an
, which takes goods from
prices at which, in my
course it is inferior in quality), which he will sell for $13
auction establishment in this city, carried on by Davis & Ce
at least 500 Chinamen, and I have seen goods sold there
opinion, it would pay to ship them East, and to sell them tin
seen children's buff calf shoes sold as low as 45 cents per pair, which, in my opinion,
could not be manufactured by white labor at $10 a dozen.
The Chairman. Can the Chinese manufacture good qualities as cheaply as the
white man can, and, if so, how would it be about the prices?
Mr. Braunhart. They still could manufacture them at least 30 per cent, less than
white men, on account of the cheapness of Chinese labor.
The Chairman. What effect has this had on the manufacture of boots and shoes
in this city ? •
Mr. Braunhart. It has had the effect of bringing starvation to the doors of white
boot and shoe makers. It has thrown them out of employment. When the manufacturing of boots and shoes was undertaken here first there were twenty white shoemakers employed where there is oniy one now. They do not altogether monopolize
the business, but I might say that two-thirds or three-fourths of the goods worn by
ladies, children, and misses in California are made by Chinese. I can also add that
other trades with which I am familiar—such as the manufacture of furnishing goods,
shirts, overalls, jumpers, and goods of that kind—is carried on by Chinamen. Denhani
and duck goods are all made by Chinamen.    I should say that there are 6,000 Chinese
H. Eep. 572 2 18
employed in their manufacture. They are used by laborers in southern counties,
where the climate is very warm. They wear them for pants exclusively. They are
sold as low as $4.25 and as high as $16.50 a dozen wholesale. They sell at retail as
low as 40 cents and as high as $2.50 a pair.
Mr. Stephen Maybill has been a resident of San Francisco since 1861;
His business is lathing houses (p. 310):
The Chairman. State how your business "has been affected by the presence of the
Chinese ?
Mr. Maybill. My trade, like a great many others, is interfered in indirectly quite
as badly in the end as though it were interfered with directly. Young men, for instance, who go to the vineyards looking for jobs find Chinamen employed there, and
not being able to get employment there, they come to San Francisco and get jobs on
buildings. In every other branch of industry it is the same, and men have to resort
to those trades that are not meddled with by the Chinese. The result is that where
probably there would not have been one, there are half a dozen men who have to resort to lathing in order to obtain a living.   That overstocks the market, and the result
The Chairman. What are the wages in your trade now ?
Mr. Maybill. About $1.25 a day, but tiiat will not average $2.50 a week, as men
do not find employment more than probably two days a week. They get work for one
week, and then they have to leave off for two or three weeks.
Mr. Cowgill. Is there not anything else that you can be engaged in ?
Mr. Maybill. If there is one person in the trade whose business is diversified it is
myself, for I liave pitched into almost everything. I have carried the hod ; I have
even slung a pen in a country newspaper .office; but I have been always finally driven
back to my old business. Up'to within two years the direct influence of Chinese immigration was never felt in its full force. About two years ago hard times began. 1
have seen from 100 to 200 laborers here sleeping in the streets at night, wandering
about the streets in the day^and living off the soup-houses, objects of charity. Before that the laborers as a class were a reputable body of men. This vagabond business has had an evil effect upon them, especially morally. During the last two years
at least from five to seven of my acquaintances have been sent to the State penitentiary at San Quentin for crimes. These men I was personally acquainted with, and
they were no more criminally inclined that the general run of men, but to-day they
are inmates of San Quentin. Others of my fellow workmen have become drunkards.
Sleeping in the streets at night and wandering in the streets by day has had a debasing influence upon them, and to-day two-thirds of them are habitual drunkards.
Mr. Cowgill. How do they get money to procure whisky if they cannot procure
Mr. Maybill. There are men who can live on beer and who cannot exist without
beer. When they get only two bits or four bits a day, that will not pay the rent of a
room and feed and clothe them, and so they become desperate, aimless, and hopeless,
comes another can, and so on until intoxication becomes a habit with them.
The Chairman. Is the general labor here in a depressed condition?
Mr. Maybill. Yes; I have seen this same thing in other trades. I have seen more
intoxication since wages went down than I saw when wages were high. I was a little more economical than the rest, and I saved a little and purchased a house and lot,
hut the effect which the depression has had upon my class is this: In the last two
years I have gone in debt $350, and if the thing continues I will be gradually absorbed
into the army of tramps, bummers, and vagabonds. It is only a question of time.
That is the demoralizing effect upon workingmen of all trades.
Mr. Kusel (p. 312) has been engaged some years in California in the
shirt-making business, and employs from thirty to forty hands:
The effect of Chinamen being here is to tend to keep white immigration away; and
consequently machine operators, in the shirt trade, are difficult to get at the price we
can afford to pay, for the reason that a woman cannot make wages at machine operating, unless she works hard all day and works many hours. Very few women are
strong enough to run a machine steadily all day. Women-Cannot stand it, although
they do it in the East; but there the women are furnished with motive power in all
large manufacturing places, while here they have to use foot power. For mv part I
would furnish power to the women, but in such a case the Chinaman will work so
much cheaper, that others in my trade who employ them would have an advantage
over me, and would be able to sell their goods cheaper than I could.
The Chairman. You have stated that you employ Chinese; why do you do so?—A.
For the reason I cannot get white women to work for the price I pay Chinamen; and I
cannot afford to pay them any more because others would employ Chinese. Besides,
the Chinese themselves make shirts and peddle them out all over the city, and almost
take my customers from me. CHINESE  IMMIGRATION.
From the general tenor of the testimony of this witness, the occupation of woman in his line of business is at an end in California. She
cannot live and maintain herself with that respect which is due to her
in a land of a high order of civilization. She may barely live by reducing herself to the standard of the wanton, debased, and degraded
Chinese harlot. Heaven forbid that the working-women of this country
shall be so humiliated and debased as to be placed on that common level.
The women who are engaged in the manufactories of Boston and Lowell,
as a class, have sustained and elevated the character of the American
woman for her industry and moral worth. And this nation cannot
afford to have an encroachment upon that reputation, as will be the case
if this system of cheap Chinese labor shall permanently prevail upon
the Pacific slope. To tolerate it is a receding step in civilization. Progress is our word of hope and encouragement, and the nation cannot
afford to go backward.   This is not our destiny.
Mr. E. W. Slessinger (p. 314) has been a resident on the coast twenty
years, and is ea gaged in the boot and shoe business, and has been in it
on his own account for seven years.
IN. Win
}ER. Wil
5R. In
not m
Mr. Slessinge]
The Chairman
Mr. Slessis
gether. We c
Chinese dispos
know, but it if
how they do it
The Chairm
Mr. Slessin
have not got half
Chinese are selling
Chinese with goods
unreliable in matte
and say, " Here is i
did the Chinamen m
the first
mostly foi
assault on your
: tl
one.    If the
. How large
r. We have
ilf that liui
ey.    I notic
Ihiuese have driven us out alto-
more by white labor, because the
sts us. How they do it I do not
>ck which they use I do not know
notice that our tar
l credit, which the
f debt. A Chinam
lard.    I do business
street or on Clay street.  My name is Hy We
credit."   Afterwards, when the tanner goes 1
Hv Wong at that number, and that is the las
Mr. Martin. The Chinaman would'not foo
Mr. Slessinger. No ; I presume not.    The
white men cannot come near them in point o:
Mr. O'Connor. What is the general condit
g now T
r 200 men at work right along ; now we
Lumber is growing less every day. The
,ry, peddling them out regardless of cost
rs here have been of late supplying the
Lever did before. The Chinese are very
will come into a tanner's establishment
such and such a number on Commercial
pig.. I want to buy goods at thirty days'
;o collect his bill, he finds that there is no
t of his money.
1 that tanner any more, would he ?
Qg all
>ds, so that
omplain, hut
East I visited the manufactory
about our manufacturing here.    I asked
to come here where they could get be
play out all the workmen there."
Mr. Martin. Is it your opinion that i
^ration of labor from the East t
East are all told to stay away,
ve just come back from Boston
i Lynn. The workingmen ther
Ised several of the workingmen
' wages.
'said "No; CI
this point ?
as Chinamen are
and while in the
are well posted
at there
Mr. Slessing
er. In some fine goods they
might, b
at wh
en it (
they could not.
At present there are from
150 to 20
in this State, a
ad sooner or later we have a
1 to step
Mr. O'Conno
r. What do you propose as i
i, remedy
Mr. Slessinc
jer. That is hard to state,
unless tl
matter and ma
kes the Chinese pay the ta
ses that
we p<
ly, an
white men live
That would remedy the e^
Mr. Martin.
Do not the Chinese pay the
ir taxes ?
Mr. Slessing
er. 1 presume that some of
them do
is that you can
lot tell one Chinaman from
en will
uld get
« goods
of the
live as
One difficulty
Mr. Martin. They pay taxe:
t what property th< 20
Mr. SlesshtGer. That property is very little. The property goes out of their hanels
just as soon as it is manufactured. You never see any of it. I would not trust one of
these Chinamen with a five-cent piece.
The Chairman. For what reason would you not trust him ?
Mr. Slessinger. Because I do not think 1 would ever get a cent from him.
Mr. Martin. Would you ever find him when you went to look for him ?
Mr. Slessingek. That is very hard to tell.    I have had several cases of that kind.
Mr. Martjn. Do you employ any Chinese women ?
Mr. Slessinger. No, sir; ithink they are a bad egg.
Mr. Samuel Lewis (p. 318) has been on the Pacific coast since 1859;
for the last ten years has been carrying on the cigar-making business.
The Chairman. State the effect of Chine!
Mr. Lewis. Within the last sixty days w
stopped work and are going out of the busi
line of business that it fails to pay. Chin
than they will work for white men, and therefore (
r on the cigar business,
not been manufacturing ; we have
The- competition is so great in that
will work for one another cheaper
jufacturers can under
sell the wh
man, anel in that way he can work cl
The Chairman. How long have yo
Mr. Lewis. About 12 years.
The Chairman. Have you retired f
Mr. Lewis. Yes, sir; to- a certain extent.
The Chairman. Have you been in the ha
The Chinaman will work longer hours than the white
rork cheaper for the Chinamen than he can for white
ive you been in business as a cigar-maker in this city ?
he business in consequence of Chinese com-
of employing many
t 50 to 150.    We
Mr. Lewis. Yes, sir; for the last few years we have employe
The Chairman. What proportion of those were Chinamen ?
Mr. Lewis. I suppose that 90 per cent, were Chinamen. For trustworthy positions,
such as book-keeper, foreman, assistant hook-keeper, &c, we have had white men.
The Chairman. The time has come when you cannot eA^en employ Chinese labor
Mr. Lewis. Not in that particular line, because Chinamen work cheaper for other
Chinamen than they do for white men. Chinamen work day and night, If you walk
around the town in the evening from 6 to 12 and 1 o'clock at night, you will find
Chinese wash-houses in full operation. White men and women cannot stand working
that number of hours; but the Chinese seem to require less sleep than white men do.
They can live on less. Rice is the cheapest food, and the Chinese can live on it altogether, so that white men cannot compete with them.
Mr. O'Connor. You think that the white labor cannot come in competition with
Chinese labor without going to the wall?
Mr. Lewis. It cannot. I consider the presence of the Chinese here as a damage to
the working classes of our population, and as detrimental to all classes of it. I think
that their presence here affects injuriously the value of real estate, because it checks
public improvements. If we had half the number of white men employed on this
coast that there are Chinamen, the money which they would earn would be put in
circulation.   Their savings would go to the banks and would be loaned in turn to
man's sole aim and object in coming here is to save money and go back to China. In
fact, one of the rules and regulations under which they leave their country is that
they shall return to it dead or alive. If they die here their bones are sent back to
China. Chinamen put no money in the savings banks. Their sole aim is to accumulate as much money as possible and to return to China as soon as possible; while,
on the other hand, white men come here with the purpose of making it their homes.
Cincinnati has been built up principally by the working classes. Now, if we were
to depend upon the Chinese building up San Francisco we would never have a citv.
That is an undisputed fact. I do not believe that there is a Chinaman among the
depositors in savings banks. The amount of money that is being continually sent to
China shows that the Chinese are sucking the life-blood out of the State. I am not
particularly prejudiced against the Chinese; they are a very industrious people; but
I like the white man better. White immigrants assimilate with us; they adopt our
manners and customs, but the Chinese do not. A little Chinaman down here in
Chinatown, Ah Quin, has got a little-foot woman and a big-foot woman, two wives.
I think nothing of that; it is their custom. But the Chinese here, as a rule, do not
marry; and there is no natural increase of the Chinese population. I think it would
be a benefit if the labor that is done by the Chinese here was given to the white CHINESE  IMMIGRATION.
his city to go over to Alameda to
ntact with the Chinese until then.
' the rock. After we had developed
) work the contractors who had the
adamizing several of the streets in
There were six or seven white men
ably put to the light portion of the
and a quarter in
people. An increase of population is what we want. Then, agaiu, I would not
believe a Chinaman under oath.
The Chairman. What remedy have you to propose for this evil ?
Mr. Lewis. I think that the bill which passed Congress would be a pretty good
remedy. I think that if Chinese immigration were limited to a certain number, as
in that bill, ten or fifteen on each steamer., that limitation, together with the natural
decrease of the Chinese population now here by death, woulel in the course of time
eraelicate the evil.
Mr. Cowgill. You said that you would not believe a Chinaman under oath. Do
you mean that thev disregard the obligations of an oath ?
Mr. Lewis. I do not believe that they know anything of the obligations of an
oath.    Their form of taking the oath As by cutting off the head of a rooster.
Mr. Cowgill. Can you rely upon what-they tell you in their business relations?
If you make an inquiry of them on.any given subject, do you believe that they would
tell vou the truth, or are thev utterly regardless and reckless in the matter of telling
the truth ?
Mr. Lewis. I think there may be exceptions, but as a general rule I do not think
I would believe them.
Mr. T. B. O'Brien (p. 324) has been a resident of California six years,
and is a miner by occupation. He says that the Chinese immigration
has the same depressing effect upon the mining business as it appears,
from the other testimony, to have upon other industries. He says
ln 1873 I and two others were employed ii
prospect for a quarry. I hael never come in
We remained until we had developed the leelge
the rock and done the most critical portion of
quarry, and who had also the contract for n
Oakland, introduced Chinamen into the quarry
then working there. The Chinamen were invi
work.   We had large drills from 15 to 16| fe
diameter to turn round, and the work used to contract the muscles of our hands,
The Chinamen would not turn these elrills. They had the work of a striking-hammer, and that is the lightest work in mining. Before the Chinamen were introduced
into camp we had a clean camp, but after they came in some sort of disease broke out
among the Chinamen, aud one of them died. I was called upon, in conjunction with
several others, to go anel examine the dead man, and we were subpeenaed as a coroner's jury. I refused going, because I thought the man had died of some sort of a contaminating disease that was infectious, but I was told that I had to go. Finally, I
consented and went in; and when I got out the foul air inside acted as a sort of
emetic on me. I got sick and I loft the place and went to Mount Diablo, and I staid
there for eighteen months mining.
The Chairman. What is the effect of Chinese labor coming in competition with
yours ?
Mr. O'Brien. The effect in Oakland was that it drove white miners out, and that
the Chinamen got possession of that quarry. Then I went to Caliente in 1875, and
worked on a railroad tunnel there. We were running a tunnel through a mountain.
The Chinamen worked in one end of the tunnel, and we had to penetrate a perpendicular side of the mountain. At that time there were between four and five thousand Chinamen employed on the Southern Pacific Railroad. We had to penetrate
through a perpendicular cliff in the mountain. The Chinese would not venture there
until there wras an opening made through the mountain, and in the other end the
Chinamen were employed. When we found out that the object of the contractors was
to have us penetrate through the mountain and then to get the Chinamen in to work
we left.
The Chairman. Why?
Mr. O'Brien. Because we knew very well that after we had got in a secure distance through the mountain we woulel be discharged and Chinamen would be put in
our place.
The Chairman. Why?   Did the Chinamen receive less wages than you did ?
Mr. O'Brien. Yes. They received only a dollar a day, and we were receiving from
$35 to $40 a month and board. !i|||§
The Chairman. Then fhe consequence was that the Chinese labor drove you out?
Mr. O'Brien. Yes.
Mr. Cowgill. What was there to hinder you from exacting whatever wages you
thought proper when you were doing the kind of work which nobody else would do ?
Mr. O'Brien. We asked the contractor what our wages would be, and he eluded 22
our answer, and saicl that the superintendent of the road would be around anel would
fix that. We had not intended to work for the wages he gave us. In Dutch Flats, in
1873, the miners were receiving $3 a day; now they are receiving only from $2 to $2.50
a day, the reduction being caused by the introduction of Chinese.. There are also several placer mining camps in this State where Chinamen are employed, and from which
the white men have been driven out.
The Chairman. So far as your knowledge extends throughout the mining country,
has Chinese labor generally taken possession of the work to the exclusion of white
Mr. O'Bbien. In certain localities it has. When a man wishes to patronize the
Caucasian race he has the work done by white men. But where Chinamen are employed through the instrumentality of the six Chinese companies white labor has been
Mrs. Ealph (p. 327), a middle-aged and respectable looking lady, asked
leave to make a statement.
The Chairman. What do you wish to the committee ?
Mrs. Ralph. I have been here since 1861. I am a dressmaker by trade. I have
lived most of that time in what is called Chinatown. I have known young girls to be
driven away from the work which I could have given them; and I have known them
frequently to be obliged to go on the town. Two doors from our house there was a
large French boarding school, and that building is now, I believe, occupied by two
hundred Chinamen, who are making underclothing of all kinds for Levy Straus.
The Chairman. Are you still carrying on elressmaking there ? :
Mrs. Ralph. Yes, sir.
The Chairman. How many persons have you in your employment ?
Mrs. Ralph. I have at present four.    I used to have from ten to twelve.
The Chairman. Why Were the females who had been in your employment deprived
of work with you ? "~~
Mrs. Ralph. We were once able to supply wrappers and plain work, but now that
kind of work is done by the Chinese. One Chinaman here offered me $200 to teach
him to cut dresses.
The Chairman. Did you make a bargain with him ?
Mrs. Ralph. No, sir; I woulel not teach him for $500. I didn't wish to have anything to do with him.  '
The Chairman. Then, in your judgment, this Chinese competition has driven females out of their honest employment?
Mrs. Ralph. Yes, sir; anel thousands. I have thirty-four relatives who want to
come here from Canada, »but I would not let them come on account of the Chinese.
The Chairman. What are these young ladies doing now who had to leave their employment with you on account of Chinese labor ?
Mrs. Ralph. The last one that left me is living with her brother.
The Chairman. Do you mean to say that these young ladies are not now able to
get work?
Mrs. Ralph. They are not able to get anything to elo. Of course they are not able
to do the best work'; they can only do plain work. We do not get that kind of work
to do any more. Another objection is, that my customers refuse to come to Chinatown
to be fitted.
The Chairman. Then the location that you are occupying is an injury to your business?
Mrs. Ralph. Very much, indeed.
Mrs. E. Swift (p. 328) appeared before the committee and requested
to be allowed to make her statement.
I came here moi
would like to be ei
gave my testimony
In regard to the CI
rents, and they sen
wear. Six years i
she can now buy a
pay duties on theii
garrets, so that the
I would not be ablj
The young women
Chinamen can do t
If a Chinaman can
arly to st
ate the
condition of a good
many ladies who
ed i
ii many in
than I did to give m
y testimony, for I
ce Se
nator Mor
on's con
mittee, which was h
ire two years ago.
en n
ing at p
resent, I would desir
e to say that they
itskirts of
the city
in garrets, where t
ley can get cheap
>ut with c
ards to
adies who wish to bi
ly shoes or under-
would ha
ve to ps
,y $2.50 for making
a garment, which
y ma
de (mater
tai and.
ill) for 41.50.    Our n
lerchants have to
s, an
d storage
and licei
ise; but the Chinam
in manufacture in
ost furnisl
i the goe
els for almost the cos
t of the material.
Le cit
rk a
the garme
y now ha^
nt for t
which i
lie price for which tl
10 white woman con
ley offer to sell it.
n the first place,
d earn her board. CHINESE  IMMIGRATION.
We quote further from the statement of Mr. John Eichard Freud:
Chinese prob-
irgument, and
There is no need of speaking of the moral and social effects
lem; as to the economical effects of it, they will stand a good de
they need a good deal more investigation and thought. You have been made aware,
no doubt, of the drain that these Chinese make on the resources of the State. Admitting that there are 150,000 Chinese on the Pacific coast, and admitting that each earns
a dollar a day (which is not an exaggeration), and admitting that one-third of that
amount is turned back to the industries of the State (by way of China), you have
still going out of this State to China $100,000 a day, $3,000,000 a month, $40,000,000
a year. This.estimate accords with the testimony heretofore adduced before this committee on that point. I have calculated the amount of money thus sponged up from
the life-blood of the State through the horde of Chinese. I have taken the figures
submitted to the Seuatoriarcommittee of 1876 as to the number of Chinese that have
come here during the last thirty years, since 1849. I have taken the small figure of $1
a day as their average earnings, and I find that the net amount of money paid to these
Chinese during the Ta?t thirty years reaches the incalculable sum of $600,000,000. Now,
admitting that one-third of that amount is expended in this State (which is a great
exaggeration), you have still $400,000,000 (one-fifth of the total debt of the United
States) forever sucked out of the country and deposited in the stagnant coffers of the
Chinese empire.
The assessed value of real estate in this State exceeds $600,000,000. The Chinese,
although constituting one-fifth of the population, do not own $1,500,000 of that amount,
and they therefore pay less than a four-hundredth part of the revenue required to
support the government of the State. They do not actually pay sufficient tax to
support their Chinese criminals in the State prison; because out of 550 in the State
prison over 200 are Chinese. The actual cost of supporting these 200 Chinese convicts exceeds by $12,000 per annum the entire amount of revenue collected by the
State from all the Chinese in California. Every non-investing, non-consuming Mongolian in California shuts out at least one Caucasian family of five persons; anel so
the presence of 100,000 Chinese in California shuts out one-half million of white persons. Then, bear in mind that whereas every Caucasian immigrant not only spends
his earnings in the city, but brings a little fortune (averaging $100) in his pocket, the
Mongolian not only ships his earnings out of the State, but comes here a stark-naked
pauper. So you can see how this Chinese immigration has dwarfed and impaired the
prosperity of the State. I see that in the Eastern States trade is reviving, whereas in
this State we are going backwarels. There is the cause of the harel times in California. Five years ago our firm manufactured and imported ladies' anel chilelren's underwear to a large extent. We were one of the largest firms in this business in the State,
I believe. We paiel out at that time from $500 a month up? sometimes, to as high as
$1,000 to white girls for the manufacture of ladies' and chilelren's underwear. To-day
the Chinese have encroached on that trade. They have taken the business out of the
hands of the white people, until to-day we not alone cannot manufacture and compete -with the Chinese, but we cannot actually import from the Eastern market and
compete with them. So that Chinese immigration not only affects the people of this
coast, but it affects the industries of the Eastern States; and" there can be no doubt
that the stagnation in the Eastern States is, in a very great measure, due to the presence of Chinese on the Pacific coast. These Chinese manufacture boots and shoes and
ladies' and children's underwear in large quantities, and they throw the products on
the California markets. They go from house to house and peddle their goods until all
the white girls and young men who have been in the business have been driven out of
it; and you can surmise what has become of them. The young women are elriven to
prostitution and the young men are driven to crime. Many young men with whom,
at one time, I played and associated, are to-day criminals.
Mr. Martin. What is your remedy ?
Mr. Freud. I do not think that the Biirhngame treaty ought to have anything to
-do with the action of Congress on the subject. Personally, I uphold the sovereignty
of the State of California, and its full power to deal with that question. In the last
constitutional convention. I introduced several propositions to that effect. I believe
that the State of California has the power, and if Congress eloes not offer us a remedy
we will exercise that power, to get rid of the Chinese. Every State in the Union
ought to have power to perpetuate its own existence. I think that the Supreme
Court of the United States has upheld the right of each State to protect itself against
any and all attacks upon its welfare. I am informed that Judge Field, of the United
States court, has lately written an opinion that the State of California has the right to
protect itself against any element that endangers its safety.
Mr. Martin. Would you have Congress pass any law on the subject ?
Mr. Freud. I would,' for the reason that I am fearful if the State of California takes
if Congress does not take action, then I think I shall live to see when the' State of
California will do so. 24
The Chairman. You look upon the evil as the citizens of this city did when they took
into their hands the power of a vigilance committee as an element of self-defense ?
Mr. Freud. That is it. It is a matter of self-preservation, and I do not think that
the Supreme Court of the United States, in an emergency of this kind, would overrule
the action of California in the premises.
The Chairman. You would resort to State action only as an extreme measure ?
Mr. Freud. Yes.
Mr. William R. Schaefer appeared before the committee. He said, in reply to
preliminary questions: I am a resident of this city, and have been for twenty-five
years I am a manufacturer of and dealer in furniture. During the last five years I
have had from 15 to 25 men employed.    I have now probably 15 men employed.
The Chairman. In what way does Chinese labor interfere with your business ?
Mr. Schaefer. We can do the same work with Chinese labor at 50 per'cent, less than
we can with white labor, and yet wre have entered into a combination not to employ Chinamen. We tested the matter with several articles anel found that Chinese
labor is that much cheaper.
The Chairman. Is Chinese labor the means of depriving white men of employment
hi your business ?
Mr. Schaefer. Not at present, because, as I say, we have en tered into a combination not to employ Chinamen ; but if we were to employ Chinamen they would drive
all the white men out of employment.
The Chairman. At about how much leg
to pay to white men ?
Mr. Schaefer. About 50 per cent.
Mr, William M.  Haynie came before
two or twenty-three ye
ets by which Chinese h
ay knowledge of contr
nploying a great many C
on iountf that the Chinamen w
emselves,-and that I would hav
i the wall.    I so stated to a Chir
, " Captain, I would like t
aploy Chinamen than yc
l 1874 I ws
»ps.    I i
gard to
testify 1
here. 1
ing of 1
by raisi
would e
of the f
hop business on a big scale." I said, " What advantage will that be to me; will I get
any men cheaper than I get them now?" " 0, yes," said he, "a heap cheaper." Iasked
Mm how. He said "If you go into partnership with me we can make a contract in
China for men at $85 a year, and they will board themselves, if you will give them 2
or 3 acres of land on which they can raise a little rice and some pigs for pork. That,"
said he, " will be all their board, bill, $15 a year, which will make about $100 a year
for the actual labor of the men employed in these industrial interests—hops or anything else." I said, "How can you do that ? The laws of the United States Government prohibit the making of contracts in China, for labor on this coast, and if we
I have been a
statement in re-
ot hearel any one
for Chinese labor
ulture—the pick-
i making inroads on my business
ather to quit the business or they
e firm in Sacramento City.    One
> in partnership with you in the
i committ
He sa
and I wan
X) make
is obtaine
I have
being ma
, in Chin
the hop
, sue
h contra
3 we
, wo
ubject ourselves to imprisonment
We can hire the men all the same,
j will only cost you that much in
and I quit the business.
>u for white labor in that business ?
li and board.    This conversation occurred he-
Chinese house of Mung Chin.
;d to procure Chinamen to do the same work for
arcl and all.   We paid the Chim
vhom we employed $1 a
•nish us men ioi
;hat I could have
the laws of the
by of the
bor, and
ously, so
that the
cal skill
bly com-
The foreg
it, and at tl
\g testimony, in as condensed a shape as we can present
;ame time furnish your committee with the reasons which CHINESE  IMMIGRATION.
govern their view of the case, presents for consideration one of tha most
important problems for the action of Congress and the welfare of our
The Chinese race and the American citizen, whether native-born or
who is eligible to our naturalization laws and becomes a citizen, are in
a state of antagonism. They cannot nor will not ever meet upon common
ground, and occupy together the same social level. This is impossible.
The Pagan and the Christian travel different paths. This one believes
in a living God; that one in the type of monsters and the worship of wood
and stone. Thus in the religion of the two races of men they are as
wide apart as the poles of the two hemispheres. They cannot now nor
never will approach the same religious altar. The Christian will not
recede to barbarism, nor will the Chinese advance to the enlightened
belt of civilization. The images his fathers worshiped in the long
cycle of the years of the past are still the objects of his worship now.
There is no improvement on his march in modern centuries. He has
no idea nor conception of progress. He cannot be converted to those
modern ideas of religious worship which have been accepted by Europe
and which crown the American system. While the people of this land
may differ as to forms of worship and creeds and formulas, there is
one general prevailing idea among them all as to the existence of an
overruling Providence, a future accountability, and a state of future rewards and punishments. Up to this grand idea the Chinaman can never
be brought. All the labors of the missionary, the example of the good,
the exalted character of our civilization make no impression upon the
Pagan life of the Chinese. Among his idols, with his brutal idea of
human punishment, which is a burning, seething disgrace to the nineteenth century, inflicting horrid, cruel, and monstrous punishments upon
children of tender year's for the crime of the parents, bigoted, ignorant,
and in opposition to the march of human intelligence, there he is, in his
filth and his superstition, and there will he remain so long as he has a
distinct nationality. He is not for us. He does hot belong to the family of enlightened nations. He is not for us. He is not of us. So
much for his religion and his idea of horrid repulsive justice.
What of his habits of social life? We have looked at him in his religious robes.   What a spectacle, too, for contemplation!
Under treaty stipulations, he comes to our shores. For what purpose f To become an American citizen ? No. It is with him a game
of profit or loss. He is not accompanied by his family, if he has one.
His residence is temporary. He does not come here because he likes
our country or our institutions. He does not come even to associate
with us. In most cases, a fugitive from justice, he enters upon the
double scheme of saving his neck from being severed from his body, the
penalty of crime in his own country, and the absorbing question of
money. To effect the last purpose he will live upon fare no better than
the " husks the swine do leave," and which made the meal of the prodigal son; occupy the meanest tenement, sleep upon a board two feet wide
by six long, eat and cook his rations in the same room where he dispenses the other necessities of life, and labor at a compensation for
which a white man would starve, avoid the burdens of his new home in
the way of taxation, possessing no correct idea of the obligation of an
oath, having no respect for our institutions or our laws, and as much of
an alien to the country twenty years after he lands upon our shores as
the day he sailed from Hong-Kong. There is no improvement to be
made on him. He lands a pagan, he lives a pagan, he dies a pagan, and
leaves no monument behind him when his bones are transported to 26
his native home that has added to the wealth, or honor, or glory of our
country. But when we come to consider the baleful influences he has
produced upon the industries of our land—the white people whom he
has driven from employment, the peaceful home of the laboring man
made desolate—then comes up that feeling in the Caucasian mind
which concentrated in the solid and unmistakable voice of the entire
white population of a great commonwealth in condemnation, loud and
deep—a verdict of an indignant people, and one easily to be understood.
And who shall resist it?
From the testimony, to which we have referred, it seems that almost
all the industrial occupations of the white people of the Pacific slope
have been sponged up by this pagan immigration. The shoe trade; the
harness makers j the cigar makers; the lath and plasterers; the miners j
the farmers; the tailors ; the clothiers; the dealers in articles of ladies'
goods; the day laborer upon the highways, in the shops, on the farms,
and in all the great industries of the city of San Francisco—all—all have
had to give place to a race of men who have no idea of the social relations of life, to whom crime and virtue are alike, and who have no common interest in our country.
The chilling, blasting, repulsive, and derogatory influence which this
immigration has upon the character and standard of labor, is one that
sends up a complaint " trumpet-tongued" to the National Legislature.
It is the honor and character of our laboring man, and the proud position he occupies, in republican America, which is being overslaughed
upon the Pacific coast. It is him who is placed by the Chinese immigration below the slave standard or the lowest serf of Europe 5 robbed
of his manly proportions, driven from society, and converted into a pauper, and made the associate of criminals and tramps, because his means
of life have been wrested from him by the competition of a race too in
ferior to become his companions, too corrupt to be his competitor in the
field of labor.
This entire land of ours, which is our boast, is preserved and made
honorable by the strong arm and honest heart of the men who till our
fields, work our mines, manufacture our wares, chop down our forests,
build our railroads and canals, erect our chapels of worship and school-
houses, and fight our battles. By them the government should take a
manly stand, because upon their broad shoulders rest the pillars of the
temple of republican liberty.
In the State of California a war is being made upon this class of our
people. The nation cannot afford to be robbed of that element which
is its support in its hour of trial, and which is the most effulgent beam
in the sun of its prosperity.   No sane man will demand such a sacrifice.
But a few years since the prosperity of the laboring man in California
was an acknowledged fact. He was independent. His family enjoyed
all the necessaries of life, and many of its luxuries. He was the owner
of his own home. He was a man among men. The Chinese came. They
reduced his wages to a price that he could not live at under the requirements and regulations of civilized life; they drove him from his occupation j they left him in want and destitution.. His feeble voice, at one
time too weak to be heard, is now indorsed by the verdict of a great
State. That verdict is in accord with the humble laborer and mechanic,
and the State responds in a voice of majesty and power that the. time
has come for a countermarch of the horde of adventurers who have
swarmed like devouring locusts and eaten out and consumed the substance of the Pacific slope.
Did the Chinamen come upon our shores for a permanent residence, CHINESE   IMMIGRATION.
bringing their families with them, live as we live, and conform to our
laws and customs, there might be an apology.' Such is not the fact.
The statistics of the custom-house of San Francisco show a bad state
of things. All they consume and wear they bring from China,- all they
earn goes back to China.
The following tables of imports and exports are proof of this allegation:
Inly 31, 1879, from San Fran-
15,447,305.    Of these articles rice
Total exports of
specie 4 yes
sco to China,—To
bal, $49,848
Imports during tl
le same tin
ade $5,293,802.
atns, enciin
Therefore, deducting the article of rice and it leaves a balance of
trade for the four and a half years against us of $39,705,693.
And this large balance of a fraction under forty millions of dollars is
the bonus paid the Chinese, at the expense of American white labor, and
its degradation. Some ten millions a year which should go to the support, clothing, and education of the white man's family. No other class
of immigrants who come to our land sends back to Fatherland a tithe of
this amount of money. What they earn goes into the general consumption of the country. It becomes a part of our stock in trade. They are
of us.   Their industry inures to the common welfare.
And if this immigration shall be allowed to continue, what will be the
result ? The trouble is now local; confined to a small, or comparatively
small territory. If not checked, it will increase in numbers and advance.
The Sierra Nevadas now make the pagan boundary. Let us make a
solemn decree, that beyond that high boundary the invading swarm
must stop. It is, as many witnesses testified before us, a case of self-
preservation—a question of who shall abandon the fertile fields of the
Pacific coast; the proud white Caucasian, or his inferior in mind and
and body and soul? Leave it to the white people of the coast now, and
the question will not long be debatable. Let this condition of things
continue, and the vigilante will be as feeble as the bending mast before
the sirocco.
But, what is the remedy, if there be one, that will bear the test of
criticism, and retain the forms of justice?   What is it?
Neither the people of the State of California nor the general government should resort to acts of violence to put an end to the troubles and
difficulties which grow out of Chinese immigration without a resort
first to pacific measures.
According to the terms of the treaty between China and the United
States of the 28th of July, 1858, the following extract occurs :
H The United States of America and the Emperor of China cordially
recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man to change his home
and allegiance, and also the mutual advantage of the free migration and
emigration of their citizens and subjects, respectively, from one country
to the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as permanent residents."
Under this clause immigration of Chinese subjects is permitted. And
the question necessarily arises whether the vast numbers of them who
come here are embraced within the aforesaid clause. The ordinary
Chinese immigrant does not come here for upurposes of traded nor is
there one out of a thousand of them who emigrate u for the purposes oj
a permanent residence." As to the question of "curiosity," it is fair to
presume that of the vast number of them which, like bands of locusts,
are alighting upon the Pacific coast and consuming the substance of the
land, there is not one out of ten thousand. We must, therefore, necessarily conclude that almost the entire Chinese immigration in this coun- 28
try are here not in conformity with our treaty stipulations. They do
not come here for the "purposes of trade," in the usual acceptation of
that term, nor as bona fide "permanent residents," but they come simply
as laborers to compete with our native American laborers and with
those from European countries who are here as bona fide permanent
residents with their families. They do hot contemplate making this
their home, and in all their contracts with the " six companies " it is
provided that if they die here their bones shall be shipped back to
China. They do not bring their families with them. They do not,
therefore, come within our general laws of immigration. Under the
stipulations of the treaty between this government and China, the latter
•government is entitled to have the privileges and advantages " of the
most favored nations" with whom our country has made public treaties.
But would it not be a violation of treaties were our ports to be made
eligible for the landing of the criminals, the paupers, and the prostitutes of every European country with whom we have treaty stipulations?
So long ago as 1855, the Hon. Fernando Wood, then mayor of the
eity of New York, forbade the landing, from a ship from Genoa, of some
sixty persons, who were convicts, felons, paupers, and other dangerous
people. In pursuance of his action, he addressed the following communication to the then President of the United States:
f? Mayor's Office,
New York, January 2, 1855.
Dear Sir : There can he no doubt that, for many years, this port has been a sort of
penal colony for felons anel paupers, by the local authorities of several of the continental European nations. The desperate character of a portion of the people arriving
here from those countries, together with the increase of crime and misery among that
class of our population, with other facts before us, prove conclusively that such is the
i laws.
* refer to the gross wrong thus perpetrated upon this city.
i allusion to the jeopardy of our lives and property from this
, long career of crime and destitution, have learned to recog-
rfl or natural, cannot fail to produce feelings of terror at their
j to protect i1
New York hi
rising from
ng enough.
e of the gen
with ball i
)us and dest
jllency Franklin Pierce,    -
■ President of the United States.
Your committee fully indorse the opinions and statements set forth
in the above letter. It is, in our judgment, a correct view as to the
propriety of prohibiting immigration of that class of people, convicts,
felons, and paupers. It shows that in his wise and enlarged ideas Mr.
Wood fully comprehended the character and effects of immigration of
the kind he alluded to a quarter of a century ago. We do not wish to
be understood as making any objection to Europeau immigration where
the immigrant who comes to our shores is of good character and correct habits, and who comes here to make this his permanent abode, and
whose sympathies and feelings are in accord with our form of government and our laws.   To him we open our doors widely, and give him a CHINESE  IMMIGRATION.
hearty welcome. But we cannot consent that this country should become a receptacle of people possessing the worst elements of civilized
society. Against this idea the Caucasian race of California are earnestly and determinedly remonstrating; not in the spirit of oppression,
but to preserve and maintain their homes, their business, and their high
social and moral position. They would be satisfied, so far as we were
enabled to learn, to permit the Chinese who are there to remain tempo-
rarily, provided they would accept our ideas of civilization and conform
to our laws and form of government, and that future emigration should
cease and determine, or be confined to the terms and conditions of the
bill of the last Congress, vetoed by the President. But something like
that project of law must be enacted or that State will be in a condition
of fearful discord and attended with very unhappy results. We cannot
recommend personal violence, but we do recommend, in the strongest
language, the interference of the general government, measures of protection for an outraged people settled upon the Pacific coast. We can
see ho reasonable objection to the passage of the bill of the Forty^fifth
Congress, reported by the Committee on Education and Labor^ limiting
the number of Chinese upon every vessel to fifteen persons entering the
ports of the United States. This would be very acceptable to the people who reside there, and might be the cause of general pacification.
We therefore recommend the introduction and passage of a bill containing the features that does.
But the success of such a measure would be comparatively temporary
only. We must go farther. We must lay the ax at the root of the
tree. There can be no peace in California and but half the prosperity
that should attend it, unless the Golden Gate be closedupon the inroads
of a class of emigrants who have not one idea in common with our government, our laws, our morals, and our religious institutions.
Becommending, therefore, the bill to which we have made reference,
we present to Congress the accompanying resolution, which provides
that the President of the United States shall give notice to the Chinese
Government that it is our wish that the treaty between the two governments should be abrogated so far as it concerns the question of immigration. Should the Chinese Government refuse to accept this offer we
must then rely upon those rules that apply to treaties between nations.
Grotius, the great founder of international law, lays down the following rule:
The natural law, by which every nation is bound to maintain its own existence, is
not abdicated by treaty.
Vattel, Law of Nations, page 259, says:
Though a simple injury or disadvantage in a treaty is not sufficient to render it
invalid, the case is not the same with those inconvenie nces that lead to the ruin of the
The same doctrine is laid down by the Supreme Court of the United
States.   (See II Wallace, page 616.)
Mr. Justice Curtis, in his opinion in Fay et als. against Morton, II
Curtis, page 459, says that—
Congress has the power to repeal all treaties inconsistent with a state of war.
It cannot be admitted that the only method of escape from a treaty is by the consent
of the other party to it, or a declaration of- war. To refuse to execute a treaty for
reasons which approve themselves to the conscientious judgment of a nation is a
matter of the utmost gravity, but the power to do so is a prerogative of which no nation
can be deprived without deeply affecting its' independence. That the people of the
United States have deprived their government of this power I do not believe. 30
Your committee therefore conclude that if there be no disposition on
the part of the Chinese Government to rescind the emigration clauses
made with this government, and which are daily violated on its part,
then we are left to dispose of the subject under that rule of law which
is observed by nations, and especially includes the great and important
principle of civilization, as well as the welfare of our people and the
perpetuity of our State and national institutions.
Those immigrants who do not come here for the purpose of M curiosity,
trade, or permanent residence" are trespassers, and they are not within
the terms and stipulations of the treaty now existing between the two
countries, and were they to be expelled by force there would not be just
ground for complaint. But this, as we have already suggested, is not
in our judgment the mode and method of ridding the country of a great
and growing evil. Let the terms of the treaty permitting immigration
be abrogated and annulled. The sooner it is done the better will it be
for the common welfare and happiness of our people.
Besolved by the Senate and Howe of Representatives of the United States
in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States is hereby
requested to give notice to the Chinese Government that it is the desire
of the Government of the United States that the clauses in the treaties
between the two governments which allow and permit emigration of the
subjects and citizens of the two countries be abrogated and annulled. VIEWS  OF  THE   MINORITY.
As a member of the select committee appointed pursuant to a resolu
on adopted in the Forty-fifth Congress, and which is in the words fol-
•wiug, to wit:
Whereas labor and the productive interests of the country are greatly elepressed
id suffering severely from causes not yet fully understood; and
Whereas our real and permanent prosperity is founded and dependent upon labor as
r I
That a
it shal
, es
sit e
•ecess, t
es for r(
I a
r measures for their relief, that
i that
abor and all our varied interests
by libei
'al, just, and equal laws : There-
en men
Lbers of this House be appointed
rtain tl
le causes of general business de-
pose me
'■asures for relief, and that to en-
liereby conferred, it has leave to
assistance as may be needed, to
,ion the
result of its investigations and
bill or
ty rep
ort assigning some of the
it the following m:
reasons for withholding my assent to the conclusions and the resolution
offered by the majority of your committee.
The objects sought by the resolution under which your committee was
appointed were doubtless to procure reliable and trustworthy evidence,
tending at least, to discover the causes of general "business depression,"
and especially of "labor," and when ascertained to recommend to the
House the adoption of such measures as will not only produce present
relief but as shall prevent the recurrence of like depression in the
This being the scope of the inquiry and the nature of the duty that
devolved upon your committee, it became important that in any report.
that might be made assigning either the causes of the evil complained
of, or a remedy for the same, that it should be based on evidence of such
unquestioned character that if it failed to shed light on the subject of
inquiry, it would be certain that none should be misled by it. As a
member of your committee I should feel that I had been guilty of great
dereliction of duty to this House, to the country, and to myself if I
should join in the conclusion of the majority of your committee, deduced, as is claimed, from what is called testimony, so frequently cited
and so copiously quoted by the majority in their report. And especially
so when my mind reverts to the demeanor of the witnesses and the
manner in which their statements were made. It is due to myself to
say that I sought, at the commencement of the investigation, to have
the witnesses who appeared before your committee placed under the
obligations of an oath as to the truth of the statements they should
make, and to establish, for the government of both committee and witnesses, some rule or rules by which we should be enabled to confine the
evidence to the subject of the inquiry devolving upon us.   A majority mmm
of your committee deemed it unnecessary, if not improper, to do so, and
accordingly rejected the propositions. The effect of such action was to
open a wide door to all classes, and many seemed to have conceived the
idea that your committee was the receptacle provided by Congress for
every chimerical project that the most visionary mind had conceived as
a means of relief, as well as the channel through which the wildest communistic theories and vagaries of agrarianism might reach the. halls of
The very fact that none were to be excluded, and that the power invested in the committee of requiring witnesses to appear and testify by
process of subpoena would not beexercised,lia>& the effect on the one hand
of inducing the visionary and impracticable, always more ready, because more vain and self-confident, as well as those who were actuated
by prejudice and hate to obtrude themselves on your committee. While
on the other hand, the candid, sensible, and reflecting man, whose observations and experience could alone be useful and instructive, eschewed
the privilege of giving your committee the benefit of his wisdom to an
extent only equaled by the avidity with which the other class availed
themselves of the privilege. Beholding upon every hand the unmistakable evidence that whatever of depression in business or labor had
existed was then rapidly disappearing, they seemed as with one accord
to conclude that your committee was on a " fool's errand," hence to fools
and demagouges alone should be given the opportunity to exhibit their
folly. Justice, however, demands that it should be here stated, that to
this rule there were a few honorable exceptions of sensible and candid
men, who. at the earnest solicitations of members of your committee appeared and expressed their views on such subjects as their attention was
invited to, generally on subjects that are not referred to in the report of
the majority. I have deemed it not only proper, but a duty to thus
state the manner in which what is called testimony was collected, and
the estimate I think should be placed upon it. Not that I would intimate
that my colleagues, on the committee are actuated by any other than
proper motives, but that I find myself differing so widely from the
majority upon the question of the credibility of the testimony, and
the weight and influence that I think it should have, that duty
left no other course open to me than to state my views in a minority
report. The majority of your committee have deemed it proper to
confine themselves in their report to Chinese immigration, while
I believe that this subject only incidentally, if at all, comes within
the purview of the resolution that authorized your committee to investigate any subject. Not content, however, to present their views on the
subject of/'business" and "labor" depression, the majority of your committee have wandered into the fields of morals and religion, and present
to this House a lengthy homily on those subjects, warning this great
nation of civilized and Christian Americans that unless there is an embargo placed on Chinese locomotion on American soil, the institutions
of our fathers shall be subverted, our civilization shall take wings, and
our arts and sciences shall give place to the semi-barbarous habits and
customs of the Mongolian. That all our churches and sanctuaries of
religion shall be supplanted by temples dedicated to Pagan idolatry,
and all our emblems of religion shall be converted into joss-sticks. As
one of your committee, I must be allowed to protest that I discovered
nothing during the four memorable days of your committee's investigations to so ovenohelm me with grief and woe at my country's perilous
condition. Nor do I believe that because a few thousand Chinamen,
emulating that trait so characteristic of Americans, to seek gold and CHINESE  IMMIGRATION.
wealth wheresoever rich fields may open to beckon them on or curiosity
may lead, have immigrated hither, however annoying it may be to some,
it in the least endangers American institutions. It did not occur to
my mind when the chairman of this committee commanded me to
follow him, that I was about to be led across the continent for the purpose of evangelizing the "heathen Chinee," nor can I quite comprehend
how it came that the chairman of your committee, so heroic in good works,
so prompt iu the performance of Christian duties, so full of the milk- of
human kindness, so liberal in his statesmanship for the benefit of the
poor and oppressed, became suddenly so weary of well doing, as to hurry
to the conclusion that the Chinaman is so wedded to his idols that
no Christian forbearance and patience can cause one feeble ray of
the light of the Gospel of truth to penetrate his benighted soul, and
that he should be expelled and driven from this land of Christians as
one only fit to worship gods of wood and stone. I fancy that when
John reads that vivid description of his joss-house and the gods of his
worship, so glowingly delineated in the report of the majority of your
committee, if it does not provoke a smile it will at least excite his curiosity to know why he alone should receive the maledictions of your committee for deeds of evil less ostentatiously practiced than by others who
fell in the line of your committee's pilgrimage a thousand miles before
it reached him and his heathen gods. May he not with some propriety
ask, if your mission was to discover what depressing effects immorality
and lust had upon business and labor, why it was, in your journey over
mountain and plain, that your lips were sealed as you stood on the
shores of that beautiful inland sea, on the plains of Utah, in the presence
of temples and endowment houses erected at a cost of millions, wrung
from the hard.earnings of its people, in a ratio of 1 to 10 of the entire
substance of the deluded followers of Mormon priests. Dedicated not
to the true God, but standing there as monuments to a nation's shame;
consecrated as they are to the Mormon harem. I confess to being somewhat puzzled myself to know why there is what might seem to be an
invidious distinction. Can it be that Presidential nominations made on
the sand-lots, after Sabbath-day harangues, could have had any agency
in shaping the report of the majority 1 But no matter what may be the
true policy for the government to pursue in dealing with a question of
such magnitude, I feel that your committee are not justified, from any
information they acquired as a committee, in making any recommendation for the action of this House on the subject of Chinese emigration.
Your committee commenced the investigation of the subject on the
15th of August, and closed it on the 19th; thus were they engaged only
parts of four days. During that time they heard the statements of
twenty-seven persons. The persons making the statements volunteered
to do so, and, so far as my knowledge extends, did so without invitation
specially made to any one or by any one. Many of the statements
your committee heard were made by persons who complained of private
grievances, suffered by coming in competition with Chinamen, either in
trade and commerce, or as laborers seeking employment. All excepting
[ hree exhibited strong race prejudices, as will readily appear by a careful perusal of their statements, such prejudices being much more appa--
rent to the observer of their demeanor whilst in the act of delivering
them. Some of those who appeared before your committee made such
absurd and improbable statements, to characterize them in no more
reprehensible terms, as to place "them in the unenviable attitude of. persons wholly unworthy of belief. As an illustration, and in corroboration of the above declaration, take some of the statements of Dr. C. C.
O'Donnell, and I do this because he is largely quoted by the majority
of your committee to sustain them in the conclusions to which they have
On pages 274, 275, printed testimony, the doctor says, in answer to
several questions propounded to him, as follows:
Dr. O'Donnell. Yes; every week there are eight or ten deaths of Chinamen advertised in the newspapers, disease unknown. The Chinese do not dare to publish what
the disease is. They go to a physician sometimes, anel give him $2.50 to sign a certifi-
c te that such a Chinaman died, disease unknown. My opinion is that in such cases
the disease is leprosy, because I have seen* a great many cases of death from leprosy
anong them.
Mr. Cowgill. Is it a common thing for physicians here to give such certificates?
Dr. O'Donnell. Yes.; it is a common thing.
Mr. Cowgill. To give a false certificate for $2.50 ?
Dr. O'Donnell. Yes.
Mr. Cowgill. Will physicians give a certificate without knowing anything about
the case?
"    Dr. O'Donnell. Yes; Chinamen have often come to me, and said to me, "Doctor,
I would like you to sign this certificate," laying down $2.50.
Mr. Cowgill. Do you do it?
Dr. O'Donnell. No, sir; I do not do it.
Mr. Cogwill. But there are other physicians who do it ?
Dr. O'Donnell. Yes, sir.
Mr. Ce>WGiLL. Do all of them elo it ?
Dr. O'Donnell. I suppose so.
Mr. Cowgill. And that is the character of your physicians here ?
Dr. O'Donnell. Yes, sir.    These physicians will not go to Chinatown.
Mr, Cowgill. Do you state it as a fact to this committee that the principal physicians of this city, or nearly all of them, will give certificates of that kind for a fee of
Dr. O'Donnell. Yes, sir; I know that they do it.
The idea is so absurd and inconsistent with truth, that any respectable physician, and especially that all the physicians of a great city like
;San Francisco, containing as it does a population of several hundred
thousand, should be so venal and corrupt that, for the pitiful sum of
two dollars and fifty cents, they would give a false certificate under such
circumstances, stamp his entire statement as one utterly unworthy of
belief. The careful reader of what is called testimony taken by your
committee, will find it full of exaggerated and extravagant statements
sufficient, in my judgment, to throw discredit upon the whole.
Nor is it easy to understand why there should be so much complaint
of a ruinous and insufferable competition created by the cheap labor of
the Chinese. It seemed to be an admitted fact, stated by the most intelligent witnesses that appeared before your committee, that labor of
every kind in California is better paid than in any other land.
See the statement of T. B. Shannon, esq., collector of customs at the
iport of San Francisco.
Mr. Shannon says, on page 247 of printed testimony, in answer to the
following question:
Q. You say that labor is higher here to-day than it is at any other place in the
'civilized world ?—A. Yes; I think there is no question about that.
And I think his statement is corroborated by every other witness
who spoke of the prices paid for labor. (See statements of Mr. Pickering, editor of Evening Bulletin and Morning Call, pages, 260-261, and
the statement of Mr. A. Sullivan, on page 304, printed testimony.)
All concurring in the same statement of facts, and no one contradicting them.
Labor in California to-day is too dear to warrant the investment of
capital in manufacturing, whereby a large field might be opened up to
the idle and unemployed by giving them employment at fair and remu- CHINESE   IMMIGRATION. OO
nerative Wages. Although there is an abundance of capital there, so
high priced is labor that the eastern manufacturer can, at the prices paid
for labor in any State east of the Bocky Mountains, manufacture his
goods and his wares and his implements ot husbandry, ship them to the
Pacific coast at his own cost, and undersell at a fair profit the California
manufacturer. This is all owing to the difference in the prices paid for
labor in the two sections of the country. There is no perceptible difference in the cost of living. The necessaries and ordinary comforts of
life can be procured as cheap in California as in New England.
I submit, then, that these facts not only controvert, but utterly refute,
the idea that cheap labor of the Chinese depresses either "business" or
"labor" on the Pacific coast—the only subject of inquiry your committee
were authorized to make. As a member of your committee, I have
insisted, and still do, that it was not our province or duty to wander
into foreign fields; that the voluminous report presented by the majority
of your committee is almost wholly foreign to the inquiry ordered. But
if I am permitted to somewhat imitate the latitudinarian character of
this remarkable report of the majority in expressing my non-concurrence
therein, I'am prepared to admit that there is widespread dissatisfaction
and intense bitterness of feeling manifested by the white population, or
a large portion of it, in California to the Mongolian race. How well
grounded it is in justice and right is wholly another question, and
equally important to the fair-minded statesman to know before he should
recommend legislative action relative thereto. That the habits and
modes of life of the Chinaman, as he is situated in the city of San
Francisco, are such as to merit not only the complaint and disapproval,
but the severest condemnation, of all decent men, I can attest from personal observation; and equally censurable, in my judgment, are the
city authorities for tolerating it. In proof of the fact that the power
exists for the protection of the public health and the prevention of disease and the spread thereof, because of improper habits and modes of
living, I cite a paragraph from the opinion of the city and county attorney of San Francisco, given to the mayor and board of health of that
city as recently as the 18th of February last, Which reads as follows:
Hon. I. S. Kalloch
fficio P)
for the
In response to an i
that portion of this
habitants thereof, 11
the act of the legislai
" Consolidation act,"
county shall have po
city an
a've re
,ure of
it is r
wer "t
San Francisco, February 18, 1880.
■ident of the Board of Health
Ity and Gouivty of San Francisco, Cal. :
[ by you as to certain powers of the board of health over
nty commonly known as "Chinatown" and the in-
tully to state: By subdivision seconel of section 1 of
of California, approved April 25, 1863, supplementary to the
provided that the board of supervisors of this city and
authorize and direct the summary abatement of nuisances ; to make all regulations which may be necessary or expedient for the preservation of the public health and the prevention of contagious diseases; to provide, by
regulation, for the prevention and summary removal of all nuisances and obstructions,
in the streets, alleys, highways, and public grounds of said city and county," etc.
Thus it will be seen that since the year 1863 the authority has ex- *
isted to abate nuisances and protect the public health. It is a power
inherent equally in every government, either State or municipal, and
should never be sufferred to lie dormant, but should be exerted to protect the public morals by well-regulated laws and ordinances. The
State or city that neglects it must suffer the consequences. Notwithstanding these well-understood public rights, there existed in the heart
of that beautiful and populous city, when your committee visited the
same, a population numbering thousands, whose modes of life have been. CHINESE   IMMIGRATION.
suffered to be such that the accumulated filth and dirt and rottenness
and stench are a disgrace, not alone to the semi-barbarous Chinamen,
who never learned the arts of civilization, and have little of that culture
and refinement that the Caucasian boasts of, but to the civilized and
cultured Americans who control that great city. I have no apology for
Chinamen who brought about this condition of things; I have less for
Americans who suffered and permitted it»to become so. Nor should I
have alluded to it in this report had not the majority of your committee
traveled out of their way to strike the Chinamen a blow for a condition
of things that, in my judgment, those who are greatly his superiors
are more deserving of.
The majority of your committee has seen fit to refer to the almost
unanimous vote of the citizens of California at a State election against
Chinese immigration. While I am fully prepared to concede the fact
that there is great unanimity of feeling against Chinese immigration, it
is not so easy to say whether that opposition is based upon principles
of justice and right, or whether it may not be rooted in the prejudice
that is too often found to exist on the part of the fortunate and strong
against the unfortunate and the weak. With the lights before me, I very
much doubt if the prejudice of caste is not the prompting cause. In
dealing with a great problem like the one under discussion, we should
not fail to recognize the principle of a common brotherhood existing
among all the nations of men; nor that < ther immutable principle, that
entitles every man of whatsoever country, clime, or race to which he may
belong, to the fullest enjoyment of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, amenable alone to the laws of the country for any infraction of
other men's rights. As an evidence that mankind are apt to be governed more by their prejudices than their reason, an instance may be cited
of a great State of the American Union, not long since, to her shame
be it said, governed by that race prejudice that may have controlled
the vote in California against Chinese immigration, by a vote scarcely
less decided, incorporated into her constitution a provision that no one
of a whole race should come within her borders, making it a penal
offense that might be punished by a fine not exceeding $500 for any one
to give one of that despised race a cup of water or a crust of bread who
should cross the imaginary line that bounds that great Democratic State.
I am told that it is even hinted by grave statesmen that persons of
that race have no right to emigrate to that land of Democracy yet
without making themselves liable to have their intentions investigated.
So thoroughly imbedded in the prejudices of the citizens of that great
Democratic State was that shameless sentiment of hatred and wrong to
that meek and despised race, that by statutory enactment it was provided that any one who had been so unfortunate as to be born on her
soil was required to procure a certificate from the clerk of a court of
record, attested by the seal thereof, certifying to the fact of the place of
his birth, and he was compelled to carry the same in his pocket, whithersoever he might go, as his only security, not against insult—for the requirement itself surpassed in baseness all other insults—but against
arrest and prosecution and punishment for being found without it,
quietly attending to his own business in the land that gave him birth.
That race to-day are clothed in all the habiliments of citizenship, and are
found abundantly competent to perform all the functions of that sacred
trust. No evidence that your committee procured, no observation that it
made, has convinced me that with a proper spirit evinced, toward the
Chinamen that soon the same cannot be said of them. I grant that
if we are to take many of the.statements that were made before your CHINESE  IMMIGRATION.
committee the attainment of such an object would seem hopeless. But
herein lies the principal objection to the conclusion of the majority of
your committee, admitting their right to enter on the investigation of
that question at all. The unsworn, exaggerated statement of persons
whose every act evinced the fact that they were actuated almost wholly
by the strongest bias, in many cases amounting to hatred, is too unreliable to base such a conclusion upon. It was the province of your committee, nay, its duty, to collect facts procured from such sources as would
entitle them to the highest credit, guarded by all those tests and safeguards that the experience of ages has'established for the development
of truth and the detection of error. That was not done. The result is,
little else than the speculation of visionary men on
extravagant statements evoked by the prejudice
i other. For the truth of these assertions I invite
perusal of the evidence; not to some garbled por-
5 a whole.   It will be seen, too, by an examination,.
hand j
i have
the one hand and th<
of the ignorant on tl
the candid mind to a
tions trf it, but to it i
that nine-tenths of all the evidence taken by your committeethat is not
speculative and wholly theoretical in its character is hearsay. That a
committee of this House, engaged less than four days in the examination of such persons as would not only be likely to, but actual^ did, obtrude themselves upon it under the circumstances I have named, should
come to the conclusion that the evidence they procured will so enlighten
this American Congress that it should hasten the adoption of a resolution requesting the President to give notice that the treaty stipulations
between the United States and the Chinese Empire should at once be
abrogated as the only practicable means of settling the great problem
of Chinese immigration, is, to my mind, passing strange.
How a committee, commissioned and sent abroad expressly u to inquire into " and ascertain the causes of general u business depression,"
especially of " labor," and to devise and propose measures for relief,
and that only, should conclude that in presenting the report of the majority they are in the line of duty devolving upon them at all, is, I submit, to the mind of the ordinary Congressman, incomprehensible.
And yet the majority of your committee have entered upon a discussion of that vexed question, involving as it does the honor and integrity
of the government, and the rights and interests of the citizens of a foreign government, guaranteed to them under the sanction of a solemn
treaty between the two sovereignties, with a flippancy and self-confident
air in their ability to deal with the same that to statesmen, who have
wrestled with the same grave question for years without being able to
come to any satisfactory conclusion thereon, must be truly astonishing.
Such being the views that I entertain of the scope of the investigation
that your committee was authorized to make and of the character of the
evidence taken, that I wholly dissent from the conclusions reached by
the majority in their report. Without attempting to express any opinion or conclusion of my own on the subject of Chinese immigration, believing, as I do, that no duty of that kind is imposed upon me as a member of your committee, I withhold my concurrence in the report of the
majority, and think the same is ill-advised and improper.
Believing as I do that the rapidly returning prosperity of the country is
the result of the policy adopted by the government in keeping good faith
with her creditors, in bringing a depreciated currency to an equality in
value with gold, furnishing a circulating medium in sufficient volume to
supply all the wants of commerce and trade, without liability by reason of
redundancy to depreciation, thereby stimulating a spirit of speculation
and recklessness in business that sooner or later must inevitably result 38
in disaster and ruin, that wise statesmanship demands that the same
policy shall still be adhered to.
That if there is anything lacking to a full revival of business, and the
securing of employment for labor at remunerative prices in all the various avocations of life, it is a complete restoration of confidence in the
stability of the laws that have produced these good results. That confidence" is only attainable by a manifestation to adhere strictly to the
present policy. These being my views, I can conceive of no office for
your committee to perform wherein it can be useful.
I therefore recommend the adoption of the following resolution as a
substitute for the resolution of the majority:
Resolved, That the causes then existing that in the opinion of this House
warranted the appointment of what is known as the " Select Committee
to Inquire into the Causes of the Present Depression of Labor " no longer
exist; that the Hon. Hendrick B. Wright, chairman of said committee,
be required to render an account of the expenditures necessarily made
on accoun.t of the same, and that any unexpended balance of the appropriation made to aid in said committee's investigations now in his hands
be returned to the Treasury of the United States; and that the committee be discharged from any further consideration of the subject.
The undersigned, of the minority of the Select Committee to Inquire
into the Causes of the Present Depression of Business and Labor, beg
leave to submit the following views:
The report of the majority is confined to the influence of the Chinese
in California upon labor and laborers there.
This minority thinks that the evidence taken in California discloses
severe depression of labor and business there. But they cannot assent
to all the statements and conclusions of the majority report. They cannot agree with them in ascribing the depression which exists entirely to
the presence of the Chinese. In their opinion other causes have operated to bring about that state of things.
The evidence shows that after the discovery of gold in California all
kinds of business were unnaturally stimulated; immense public works
were under construction for several years, causing an unusual demand
for labor; prices of all kinds, including that of labor, were abnormally
high, and speculation and expectations of making or securing fortunes
without work became common among all classes of people. These
things had created a state of business and society ill prepared to withstand the changes caused by a cessation of their great improvements
and the diminished extent of their mining operations which afterward
took place. Business and labor have not yet adjusted themselves to the
changed condition of affairs, and until they have done so depression
must of necessity exist, and no legislation can prevent it.
The undersigned also think that, with business depressed and many
laborers out of employment, the presence of a large colony of Chinese
among them who labor for greatly reduced wages, and who have invaded the ranks of skilled and unskilled labor alike, and who also carry
on farming and many branches of manufactures and trade, has increased
and aggravated the trouble and led to tumult and. confusion among the
An American who believes that the glory of his country consists in
the comfort, intelligence, and prosperity of its artisans and workmen,
which can only exist when their toil is reasonably compensated, cannot CHINESE  IMMIGRATION.
but look with great concern upon the coming of large numbers of Chinese to our shores.
The existence of large bodies of Chinese laborers in any American
community tends to debase all labor. They come, and always remain,*
strangers. They have no conception of our state of society or our political institutions, and have never shown any ability or desire to understand them, or to conform to our customs or laws. They come here
under contracts to labor, which are really badges of servitude, as they
do not receive themselves the wages earned by them. They bring no
families with them, and they live upon a scale of economy which no
American laborer can endure. We do not believe that a struggle for
existence should be inaugurated in our country between the great body
of our people, who rely upon wages for their support, and the horde of
Chinese who will invade our shores if no obstacles shall be interposed
to their-coming.
The evil effects of Chinese immigration is now only local, confined
principally to California, and with these it is not claimed that Congress
should, or can, interfere. But it is the thought of this minority that
Congress should guard against the future and prevent an increase of
the evil from further large additions to their number by immigration.
In conclusion, this minority would say that they coincide with the
almost unanimous opinion of the citizens of California, as expressed at
the polls, that Chinese immigration shall be checked, and would recom-v
mend that Congress and the Executive should at once inaugurate measures to reduce to a minimum their further influx into this country.
U 5  


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