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Western Clarion Jun 1, 1923

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Array JON   ■> i
A Journal of
Official Organ of
No. 882.
NINETEENTH YEAR.     Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, JUNE 1, 1923.
Petroleum and Coal in France
FOR Prance the petroleum question is and remains an industrial and political problem of
great importance. In 1921 France consumed
778,000 tons of petroleum; of this 708,000 tons were
imported) and only 70,000 were produced at home.
This is a disagreeable position, and one that may
become critical within a short time. How to satisfy
such extensive requirements and to remove the almost complete dependence on foreign countries, is
the economic task which may dominate the manoeuvres of the diplomatists in the near future, which
may cement alliances and bring about international
conflicts. '
The Franco-Polish petroleum agreement, concluded after lengthy and difficult negotiations, signifies an important success for French capitalists,
who have been long endeavoring to secure the maximum of independence and security for their sources
of fuel supply. This agreement gives the French
companies, which have received concessions from
both governments, certain privileges for a period
of 10 years, during which time they enjoy perfect
liberty to supply themselves with the necessary
material, to transport their products, to export them,
and to develop industrially. At the same time they
are favored by considerable taxation exemptions
from export duties, capital levies, and compulsory
loans. The "Moniteur des Jnterets Materiels," of
March 26, expresses itself very clearly on the new
situation created by the Franco-Polish agreement:
"This treaty enables the French government to attain the three objects it was aiming at: to secure the
future of the French companies, to obtain an important share of Polish petroleum, and to exercise
control over the French company in Poland." Before the war three groups of French financiers were
interested to the extent of a total of 154 million
francs in the exploitation of Polish petroleum. After the war the French capitalists appropriated the
German and Austrian concessions, so that by 1920
the amount of French capital invested in the Polish
petroleum industry had already reached a sum of
500 millions. The total capital of the companies
eonti*olled by French share-holders amounts to 900
But French policy is not only interested in appropriating foreign petroleum wells, but also in
utilizing the so-called national possibilities of fuel
production. But the constant efforts made to generate carbon by the aid of alcohol cannot solve the
problem of the liquid fuel supply. Experts are devoting increasing attention to the manufacture of
liquid carburated hydrogen by means of suitable
chemical treatment of coal, asphalt, and lignite. Experiments, made by Metivier showed that the distillation of 20 million tons of coal would yield 85
tons of benezine, 230,000 tons of heavy oils, and
446,000 tons of pitch, paraffine, and tar. As France's
yearly consumption of petroleum will soon reach
one million tons, it would thus he necessary to distill more than 20 million tons of coal, and in the
second place, the metal industry would have to be
developed so that the enormous quantities of coke
produced in this process could be used up. But
Avhere is this immense quantity of coal to be obtained, a quantity representing more than two-
thirds of the total production of the French and
Saar mines? The asphalt beds in France are but
meagre; the production of asphalt does not amount
to more than 120,000 tons annually; on the other
hand, there is lignite almost everywhere, especially
in mountainous districts. These undeniably rich
stores have scarcely been exploited as yet, and
could be made to yield large amounts of fuel, es
pecially as the production of benzine and heavy oils
by the distillation of lignite at low temperatures
has made great advances of late. But despite this,
the future lies neither in the generation of "national
carbon" nor in the distillation of lignite, but in the
utilization of a store of coal large enough to cover
the shortage of petroleum.
It is still too early to estimate the result of th©
chemical process discovered by Metivier, Sabatier,
Maille, Ipatief, and Bergius. In the opinion of Professor Connerad this process may solve the problem
of liquid fuel for Europe. The coal beds of Central Europe would then to a great extent replace
the oil-fields of America. Such a change as this
would give France a leading position, with regard
to coal and petroleum, equal to that which she will
possess with regard to iron and steel should she
succeed in keeping her hold on the collieries of the
S^ar and Ruhr.
The scientific solution of the petroleum problem
will be one of the great events of our generation,
and will cause a complete industrial and political
revolution in the world. The dominance of the great
petroleum trusts will cease to he, and the struggle
for the possession of the coal-fields will become more
acute. The victorious return of Coal, to replace!
Petroleum which had already dethroned it, will rob
the great Anglo-Saxon empires, now lords of fuel
and ocean traffic, of their predominance. France,
on the other hand, will gain all the possibilities of
industrial and commercial expansion implied by ascendancy in the fuel question. It is thus easily comprehensible that the Ruhr area has become an even
more valuable spoil than the oil-fields of Moa ul and
Mexico, and is the stake for which hostile imperialisms are prepared to embroil nations in the most
frightful butcheries.—*'Inprecorr''
Inevitable Change
DAVID Lloyd George now sees the handwriting on the wall and issues a warning to the
British public. Thousands of the well-to-do
people, he says, have considered the Socialist doctrine crazy and impossible, but now that the I. L. P.
land programme is presented to the British House
of Commons it must be taken more seriously. The
Socialist agitator has had a long and painful path
to travel and his method of administering the drastic dose to arouse the workers from their apathy has
never been to the liking of the resentful. The more
advanced types of units of past forms of society
have suffered for their pains in striving to benefit
mankind and in many cases with their life. Karl
Marx, the founder of Socialism based his conclus
ions on the rock of observation and sound reasoning, and even today broadminded men recognize
him, although sometimes with reluctance. Every
stage in the development of the capitalist system
from the time that the handicraftsman's tools were
thrust into the arms of a big machine requiring
great mechanical motive power to operate them; the
bringing together of larger numbers of workers un
der one roof, widening the division of labor, producing greater economy and cheapening commodities;
trusts and big combines, eliminating small concerns
and driving their operators into the ranks of the
Avage Avorkers, have come just as outlined by Marx
in 1848.
Lloyd George says that the larger portion of the
British voting public have no property to seize, and
is quite alarmed at the huge industrial population
over the agricultural. Only 10 per cent of the British Avorkers are engaged in cultivating the soil. The
inculcation of the Socialist germ developed very
rapidly in the minds of men and women engaged in
factories, and workshop. The storm that now hovers
over England may develop into a hurricane and unless something is done to avert the calamity Capitalism is doomed. Again, to use Lloyd George's1
Avords, "the greater the resistance the greater the
rebound." This has been propounded by Socialists
that to stem the tide of human progress could only
end in disaster. The Feudal Lords blindly resisted
the march of the rising capitalist, and even the Capitalists themselves Avere ignorant of the law that all
mankind must obey. Economic law in human society is a dynamic agent that explains the active
lever of social change. A knowledge of this force
provides the workers with the weapon that neither
Lloyd George nor any scheme formulated can avert
Avorking class control of the means of production
and distribution. A warning to the capitalist world
only means a message to resist, and the greater the
resistance the fiercer the hurricane. Capitalism
came into the Avorld dripping from head to foot
Avith blood and dirt and it may be the blind resistance that will clothe it with the same garment in
which it was born.
Lloyd George speaks of the shrewdness of the
Socialists in the Avinning of the ex-service men's support by bringing their grievances before the House
of Commons, knowing well the cause of the overthrow of their Italian brethren. Karl Marx says no
new order can appear until conditions have developed within the womb of the old order. There was
room within tho womb of Italy for the Fascisti, but
now that the elements composing Fascism are becom-
(Continued on page 8) PAGE TWO
By the Way
TO a great degree, I attribute the demoralization within the working class movement, so
far as the personal aspect of causation is
concerned, to the presence of an uncritical romanticism in our theorizing on the problem of social
change and to the destructive activities of undisciplined impulse. Partly, the romantic character of
the theorizing may be traced to a faith in instinct
(give them slogans) and to the vestigial remains in
our materialist philosophy of an out-of-date Hegel-
ianism which, in its day, imputed a spiritual quality
to what modern science sees as merely the play of
mechanical forces. These romantic elements of our
thinking along Avith the frequent exhibitions of undisciplined impulse, J. take to be signs of our immaturity. Now a mark of maturity in mental life
is the habit of rigorous introspection and self-criticism. As we take on that habit, we shall have feAver
illusions and more self-discipline; and although we
can never avoid the shocks of experience, avc i-hall
meet them more steadily and without loss of morale.
As Ave mature, Ave shall not be tardy in acknoAv!edging mistakes but be eager to do so for the good of
the movement.
«* •*>
It is easy to criticise, especially Avhen faults are
so glaring; though it is also a graceless task Avhen
they are so very human and therefore very common,
so common that the critic must have the hard.'hood
to say, "do as I say not as I practice." Criticism,
then, is only justified as it is intended to enter into
our lives as a factor of the environment influencing
us for the better. It serves best when it is not ouly
distructive but also suggests better standards of
thought and conduct. The Avorking class movement
needs a better philosophy to rescue it from what is
nothing less than demoralization. The reign of
reason should be established as a restraining influence, as a moral discipline over the vagaries of irrational impulse so distructive of solidarity and productive of apathy. The active interest of "the producing masses will be aroused, solidarity be -"ichiev-
ed and control over circumstances establish*vl in
degree as hard thinking on the social problem assisted by positive science disciplines us into a more
single-minded interest in the good of the movement.
In these articles, according to my lights, I am
trying to do my bit in bringing on the reign of
reason in the movement, by continuing to suggest to
the active elements that the social revolution is the
task of the producing masses; that economic, political and educational activities are all necessary
departmental activities; that the respective organizations should not be competing against each other
for working class support, but should be looked
upon as organs functioning in a mutual enterprise.
Further, I am also suggesting that it is the beginning of Avisdom to deal Avith that which confronts
us in the present as our only means of control over
the future. The future should not be looked upon
as a distant goal but as something Ave are continually groAving up into; and that, in dealing with the
present, Ave should aim to establish changes that
would become new cultural influences in the environment, creating and strengthening habits and mental dispositions whieh would in turn become levers
for other changes in the environment—a process of
interaction between man and his environment in
Avhich changes in both may be more continuous with
each other than in the past. I am not such an optimist as to expect our various organizations to be
so sensible as to issue proclamations and to reorganize to that effect. All I may hope to $o is to
throAV a light on the movement from an angle which
may help develop an appreciation of our respective
functions and so lead to a better disposition, reducing the frictions amongst us.
*       *       *       *       •
On my way I, shall now take a flying kick at the
cataclysmic theory of social change, another of
many  socialist  preconceptions  needing one.   The
theory pictures humanity in a state of inertia, existing so until, under an accumulation of social misery
no longer bearable, a mass movement launches itself
against the barriers to social betterment. The
grounds of my animosity against this theory are
several. Examining the concept, you will see that
the thought of cataclysm involves also thinking of
inertia—in nature, the rigid crust of earth; in society, the crust of custom. But we should never forget that written history is a discription in dramatic
form, unavoidably foreshortening to a few pages
social changes that may have occurred over considerable time and of which the more catastrophic
features have been more or less local. Then again.,
the magic of suggestion in words and phrases deceives. There is a large stock of terms and phrases
evolved in war and military life and in describing
'the more impressive occurrences in nature which,
AArhen applied to the scene of political activity and
social change, almost always, even with those conscious of the danger, retain a suggestiveness all their
OAvn, long recognized* as the source of much error.
If, then, we have to beware that our conception of
a cataclysmic situation in society does not approximate too closely the sudden convulsive character of
earth quakes, we have also to beware of society as
existing in any such state as that of inertia.
It is true that established custom and institution may exist for long periods but that is because
they are more or less flexible or adaptable. As
changes in the material conditions of life bring on
alterations in the standards of belief and knowledge,
these in turn bring on changes in law and custom.
Institutions may grow in strength and their influ-*
ence extender their scope and influence may decline
to the point of disuse; or, they may be thrown
violently overboard, all as the changing needs of a
community determine. Changes go on in law and
custom and institution because man acts anyway,
he can't help acting. Seen as a period in history,
the movement in society may be one of conserving
the present or of advancing or of going backward;
and internal struggle more or less severe will accompany all of them, though the story of the struggle be lost to other generations.I think what we knoAv
of the ancient city civilizations of Asia proves that
And if Carthage or Greece fell before a superior
civilization in that of Rome it was because of Rome's
superior capacity to organize human forces into a
military imperialism. Rome finally fell after centuries of decline, Aveakened internally by social antagonisms and corruption and before the repeatvl
assaults of the hosts of barbarism. Inertia anyway.
never describes adequately the stat" of man.
*       *       *      *       *
To apply the term cataclysmic to the manner in
which political and institutional changes have occurred in Europe since the fall of Rome, is to stretch
the term beyond reasonableness, turbulent as has
been European history. Most of this note I lift
bodily from Beards "Economic Basis of Politics"
and set it down here over against the theory of cataclysmic change:— - i *!  |
"Without any conscious design, but by the contribution of many forces and circumstances there evolved in
the various states of Europe a representative system of
"estates" superceding the simple sword-won depotism of
war leader, baron, prince or king.. Sometimes it was the
resistance of a particular economic group to royal despotism that won for it a recognised share in the government. An example of this is afforded by the contest which
ended in the grant of Magna Charta. The barons wrote
their interest in the public law of England, and secured
it by obtaining the right of actual participation as a class
in the control of Government. At other times kings,
especially during wars of conquest, found themselves
straitened for funds, and they called upon certain classes
or groups to fill their treasury. Such, for instance, was
the origin of the English House of Commons. To the
continued financial necessity of the English kings, particularly during the long war with France, was due the extraordinary development of the Englsh Parliament. Whatever the circumstances in each particular case, the strik
ing fact is that we find all over Europe what Dr. Stubbs
calls, 'National assemblies composed classes.'"
These classes were as follows, four in number:
the clergy—(partly as a spiritual i.iterest, in the
main, as a body of landed proprietors) the baronage, the smaller landed gentry, and the burgesses
of the towns. It is not, however, until our own
days that all the commonalty of the realm find representation in the legislative chamber. Beard points
out that,
"The term 'commons' does not derive its meaning as
is often erroneously supposed from any connection with
'the common people.* On the contrary it comes from the
vague word communitas which was used in the middle
ages to describe a political organism such as a country or
chartered town. The House of Commons therefore, was
in reality the house of the communitates, composed of representatives of the gentry of the country and the bur-
geosis of the towns considered as collective bodies within
their respective geographical areas."
British political development has been far from
cataclysmic. In the main it has been one of compromise, though carrying, as everywhere, whatever
the method, much popular defeat. Violence from
time to time, peasant revolts and a Cromwellian
rebellion, but violence has not been universally the
sole direct lever of change, nor as important a one
as some believe. As to the future, he is a bold man
who predicts. But it can be laid down that there
is no particular outcome pre-ordained. In the Book
of Fate the future is a blank page. I further suggest that the cataclysmic-, theory is nine-tenths psychological in those who hold it. It is not for nothing
that it has in all ages been the pet theory of minorities. Witness the early Christians, submerged under
the immovable bulk of Rome. The year 1000 was to
see the end of that dispensation and the Son of God
Avas to return in majesty to rule the world. In history the theory crops up again'and agurn in many
forms; it is, in fact, contemporaneous at all times
with poor frustrated human nature... Like poetry is
said to be, it is unrealized actuality realized in fancy.
The stressing of the part played by violence in
history to the exclusion of other ways and means
of change is a dangerous and irresponsible flattery
of the bitter humour of those who feel their oppression strongly.     By suggestion the problem of
change is simplified for people who do not want to
think, to the one method.   It discourages the quest
and trial of other ways and means; it discourages
the effort to educate and create a massed public opinion ; it discourages a day to day struggle and the
study of i n.it-ediate pr3 ilems.   Instin t, is the thing,
not Reason; and the ideal proletariat are sheep led
by the "knoAving" feAV—to be slaughtered by machine gun, bombing plane and poison gas.   The days
of the barracades are gone.   Furthermore the ways
and means, the technology of production and distribution of modern industrial and commercial communities is a delicately balanced, intricate mechanism of re'a tion Avith all itgions in tho wide world,
and the life of these communities has come to rest
precariously but also absolutely on the maintenance
of these relations.   Therefore, so far the lessons of
history fail because the technology of military power and  the technology  of economic processes in
modern life are neAv and without example in previous history.    So far, then, the present situation
must be studied on its own merits because a collapse of economic life from whatever reasons would
bring on turmoil and famine among millions, conditions least favorable for constructing a new order,
and almost surely lead to generations of reaction.
So far, then, in the face of the present situation as
I can see it, the socialist, Avorking for a better order,
should not iay stress on the violence that has ac>
companied historical change to the exclusion of its*
other methods thus creating a disposition to look
to violence.   In fact, this social revolution, as others
in the past have" finally had to do however star-
hitched their ideals, must make terms with the technological facts, the Avays and means of productive
life—now, or perhaps never.   And to resign the
cause to the one method of violence is to announce
bankruptcy in morale and contriving intelligence. WESTERN   CLARION
The moral is, rest not your hopes in catastrophe
and the ra*?n of accident. At this day, lools for,
other ways and means of change. "Man is a cultural being, culture breeds more culture; it invents
the steam engine. The steam engine invents the
steamboat and the steamboat invents the ocean liner.
Arithmetic invents algebra and algebra invents the
infinitesimals." We should "take the world as it is,
including its capitalism, as a going concern and
transform it, and in the transformation the new
habits formed by the transformation itself have to
be used as levers carrying through the further transformation." It is all in the attitude of mind. I
look or try *io look on politics as a branch of social
engineering and the way of social change in the
future as an engineering proposition.
Here let me outline my attitude to reforms, leaning heavily for form of statement on G. D.~H. Cole—
As a revolutionary socialist, while recognizing that
there is a class of reforms that only touch effects,
1 also recognize that the present economic system
does not want mending but it wants ending and the
only attack that is worth making by a socialist is a
direct attack on the foundations of the system
itself. At the same time .1 can not forget the Avorking class is the instrument of its own and society's
emancipation from the present system and that the
degradation of the workers Avould more and more
unfit it for the task. Hence I recognize the necessity
of the immediate struggle on the political as well
as on the economic field.
"One who sees in reform only reform," (says Cole), "is
one who has no coherent social philosophy and directs his,
attention to particular abuses and not to any fundamental
change. The constructive revolutionary is as eager for
reforms and partial changes but he refers all such proposed changes to a standard which is present in his mind!
he is a doctrinaire who sees life steadily and sees it whole.
The difference then between the social reformers and the
constructive social revolutionary is not that one possesses an immediate policy and the other does not; but that in
the one case the imediate policy is opportunistic and fragmentary, whereas in the other it is coherent and conscious, directed to a known end. The revolutionary, unlike
the reformer, has a test which he can apply to all suggestions for reform. Will the proposed change, he asks,
help society along the road to the ideal which he has in
mind or will it retard its progress? If the answer is that
the particular reform in question will retard the general
progress of society towards the given ideal, the revolutionary will reject the reform, even if its immediate effects
are likely to be in some sense ameliorative. The reformer
on the other hand will accept it quite unconscious of its
underlying implications and more distant effects."
I would re-adopt an old standing rule of the
Party governing members in the legislature to the
following effect—that after the Party member has
analyzed the reform and shown its shortcomings
from the revolutionary standpoint, he is then to
ask himself this question: Is or is not this measure
in the interest of the working class or a section of
the workers? If his answer is in the affirmative he
it to vote for it; if in the negative he is to vote
against it.
#       *       *       *       •
Now follow my conception of the function of
the Socialist Party and its position in relation to
the working class movement: I realize the need for a
doctrinaire Socialist Party. (The term "doctrinaire" has become almost synonymous with sectarianism. Readers will see, that, in my conception of
the former term, as covering a special function related to other functions in a common enterprise,
there is no compatability between the two.)
Experience shows that neither theory nor principles can be applied in purity to the intracticable
material of life, neither in blacksmithing nor much
less in politics, but since theories and principles are
indispensible guides to succesful action, the study
of phenomena and the forming of theories and
principles and the expounding of them falls naturally into a special departmental activity. It is a
subdivision of labors, through which activity becomes more efficient, that lies between the man of
theory and the man of practice and not any fundamental antagonism. They are complementary to
each other, even if they are not often complimentary.
A doctrinaire Socialist Party would then be the
expression in theory and principle of the social revolution, a guide to the working class in creating a
neAv order. As an educational organization, it
should bring to the workers the knowledge of
science as well as a "knoAvledge of the principles of
revolutionary socialist thought, Let nn. point out
that education is in its essence, functional. It is a
case of the creation of a special environment under
which, through better understanding, Ave can more
efficiently change the conditions of social life.
Such a party on the political field should not advocate an immediate program. It should hold up
the ultimate economic program of the revolution:
Labor off the market and Social control over economic poAvers. Its function in the country ahould be
that of its members in the legislature as I lay it
down in the standing rule quoted,—to criticise all
immediate reforms with the aim of forwarding the
political intelligence of the masses.
' Objections are being raised to these non-conform-
.1 ^ notes, so I do not know whether these or anj
more will be published, but my next were to deal
with the constitution of a Labor Party, representative of the broad masses, and with the State institution. C.
Lestor Explains
AS'PECTOR has been haunting Vancouver,
and the forces of capitalism have been shaken to their foundations. The phantom has
noAv departed and the master class breathe more
freely. It happened in this wise. I was holding
forth at the corner of Carrall and Cordova, and in
ansAver to a question re Soviet Russia I forgot to call
upon the audience to cheer three times. I even
neglected to cross myself twice. The Spector, however, appeared, and in awe inspiring tones demanded the box. He severely reprimanded me and told
the crowd Aveird and wonderful things about the
land of the Moscovite. Miracles that would cause
Dr. Price to blush Avith envy and sAvallow his false
teeth with vexation were happening there every
day. He himself had seen them. The crowd refused to believe it and after yelling frantically for
Soviet Russia and the Third International the phantom departed. The next night Underground Bill
with the Ghost by his side appeared in the crowd and
asked for the rostrum. He assumed the pose of
Ajax defying the lightening, and in the thundering
tones of a Soviet Ambassador delivered the following Avritten challenge to me:
May 9th, 1923.
Deal Com. Lestor:
, On behalf of the Vancouver Branch of the Workers'
Party of Canada, Maurice Spector of Toronto, hereby challenges you to make good your opposition to the Third International and your attitude to Soviet Russia by upholding the negative in a debate on the following subject, to
be held Sunday night at 8 p.m. in the Columbia Theatre.
"Resolved the aims and policies of the Communist International express the real needs and interests of the
international working class."
Vancouver English Branch Organizer.
We pointed out that on Sunday the S, P. of C.
meeting Avould be held, and that Ave could not neglect
our OAvn little love feast for the benefit of the Wire
Pullers. We asked them to confer Avith our seconds
and arrange a gab fest in the usual way, but all tb
no purpose. The spook commanded me to appear
and take the side of the debate he had chosen for
me Avithout any regard to our views on the matter.
Next day after an altercation with the phantom I
asked for a properly arranged affair, but no, I was
commanded in the name of the Revolution to appear
on their platform and listen forty minutes to a bawling out or be forever ostracised by the Distractors
of the proletariat. I Avent to the Socialist headquarters and discovered the boys engaged in the revol-
tionary task of playing cards. I asked their advice.
It was laconic: "Tell 'em to go to hell." The next
day the putrid press of the W. P. discharged its filthy waters and I was assigned a position in the
movement that no sane mah would willingly occupy.   I was called upon to defend this position. That
settled it. The fateful evening arrived. The ghostly
hero was on the stage resplendent in Soviet glory,
but the villain didn't appear. He was never expected. There wasn't even a chair for him on the
platform. By all accounts vituperation and slander
Avere poured in torrents on the villain's head and on
the heads of his associates, and at the end of the farce
the hoaxed audience was induced to vote for the folloAving resolution, carefully prepared beforehand:
Resolved: "That this mass meeting of Vancouver workers at the Columbia Theatre, Sunday 13th May, 1923, taking cognisance of the fact that whereas Charles Lestor, of
the S. P. of C, Avas duly challenged to debate to-night
with M. Spector.of the Workers' Party of Canada, on the
aims and policies of the Third Communist International,
and whereas Charles Lestor refused to meet the challenger,
this meeting expresses its solidarity with the position of
the Communist International as outlined by M. Spector,
and condemns C. Lestor for his failure to appear to substantiate his propaganda, which is hostile to the Third International and detrimental to Soviet Russia and the
Labor movement in general. And further resolves that a
copy of this resolution be sent for publication to the B. C.
Federationist, the "Worker," Toronto, and the "Western
Carried with two dissenting voices.
Carlyle said there Avere thirty millions in England, mostly fools. There are possibly tAventy thousand proletarians in Vancouver, and those at the
Arena listening to Dr. Price, and those at the Columbia Theatre on Sunday, May 13th, share the honor
betAveen them. The tactics of those who yell about
the united front are like the tactics of Dr. Price, the
advertising stunts of fakirs. He uses the cloak of
religion to gull the public, and the wreckers party
achieve the same end under the cloak of revolution.
The phantom has vanished.
I am still holding forth at the corner.
— ofthe —
(Fifth Edition)
Par copy 10 sooto
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Prof aot by tha author.
131 PAGES.
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STAB THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
JUNE 3rd.
Speaker: W. A. PRITCHARD
All meetings at 8 p.m.
Questions. Discussion, PAGE FOUB
Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy,
and Current Events.
Published twice a month by the Socd-Mst Party ot
Canada, P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
Entered at G. P. O. as a newspaper.
Editor  Ewen  MacLeod
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VANCOUVER, B. C, JUNE 1, 1923.
Clarion "Mail Bag"
THE Mail Bag opens this time at Nova Scotia,
with some monetary encouragement and a
word of appreciation from Charlie MacDonald. He asks "Why not make a drive for cash?"
Wonder what we've been doing all this time anyway. If anybody should by chance read this we
hope he will consider it a drive for cash, especially
if he has any.
We have subs from N. B., points in Ontario and
in Manitoba. Comrade Glendenning, of Winnipeg,
increases the "Clarion" bundle order a little. Outdoor meetings have commenced for the summer season in Victoria Park.
Brief notes from Saskatchewan, various places.
Likewise places all over Alberta: Vulcan, Travers,
. Nordegg, Castor, Tofield, Calgary, Wimborne, Seven
Persons,   Stanmore,   Markerville,   Botha,   Meeting
Creek, and Edmonton.   Concerning the interest of
women readers recently displayed in the "Clarion"
Comrade Mrs. Hollingshead writes to say she will
forward the record of an address she made in Calgary touching on the  woman's  viewpoint,   which
should interest*' Clarion'' readers.   From Stanmore,
S. V. Valisco informs us that some time in June the
comrades in and around that neighborhood will hold
a picnic, with all the Reds on earth welcome. There
will be sports held, Socialist literature being given as
prizes, refreshments Avill be on hand, speeches will
not be forbidden and general enjoyment is the general expectation. The exact date is not yet decided upon but the assembly place will be Westover School,
officially and properly described as Sec. 27, T.31, R.
11, W4th M. 7m. north town of Stanmore. Farmers
and others in the surrounding district are charged
with the ability to find their way there; all that is
missing now is the date of the picnic.   Write S. V.
Valisco, P. 0., Stanmore, Alberta.
Comrade John Beckman of Meeting Creek, writes
facetiously of the influence of the weather on Mr.
Farmer's mind. He says "C" would be put to it to
find an even current of philosophy in rural life governed by credit finance, Jack Frost and associates,
and passes some scathing strictures on philosophers
in general. Worst of it is, the philosophers don't
mind a bit—they keep on perpetrating the offences,
and they are able to endure abuse almost as well
as they deserve it.
A lengthy letter from Edmonton arrives minus a
signature. Letters are better looking with a signature. We like to know who it is thinks so well of
us.   Write again.
Letters and notes from points in B. C,—Port
Haney, Shames, G. T. P., Lund, Graham Island,
Jackson Bay, Cumberland, Prince Rupert, Kamloops, Sandon, Quesnel and Queensborough.
Many letters from points outside Canada.   Subs.
from John A. McDonald, Frisco; L. Schlemmer,
Rochester; A. R. Pearson, N. Y., E. Burke, Oakland,
F. Shaw, Los Angeles; O. Killeen, New Zealand; R.
Corbett, New Zealand; D. Aloise, Butte, Montana;
P. Wall, Chicago; N. MacAulay, Frisco. Comrade
Alex. Shepherd writes from somewhere in the U. S.,
iii search of a job. We thought you had gone on the
Avander six weeks ago Alex., but we '11 expect a note
of your address as soon as you get one, likewise
riches and wealth, her spirit, her marvellous powers of organisation at the disposal of these revolutionary fanatics who dream of conquering the world
for Bolshevism, and this, be it added, by the means
of armed forces. This danger is no empty phantom.
The present German Government is weak; it commands no respect; its departure means the calling
forth of Spartacism, for Avhich Germany is not yet
ripe. But the argument which the Spartacists know
how to employ, and which never fails to succeed,
Winnipeg old-timers will be sorry to learn of the is the argument that they alone are capable of freeing Germany from the insupportable'condition forced upon her by the Avar. They want to free Germany from all her obligations to the Allies, from
all her obligations to her own wealthy classes. They
offer the Germans permanent control of their own
affair, they open up to them the prospect of paradise, of a better world. Of course, the price would
be high. For two or three years chaos, perhaps
bloodshed, would be the order of the day, but at the
end the land would have been retained, its man
power, the majority of the houses, the factories,
raihvays; and Germany, freed of her oppressors
Avould be able to go forward to a new era.
If Germany should yield to Spartacism, there is
no preventing her closely uniting her fate with that
oi the Russian Bolshevists. If this were to happen,
the whole of Bast Europe would be thrown into the
whirlpool of the Bolshevik revolution, and in the
course of a year we would find ourselves facing over
three hundred million human beings who would be
schooled and drilled into a gigantic Red Army by
German generals, by German instructors, equipped
with German artillery, with German machine-guns,
ready at any moment to renew the attack upon West
Europe. No one can look forward to this prospect
AA'ith indifference. The news received from Hungary only yesterday proves plainly enough that
this danger is no mere phantasy of the imagination.
What are the reasons for this great decision? Fear
it was, stark fear that a great part of Hungary
Avould be placed under foreign rule. If we were
clever we would offer Germany a peace which, because of its justness, would draw away all rational
men from Bolshevism.
death of Comrade Robert .A. Walker, who died in
Ruskin, Florida, March 2nd. Mrs. Walker asks that
the Winnipeg comrades be informed of her husband's death.
From Seattle we learn that the S. L. P. there have
about 30 members, but hold no meetings other than
business meetings. The S. P. of A. have about 25
members. They hire a room once a month for business meeting purposes. No other meetings Held.
The Workers' Party have about 40 members. They
hold no propaganda meetings. The most active or
ganization industrially or politically among workers
is the I. W. W. So apparently the prevailing apathy
has not escaped. Seattle.
This is a brief survey of the "Mail Bag" up to
29th May.
Looking Backward
KARL RADEK in the "Communist Review"
produces an excerpt from Lloyd George's
secret memorandum to. the Big Four of the
Versailles Conference, March 1919. We reproduce
the excerpt here as of interest, shoAving how the temper of the masses was judged by the rulers of society
at that time:—
"Europe is full of revolutionary thought.    A
deep feeling, not of ill-humour, but of fury and rebelliousness, lives in the breast of the working class
against the conditions of life brought by the war.
All the present-day arrangements, political,  economic and social, are looked at askance by the people
in Europe.   In some countries, as in Russia, this unrest is pressing forward to open revolt; and in other
countries, in France, England and Italy, this feeling
makes itself felt in strikes and in a certain unwillingness to work; all signs are that they are as much
concerned  about political and social  changes as
about increases in wages. »
A good part of this unrest is to be gladly welcomed; we shall never attain an enduring peace if
we have as our goal the creating of the same conditions of life as those that existed in 1914. By doing
that we only run the danger of driving the mass of
the European population into the arms of the extremists, whose sole idea, with regard to a rebirth
of humanity, consists in their desire to see the exploiting social order permanently destroyed. In
Russia these people have gained the upper hand.
But the price for this victory was terrible. Hundreds of thousands of its inhabitants no longer exist. Railways, cities, the entire State structure of
Russia is almost completely destroyed; however, in
many respects they succeeded in keeping the mass
of the Russian people in hand, and, which is still
more significant, they have succeeded in organising
a great army which is apparently well led, and held
in good discipline and which, for the most part, is
ready to sacrifice its life for its ideals. If we allow
a year to go by, Russia, imbued Avith a new spirit,
will have forgotten its need for peace, because it
has at its disposal the only army having confidence
in the ideals for which it will fight.
The danger I perceive in the present situation
lies in the fact that Germany would be able to place
her fate in the hands of the Bolsheviks, to place her
T begins to dawn upon us that "Clarion" readers are all broke, together with all thei* acquaintances. We are asked by one bright youth
who has been reading the Family Journal some fifteen years why we don't make a drive f<>r cash.
How is it done? We need cash. The problem
is, how to get it. A "drive" is suggested. We
thought we had been "driving." Apparently not
(which is good news, and encourages further hope).
So we are to find out how to "drive." Suggestions,
advices, instructions, pointers, etc., are all in order
and will be welcomed as per results. Almost any result could wash out the figures below:—
"following, $1 each—Walter Wilson, Robt Gill,
C. A. Smith, C. F. Orchard, C. L. Sallstrom, Wm.
Braes, A. E. Cotton, A. B. Chambers, J. T Sinceton,
R~ Marshall, D. O'Dwyer, F. C, R. Dickinson, J.
Lavery, J. H. Reed, D, MjacPherson, Norman MacAulay, J. F. K.} W. T. Moore, B. D. Huntly, A. R.
Following, $2 each—A. McLennan, J. Harrington, S. Rose, Sid Earp, John Nelson, J. A. Beckman,
Wm. Seyer, R. Sinclair, J. A. McDonald.
R. Schlemmer, $1.50; H. Webster, $1.50; J. Pollock, $3; R. Corbett, $3; Oias. MacDonald, $3; C.
Killeen, $4.05; J. E. Lindberg, $4.
Above, Clarion subscriptions from 11th to 29th
inclusive—total, $59.05.
Following $1 each—Wm. Braes, Wellwisher, A. J.
Beeny, S. Rose, John Nelson, Harry Grand, B. D.
F. Shaw, $2; J. Stephenson, $2; Patrick Wall, $2;
J. E. Lindberg, $6.
Above, C. M. F. receipts from 11th to 29th May,
inclusive—total, $19. WESTERN   CLARION
Concerning the United Front
IN a perfectly logical way, the writer in the leading article of the "Clarion" for May lst, concerning the theory of "The United Front" advocated in labor circles, sums up his" argument as
"Thus the appeal of the United Front loses potency as a material reality.
We cannot force diverse purpose into the firm
unity of common aim; Ave must first 'Avant' the object of our activities."
Precisely so.
No fact was ever more patent; and I venture to
add the paradoxical truth, that never in the history
of the world was the whole human race potentially
so close to a realization of this ideal—that is, to a
"common objective in the struggle for existence."
True, the world is divided to-day into factors representing every shade of political and economical
thought—the supposed preludes to panaceal legislation from a proletarian viewpoint, we find that the
originated; nevertheless, on looking over the situation from a proletarian viewpoint, we find that the
circumstances surrounding the political life of this
planet, were never before so auspicious.
There is, of course, no certainty as to how events
may shape themselves in the future; but we may well
ask what would happen if the colossal experiment in
government preculiar to the "Soviet-World Republic," as she was pleased to call herself in New Year's
Day last, should prove a success? What Avould happen in case Russia came out victorious from her gloriously epoch-making ordeal?
Suppose she succeeded in demonstrating that
"Production for Use" offers the only basis for a
rational disposition of our manufactured goods—
Suppose in ten years from now, she stood before
the eyes of the world as a nation of superior men
and women.
Does anyone doubt that the great object of the
desire of the peoples of the world, would then be
to achieve like results at the earliest possible date?
The race would then be in a position, as "R" expresses it "to force diverse purpose into the firm
unity of a common aim." It would "want/' that is
"desire to have" the object of its activities.
The "Russian World Republic" has so far, proved invincible.
Is it not quite possible for her to continue so,
until her people acquire the culture that will give
permanence to their condition?
She is not likely to be defeated from the outside,
since ethically considered, she stands beyond comparison, above all the nations of the earth: moreover
her large batallions, are made up of men, strong
with faith in their purpose.
"Right gives way to Might" the) say; but here
Might and Right are inextricably woven together.
Nevertheless there still remains the terrible danger (not only for Russia, but for the whole world)
of destruction from Avithin.
It is here that comrade "R's" logic may Avcil
be applied as a criterion.
Will the Russian, under all circumstances, continue to "Avant" the object of their activities?
Their fervent desire to develop, and bring into
being the justest government the Avorld has ever
known, is founded on faith in the ability of the
greatest taetitians knoAvn to history, to bring about
the materialization of the great ideal of Socialism.
Let us consider, for a moment, the possibilities
of the situation.
If, for instance, they should succeed in establishing the ideals embodied in the principles of:
Equality of Opportunity.
Democratic Administration in Government, and
Real Liberty in Thought and Action.
If they could maintain these, by means of what
then would be, the strongest government on earth—
supported as it would be by "Free strong minds,
and hearts of health.''
If such an international protagonist should stand
on guard over the blazing torch of truth that shone,
meteor-like, across the firmament.
If the time should arrive when these ideals Avere
accomplished facts—and it is quite within the range
of possibility that it will,—It would then be hard
to imagine that "There breathed a man, with soul
so dead. Whose spirit to himself hath (NOT) said"
This surely must be the model after Avhich I shall
fashion the institutions of my beloved Fatherland.
Too long has it:
"Lanquished in subjection.
Equality has other laws
'No rights' says she without their duties
No claim on equals without cause.''
Could men, once having seen an object lesson in
methods of government, founded on freedom and its
incidentals, ever relapse into the Feudal restrictions
of the middle ages?
It Avould not be a very far-fetched surmise to
say that this could hardly be possible, and that the
Avhole world would actually "want" the object of
its political activities or as Sir Walter Scott might
have expressed it—The World would not be any
longer content with "glozing" words.
And, in the meantime, is the "United Front"
advocated so fervently by enthusiastic labourites,
to be despised?
On the contrary, in view of the possibilities of
the future, it Avould appear to be an urgent necessity.
There could be no single circumstance more profoundly important to Humanity than that provisions
were made for the reception, at the proper time, of
the message handed down by the Great Soviet World
Republic, giving details of the mechanism of a government for the people, and by the people—a government unshackled by the rivalries that nurture
the germs of disastrous war, and one that embodies
in its materialization, a promise identical with that
laid down in the "Good Book".
'' The sword shall be turned into a pruning-hook,
and the lion shall lie down with the Iamb."
It is only, by means of a united front that the
opportunity can be grasped at the psychological
"Time and tide wait for no man," and in its onward course, the development of industry is equally
*      *      •       *      *
THERE is one paragraph in Com. Moore's criticism Avith which we agree—the last. The
rest of it is dubiously mixed. In its final conclusions it appears in disagreement with the attitude of the article it criticises. It is, however, in
agreement on the presentation of the actual facts
of today. That admitted—and if it be true—it goes
far to weaken his conclusion. For if unity is a product of a better social understanding, the attempt
to organize the misunderstanding present, to meet
either the "urgent necessities" of the hour or the
uncertainties of a vague future, is a vain effort. And
it puts the substance of the matter in reverse.
We do not propose to follow its apostrophes of
supposition. The kindly light of one step is enough
for one day. We do not know what the detailed
conformations of future society may be; nor their
particular effects on the human race; nor the possibly startling surprises of their reactions. In the
darkness of the present, the struggles of the present
is problem enough. The future is but a vast space,
peopled with the more or less shadoAvy figures of our
optimism—or our forebodings. And at that we
leave it.
It may be that society stands close to a common objective. But, Ave are loath to say we do not
see it, and but litttle evidence to support it. True,
the divisions and confusions of modern thought and
activity predicate a dying society. They are the
baffied efforts no longer in tune Avith the class hardened institutions through which and with which
they must achieve satisfaction. They presage the
birth of a neAv order of society yet formless in the
darkness of necessary development. But they also
presage—and perhaps of necessity—a grim struggle
for tbe triumph of the one sovereignty that is to
forge their diversity into social unity; that is
to break up the distorted interests of individual endeavor and remold them on the new foundation of
economic freedom. They are the evidences of a
society "battered by the shocks of doom," battling
amidst a multiplicity of unformed aspirations, un-
sanguine hopes, and aborted toil; half or wholly
unconscious of their significance and bewildered in
the Avonderment of their "mysterious" complexities, to reclothe the halted forces of progress with
the new concepts and idealisms of unfolding reality.
Those forces, like the frosts of winter, by their own
expansion will crack and shatter their confining restraints, and urge on, in neAv channels and spheres
the undying motive of progress and achievement.
But their incarnation, through Avhatever agencies
of consummation, are dependent, both in form and
time, not merely on local and exotic "upsurges of
revolution" but on the dynamic circumstances of
variable development, and the indigenous constitution of historic totality. It is not one nation, or one
factor, one policy or one aim, one culture or one
ideal. It is the revolution of reality comprising all,
and requiring all for its purpose; It is an entirely
new society, and demands the effort of all society.
It is the necessity of an international society, cast
in the bondage of political capital, reduced, in all
its major and important realities to the lowly status
of an international proletariat.
The struggles we see going on around us are
but the incipient efforts of the struggle for dominion. For dominion over the social means of life.
They are the opening "exchange of courtesies," not
by any means the closing stages. Revolution is not
quite so uneventful as that, nor the reality of life so
irresponsible. Expectantly to watch the struggle
in Russia is not revolution. To cry spectacularly
"to horse," is not revolution. The first is but temporising with time; the second with folly. And the
fact that society in general, and masses of the proletariat in particular repudiate its principles (of extremism) and discount its objective (of communism)
is argument, bristling with the spears of fact, that
the social conditions are not nearly ripe enough to
organize a revolutionary change. And it shows incidentally, Iioav little can be expected from any example of objectivity so long as society is choloform-
ed with class ethic, breathes the thin air of possession and is sublimely unconscious of its slavery.
Soviet Russia ean neither bring us revolution nor
socialism. Nor bring us to them. And if it could
Ave would probably cart them away—being ignorant
of their value. Russia is bnt an episode in the revolution. If avc want revolution we must pursue it
for ourselves. If we Avant socialism Ave must achieve
if for ourselves. And we must know how. We must
actively participate in movements; but participate
conscious of its objective, cognisant of our social
status, understanding the nature and function of the-
state; knoAving we have nothing to lose but out
chains. We must not only just, want the object of
our activities; we must Avant it with the keen vim
of wakerife necessity. Else we are apt to be turned
aAvay by the gaudy wares at the political bargain
It may be very inspiring to hail Russia as the
"Soviet World Republic." And pleasing to the
rugged heart of poverty to think of it in success.
But—0 but—although Russia is a Soviet Republic,
she is not a Soviet World Republic. Nor will she
be—nor can she be—until the proletariat of the industrially developed nations of the West perceive
(Continued on page 6) Page six.
(Continued from page 5)
the thimble rigging of capitalist democracy and join
issue directly with their masters for the control of
the means of life.
Whether the Soviet Republic will remain as it is
now is for the future to decide.   In Soviet circles
it is maintained that it will; that its present posi
tion is equal to meet the aggressions of capital.   And
certainly all but its capitalist enemies hope for its
success and final triumph.    Still that is but hope;
and it calls for more than hope to foil the deadly
duplicity of counter revolution.   We knoAv that the
Soviet Government was not able to retain its original likeness and intention—for very obvious reasons—noAv—; and if what our comrade says is true,
that it is founded on the idea of the justest government and faith in the ability of its tacticians to
bring about Socialism, then, not only is the Soviet
World Republic a phantasy, but the Soviet Government  itself maintains but a precarious  existence.
Faith  Avill never put vertebrae  into the back of
slavery; nor will justice ever vanquish the human
nature of capitalist society.   KnoAvledge and understanding can alone beget its progeny of freedom
and culture.   Knowledge of the facts of social life,
knoAvledge of the associations that compel its ans-
Avering movement; knoAA'ledge of the cause of its inexorable necessities, derived from the tragedies of
daily experience and demonstrated in the deepening chaos of failure.    That is what brought the
Soviet into being and invested it with power; tnat
is what held it staunch and firm against the assaults of ravening capital; and that is what con-<
stitutes its security in the future stress of developing revolution.
On the matter of "production for use" Russia
never did—and does not noAv stand on such a basis.
Nor is likely to for a considerable time.   In the organised commercialism of international capital, Russia, like other nations, produces of necessity under
the conditions of the social organisation.   Not under
her own special organisation.   In an international
world she cannot live and flourish alone.   Nor would
she be alloAved to.    The capitalist world has need
of her people, her energy, her resources; and to
match and over-match the encroachments and policies of capitalist necessity she must fight Avith the
weapons of Capital—choosing hoAvever, to a certain extent, her OAvn ground; and wary but confid- .
ent, with complete comprehension of the game that
is being played.   She is—and that is why she is—
seeking trade, permitting profit, granting concessions, making contracts, feigning alliances and compromising with conciliation.   All for the development of her vast resources and in order to hold and
maintain and further the dominance of the Soviet
Governemt.    She must trade Avith Capitalist nations, and compute in terms of Capitalist majorities,
and acquire technology by more or less wide latitudes of communist principle.   The cumulate effect
of those conditions produced the N. E. P. and the
N, E. P. anchors the Soviet in the shallow waters
of its communist objective.   And being limited by
this necessity and partly languishing in its petty,
niggard, and uninspiring quota  of material, the
flourishing  growtli  and  development of  superior
culture and attainments, if not actually thwarted
and denied is checked and restricted in the Aveari-
ness of circumstantial impositions.
Finally, we don't despise the U. F. We would—
we would Avith all the fervor of long anticipation—
that it were here, that it could be devised. But we
say that it is not to be fabricated, that it is not the
product of rational argument or logical (ratio
cinative) deduction. That it ■will not be accepted
until developing conditions, Aveakening and destroying our ameliorative organisations or making them
inoperative in the advancement of machine production and Imperialist amalgamations, and breaking
up our illusive hopes, pinned on chameleon side issues and nurtured on the manna of idealist coalitions (political and non-political); until the fateful conditions of contemporary experience, through
the failtlre and disappointments and suppressions
and prohibitions of its political forms and institu
tions, to satisfy social necessity, have been unmistakably demonstrated in their own absurdities and
antagonisms, and forced home on a social intelligence, ruddy ripe for its reception and fanned by1
the Avhite fires of conviction; conscious in the failure
of disunited efforts, of the necessity of unity, and!
Avitful of its significance. Not, we say, until then
ean unity be a living reality.
Society is never "in a position" to force diverse purpose into firm unity. It can but express
the red Avine of material conditions; and express it
this and circumstances of contemporary development. It can neither revive the spirit of the
past, nor anticipate the formularies of the future.
Its debt to the past is to understand it; its service
to the future is to understand itself. Ultimately, it
must. And it is the Avay of the "must," foredoomed in cosmic necessity, but unknOAvn, in human exigency, which alone concerns us.
The various eonditions and changing interests
of life, in its composite entirity, produce concepts,
ideas and activities, charged with the heritage of
their causes. In capitalist society, all of those interests (and their appendages) struggle individual-
istically, struggle for their OAvn specific advantage.
Capitalist society is an unsocial society, a society
for private benefit. Consequently, like all political
societies it is fundamentally inimical and finally disruptive of the society of humanity; the society, i.e.,
for social preservation and progress. Yet as political society, in its inception and early growth, favored the development of social preservation and
progress, it came to power and dominion; and now
in its developed cycle of maturity it holds that power not by the mere assemblage of force and repression, but by the spirit and substance of the reality
Avhich that force represents,—traditions of new dis-'
coveries and inventions, of their newly found freedom and opportunities, the ideological inheritance
of their passion, the developed ethic of class culture
camoflaged by the virtues of necessity, the stringencies of need, schooled in the initiative of individualism, by the panoramic influences of its ever changing economic constitution—or its functioning.
Those influences and interests, "good" in the
sight of their original generations, become "bad"
in the sight of the developed creations of progress.
"Good" in the first case because they served the
fluxing needs of an economically freer and more independent society; "bad" in the second case because they have finally unfolded their inherent antagonisms and basic contradictions, and serve—the
mead of their intention—a class or a corporation.
But their idealogical contents and their old political forms and associations linger on, mingling in-l
extricably with the new concepts of modern prac->
tice, and confusing the collectively simple, unphil-
osophic, and conservative mind of society by their
bewildering appeal, in thfe strange terminology of
unfamiliar conventions, to unknown gods.
It is the weighty inertia of all those forces and
influences which stay and hinder the concept of revolution in the minds of the mass, while at the same
reality. And that is why, the most profoundly important provision to humanity, is the clear and indubitable understanding of social organization and
its inevitable consorts of class status and disabilities. For knowing the reality of that organisation
and its developed implications, society will be equipped, with the modern armory of preparedness, to
cope with whatever situations may arise in the great
epic of emancipation. R.
That "Slap at DeLeon"
N editorial reply to a San Francisco correspondent   appears   in   the    N. Y.   "Weekly
People" of April 7th, with reference to the
recent remarks in our Clarion about DeLeon and
Money.    The  editor  states that DeLeon  did not
totally deny that money is a commodity, but only
denied a commodity character to money as means
of payment—"legal tender" and "fiat money" of
less than its government-stamped face value—and
that, vieAved from a gold standpoint and as medium
of exchange, money is a commodity.   That is perfectly true.   But as the criticism arose from a statement by the author of "Banks and Banking" that
"money cannot be loaned nor Avheat sold profitably
beloAV cost" our remarks, which did not trouble to
particularise, had reference to this special  (banker's) use of money, mainly provided as a means of
payment.    The classifying of loaned money with
the true commodity wheat, by a practical banker,
proved it to have been wrong on DeLeon _ part, to
sweepingly deny to tbe former, a commodity character.
A further quotation from the booklet again condemns DeLeon's attitude:—"Why, it may be asked,
can the wholesale merchant in the large cities in all
the provinces get "money from the banks at 6 per
cent while the farmer borrowing from a bank in a
western country village has to pay 8 per cent? The
answer is that on a large turnover, costs of operations are relatively lower. The unavoidable overhead expenses of a branch bank in a sparsely settled area are very heavy in proportion to the volume of business that the community affords." In^
the town where the undersigned lives, there were
five branch competing banks; but one of them recently, OAving to lack of demand for its "commodities," and just like any store, was compelled to
close down.
Long before Dietzgen or McMillan ever wrote
against such De Leonistic absolutism, it was being
taught in logic text books that "of contrary propositions, both cannot be true; and both may be
 false."   That means that if someone says, "All men
time, economic development, gaining momentum by    pre iiars" an(j his opponent retorts, "No men are
its OAvn progress far outstrips its old political com-    iiarS;" both statements cannot be correct; and yet
neither of them may be right. The truth will probably lie in a middle position; such as we find in
thousands of similar cases, including many biological and economic examples.
Equally mistaken is the "People" editor in affirming that our side-step "slap at DeLeon" was intended to discourage our readers from consulting
his works. The writer is still, and has been for
tAventy years, a subscriber to the "People" and
yields to none in his high estimation of DeLeon,
But our friends in the "land of the free" to the
south of us, are somewhat inclined to exaggerated
hero and heroine worship; a la Christian Scientists
towards their Mary Baker Eddy. So "Progress"
merely felt it his duty to put a wee spoke in a big,
big wheel, so as to give the unAvary a fair chance
to -clear out of the way before it ran over—their
little toe!
pany and builds up its own vastly different cultural
appreciations. Thus it is that, although the economic process ravages the life of society and devours
its substance, driving it, with the whip of want
through the dire Avaters of despair, society, its yet
untutored mind, sIoav to innovation, reacts to the
forward pressure of economic development by a
backward appeal to the congenial days of its social
youth. That is Avhy on the one hand there is a gathering insistence for reform and redress, and "policies of independence," On the other a steady push
for revolutionary ideals. That is why the former,
misinterpreting the signs of the times, is impatient
for the last issue, and why the latter, knowing,.1
patiently abides the shock,—and works for the en->
lightenment of—discovered necessity. That is why;
Ave must wait the destruction of old illusions by the
conflicting forces of society, as the prelude to the advent of unity. That is why there is—and can be—
no scheme of social practice. Because there is no
definite knoAvledge and data of the material condi-1
tions obtaining in the days Avhen society discovers WESTERN  CLARION
Revolutions: Political and Social
Article 6.
GERMANY was not a hermit empire such as
Austria was in 1848. Already she had taken
her place in the front of the intellectual
trek Avhich marked this period in Western Europe.
Von Baer had published his work on embryology;
Rathke and Bischoff had followed his lead, while
chemistry and botany were also being wrought into
a scientific system, from which the rest of the world
was soon to seek assistance.
The Paris revolution had, therefore, as Marx
points out, a different effect on Germany than on
Austria. In the first place it supplanted the very
form of government which the German bourgeoise
aspired to. In the second, its full significance was
realized from the' first,—the voice of the masses was-
heard at first hand, and not relayed by a notorious
liar. Already the King had made several concessions in regard to press and speech before the Vienna revolution, and organizations for the relief of the
needy were active, so that the intense misery prevalent in Vienna was not evident in Berlin.
In Vienna the revolution had appeared with the
students movement. In Germany tho working masses took the initiative. And in order that this movement might be kept in hand, the bourgeois assem-,
blies undertook to present the various petitions
Avhich Avere constantly being draAvn up. These petitions had more vigor and independence than the
Austrian, but they too were merely seeking very
simple remedies and did not betray any revolutionary spirit.
The day on which Metternich was smuggled out
of Vienna in a basket of dirty linen, the King of
Prussia rejected one of these humble demands. And
the crowd which gathered to hear the news was fired
upon; barricades were immediately thrown up and
manned by the workers, on the next day, March 14,
came news of the Vienna success, and simultaneously the uprising of the eastern provinces. The King
now consented to the demands lately made, but revolutionary appetites increase with success, and
Avhat might satisfy one day merely aggravates the
next. New petitions Avere presented to the King on
the 18th, and lie requested the deputies to return to
their homes. An account of the many concessions
which had already been made was being read to the
crowd, when, without warning, they were fired on
again. So that at the very moment the bourgeoise
Avere congratulating the King and themselves upon
the happy conclusion of a five days riot, the very
thing they dreaded and sought by all means to avoid,
happened. After the first shots the croAvd dispersed, but at once commenced to erect the well-known
barricades; the countryside sent reinforcements and
on the 19th the masses were ready for battle, when
again the issue was settled by a regiment which
had been brought in over night refusing to fire on
the people.
The King surrendered, dismissed the ministry,
conceded everything, stood abject and bareheaded
while the funeral of the barricade dead passed, and
otherwise acted like a powerful potentate must act
when his power is gone. Meanwhile, outside thei
great centre the revolution continued; the Rhine
provinces, Bohemia, Bavaria, Saxony, all had main-i
tained a vigorous agitation for reforms, and thei
Paris revolution, followed quickly by Vienna and
Berlin, carried them far beyond even their wildest
demands, which were largely for a united Germany.
In Saxony the Paris affair called forth immediate
action. As soon as the news' arrived at Liepzic the
Town Council was called, to anticipate the "anarchist element" of course, and the usual petition was
drawn up: Freedom of speech and press, and a German Elective Assembly. This was dispatched tb
Dresden on March lst, three days after Louis Phillippe arrived in England; proclamations called the
citizens to assemble on the 3rd to hear the deputies'
Robert Blum, a Liepzic bookseller, who had taken
a prominent part in the agitation which had arisen!
'over the Jesuits, the censorship, and the dismissal
of some university professors and some priests a feAV
years previous, and who had suffered imprisonment
at that time, now became the leader of the Saxony
movement. .The deputies commenced their report
by describing the kindly attitude of the King, when
the crowd which had collected in the narrow streetsl
clamored for Blum. Upon his appearance thei
croAvd became more orderly; he was just as unwil-i.
ling as the other speakers to inform them bluntly of
the failure they had to report.' The uproar broke
out once more and high above all other cries, ultim-*
ately drowning out all others arose the cry: "The
answer!" By this time, however, the answer wasi
well understood, and Blum succeeded in turning the
anger of the crowd into enthusiasm,, which deter-t
mined to press the demands still further. The im-t
mediate dismissal of the ministry, the immediate calling together of the German Assembly. Could an)
enraged people possibly ask less?
The pressure being maintained, the King finally
appeared to yield, when on March 11th a strong
force of soldiery appeared in Liepzic, to maintain
order. Blum replied to the demands made upon the
Town Council that bullets could kill men but were
powerless against ideas, which really ruled th©
But events were travelling fast, and on the fatal
13th the King thought enough evil Avas abroad and
granted all Saxony had demanded. Everyone
awaited the inevitable reaction, when the events in
Vienna and Berlin carried these results into safe
channels and urged their authors to still more dar
ing demands.
Let us return then, to the revolution at large,
leaving the other small centres for a brief mention!,
in the general reaction.
The nice quiet little revolution Avhicn the bourgeoise had planned, wherein the King arms to be
taken to the edge of the abyss, and they were to request him to fall down and worship them, got out of
hand, and they found themselves face to face with
the armed masses. So Marx tells us that "The king
chapfallen in the highest degree after the revolution of the 18th March very soon found out that he
was quite as necessary to these 'liberal" ministers
as they were to him." The dread of the armed
masses therefor threw all classes above the workers
into one camp. The workers on the other hand
had not yet matured that distinct class concept
which would enable them to press further demands
than those which would give them scope and free'
dom to move. Under the restriction of the pre-revo^
lutionary days they found every desire and demand
cribbed by the governmental forms. The organizations they belonged to were forbidden to carry on
projects which promised betterment of their condition ; sentiments expressed by tongue or pen arising from the irritations caused by their condition in
life were promptly visited by prosecution and imprisonment; laAA's were made and enforced contrary
to what they had been taught to expect, and they
naturally conceived the idea that if all these things
were changed they would experience joys not promised at their birth.
Under these circumstances compromise became
easy, when this tremendous revolutionary movement,
which involved every country in Europe except
Britain and Russia, had now to put into actual practice the percepts of their faith.
We have not thought it necessary to include
movements of subjected nationalities such as Bohemia and Italy, or those which merely ended in
riots such as England, but these were to play an important part as we suggested above in the reaction
Which folloAved. The Feudal tenure was at an end,
and they were noAv called upon to institute a ne<v
method Avherein their material needs could be advanced. Having won in the last court of appeal the
right to order any form of government they desired, it Avould appear a simple matter to proceed
to that end. Such a belief is still prevalent in spite
of history, and we confess to the weakness ourselves
until Russia once more emphasized it so emphatii
cally; the fact is that during revolutionary periods
the overthroAV of an old form of government is a
simple matter compared to the establishing of a
new one.
When the Frankfort Assembly niet on March
31st, we sec an apparently solid mass. Flags flying,
bands playing, crowds applauding. But immediately thc deliberations commenced, the fur commenced to fly. They were united in the determination that the old order had to go. They were just
as divided on what the new order had to be. The
representatives chosen to attend this assembly were
not the people Avho had conquered the right to have
an Assembly. They were, moreover, haunted hy the
fear that an armed force might appear at any time
and put an end to their deliberations. They did
not have the courage or energy to provide an armed
force for their own defence, a matter under the circumstances requiring little of either, except, as
Marx points out, "This assembly of old women, was,
from the first day of its existence more frightened
of the least popular movement than of all the reactionary plots of all the German Governments put
They were dammed if they did:
They were dammed if they didn't.
But avc had better leave that till another time.
Socialist Party of
We, the Socialist Party of Canada affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme
of the revolutionary working class.
Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all
wealth. The present economic stystem is based upon
capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all the "product s of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is, therefore, master; the
worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession
of the reins of government all the powers of the State
will be used to protect and defend its property rights in
th emeans of wealth production and its control of the
product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-
sAvelllng stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever
increasing measure of misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition
of the wage system, under which this exploitation, at
the point of production, Is cloaked. To accomplish
this necessitates tlie transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially
controlled economic forces.
The irrepressible conflict of interest between the
capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses itself
as a struggle for political supremacy. This is the
Class Struggle.
Therefore we call upon all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with
the object of conquering the political powers for the
purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1—The transformation, as rapidly as possible,
of capitalist property in the means of
wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective
means of production.
2—The organization and management of industry by the working class.
3—The establishment, as speedily as possible,
of production for use instead of production
for profit. -W i**MMW«*W"-
--»i   ■ »»■«—■.-■
Woman's Part
PROBABLY the greatest need of working
women today is to learn to reason from the
particular to the general. To learn to co-relate the tasks in which she is engaged with the tasks
which confront society as a whole.
Primitive women contributed their full quota to
the needs of the society in Avhich they lived. It Avas
she Avho varied the meat diet of hunter's game with
contributions of mild fruits, nuts and cereals and
by so doing discovered the possibilities of the cultivation of the soil and thc preservation of seed for a
new harvest. It Avas she who tended and reared
the young animals brought in from the chase which
made possible the development of the herd, thereby
ushering in the herding industry. It was she who
ushered in primitive handicrafts in her efforts to
furnish clothes and necessary household utensils for
the use of the tribe. It was she who, through her
maternal function, kept the tribe together and it
Avas through her that heritage in the tribe was
traced. Her position was so important that it was
reflected in the religion of the times, in the dominance of goddesses over mere male gods.
Unhappily the very service which she rendered
to society became the means of her own economic
slavery. Handicapped Avith her biological position
as the mother of the human race she was unable
to folloAV far afield the avocations which she origin-*
ated, and herding and agriculture gradually gravitated into the hands of the man who became the
dominant economic factor. Woman sank into the
slave position Which she has occupied Avith some
slight variations until modern times.
As herding and agriculture had their inception
in the hands of women, machinery on the contrary;
had its inception and earliest development in the
hands of men, and women have until recently been
excluded from a share in its development. The accusation that Avomen do not invent the mechanical
contrivances, even in her own household, is true for
that reason. But the process is now being reversed.
Machinery is becoming practically automatic and is
gravitating into the hands of the women. She isi
supplanting men in the industries. The price of her
labor-power does not include the raising of a family
and can therefore be purchased cheaper. She is
now by Avay of gaining her freedom from one form
of slavery, i.e., of woman to man, as man, though)
not from the Avage-slave system.
That she is simply changing from chattel slave-
cry to that of wage-slavery does not deter her from
rejoicing. She is celebrating what she deems her>
victory pretty much as the negro Avho observes Emancipation Day, and she is doing as many silly1
things as the men who celebrate what they think
is their victory on election night. This resurgency*
of tbe women is viewed with alarm by the conser-j
vative element, who ascribe it to everything but the
real cause, from too much jazz to too little Jesus.
Women's part in production has not, heretofore,
been recognized as having an economic value because her produce has not met in exchange on the
market. It has been largely for use and appropriated
by the male to his oavii material advantage.
Noav women's vision is beginning to broaden out
but she has not yet learned that the task of providing for her own needs and those of her family are
the same, on a small scale, as that in which society
as a Avhole is engaged. That it is this need which
brings into existence the different methods of pro-)
duetion, any one of which lasts only as long as it
can function adequately for the needs of society and
when it can no longer do so it is forced to give way
to another more capable of so doing.
The final transition from one form of production to another has ahvays been a period of great
distress for the workers. Evolution takes on the
form of revolution Avith its accompaniment of counter-revolution and bloodshed.
The woman question has ceased to exist in highly developed countries, but capitalist society has
seized upon Avomen's awakening and are converting
it to their own interest. Everything Avomanly is
being lauded to the skies. "Mothers' Day" has arrived.   ,
Women's part henceforth is to fight shoulder to
shoulder Avith the men of their class, not independently but together, to rid their class of the psychology that is being instilled into their minds by the
present ruling class wlio control all the authorized
avenues of education. To prepare their class to
direct the revolution into safe channels and assure
it a final victory over the present wage system.
AS we go to press it is not yet certain Avhether
the British imperialists were serious in their
attempts to start a new drive against Soviet
Russia, or whether Curzon merely hoped to humiliate the Workers' Republic for reasons of internal
party politics. The Government of Bonar Law has
been repeatedly humiliated recently by France in
the matter of the Ruhr, by America in the matter of
the Chester grant. As neither of these powers is
much afraid of the bully of Downing Street, "national honor," Mr. Curzon may have thought, was
to be saved by an impudent note to Russia which
has feAver Avarships than America and fewer aeroplanes than France.
Russia has made a dignified answer, refuting all
the charges, reminding Britain that the trade agreement was just as much in the interest of the British
people as of Russia; that Russia is not a semi-independent country like Germany, Austria or China
and is fully determined to follow a policy of her
own, that England with its intrigues in the Caucasus, in Turkestan and in Vladivostok should be the
last to complain about Russian propaganda in the
East, that the width of territorial waters is a matter
for international negotiations which cannot be determined arbitrarily by. England. Russia further
asserts that„at a time when England was invading
Russian territory and killing Russian citizens, the
Russian Government could not grant British spies
the right of undisturbed pursuance of their honorable business. The gist of the situation is that Soviet Russia is ready to settle matters of litigation
by negotiations but it will not be browbeaten by
ultimata.—"Soviet Russia," N. Y.
Another Letter
Editor, "Clarion"—
Regarding your note on a Avoman's letter, I. should
say that the reason women do not write is because
they cannot, and they cannot because they are not
Avidely read, and therefore cannot analyze situations
connecting up the happenings of today Avith those
of the past, and from that form a mind picture of
what might be likely to happen in the future.
Potentially, woman's brain is equal to man's.
Her environment in the past Avas one which did not
develop her mentality.
The advent of machinery, forced Avoman outside
of the home, to compete with man in the labor market, and since then her mental growth has steadily
gone on. Women have had to fight down prejudice
and some of the bitterest prejudice came from the
side of men; they had been used to the meek, clinging vine woman, and this new creature, who demanded to know the things he kneAv, and challenged his
sacred opinions, was not to be tolerated.
However, women have gone bravely on, and just
at present, we have come to the point where Ave think
the average man very stupid. M.B.
(Continued from page 1)
ing restless a reaction is expected in favour of the
class that it was organized to overthrow. Italy,
like Britain, is suffering to give birth to a new order
of things.
' Lloyd George contemplates visiting Canada, "the
working man's paridise! Men learn from their failures and an advice to the American rulers to hold
on to that 60 per cent, population tilling the soil
may mean an extension of the reign of Capitalism.
Farmers are isolated, and not so susceptible to the
Socialist doctrine, but Britain has supplied a large
portion of artizans coming from the hotbeds of industry and settling on the land, fully inoculated
With the hope of getting rich quick. Failure to even
get a decent living, and no hope of anything but
drudgery, those artisans are good revolutionary material, and a visit of an advocate that may sail in
the same ship as new capital seeking investment in
British colonies may meet with a storm both on land
and sea.
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