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Western Clarion Feb 1, 1921

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v *>
A Journal of
Official Organ of
Twice o Month
Hanna's Order
I-pv KKSUMABLY, thc recent order of Mr.
Y* llanna, president of the Canadian N'ation-
M- al Railways, forbidding employees of this
iystem from engaging in any political activities on
tain of being discharged, has been widely enough
liscusssd so that its merits and demerits are pretty
■*-,•-■:! known to the working class of Canada by this
nine. Hence there would be no excuse for this
irticlc on this subject except that the writer con-
tiders this order of Hanna's an epoch making order.
|t defines a new status for the working class indicant new relations growing out of that form of
[conomic enterprise known as national or-govern-
icnt ownership* It is true that the employees of
tin- C. X. K. system may entirely disregard the
)nifr. aud go on taking active part in politics as
mch as they have hitherto done.    They may treat
with both indifference and contempt, in whicii
tasc it loses its force. But that does not detract
Irom ;ts naive significance as affording a perspective
iv which one can get a line on the manner in which
nen «>i Hanna's walk in life view the political institutions and arrangements.    It is ali the more Un-
>rtant since it comes from a government offical, a
man of authority, one who is intimately acquainted
nth all the perplexities involved in managing a
tapitaitst state industry. The order, as such, is
herefore, a criticism of present governmental ma-
Shincry and a suggestion as to the remedy of its delects. The remedy is, of course, not suggested so
nuch as it is implied from the premise of the order.
But il in these very implications that give the order
p significance- for they point to an economic
Jrder which some capitalists  would like to sec cs-
Iablished, and towards Which we are probably drift-
Besides this, thc order raises other jM>ints which
host be tantalizing to   those narrow-visioned rc-
Iprmers who shut their eyes to facts and bend all
ber energy to reviving an economic system that
jas almost become a fossil. It lays bare the sophis-
|r> ol such sycophants as Macketirie King and ex
M the hypocrisy of thc whole host of political
f01 "■'** whose greatest wisdom is to mouth the
Jhrascs of 18th century political writers. It shows
|P 'He hollowness of all those schemes of reform
Inch centre ground the point of preserving capit-
Hism just as it is. without any subtractions or addi-
ions of a fundamental character. It expresses tbe
jobei thought of a manager of agrcat capitalist
pdustry, who sees some stumbling blocks which
[•"event the newer form of capitalism from operat-
fg sraoothfy.
V\ hat are some of thc stumbling blocks express-
!**■ and what implications involved in the   order?
n '••■' first place it restricts the political privileges,
Wails *he enjoyment of constitutional liberty, (as
Nrgeoia writers would put it), of the employees
,lu' C X. H. system.   The order slates the matter
l^nly and plainly.    No employee  is permitted to
'' '<'■•'» active part in politics, or to accept a seat in
^anient  -The order does not absolutely   dis-
nlra'uliise the employees of the system, though it
roes dangerously near to doing it.   In this regard
ls' t'*erefore- a fact of a pretty general movement
-"'strict the political privileges'of thc workers.
c R*mc movement is active in the States, as is
*en by the troubles in thc New York State Legis-
■     *•   It thus becomes apparent tint capitalism is
* phase of its development wherein the political
l)t!   ^tS °* t,1C Wor'<mg c*ass *TC glaringly incom-
**- with its ordinary function within the sys-
At the same time it would also appear that
the possession of political privileges by the working class hinders thc capitalistic management of industry, more particularly of government owned in-
It will be remembered that the franchise was
given to the working class only after a great struggle on the part of the latter, and then really not until.it was quite conclusively shown that the working men were willing to accept the political ideals
of the bourgeoisie as their OAvn and so were not
planning any revolutionary innovations in the bourgeois state. During the time t*hat the ideas of the
working class were fettered by bourgeois ideals,
^thc vote in its hands was really an asset to the political power of the various factions w'thin the capitalist class. The franchise was freely extended,
as each faction hoped to gain more in 'strength
than its opponents by such extension. Indeed, the
franchise began tbe sport of self-seeking politicians.
In the beat of a campaign it became the object of
barter, and many a person has received his franchise in exchange for a definite promise that he
would vote for a given candidate. I^ut this state
of affairs has taken a turn over, more or less complete, due to no other reason than that the working
class has shown a less decided inclination to follow
the political leadership of capitalist politicians.
Hanna's order, therefore, expresses a need, a Avant,
a danger ahead.
Hanna doesn't want any of the employees of the
C. X. H. system to sit in parliament. He doesn't
want tlie national railway spstem to be mixed up
in politics. Neither docs he want the employees to
air their grievances from thc floor of the House,
nor the conduct of the system to be discussed before this assembly of august personages. On the
other hand when Hanna Avants the rates of the system he manages raised, he doesn't appeal to parliament to grant the raise, but he lavs bis case before
the Railway*Board, evidently because this body is
much more capable of examining all the facts relative to such a demand, and of passing a competent
judgment on all the arguments put up both for it
•and against it. than parliament is. It is a more
efficient body.
Looked at from this standpoint. Hanna's order is
a veiled thrust at the efficacy of parliament. In
this respect the order confirms the statement so
often made by Socialists, that capitalist parliaments
are nothing but gas houses. They are the rendezvous where loquacious politicians meet to display
their oratorical powers, or. if the politician is not
gifted with a pleasing power of speech, then parliament is the market on which he peddles his chances of getting in with the powerful and the mighty,
so that be might advance bis own interests in respect to winning a prize in tbe game of life. Parliaments are essentially tbe arenas in which ambitious
individuals play for the stakes attached to success
in politics. The real Avork of government is but
slightly connected with parliament, and the discussion relative to the enactment of the laAvs is but
formally staged before thc legislative body. Very
few take parliaments seriously except those avIio.
have careers at stake. The deliberations of this
body is looked at with more contempt than reverence bv those who are in the least acquainted with
parliamentary procedure. It is only the most ignorant who look upon the decisions of thc parliamentary body as being arrived at after calm and
conscientious thought. The debates are often mere
squabbles about petty party affairs, which have as
their issue the advantage one vote gathering ma-
chine has taken over another: Aa often as not the
members are persuaded to vote o-uc way or the other
by promising chances of some individual gain, than
by the persuasive eloquence of an oratorical star or
a sense of their duty towards their,,feIlowmen.
There was a time when parliamentsv^ed the forces
of human progress. That was when theorising commercial and industrial classes as-ailed the powers
and privileges of the feudal landlords. Hut parliaments are no longer the battle ground of the huge
conflict of classes. On the contrary they have demoralized into political clearing houses where political parties cancel obligations against each other,
trie balances being settled by aVrisk interchange of
calumniating denunciations which are couchced in
the  proverbial  elegant parliamentary language.
As such bodies, parliaments can not be used to
advantage even by the class of which they are, his-'
torically, the representative. They are not only inefficient as regards handling questions concerning
thc public Aveal, but they are an extremely expensive piece of machinery to keep up, considering the
Avork they perform. Indeed, they have become fetters on the development of industry. Capitalist
promoters of industry do not want their affairs
mixed up with politics, for the publicity secured
through this channel has a poisoned sting to it
which cripples, though it does not kill. The establishment, during recent years, of fcoards, committees ami commissions which discuss and decide upon
the real economic and industrial questions affecting industrial relations, is sufficient comment on
the social value of capitalist parliaments.
The C. X. R. employees have been denied a constitutional right which is theoretically guaranteed
by the political sanction of the powers that be, by
the moral sanction of the bourgeois class as expressive of their political ideals, and by the fundamental law of the. land. It would hardly seem possible that a right which is fenced around by such an
array of bona-fide guarantees would be revoked.
Still this has been practically accomplished by a
few pen strokes of a man, who has no legal powers
either to restrict, rescind or to interpret the laws,
a man who is. in fact, but the head of an industrial
concern, though this concern, it is true, is one of
the largest government owned corporations in the
world. In view of the drastic nature of this act,
one would naturally expect to see the whole bourgeois class, that extolled the virtues of constitutional government so insistently last year during the
trial of thc Winnipeg strikers, rise up as a man to
indignantly protest against such a flagrant violation of their constitutionally guaranteed rights. But
very few protests have been heard. The press, generally, condones the action on the ground that thc
national railways should not be mixed up in politics. To be consistent, the press should add that
neither should the slaves be mixed up in politics,
for a slave avIio has the privilege of haranguing to
the public on public matters is not as easily managed as the one who has a locker on his mouth. But
thc silence of the bourgeois in face^ of this travesty
on their constitution is a scathing comment on their
inherent hypocrisy. At the same time the worth
of their constitutional guarantees is laid bare. For
it is very evident that though the political status of
the worker cannot be attacked on legal grounds, yet
the same end can easily be accomplished by a slight
manipulation at the source of his bread and butter.
In the final analysis, Hanna's order has its roots
deep down in the class-struggle.    It is the attempt
(Continued on page 6.) PAGE TWO
Materialist Conception of History
LESSON No. 8.       _  '
THE first who came nearest to writing history
from thc materialistic standpoint was Buckle,
in his "History of  Civilization   in England."
Buckle says: "We shall *-V.js be led to one  vast
question, which indeed l*es at the root of the whole
subject, and is simply this- Are the social actions of
men. and therefor of softies, governed by fixed
laws, or are they the result of either chance or supernatural interference \" "Fortunately," he says, "thc
believer in a possiWc science of historv is not called
upon to hold,  either the   doctrine of   predestined
events or that of the freedom of thc will, and  thc
only positions,I will eKpcct him to concede arc the
following.    That when wc perform an action, we
perform it in consequence of some motive or motives, thart those   motives are the results of  some
antecedents, and that therefore, if we were acquainted with all the laws of their movements, we could
with unerring certainty predict the whole of their
immediate results.    This, unless I am mistaken, is
tbe view which must be held by every man whose
mind is unbiassed*by system, and who forms  his
opinions according-to  thc evidence exactly before
him.   If. for example, 1 am  intimately*acquainted
with the character of a person, I can frequently tell
how he will  act jncier given circumstances. Should
I fail in my prediction, I must ascribe my error, not
to the arbitrary ?nd capricious freedom of his will,
nor to any supernatural pre-arrangement, for of neither of these things have we the slightest proof,
but must be conteent to suppose, either that I had
been misinformed as to some of the circumstances
in which he was placed, or else that I had not sufficiently studied    the   ordinary   operation   of   his
mind.     If, however, I was capalbe of correct reasoning, and if at the same time I had   complete
knowledge of his disposition and of all the events
of which he was surrounded, I  should be able to
foresee the line of conduct which in consequence of
those events he would adopt."
Most people unconsciously admit this to be correct when criticising the conduct of other people by
saying: '"You would have done likewise under the
same circumstances," or "put yourself in his place
and what would you have done?"
When Buckle enters into the problems of ascertaining thc methods of discovering the laws upon
which human action is based, he concludes that their
existence is proven by thc tegularity of recuirencc.
and then turns to statistics to prove their regularity.
He then proceeds to say what those laws are.
"If we enquire what those physical agents arc by
which the human race is most powerfully influenced, we shall find that they may be classed under four
heads, namely, climate, food, soil and the general
aspects of nature, by which last, I mean, those presented chiefly to the sight, have, through the medium of that or other senses, directed the association
of ideas, and hence in different countries have given
rise to different habits of national thought."
Buckle is the first historian to show that ideas arc
not the original motive power in history, but that
thought and ideas are themselves an effect, and not
a primary cause.   According to Buckle, they arc
the product of natural surroundings. Buckle writes
history on the theory that the human mind is not
the free agency it was thought to "be, but that it is
directed   by external forces.      So far the modern
sociologists agree with him, but as to what these
forces are they do not agree with him.   For, while
it is quite possible to explain upon this theory thc
differences between the characteristics, customs, and
institutions of different countries, thc theory is and
must be insufficient to explain the changes in one
and the same country where natural surroundings
always remain the same.   The Marxian theory is,
that the mode and manner of obtaining food, clothing and shelter or, in other words, the mode of production, distribution and exchange, is the directive
force in the history of man and the most powerful
infulence in creating and shaping our social institutions.
Great as was the influence of nature on primitive
man, yet in the course of cjvilization> social influence
gradually grew to greater weight ami importance,
and man is much more actuated by motives of society than of nature. At the same time, subsistence
always remains a matter of prime necessity. While
Buckle failed to see tbe economic factor, wc will
benefit by following his theory a little longer, as bc
explains quite a lot which may bc overlooked. I
pointed out that Buckle tried to discover thc U|B
of human action by their law of regularity and he
goes t.n to illustrate the uniformity ot the number
of various crimes from year to year, and tbe amount
of letters left in the post offices of London and Paris
through tbe forgetfulness of addressing them. Another point which interests us is the number of marriages which he says is regulated by tbe price of
food and wages. He fails to discovir thc cause of
tbe uniformity of all the crimes and unaddressed
letters but says, in regard to marriages: "In England the experiences of a century have shown, tbat
marriages instead of having any connection with
personal feelings, rriat this immense social and religious institution is not only swayed, but is completely controlled, by the rate of wages and the
price of food." "The relation that subsists between
tbe price of food and tbe number ot marriages is
not confined to England. The returns of France
bear out tbe same view."
Buckle also points out tbat tbe marriage registrar
returns is a sure barometer, indicating very precisely the years of prosperity and depression of a country's trade and commerce. I think we will agree,
Buckle came pretty near discovering the economic
factor   especially dealing with  marriages.
When we come to Buckle's analysis of the influence of nature's physical laws, he points the effects
that climate, food and soil had on primitive man.
and bow the various civilizations have arisen in thc
different parts of thc world. He says: "Of all the
results which are produced among people by their
climate, soi! and food, the accumulation of wealth,
in many respects is most important. For although
thc progress of knowledge accelerates the increase
of wealth, it is nevertheless certain, that in the first
formation of society, thc wealth must accumulate
before the knowledge begins." "As long as every
man is engaged in collecting his own means of subsistence there will be neither leisure or taste to follow higher pursuits. In a state of society like this,
there is no wealth, and without wealth, no leisure,
without leisure there can bc no knowledge. Thus it
is that ol all the social improvements, the accumulation of wealth must be the first, beemi* • ••- t it
there can be no leisure for thc acquisition of knowledge and this depends on thc fertility of the soil
and natural environment."
We Socialists agree with thc statement, but as
Gabriel Deville has said: "Man, like all living beings, is thc product of bis environment, but while
animals arc affected only by thc natural environment, man's brain, itself a product of thc natural
environment, becomes a cause, a creation, and
makes for man an economic environment, so that
man is acted on by two environments, the natural
environment whicii has made man, and the economic
environment, which man has made. Now in the
early stages of human development, it is the natural
environment, the fertility of the soil, thc abundance
of fish and game which is all important, but, with
thc progress of civiliation, the natural environment
loses in relative importance and* tbe economic environment, machinery, factories and improved appliances, grows m importance until in our day thc
economic environment is well nigb all important.
Hence the inadequacy of thc Henry George theory,
whicii places all its stress on one clement of Ihe
natural environment, land, and wholly neglects thc
dominant economic environment. But while this
economic environment, thc dominant factor in human life, is the child of the brain of man, man in
its creation has been forced to work within strict
limitations. He had to make It out of the materials
furnished him by the natural environment, and
later by the natural environment and the inherited
economic environment, so that in the last analysis
the material and economic factor are supreme."
Deville goes on to say tbat we do not nef*!Cct
intellectual factors as wc arc accuse.', hut re/
waste our revolutionary energy on them whe^
sec thc   decisive,   dominant  factor   \h0  *****
factor. - ' Clonon*
I.oria. thc  Italian Socialist, says     ' ^rashiu!
sociologists endeavor to explain   society f ran fr
standpoint  of thc  physical  environ   rnt     v
jK*culiaritics may jK*rbaps be ace,■--.,.,! f,,r on ,^
grounds., and there can Im* no doubt that onl) sod.
development is strictly determined b) geogripliJ
factors .or that the  variations   of   different a*
munitics are largely the result of d IU *.• -nces in en- \
vironmcntal conditions, but modern society it b
removed in time, and acquired attainments frog
purely  physical  nature, and  it  is impossible inT
longer to refer historical phenomena directly tons
graphical antecedents."
Buckle claims that regular employment tod*
ergy depends on thc influence of climate He
draws attention t6 people living in a very northers
climate, not so energetic or regular in habit] <*
people of a temperate region. The ven cold nana,
ami at some seasons the deficient y of dayBght,res
dcr it imposible for thc people to continue their work
out of doors; the people were more prone to desultory habits, with a national chara ter more capricious, than that possessed by a pei living'a 1
temperate zone, whose climate pern its the regtbf
exercise of their ordinary industry lie says:"It
would Ik- difficult to conceive a greater difference
in government. laws and religion thai that of NV
way and Sweden on the one hand, : S lit nl
Portugal on the other .but these four tintries _M
one thing in common. In all of them coutbid
agriculture is interrupted by the dryn '■■' <■
by the htat. while thc same effect | re ails "'
severity of the cold and shortness ol dayj « Ik
north. The consequence is, that these km »
tions, while different in many respects, ireaHi*
markable for a certain instability and fickleness si
character,-presenting a striking contrast to themsK
regular and stable habits which ar* establishes'■
countries whose climate subjects th** working 00
es to fewer interruptions and forces on thetn -t™**
constant and unremitting employment These **
thc great physical causes by which ,; prodnoill
of wealth is governed. For there i<< no instance ia
history of any country being civilized by its °n
efforts unless it possessed one of these coooin
in a very favorable form. In Asia. civilttattonW
always been confined to that vast tra I of mil *W
its richness has secured to nun thst wealth ovO
which no intellectual knowledge or progress **
Buckle shows the vast belt of land < v.ends «■
eastern China to thc western coast ol   *t0    ,r^
and  Palestine.   To thc   north of this was ■*"■
land, whose people never made anv   pi   :,s,v
who, as long as they remained on this laud 00
merged out   of their uncivilized state    ''Ho*
tirelv." he savs, "docs this depend on the p»yj*
nature of their country from the fact   »'1S     .
Mongolians and the Tartarian hordes founded
great monarchies of China,   India and I ■rsl', (
have on all occasions attained civilization >
inferior to those possessed by the most fit)
n now*
of ancient kingdoms. Thc fertile plain;
re i
t was, these
supplied the material wealth and, the
barbarous tribes acquired for the first ""1
degree of refinement and produced I Pat'oD*,   **
aturc.   The Arabs in their own country, o™ »
its physical Conditions, were a rude urtculturea ^
pic, for, as in all others, great ignorance is a
of great poverty.   But in thc 7th century they^ ^
qucrcd Persia, and thc best part of Spa-"' **    ^*
9th century conquered the Punjaub, and ev
nearly all India.   They were, in their own con
roving   savages,   were   aow   able   to  •' .
wealth* became founders of mighty emi'1""
ing schools and cities and collected li',ranC9'   ,j.j/
of their power is still seen in Baghdad in<      ^
North Africa, stretching from the R<-<- 5ea BHMSS-I-M-H---!
Minnie in the same latitude was barren unless for
the puce irrigated by the Nile. This part was able
t0 accumulate wealth and there arose the Egyptian
civilization. Buckle says: "The fertility of the soil
exercised most influence in Ancient Societies, but
European civilization was influenced more by clim-
atjc conditions." Buckle points out the progress
macje by the invasion of Mongolian and Tartarian
barbarians, nd in this connection 1 want to draw
att( ntion to what Kngel's says in his "Origin of the
Family," 188-89--90: "What was the mysterious
cj,arm by which the Germans infused a new life
|nt0 decrepit Europe? Was it an innate magic
power of the.German race as our jingo historians
would have it? By no means. Of course, the Germans were a highly gifted Aryan branch and espec-
laJK .it that time, in full process of vigorous development. They did not however, rejuvenate Europe
by these specific national properties, but. simply by
their barbarism, their gentile institution. This personal efficiency and bravery, their love of liberty,
and their democratic instinct, which regarded all
,,.; : affairs as its own affairs, in short all those
properties which thc Romans had lost, and which
[were alone capable of forming new states and rais-
ling new nationalities out of the muck of the Roman
iworld what were they but characteristic marks of
[the barbarians in the upper .stages,, fruits of gen-
:.;. constitution? If they transformed the antique
Bonn of monogamy, mitigated the male rule in the
tfamil) And gave a higher position to women than
[the classic world had ever known, what enabled
[them to do so, unlets it was their barbarism? If
jthey could safely transmit a trace of thc genuine
■gentile order, the mark communes, to tlie feudal
[state of at least three of thc most important countries—Germany, North of France and England, and
[thus give a local coherence and the means of resist-
[an ■ ' thc oppressed class, thc peasants, even under
[the hardest medieval serfdom, means which neither
I the slaves of antiquity nor thc modern proletariat
round ready at hand, to whom did thev owe this
mnless it wa> again their barbarism, their exclusively barbarian mode of settling in gentes! And in
[conclusion, if they could develop and universally in-
produce the mild form of servitude which they had
linen practicing at home, and which more and more
dis] laced slavery, also in the Roman Empire—to
jwhom was it due. unless it was again their barbarism, ti auks to which they had not yet arrived at
(complete slavery, neither in the form of ancient
(slaves nor in that of the Oriental house slaves?
ihi*. milder form of servitude, as Fourier first stat-
ied, gave to the oppressed the means of their gradual
[emancipation as a class, and is therefore far superior tn slavery." "Antiquity did not know any
[abolition of slavery by rebellion, but the serfs of the
i middle ages gradually enforced their liberation as a
icuss ivory vital and productive £crm with which
[the Germans inoculated thc Roman world, was due
ho barbarism. Indeed only barbarian! are capable
"i rejuvenating a world laboring under thc death
[throes of unnerved civilization. And thc higher
ptage ol barbarism, to which and in which the Ger-
pans worked their way up previous to the migra-
iUons- was best calculated to prepare them for the
[work,   That explains everything."
ll »ccms to mc the Russian Revolution is an an-
P,0I7 with the above deduction, and the backward
ussians with their communistic instincts so strong
,"1'1 lll"r communistic habits, may have given that
°cal coherence and resistance to thc oppressed class
w wch, Engles says, "neither thc slaves of antiquity
,lur,h' modern proletariat found ready at hand." I
ve we could transpose Angela and say in rc-
1:1,(1 to the Russians:   "Their personal efficiency
and bravery, their love for liberty and their demo-
1 a •«- instinct due to their backwardness (barbar-
1  ,lu,ir  commune  customs,   give   them their
08 uf rps»stancc, and again to what was it due
s •< was their backwardness, thanks to whicii
*> had not arrived at complete wage slavery."
'*'ls a subject for some one to elaborate on and
N*'0,m ,hat W-H raise discussion in any class.
CXt Le&80n: "Natural Environment" (Continued)
CAPITALISM is a system of commodity production for profit. It is a system which ex-
nibits features that are distinctly different,
and develops contradictions that are startling when
compared with all previous systems that sprung
up and disappeared from human society.
For instance, all that science has been able to do
in the development and improvement of this wonderfully intricate machinery of wealth production;
all that economy can devise for the elimination of
wasted labor: all tbat education can do to make
the workers more adaptable and familiar with all
its parts has been done. With thc result that commodities are piled up much more rapidly than they
can be consumed, demand never keeping pace with
the supply, a surplus accumulates awaiting buyers,
and the producers (commodities also) are a surplus in tbe markets, likewise awaiting buyers.
Yet in spite of tbe immense development and improvement in the productivity of this machine, despite the many labor-saving devices applied to it,
the cheese-paring policy of economy in the amount
of labor needed for its operation, there is thc most
stupendous waste, from a worker's point of view, in
labor put to the most useless forms of production;
an abyssma! ignorance displayed in the repair of a
broken exchange system.
Take,    for example,   the  millions   of   workers
throughout the world engaged in the production of
nostrums, •'cure-alls" for human ills, the thousands
of workers burning daylight-writing ads., inducing
people to buy them.
In the production of a well-known brand of pills
three cents pays for the labor and material needed
in a box, but twenty-five cents is paid for the selling. From a workers' point of view this is useless,
in view of the fact that human ills increase more
rapidly than "curicants."
A low standard of living; the production of foodstuffs from decomposing matter; the crowding of
the slums and tenements, which slaves are pleased
to call homes, the sight of great poverty in one class
and greater wealth in another will produce more
diseases and anti-social vices than there are doctors
and police enough to deal with them, fill more
hospitals and prisons than there is room for.
Churches are built and a number of mannikins
arc selected for the production of states of hypnosis
in thc people, helped by thc spinal thrilling tones of
organ ; the soft lights and shades of the building, the minds of the people are controlled by these
But the thoughts, ideas, opinions, and morals of
men and women are the product of their environment. The nature of a man's work will determine
thc nature of his thoughts. And in spite of the
multiplicity of churches and schisms, crime an J
moral depravity grow much faster, become so
strong and healthy that a type is bred, immune to
The war proved that a fourth of the world's workers could keep immense armies and navies supplied
with food, clothing and munitions, keep a fourth
engaged on the production of non-essentials, together with a swarm of useless parasites in luxury
and   all  that  makes life, for such a breed, worth
But these contradictions in the efficiency and the
inefficiency of capitalism are not the only ones.
In 1914, trade between all countries ran along
smooth lines, no worries in thc world of finance in-
terrrupted the even flow of export and import trade.
A dollar's worth of commodities in those days purchased a dollar's worth from elsewhere in return.
Today, conditions have changed; the "pound sterling." "the franc," and the "mark" have depreciated
in value.    The manufacturers in these countries are
in a dilemma.
The British merchants can not trade with the
merchants of the United States with the "pound
sterling" quoted (at the time this is written) at
$3,50, when formerly, during 1°14, it was worth in
New York $4.87. Thc British merchants must send
more commodities to make up this difference in
exchange rates than the merchant class of the States
would have to send in return. Aside from thc United States and Great   Britain, all other countries
are in a similar position. Hence the export trade of
all countries has almost stopped. Ships and freight
trains are taken off their runs, tied up in ports and
running sheds, their crews now members of the unemployed. The depreciation in the vaiue of currency
throws the fitiustrial machine out of gear and almost stops the ■ m^K
Capitalism has ranged its experts in every
trade and science, s/v dtrobtS trained in the university and tried out in : s Jfeld ot experience. And
these specialists, men ofjni-_nce, political economists, are called to. a conference with the representatives of capitalism.a nd there asked for a solution of
the problem. As wt-d might capitalism call in some
imbecile from the street and ask him to restore the
currency once more to its former position. All that
these wizards could advise was produce, produce,
and save and save. But, acting on this advice, we
have produced and saved, am."saved, for more than
a year. And the pile that has been nrtS\luced and
saved everywhere is higher than Monti Blanc, a
mountain of junk that nobody ean buy, So strong
has become the habit of thrift throughout the world.
But each part of this beautifully sleek machine
is of an extremely delicate nature and so dependent
one part upon another. Export trade affects home
trade, as the loss of a limb affects all other parts of
the body, and a period of unemployment faces the
workers of the world such as was never \cnown in
history. And capitalism, knowing this, knowing
also that it must continue to feed its slaves or perish, prepares for war, the only method by which
trade can be produced when all other methods fail.
,.Ominous reports circulate in the press, of war in
the East; the United States and Japan will fight
as the best means of deciding who shall exploit
China. A world war may be the outcome, and the
slave class can prepare itself for the shambles. Or
it can prepare to participate in a struggle for the
ownership of the means of life.     _ R.K.
(From "The Rank and File," Frisco,
It may be late in the year for school to open, but
"it is better late than never." At least that is the
idea which actuates the men and women who are
determined that the workers in the bay district
shall have a school of their own.
Such a school is no longer a possibility; it is a
reality. It opened its doors last night at 566 Fulton street, San Francisco, and a large and enthusiastic class was enrolled. Those who desire to attend the school and were not able to be present at
the preliminary meeting should bc present next
Tuesday night, when actual instruction will commence.
Class in Economics.
Tbe school is starting with one class, and the subject which will be taught is the most vital one for
Labor to study, namely economics. The obicct of
the class is to draw young men and women in the
labor movement together to study in order to gain
an understanding of society as it exists today. The
school is strictly Marxian, and will be conducted
on the same lines as Karl Mars conducted his
school in London. Tuition will be free. All contributions will be purely voluntary and a student
will give only if he can afford to.
One of the many novel features of the school will
be the   low   charge which will be made for text
books.    Xo book  will cost over twenty cents, and
only one book at a time will be studied.
McDonald to Teach.
Tlie school is fortunate in securing Jack McDonald for its teacher. McDonald was formerly active
in the labor movement in Canada, and has often contributed to the "Western Clarion," which is the
official organ of the Socialist Party of Canada. McDonald taugnt with marked success a class in Industrial History at the People's Institutute of this
city. PAGE tfOUft
Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy,
and Current Events.
Published twice a month by the Socialist Party of
Canada 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Phone Highland 25S3
■        .-_        - —
Editor     Ey*»it atacLeod
Subscription'    •
Canada, 20 issues  ./*■     .....  $1.00
Foreign, 16 issues  J*         $1.00
if i
f\r\*m If this  number  is  o|      -ur  adr.-ess  label  your
V <1 subscription   exjir**    with   next   issue.    Renew
****** promptly. }
 tt    ,
EPORTS from all .sections of the capitalized
world today demonstrate unsettled conditions in towps, provinces and individual countries.
Unemployment, as an item of news from all parts
is, if not actually a headliner, at least a persistent
worrying nevs item, ioo prevalent universally to
hide from the public eye, and too threatening a fact
of present everyday life to direct attention to.
From Great Britain we have reports of the seizure of public buildings by armies of self-disciplined
unemployed men. Here and there in the press reports we can discern a gleam of understanding as
to their position as wage-workers shewn by the unemployed workers themselves. Not so very many
years have passed, not more than ten, since the unemployed workers of the Clyde area—now heralded as the cradle of revolt in Britain—marched in
procession demanding the  ''right to  work.''
The change in the unemployed worker's attitude
un the matter of employment as an essential means
to his livelihood, his apparent determination to eat
and shelter himself "somehow," his indifference to
the ethics of authority (irrespective ol his respect
for its repressive Capacity), engender in the appointed rulers of society, in the governmental offices
municipal, provincial and federal something akin
to panic. It is true that the great mass of the people, employed and unemployed, do not understand
the causes underlying the circumstances that test
their forbearance and that provoke their miseries,
yet they show a tendency everywhere to align themselves together in the hour of need. It is true too
that temporarily alleviating circumstances in times
of industrial crisis, while tending to relieve distress
show also the shallow depth of thc general understanding, or even of the general desire to understand. At the same time, workers banded together,
wherever they may be and to whatever extent their
understanding may reach, if they are determined
that they shall have food and shelter whether they
work or not, constitute a menace to the State that
its officials cannot ignore. They do not ignore it
either, but they try, of course, to shift responsibility
from one department to another in the machinery of
government, civic, provincial and federal. Generally they agree upon a plan of divided responsibility in the matter of expenditures for relief and relief work
The capitalist era has so conclusively demonstrated time and again, the capacity of thc machinery of
wealth production in operation to produce more than
thc avenues and channels of the world's market can
consume in the same time, that the proposals put
forth to "cure" unemployment, which is thc essential outcome of the increased productivity of labor,
serve to demonstrate the mental bankruptcy of thc
politicians, press agents and industrial commissioners.
Stated briefly, the cure-all is more work, according to   the official pronouncements.      Productive
labor has given rise to present circumstancccs; more
• work can do no more than intensify the problem.
The problem must exist as long as the causes that
produce it  exist.   That should be obvious to the
man who is looking for the solution.   Many men
there are, of course, whose interests lie with those
who are the owners of the wealth of society today,
who understand the contradictions.   It is to their
interest to hide the facts and to offset as far as possible all efforts made towards the enlightenment of
the workers.   In' this respect the press hirelings
play the star part. The Socialist, wherever his
needs and interests may direct him, and whatever
form his activities may take, devotes himself to
demonstrating the facts of life to his fellows and to
furnishing the groundwork for an understanding of
events and the causes that give rise to them. In a
world of unrest, in thc final culmination of all its
problems, that leaven of understanding will make
easier the solution.
Dominion Executive Cornrnitte—To  S. P. of C.
This is a report of I). E. C. activities covering the
period for six months ending 31st December. 1920.
Having a membership of seven, thc committee held
eleven regular meetings and one special meeting,
with an average attendance of 5.9.
During this period the circulation of the "Western Clarion" reached 6,5<X> at it-- highest, gradually
falling to 4,500. This is caused through the closing down of camps in the mining and lumbering industries mainly, and through the nlling/'ff in bundle orders. Individual orders, and single subscriptions, have shown a tendency to increase.
During   this   period   there   have   been   published
5,000 S. P. of C "Manifesto.'- and 5-000 'Economic
Causes of War."
Affiliated locals  of the Tarty total fourteen.    H.
C. 4; Alberta, 6; Manitoba. 2; Ontario, 2. The total
parly member-hip i*- still unknown, owing to thc
fact that no local. with tbe exception of Local
I Victoria) No. 2 has complied with sec 5. art 2. of
the Party constitution. Thi- way mentioned in
our report for the period ending 30th June, 1930.
Wehave not yet had an) response.
An organizer has been maintained in the held
for three months between Vancouv- r and Edmonton during this period, and one Ior a period of one
month in  P>.   C.
In the P>. C. Elections, held on the l>t December,
we had six candidates in Vancouver, and one in
Prince Rupert. The highest vote polled in Vancouver by the highest candidate ot any party was
17.15**. votvs. The highest vote polled by onr can
didates was 3.134, and the lowest 1.44/*. Tbe result of the Prince Rupert poll was o"o for the
Socialist candidate, the highest vote polled being
1,501, for the government candidate.
In response to a call for a referendum of the
Party membership from Local (Winnipeg! No. 3.
on the matter of affiliation with the Third International, the committee enquired from various locals
as to wether or not they desired that a referendum
should be taken. As a result of thc information received, the committee decided to take a referendum
vote of the Party membership, and to first print thc
terms of affiliation as laid ('sown in the second congress of the Third International, and to call for
discussion, for and against, so that the Party membership may become acquainted with all details in
thc matter. Locals also, it is hoped, will arrange
for discussion among their members
The following cash statement has been examined  and    found  correct  by  Comrades  Rarp and
Kavanagh, appointed by Local No. 1 as auditors:—
Main    l"un«l     f  204,79
MO-ratim*          H]».;n
Manitoba    Pro*j_ffan'la           IU.70
C m. (y Brian Defwiea      us.-ir-
< Marlon   Ku'm*  »2J 21
Clarion    Mnint-n-anro'   Furvl  255HO
Clarion   Accounts  R04.3K
I Mick   .StAii-v*   ami   Mtippllea     11 J.25
Balance   from   J-inf        H77.45
Siipplli--*,   poxtuf-". exprean. mailing etc f 3«3.44
Literature     240.46
Printing.  Technical   Preaa,   Ltd .'   1713.2»
Waj-x-H        ...       Ri 4.00
Manitoba   Propa-ramla     '.....'      74.22
Bank  Account   re-charged          30.Rt
Organizing         468.80
I "i-l,  MacDonnld  and Oo         6.00
Soviet  Medical   Relief          17,60
OBrlen   I>ef <>•*<:«           69.KG
SoclillHt Informatlsn and   Iiej-oarch  Bureau      86.00
Whitehead  Kxtate        260,00
Balanoe at  Bunk  Slat December    ,   287.33
OMfc on hand 31st December       12,26
This report is issued under the authority of the
D. E. C, Vancouver, B. C, 24th January, 1921.
EWEN MacLeod, Secretary.
That ruminating creature well known to Soc* I
ists as the "Prairie  Land Slave," iv .Miii,-„   "'
*        K Quite
excited over the future prospects of hia kind  V
fast declining prices of cereals—owing to „««,_. *
duetion-is fairly getting his goat.   To add uL
to injury, the banks   refuse to extend any fur*h
credit, only to a favored few  who happen to b '
better circumstances.    Not only is this the case b
thc generous loans given to hard working, thrifty
and fruitful hayseeds, during the la-t few Years
ths so-called prosperity, are being collected with»r,
iron hand.
The financial barons whose vision of world char,-
may m»t he very penetrating, know ven wetttfai
there * something wrong, or going to happen, The
h suit of thii i-* inevitable, bankruptcy to manv
and general discontent ami the advocacy ol dm
stunt", and schemes among the rank and file ofthe
farming element.
Tin- VV. V A \Y. G. G. combine, are in the midst
of a new drive, to the tune of $/».!»> p.*r new number
which *>um will entitle him to political and wheat
pooling privileges, calculated to frc- him from a!!
thc i!U and'trouble* his bovine flesh is heir to in
the "future,*1   Nfo doubt thousands of land slaves
will part with their dollars. The Stress ol CCOOO-M
conditions at this time, makes them easy victims fo*
place hunter*, political heelers, and other riff-nil
misfits ot ihe bourgeoisie? political creeds.
That slovenly, creeping, compromising literature
known us "Farmers Journals," al! owr this C06_t-
■ nt. whose prating over free trade an I co-operttki,
l.'Ips to confttSC the already   ha/y outlook of Ik
I rawny son ol toil, then God-fearim  law ii   ■,
- miments, together with thc glorious 'dogtBlfli
t«il" has long kept him bound fas! with the 9-Kk*
lei oi slavery. Yes, slavery, for h.o in I - feauk
partner and their offspring. The more of them ib*
merrier for the loan and mortgage coi iniea, id
their ilk.
"The rural schools with their sis months ifl tk
year, miscducation of the rising generation ol l»d
slave*, with a young slip of girl teacher, who firsts
,?Ii   instills   plenty   of   patriotic   hum I ng   il '
plaatic young brains, along with ra agn doiesd
perverted history, are paving the waj foi Ik
tmued misery, and dense ignorance ol those wi
toil, that a favored scheming fc-v ;v loeinca*
and   luxury.
Isolated   from   all    social   intercom-'    nt! MRS
from the beautiful things that make We sorting, ws cannot expert him to be anything else tan
what  his environment has made him.   CM traditions and customs die hard, and lh< baysew I *■
ology belongs to the distant past Ii cannot ■*•*'
concibd wilh the ramifications ol modern cape*1
isin. which vs rapidly changing.
Thc farmers are moving, but they kuon BOttk
forces that make them move for iclf-preservstioa
They won't accept proletariat class knowledge nw
yet. they are bent on renovating the present Ijntw
which is physically impossible. A lew years*1"'
OUt war to stimulate markets will bring t!,cm
a knowledge oi their true position in society
Watt for Precedent in Cast of 0 Bneti
Rochester. N. Y.—It is unlikely, -ccorfinVh«Ha
trict     Attorney   William   F.     Love,  that  U»
M. O'Brien, arrested at the Labor Lyceum on
cember.8. 1919, on a charge  of criminal ana™
will go to trial until a New York case. ]mJ'
that of the Rochester man's is decided in UK o- ^
Mr.   Love  declared  yesterday  ^^"i'j
New York case had a direct bearing on U n
O'Brien was charged with distributing 1 *»■
entitled "l*amphlet No. 1. Manifesto and ins
Constitution—Report  of thc  Communist   m ^
tionalc, Communist Party of America. I hicagot ^
ntcntion of the defendant trw*^
but it is thc content
though he may have sold the books, ne ' "j^
necessarily have to believe in the contents ^
pamphlet'itself. If 'he New York case >; " ),.
in favor of the defendant, it is likely that tiic ^
ester authorities will ask for a dismissal o fl0
dictment  against O'Brien, as there WOttW
use in trying the case in the lower c?u   ^erged
have a conviction, if a jury found such, re
v to
the higher courts.   _^_^^^^^^^_  ,  . ,.,.,
Previously acknowledged, $89*5; «■ *■      jj
$1.50; T. Carr, $1; S. Lowcry, $1; total to an
elusive 26th January, $03,35.
in- <:•   .,
The S. P. of C. and the Third International
\ dealing with the S. P. of C. and  affiliation
Iwith the Third International, Comrade Kaplan is far from exhausting thc objections to
| (filiation.   The three which he deals with are of
L importance, and could not justify rejection  of
Le K"I1S imposed.    However, the entire question
lis joined, like all working class questions; strikes,
Lw   unionism, etc, with thc universal question of
class appropriation- and whether we accept or reject
,),,. urnis of thc Communist International we will
find our action will bc used by  master class hirelings to master, class purposes.    The  S.   P. of C.
iwcver, has never wavered in its faith of Russia
|«4nce the March revolution; and come what will, no
apology \a required of our past.
Wc achieved this singular distinction by looking
upon the world is it really is, and not as wc would
like it to be. and if we make our choice now, by the
same rule, we can:
l.«l   iht** I>enfl«h   flout.
nf our t<a»o   BMtSl  "*•-*•   ho  00 * 09
Tl-,At *ih_ll unlock tho door h« howl*  without."
Lei ns take the third point of Comrade Kaplan's
The  joining  of  thc   Third international
would involve submission to dictation from
Moscow as to   tactics to bc adopted locally,
under  peculiar  local  conditions,   which  only
local  knowledge  and  observation  could  pro-
-.-•rly determine or dictate."
This is worth  discussing; but  our comrade deliberately ignores thc issue on the plea that certain fundamental tactics '"are too  well known   to
need detailing here," which is precisely what they
need.   A  detailing and   examination  of   these
tactics must be undertaken, together with an examination of our |>osition.
In thc Clarion," issue of January 1st, thc con-
ditions for joining thc Third International are laid
down These conditions ape "the most precise."
and they arc laid down for thc purpose of safeguarding the new International against the fate of
Ihe old. In reply to a direct question from the
l'.r;-;-h Independent Labor Party, thc B. C. of thc
Communist International stated that those parties
wishing to join must adhere to, and govern their
actions by the eighteen points laid down. So that
we must take tnat fact into consideration when we
are discussing the terms for admittance. They are
precisely as they appear in the eighteen j*oints.
None of these points come under the exemptions
suggested by local conditions, as thc E. C, says in
its reply to the I. L*. P.
"The program of Communism is the formulation of the general conditions for the development of thc world revolution in capitalist
It is by this program,—these eighteen points, we
are bound if we apply for admittance. The
first question for us to decide then is: How
far do these eighteen points coincide with
our programme and manifesto; and to what
extent an* wc • prepared to change, or modify
these declarations, should it be necessary? Our
activities to date have been governed by the principles of what has become generally known as the
Marxian philosophy. Our understanding of this
has led us to maintain a strictly educational program. We have assumed the position that the development of capitalism would engender revolutions; and that an understanding of society, economic and historic, would secure the working class
against precipitate and futile actcion. We believed that an understanding of the forces which
mould society, was the surest way to preserve'society and eradicate those evils peculiar to slave systems. And to thc furthering of this understanding
we directed all our energy.
That this programme has been of some value is
evidenced in the fact that we were not swept into
either of the two maelstroms which engulfed almost every Socialist party in existence,—the patriotic and the pacifist,—against which the Third International rails so strongly. Also that the demand* in the terms we are discussing, regarding
ihe removal of reformers and their ilk, have been
long anticipated by our party.. We have no
"Right, Left and Centre," groups to contend with.
In accepting the eighteen points we would have
to change this position, and indulge in all manner
of tactics which heretofore wc ha«e looked upon
as.  to say the least, futile.
Take the first point: "The daily propaganda must
bear a truly communist character." We are not informed what this is. but we are told wc must "denounce not only the bourgeoise, but its assistants,
the reformers of all shades and color." All very
well; but to what end? And how far does mere denunciation lead to conviction?
In Vancouver during the late Provincial election,
and in any other centre wc care to examine, we
find men actually convicted of the grossest public
dishonesty, and roundly denounced, yet when the
votes are counted, are near the top of thc poll. Denunciation rarely convinces, and we have always
* */
given it a subordinate place in our propaganda,
though it has its uses, and we don't overlook them.
The second point calls upon us "to remove systematically and regularly from al! responsible posts
in the Labor movement, (party organizations, edit
or's office, labor unions, parliamentary faction, cooperatives, municipalities, etc.), all reformists and
partisans-of thc centre, and to replace them by Communists, w&tout troubling about the facts that in
the beginning it might be necessary to replace experienced men by rank and file workmen."
Here we.come intodireftt corflict with our former
position. Apar*. from its Ultimate utility, which is
doubtful, such activity , Id immediately involve
us in a scries of biner stru V that would hamper
and in the end nullri* Rational work, which
we believe is of the  „.. \x>rtance.   Further
more, it would use up a wecious time and
energy, at present limited i W the work we
are engaged in.
Turning to point eight we _
conflict with our principles.   The
wrought into
jppation of
the  wage slave from his bondage is cmr arm, and
colonial liberation   movement are ju4t as foolish
and quite as futile as "international arbitration,"
which we are called upon to "sv-tematkrlly demonstrate to the workmen," is fullV  without an overthrow of capitalism.   I cannot s^e how colonies can
be liberated.and to what advantage; if capitalism still
rules.      Surelv the workers of Russia realize that
they could hardly have been treated worse under a
colonial government than they were under the Crar.
And so far as my own expedience goes, capitalism is
the only evil,   neither to be augmented or diminished by iponarchial, republican, imperial or col.-n-
ia' government   These ar_- but the ■* rms of ruling
claims governments; they are purely ruling class concerns:  they are of infinitely less importance than,
for in*' r ce, international   disarmament, and certainly no concern of »a class conscious slave,
That will bc enough for the present, but let it be
clearly understood that I do not cou*-:der rejection
of these terms implies any disagreen-ent with the
methods and purposes of the Bolsheviki. So far
as any assistance we can give to them is concerned.
we will contribute a hundredfold to their security
by informing the working class of the Marxian philosophy in contrast to thc feeble support our joining
the International and its manifold activities, would
According to the Theses in the "Clarion," Jan.
lst, many elements of thought joined the Third International after its first congress, when no terms
for admittance were required. No doubt they, had
some influence in the second congress, and I have
no doubt that the third congress will see a change
in the terms and program. But in the meanwhile,
let us continue to do business, not on our desires,
but on working class needs.
Washington, Jan. .V—Thc United States Supreme
Court oday handed down its first extensive inter-
Mutation of sections of thc Clayton Act aimed to
protect trade unions from court injunctions. The
decision was unfavorable to labor.
In dissenting from thc majority opinion, Justice
Brandeia said the decision renders futile an effort
cpntinued more tjtan 20 years to place employers
•**-** employed on an equal basis before the law.
Washington, December 16.—Thc Senate passed
'■■<' I'oindi-xtcr bill making strikes which interfere
With interstate commerce crimes.
•}•* I'oindextcr bill makes violation a felony
Punishable by a fine of $10,000, or 10 years' imprisonment.
. •••*-' Mil is aimed against railroad strikes, prohib-
!in8 the combination "of any parries" to hinder
Estate commerce.
Washington, Jan. 4.—Forty millions of the one
hundred and fifty millions of dollars apropriated by
Congress for European relief was spent "to keep
the Polish army in the field," Senator Reed, Democrat, of Missouri, today declared in the Senate during an economy discussion. Senator Reed said he
had documents in his office to support his statement
and he promised to discuss them later.
Congress. Mr. Reed said, gave the $150,000,000
into the hands oi "a single gentleman," whom the
Missouri Senator did not name.
"This gentleman.""Avith unblushing effrontery,"
the Senator continued, "tells us in a report that he
spent $-10-000.000 for the support of the Polish army
which was engaged in a war we never authorized
and with a nation with which wc were at profound
Senators Borah, Brandegee and others asked for
further information regarding the expenditures .and
Senator Reed said that his documentary matter
stated the $40,000,000 was spent to keep the Polish
army in the held." His information, he added, did
not disclose whether the money was given to the
commander of the Polish forces or, spent in feeding
the civil population.
February I Ith
Vancouver Local No. 1 is going to hold a
Smoking Concert in the Headquarters, 401
Pender Street East, on Friday evening, February 11th. Thc committee who are in charge
of the arrangements intend to make the affair
an attractive and memorable occasion. An
orchestra will be in attendance, also a fine
array of talent, vocal and otherwise. Xut brown
ale and proletarian sandwiches will be served,
but everyone must supply their own smoking
The tickets will be on sale two weeks before
the date of the concert, and the price will be
Lot's go! PAGE SIX
Co-operatives and the Soviet Government
Pamphlet Published by the All-Russian Central
Council of Trade Unions, Moscow, 1920     ....
DURing the Tzarist regime the development
of the co-operatives in Russia watery slow.
Tlie Tzarist government was at raid otany kind
of Socialist movement, however moderate. It did
everything in its power to hinder every kind of manifestation of social independent, the development
of every kind of social o/?ani_atio.'i- It therefore
could begin its work onl? *-pon co?firrn-tion of its
code, which in its turn <ends upr-n the reliability,
from the point of vie^ *"* Government of the
men who are the in it; ' :':. fconccern.    It took
months and at tim* i*NRE'a wno,e vcar to o^*5"0
this ctmfirmation. _jdice, the gendarmery and
eveK o't'icial kc* ...t watch on thc activity of
trom al .   *
the co-o,*crat!v  ,   .     ., irs.    A special permit had
to be obtain**,/ ^ .ne chief of thc local police upon
every ix-asu^ ' that a general meeting was to be
called. This official was authorized to confirm the
agenda, he was present at the meeting and controlled the discussions. Most particularly of all
was hindered the educational and cultural work of
the co-operatives.
It is easy io undej-stand that the development of
the co-operative movement during the Tzarist regime was exceedingly slow.
On January lst. 1914, there were only about 10
or 11 thousand of Co-operative Societies, consisting of no more than about one and a half million
members. This shows that on the average each
society counted only about 150 members. But even
this number may be said to be an exaggeration, as
many members of the Co-operative Societies wore
such only on paper, in reality, they were buying
elsewhere, did not attend meetings, and generally
did not in any way show their interest in the work.
The war has immensely influenced the development of the Russian Co-operative movement. A
few months after its outbreak the war was felt by
a rise of prices and the disapearance of goods from
the open market, as thc result of their hoarding by
merchant speculators.
A time came when certain goods became quite unobtainable. This speculation of the merchants excited a strong indignation among the poorer classes.
Neither the Tzar's Government nor the Muncip-
alities actually disposed of these merchants, and
did practically nothing to stop these speculations.
The discontent of the population grew and it
led to the wrecking of shops. This popular excitement over the Tzar's Government sought to adopt
some measures for pacifying the population.
The Government decided to sacrifice the interests of the small traders in order to protect the interests of large capitalists.
Leaving intact the speculation "on top," the government took measures to prevent thc speculation of
small traders.
The task of distribution of products of primary
necessity (sugar, flour, etc.) was given over to cooperative organizations. On the other hand the
government began to lessen thc obstacles, which it
had previously placed in thc way of organization
of new Co-operatives^ or of the work of such already
The result was a perceptible growth of the number of co-operative societies even before the advent
of the revolution.
The February revolution destroyed all external
obstacles to the development of the co-operation.
New societies could be founded without hindrance,
just as freely could all co-operatives develop their
The number of co-operative societies and members grew quickly. On January lst, 1918, there existed about 25,00 co-operative societies with a membership of about nine millions.
The business turnover of the co-operative societies
in 1913 amounted to only 250 thousand roubles,
whilst in 1917 they reached six to seven milliards
of roubles.
The Provisional Government continued to hand
over to the co-operative societies the work of distributing products to the population. In the summer of 1917 it made use of the co operatives in the
distribution of textile goods.   But the government
acted rather irresolutely and took only half-measures, for it still protected the interests of the bourgeoisie.
Until the February revolution the Russian cooperative declared' as one of its principles—non-
partisanship, but this was only done out of fear oi
police repressions.
But in fact the Russian co-operative movement
was always a moderately opposition movement, being a mixture of a liberal Social reform movement,
and the weakest milk-and-water Socialism.
It was a petty-bourgeois movement, and the Intelligentzia  played in it the leading part.
The fall of the Tsar's Government gave to the cooperative movement the possibility of throwing off
thc veil of political non-partisanship
After the February revolution the co-operative
movement stepped openly on thc arena of political
life. The so-called "Central Unions*1 of co-operative societies, begins to edit its political newspaper,
the well known co-operator Prokopovich taking the
editorial chair. This newspaper defended an "extreme-right" policy of an agreement and co-operation
with the bourgeoisie.
The whole power of its cultural, educational and
instructional aparatus the Russian Co-operative gave
to the defense and propagation of the tendency, at
thc head of which was Kerensky.
On thc first Congress of workers cooperatives,
which took place in Moscow, in August. 1917, this
role of the co-operation was quite openly acknowledged in the numerous local reports.
Even the standpoint of the "Compromisers-Socialists" seemed too radical to thc Co-operators. "I
would rather chop my hand off, before I give in an
election bulletin for the Menshivik party'" said Mr.
Kouskova, then well known as a co-operator and
joining by his opinions to the right wing of the
Mensheviks, for the Constituent Assembly just
before the elections.
The Co-operators tried to inaugurate their own
political party still more moderate than the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries.
At the election for the Constituent Assembly they
came forward with their own lists, but did not succeed in getting in any of their candidates.
The October Revolution, which has given the
power to the proletariat, did not touch the co-operative movement at the beginning.
Although knowing the openly hostile attitude of
the leaders of the co-operative movement to the
Soviet government the latter decided the question
in a way favorable to the co-operation, i.e., in the
sense of preferring the co-operative apparatus to
private-trading. This is proved by thc report of
the Provisional Committee of South Russia to Denikin, where it was clearly stated, that the Bolsheviks
"tried during two years to attract the co-operative
movement to their work, but did not succeed in it."
The leaders of the co-operatives did not want to
acknowledge thc actual advent of the Workers' Revolution. They hoped that the triumph of the Bolsheviks would be of a short duration, and expected
daily their downfall.
Under these circumstances thc Soviet Government
had no other alternative than the establishment,
alongside of the co-operative trade, of its own distributing apparatus in the form of the Soviet (State)
Supply Shops.
But such a duplication in the work of two organizations has a bad effect on thc work.
Instead of one apparatus, two had to bc construct
ed.     There were frequent conflicts between the
two organizations.
Therefore the Soviet Government has resolved to
make the Co-operative Societies serve the needs of
the entire population.
Thc Decree of the 12th April, 1918. is the first step
in this direction, by ordering, that the Co-operative
Societies, although still keeping their old regulation
of accepting voluntary members, must, all the same,
serve the whole population in the way of a general
distribution of products.
This Decree also lowers the subscription-fee for
those who want to enter as members into s co-operative society.
Private trade hsd to pay 5 per cent, on the gross
turnover, whilst the   co-operative   societies
freed from this tax.
The Decree allows them to elect int., the Bo
of  Management  of  Co-operative  Societies pm '
traders and generally   persons connected  with tk*
private trade .
Thus thc Decree of the 12th of April leaves th
co-operative movement Independent as before \
ii lues only to make use of its aparatus in orJcrtri
make  it serve thc whole population.
(Continued from page 1)
of the masters to shear the slave ot some of hh
power of resistance. Capitalism i. in Mich ft -,jV.
tion today that it can stand only a moderate amoturi
of resistance This is especially true <*t such industries .»> that represented by llanna Theyaitii
the transitional stage to a new form S'ot harim
fully adapted themselves to the con lit ons of their
new form, they arc very sensitive to my obstade
which hinders their adaptation. The demands wh;<h
the working class arc continuous!) making oa thr
capitalist class is the greatest of the*-< ■•••-taclcs It
is really thc insistency and, at the lame time, tht
continuously increasing forcefulnesi of these '.-■
mauds that have prompted certain CS| ital sts I entrench themselves behind the pr*'*- ling wring
government power in thc form of Mat- ownersfai]
So as to make their new position all the rr.or<
secure they want to deny thc workers I ■■■■■'* ifl
thc government that protects them. - is kf
ical enough, as no one wants his enemj    M    * I "
thc same fort as he himself takes refuge in
Socialist Party of
W*f tk* foci-Hat Party at Canada, ifflm **' * 't **'• *
ant **p*x.t\ ot. th* priaciploa aat pn*«raa*n*. >*• ** **'"'
ttonar-y working d-tM.
Lahor. applied ta aa«ara! r**o*rr»*. prod*"*' »" ••*u
TS* prrwal economic ayttom It baaed «■*-»- *»l>»'»!" •*11**
tklp  of  Ik* ****** ot pTodaclU-o.  eoMeoj-*-**!?   »'
Um t"
-facta of labor belong U the capltalirt *!**_    T* '*^A
l*( therefore.  aul<r;  tka worker a alaee.
k« <"'
So lone aa «**• eapltallet claaa remaloa la **-»•
relne of m*****mm*m**% ••! tk* p********t of th* 8t»u *»■
t«  prrt-n   ■-.•>   defend   Ita  property   *•**•  in  *•  J'*.
wral'.h r-odartlon aad Ita control of tka pr*du-i at mm .
Tk* rapitallat tytrm flrea to tk* ceptul'et «■ ""'*'
Ing  *tr*am of  proila.  and  to  tka worker,  aa **■<•* =•"*•""
meaanr*   of   mt**ry   and   degradation.
Tk*  Inler-rat  of Ik*  worklnf  «•!»•* Il*»«   In  •<«' mf
;!,•!!    '*♦*
from   r»plul>fl   eaploitation   by   tk*   abolition   of   "'   "£
1*11-111.   under   wklrb   Hit*  eiploitalioa.   at   tb.  P>Ml ■   ■  **\
dnrllon.    la   cloak***.    To   *M>c*-mplUh   thla   *'**""•'',    ft
transformation of eapttaltat property  in tk* »*»n* of w"
production  into  aoetally controlled  economic  tort**
Tha lrr*pr*aalbla conflict of tnj*r**t b*tw*.n it" "r'"('o,
and  tha worker n*c**i*rily *ipr*a*ea IU*lf ■• • *****
political   lapremary     Thla  la   th*  Claa*  f4tru«c>
Tharefora. wa call all workora to ortanit* ««•••' ,h' b*""'
of th* Hocialiat Party of Canada, with the tmitaX '' r ""j"^
Inf tha political powera, for tha pnrpoe* of hW»I »P •"*   (|
forcing   th*   economic   procran-ma   of   th*   ***a***t*t   ******
I.    Tha transformation   aa rapidly a* ****ath\t. »*
Uallat property la tha m*nna of wealth pr*   J j
(natural  reaotircaa   faclorl**, mill*. rtXLrat***
Into coll*ctrt* mean* of prodnetion,
t,    Tha  organisation and  manag*n»enl ot lfl'l»*lrJ
th* working claaa .
S.    Th* eatabli.hmenl.  M ap**dlly •• P""*1''1'   "J
dociion for naa Inataad of production for l,r'
C. M. Christiansen, $4; VV. Churchill. $11 So« ^
(per  Kavanagh), $1;  R.  Thomas. 50c;  I
Pherson, $3; C..W  Pilgrim, $1. ,*th
Above C. M. F. Contributions received troi
to 26th January, inclusive, total $10.50.
Innocents Abroad
London, January 3rd, 1921.
To the Editor of the "Western Clarion."
Pear Comrade:—
1 have been in England for a considerable time,
anfj have watched the Movement very carefully in
orfjcr to be able to supply you with information of a
reliable nature.
About a month ago I went' to hear a lecture deliv-
cred bv Sir Sidney Ollivcr. The lecture was entitled A Colonial Policy for Labor." The only
place he spoke of was Fast Africa, and he informed
the audience that when thc Labor Party got control ihe) would teach thc natives how to work more
scientically than they do at the present time. I
asked i few questions- which he said he could not
understand, because thc drift of them was to thc
effect that we had no business interfering in either
East Africa or any other country. I came away
with the impression, since confirmed, that thc Labor
Part) is becoming more and more bourgeoisie, and
thai the blooming Empire will be as «,afe in their
1   as in the hands of thc Coalition Government.
1 had an interview with Jowett, of Hradford, and
also with Bob Smillie. Jowett is a broad minded
man and his experience in the Movement has
caused him to perceive that capitalism contains
wilhin it a contradiction that will eventually de-
Stro) il He puts his idea of the present situation
in Ihcse words: "Things arc rapid!,, approaching a
crisis and when the breakdown comes, wc shall
e a fundamental change."
!'.«!. Smillie was genial,   frank and open.     He
• ! well, and much younger than I expected. I
r< ! to make him acquainted with the undercurrents ,tf Canadian and American politics, and he
took careful note of what I said. 1 was introduced
' Frank Hodges, who happened to be in thc office.
and i tried to get thetU to realize thc necessity of
kre;ii ng more in touch with thc Movement in the
rhc Plebs outfit, i.e., the Labor College, received
me most cordially, and I admired their method of
hing so much   that I made arrangements with
them to have some literature sent to vou.   Thev
* *r
Ste much on thc same lines as the S. P. of C.
i lia-1 an interview with the Latvian rcpreseitta-
Uve, and also thc Esthonian ambassador, in order
thai 1 might Obtain a little information about Rus-
na. Both these men are anti-Bolshcviki, and there-
lore their opinions are to bc viewed from that angle.
' •"')' both stated that Lenin and his colleagues
were sincere and honest men, and their ideas wen-
to the  effect that thc force of circumstances had
compelled the Bolsheviki to take thc steps thev did.
,fKir opinion was that the Communists would con-
unu« to control Russia, but that thev would not be
,: ' to establish Communism, but a modified form
°' capitalism.
*ss informed by men who had just come from
Moscow that Lenin and thc leaders of the Russian
I -      I *
Ms **** feeling the strain, and that underfeeding
and overwork is beginning to tell.   Some of them
thc) say, an- almost hysterical.    They arc compelled
0 work night   and day because there arc so lew
" '"'Kst them who understand the proposition. They
rc badly in heed of men and women who have a
5°od grasp of the principles of scientific Socialism.
have listened to thc speeches of the Comimti ists
"***, both the Pankhurst crowd and the II. S   P.
unch, and have come to thc conclusion that they
ar* Sll"ply half baked anarchists.   Their org„niz-
a,""'s are like thc I. \V. W. outfits, and serve as fly
ap8 for the Reds.   Thc police are making Full use
°' ,lu  opportunity afforded them.     A   bunch ot
*aders who see how to obtain shekels by exploiting
anatidsm of their followers and the ignorancec
u    e s'*vea; this is all the Communists here amount
°vv'th perhaps a few exceptions.
"•, Socialist Party of Great Britain is much the
v mc as the S. P. of C, and thc work they do, and
p * one, is wonderful, considering the smallness
" '"ganization.     They arc a fine body of tnen,
,Ul'' I,a '*' Pot the goods.
* Movement elsewhere seems to    have gone
back,    it almost looks as if it were falling to pieces.
There is nothing in the communist Party, thc Shop
Steward Movement or any other short cut to the
Co-operative Commonwealth that can stand against
unemployment, and the unemployed problem is now
so acute that it is dislocating all organizations that
claim to be connected with the job, because the job
has vanished.      The organizations that   are built
upon   understanding   can,   however,   stand every
shock,  and my experience here has convinced me
that thc S. P. of C. is better even than I realized. It
is to be hoped that during thc winter tbe boys in
the West will study diligently.    Ff they were here
and could see the misery and realize thc ignorance
that exists, they  would  work as never   before to
develop   themselves.    It is strange but true, that
when I deliver  the same dope I delivered at Car-
rail Street, in Hyde Park, the slaves understand it
instantly, but it is new and strange to them.    I was
speaking to a bunch of dock laborers a week ago.
I    talked    on   economics   thc   whole   time   and
they drank  in every  word  as if   their   lives depended upon it.   The  situation is  such that they
are  beginning to yell "What shall we do to be
saved?"   They have tried everything but the abolition of the wage system, and they cannot abolish
that until they understand the nature of the wage
system, and until they understand capitalism.
There is a mountain of ignorance to remove here,
and before that is done something is going to ,rip.
Thc masters realize the situation better than the
slaves and are preparing. They calculate that a
premature revolt would enable them to deal the
proletriat such a crushing blow that the Movement
could be thrown back for a generation. Capitalism
however ,is collapsing, and what is coming is chaos.
There are a dozen unemployed processions going
on daily in different parts of London. I followed
one today to get the psychology of the slaves that
were taking part in the demonstration. Police to
the right of them, to the left, in front and behind.
Three red flags and banners led the way. Instructions were given by a bugle blown by a returned
soldier. An attempt was made to recapture a library that had been seized by the unemployed and
recovered by the authorities. A deputation from
the unemployed went first to interview those in authority. They had barely got inside the building
when police charged thc crowd and I rushed into a
shed to escape thc horses' hoofs and the policemen's
batons. I saw one slave break an iron rod from
some railings and strike a blow for. as he thought,
liberty. Every part of the country is the same, and
everybody seems helpless and the situation hopeless. The wind is rising and it looks like the real
thing to me. The Russian revolution will not occupy the centre of thc stage very much longer;
there is something bigger coming then even the
most optimistic anticipate. Amid all the chaos
and confusion that now prevails, we are buoyed up
and sustained by the knowledge that our class cannot |>erish. and that even in reactionary Britain the
future belongs to the proletariat.
are fair samples of what the College turns out, it is
certainly fine work. They lecture every night
somewhere, and change lectures weekly.
The Communist Party is run like a social club,
which looks queer, but they are all reading. Membership is not large, and the Picton Hall is not filled
for lectures. The I. L. P. has several branches here.
One on parliament Street is pretty good, but I
understand the others are not so good.
The BuilditV Workers Social Club and   Institute on Byron * is a social club for billiard and
spitoon  philos< f tT~   'Tr'*<—~*
lectures   there c-
weekly Saturday
Birkenhead of tht
1 am mixing he
a lot, and it is most
ing and wailing, and •
Economically, thing
no better.   The plugs
ers are the.best, eape_-k>.
not been to Scotland, but iu-
there is a real live bunch there'-
Meetings by Communist Pai
here along the docks, by the po ~\( mcW4
fires were the pretext.    If I La.
I shall bring some good book   Xut with rdfe*
don't look very hopeful here* hut if starvation .
help anv, we shall have lots of help this winter.
Boo k Review
Liverpool, Eng..
January 3, 1921.
To the Editor "Clarion."
Dear Comrade.—Thanks for your letter. I have
been here a month and have sized things up pretty
well. Lots of slaves (the most abject, servile lot
of broken wretches in existence) out of work in this
city. They are quietly starving, but now the government is giving them "doles." The livest (at
least the most active) are the Irish Nationalists
(Sinn Fein) who liven things up by burning cotton warehouses every few weeks. They did a million dollars worth of damage in December.
There is no labor paper in Liverpool. The unions
do no agitation or educational work, but the Communist Party and the I.L. P. are holding classes on
Economics and History.
The coal miners from South Wales are lecturing
—Wm. Hays (Economics), and Gibbons (History)
They are products of the Labor Collsge, and if they
COMMUNISM   AND   CHRISTIANISM.—Hy    Bishop   William    *
J-oru-f-omery     Brown,     D.D.    Paper    25c.    Published   -by
rtradford Brown  Kducational Co.,  Gallon. Ohio.    Sold   by
Ctias. H. Kerr and Co.,  Chicago.
This book is dedicated to the proletariat, and begins with Marx" famous statement that "religion is
the opium of the people."
The author isji member of the House of Bishops
Protestant Episcopal Church, sometime Archdeacon
of Ohio and special lecturer at Bexley Hall, the
Theological Seminary of Kenyon College.
He has a text: "Make the world safe for democracy by banishing Gods from the skies and capitalists from the earth.'" It is one of the most outspoken conversations 1 have ever read I advise all
to read it, because its author certainly gives Marxian Socialism its proper place. In a foreword he-
says: "The contradiction in terms known as Christian Socialism is inevitably antagonistic to working
class interests and the waging of the class struggle.
His policy (that of the Christian Socialist) is the
conciliation of classes, the fraternity of robber and
robbed, not the end of classes. His avowed object
indeed is to purge the Socialist movement of its
materialism, and this means to purge it of its Socialism and to divert it from its material aims to the
fruitless chasing of spiritual will o' the wisps. A
Christian Socialist is, in fact, an anti-Socialist.''
The book is in thc form of letters to other Bishops
debating the subject of Socialism. It is written
from the viewpoint of Darwin and Marx. Thus,
"The happiness of the world will be promoted in
extent and degree in proportion as the knowledge
of thc truth is disseminated by a twofold revelation.
(1) Thc truth as it is revealed by history according
to thc Marxian interpretation thereof, a revelation
of the truth which is saving the world from the
robbing impositions of the capitalistic interpretation of politics. (2) Thc truth as it is revealed by
nature, according to the Darwinian interpretation
thereof, a revelation which is saving the world
from the robbing impositions of thc supernatural-
istic interpretations of religion "
"This is the discovery of Marx according
to thc scientific interpretation of history, man is
what he is. and his institutions are what they are,
because he has fed, clothed and housed himself as
he has." He goes on with the history of man from
savagery, up through barbarism, to civilization as
the best proof of thc correctness of Marx. After
giving the illustration of the capitalist being analogous to a flea on a dog and describing capitalism as the tape worm of society, he says: "The existence of the master and slave class inevitably
gives rise to four struggles1 (1) the struggle of the
slaves witrh the master for better conditions; (2) a
struggle between masters for advantages in mar- PAGE EIGHT
kets, issuing in wars; 3) a struggle between the
slaves for jobs, issuing in a body and soul destroying poverty; (4) the struggle of thc slaves with the
master for a reversal of conditions issuing in revolutions."
When writing of Russia, he says they have accomplished more in three years than a!l the churches
in the whole course of'man's career, and pictures
revolutionary Socialism as thc Good SaJTUritan, the
reformatory and "Christian "Socialisji"' as the priest
*<  othep^ide.
believe that if
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H     a door to Marx-
Oi every kind of social   af ^an . *itt<
and Lcvite passing by on tl,
On page 69 he says: "Af'
rte_c_t*-H.M. -in   x>< un  .-r-ert-]
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^—.    Vlox Christianism
could begin its work onli    -p.,, Cfne ^ rcvoiution.
code, which in its turn    ^ends ujy- bc thwartcd aml
from thc point of tnof CJw ^ agc _s -t dM
men who arc the in it* '      .  .     ri.   . ..
         rted to Christianity.
months and at tim« ,-_,_•_ a I    » i      *    ■•• i
.. UN RE      lost loval citizens and
this confirmation. *»hce_
iicial kc* «a vv
. ■ m afe      i
s co^ii
.     - in al        l Socialism is thc most
the co-o,-erat>;   . ,    r      . r      .      , . .,
.      ,   I     xodav   o      y-n-J for the nave, and the
to be ohtame/        ' ^ne.. . .. ...
J-\$, •*-        the capitalists.      Among sav-
everv oc:-astv    that .     *. ,. j      _
n j     um        *_• • , lest is  the one discovered and
called.   This official *. ,   ,     T.    . ,, , -,    .
.     . »tly bv Karl Mane and breder,-
agenda, he was  pr<'■**.,..      ,", ,       ,
.    ,,   ,    .      ,. . 36}     He points out that thc cn-
trollcd  the discusste , ,   ,,      .    .
...      .   ,       ,*ous iurtkers to smash Russia is
was hindered •*** ; - ,..■_.*      _-__•_*•__
_. ,->hing lllutf  ation of the Marxian theory ot
the co-o*" R
rt ory.   On  page* «N50: "Orthodoxy  in  religion
..„nd politics is thc blight of the ages, because of its
assumption that the great institutions, the family,
the State, thc church, with their customs, laws and
doctrines .... constitute the foundation of society,
without which it could not exist.... But the foundation of society has alwjys been a system for thc
production and distribution of the necessities of life.
Hence social institutions, customs, laws and creeds
are what they are at anytime because an economic
system is what it is. If we compare an economic
system for the production of the primary necessities of life (food, clothes and houses) to a king or
a bishop (wc may well do so, for ir>. all ages such
systems have been the power behind every regal
and episcopal throne) wc shall see^that states, with
their rulers, codes and police, armies and jails; and
churches, with their gods, revelations, heavens and
hells are but so many expediencies for the protection
of the system from change."
"So far are churches, with their doctrines, and
states with their laws from being changeless, that
they are more or less modified by every development in the economic system to which they owe
their existence and of which they are  servants."
"Insofar as they differ, Roman orthodoxy is what
it is because of its starting out as the religious product of the feudal system of economics; and the
Protestant orthodoxy is what it is because of its
strating out as the religious product of capitalist
economics.'* (page 51).
"The difference between Romanism and Protestantism is not at all a question of relative super-
naturalism, nor of Tightness or wrongness, but arises
wholly out of the difference between thc systems of
economics which gave them birth." "Every period in human history has had its determining character from thc tools which brought it into being."
"When an economic system fails as the capitalistic one is failing, to feed clothe and house the
workers of fhe world who produce all foods, clothes,
and houses, the time when it must give place to another is manifestly near at hand. Capitalism is
failing in this, thc only legitimate mission of an
economic system."  (Page 58.)
lie tells us civilization is man's salvation, but so
long as.it depends on thc slavery of human beings
it is limited to a few, but that thc true salvation is
through Marxian Socialism and thc transference of
slavery from man to the machine.
Lavoisier and Mayor, Kant and Laplace, Kepler
and Newton, Darwin and Russell, Marx and Enge's,
he calls the ten great teachers thc world has had,
and says, (page 61): "Marx and Engels showed that
man's career has not., been determined !by any
among the gods, but by his system for producing
and distributing the necessities of life."
He .cays Christian Socialism associated witn
Marxism would bc a glaring illustration df thc
truth of the proverb "A house divided against lt<
self cannot stand."
On page 69 to 75 he contrasts the two Socialisms, and says  (page 74): "The world*has never
WESTERN     CLARION _^_______^_
  ^^^^^^^^^^^^    ^^^—II^HBM»i^lMM»_^__i_M_^_^_^-«_i^_«"-"""*~»*B',"—,>l,,-BIBr-Br—"*^^
had a gospel which is at all comparable in its ex- ¥   j ^    ***•**% f-oitV*      Pri /-*•__    I '
cellcncy to that of Marxian Socialism." -L--I tCl dlUI C      1 IlLC    Jjjjf
•Marx exhorts the slave to lodk to itself for de-^ 	
hverance."   "Jesus taught  it to look to a God for Communist Manifesto.     Single copies, \y\. *
tl-jj,;• eopiea, $2.00.                                           '     -5
"Marx promises salvation for this world here and Wage-Labor and Capital.   Single copiMl x***.*.
now. a world about whicii everybody knows much eopies, $2.00.                                               '     '7
Jesus promised it for another world  elsewhere, a The Present Economic System.     (prof -^
world about which nobody knows anything" (page Bonger).   Single copies, 10c; 25 copies, $1.50
r.*).     Dealing with colonies and wa*- and fkus as Capitalist Production.      (First Nino  and 3_*i
the K"^ of slavery and obedience, he believes the Chapters, "Capital," Vol. 1, Marx).   Single co"
inter-church movement is an endeavor to put the (clotb bound), #1.00; 5 copies, $3.75.
giant, labor, to sleep again, the war having awak- Socialism, Utopian and Scientific.   Single cook
ened him.    "Capital knows that, Mary was right In sjt^. 25 cop'^ |3*>5.                                         ***■
characteriing the orthodox interpretations of rclig- Sjavc of -j,e parm    8ing*e copieg 1Qc, ^
ion. including the Christian  one especially,   as a 11,50.
sleeping -potion, and hence  this movement." Manifesto, S. P. of C., single copy, lOcenti;*
"When I wrote the "Level Plan oi thc Church L'n- Copies   .".     mm
ion" I believed the coming together of the church- Red Kurope.    (F. Anstey, M.P.).   Single eopi«,
am now persuaded that it would be a curse, because 50c--   Ten eopiea or mors 30c each.
,    ,             , -,.      ,            ,,               ,       ,.  ,. Evolution   of   Man.     (Prof.   Bolschsl    ____
the League ot Churches would co-operate with thc .     *****    «_              AO«                                f'e
■                                                  ,       ,    • copies, 20c; 25 eopiea, $3.75.
League of  Nations in  its  robbing and enslaving ^ ^^ ^ ^ of ^^ (ft^ _ ^
schemes, the churches doing the lying and the na- |en).   Singles copies 5 cents, 25 copies *\.
tions the coercing'* ipagc 89),    He points out that The Criminal Court Judge, and The (Md Triek
the church is praying for the Poles against Russia, OB- •*• Bax).    Single eopies, 5 cents; per 25 eopiei,
which would bc a victorv for capitalism. \5c\                      /t         __ «.
,,           ,   .        .     . '  ,       . .          .. w.          ... Ancient Societv (Ixhii* II Morgan . *•_ 15
He concludes   the book   with  an     Afterword, v«i..*  !»-;*_ «„<i i>M*t» •*•_..-\    e;.   1
value, trice ana 1 rottt (Marx)—Single eopMLlfe'
quoting from Marx s writings page alter page, show- 25 copies, $3.25.
ing that the history of man arose from thc need of Introduction   to   Sociology   (Arthur   ML  Leva],
his body for food, clothing and shelter.    He offers $1.75.
a prize of S400 to the best pamphlet   not to exceed Civil War in France (Marx)  gfa
50 pages, nor under .V). for the best essay showing !*.ifc *nd P**lh, <I)r- E  Teichmann)                90c
.     .'.        ,              - .u          i„ j           .*•-....•   .. History of the Pans Commune (Luwagarav     113?
that the salvation ot the world docs not depend on ...       v..        ,     ...    , ,   .     , ,,       *
,    . ,.          ,. ,       , Class Struggle  (Kautsky), eloth. IH) cents: mm
religion nor reformatory Nxialisni. which seeks to «-*£ cenja
accomplish  harmonious  relations  Ixtween   master Puritanii'm (Meily), cloth, 90 eenU
and slave, but does depend on revolutionary Social- Origin of Species (Darwin), cloth. $1
ism.   The prizes will be awarded annually, begin- Information Respecting the Russian Bofiet 8yit__
ntng   November 7th. 1921. the anniversary of thc *nt} «■ *^H*** Propaganda in North kmttkt
n     •      r,      1 .• {Martens^, per copy, 10 cents .
Russian Revolution. The Protection of Ubor in Soviet Ru.sja   Kip'M
Lenin and Trotsky and Russia are very ably dealt pfr copy   15 cents.
with, and a most   remarkable book of 1H4   page* Savage Survivals (Moore), eloth, $1.
closes thus: I-aw of Biogenesis (Moore), eloth. IK) cents.
"Marx, though dead, vet speaketh     He is speak- Soeial Studies (I-afargue), 90 cents
ing more widely and persuasively in death than in Jhe State and Revolution (Uimr
...       -b     ■'■■■****:         x    '  t          i*.   , Oern_i of Mind ta Plants (SL H. France         SOr
lite.      Russia  is  the megaphone  from  winch  his Eoonomi„ r.uilft«f War (X-aekic), -*ii,gleeoPie*,.2St;
voice goes out through every land r.nd over every ]Q copifg „. ^^ -^ ^
sea.    Never man nor god spake with as much power T   ,       ,            .•  c       .   »             d        1 ^»a #*.
,,.             , .                ,              .... Lalxir   Laws  ot   Soviet   Russia.    Revised im tm-
as he speaks.    His gospel is to the siavc. and this is .        .                                                             y\
its thrilling apix-al: 'Workers of the world unite'-- .  **7T ,*     • ,•    ,           /»* 7*~*   '*                      *•;
.....'...                                    , A- B. C. of Lvolution (McCabe)                     -*'
and this is its inspiring assurance- ' you have no- ..     ..            s   .     ...   ..       ...            -.-,,.!,-- -
.       t       '         .   .              .   '              ,, Conditions of thc  Working C la*-s in Engtaoo fl
thing to lose but your chains, you have a world to ]iiA,  fV      , .                                              *tj*
,, »                ip*H     \MlgeiS I     ..        1 11. ■ -ii in                                              *'
Rain'.     .    .        . Evolution of the Idea of God (Grant Allen     :>*
It is a book worth reading. _* _      n                         _,    *    u    \t.*t+«<\  401
ptfTpo T i vctctv Make |B mon*y* p«y»w« <° h 0******** W1
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neln. Mrs. l)ev. (,. Andrews. Isaac Benson, E. Mock, 	
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H. GSxeley, J. Marshall, R. Ross. II. Williams, ().
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WESTERN CLAEION .                           :0:                 -attONAI
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy and LOCAL  (WINNIPEG)  No. 3— EDUCAU
Current Events. CLASSES.
Official Organ pf ths Socialist Party of Canada. 	
Issued twiee-a-month, at 401 Pender Street East, ECONOMIC CLASS' Every Friday nt 8 P •"
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