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Western Clarion Apr 2, 1923

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A Journal of
Official Organ of
No. 888.
NINETEENTH YEAR.     Twice a Month
A Few Words
Editor's Note: This article comprises the substance of a lecture delivered recently in Calgary by
Comrade Mrs. Hollingshead. Considerations of space
have necessitated abridgment.
J shall endeavor to make my talk suitable to the
understanding of those who are in the initial
stages of the study of socialism, and I shall quote
freely from the literature which is on sale at the
table, so that buyers may get an idea of the nature
of the books. The title of my subject is "A Few
Words allow of greater complexity of thought
than do tangible and visible things. The socialist
in his selection of expressions insists on a necessity
for exactness that compels a constant study and
care in the use of words. Our speakers do not depend on inspiration, ecstasy or emotion, though I
do not deny that emotion has its place, its proper
place ,in the lives of all of us. Nor do we depend on
rhetoric, though many socialist speakers are masters
cf this art; what we do insist upon is the exact use
"and understanding of the terms we employ. This
exactness must be behind every personal effort, for
only in this way will the effect of our words endure.
A knowledge of early history can be gleaned
from picture words on ancient stones, and of all
materials on which history can be written; marble,
brick and metal are among the most enduring, yet
the words wrought in them pass away. The life of
all things in the world is bounded by time, and the
many accidents whieh are time's agents of destruction, but the impressions of the mind that are discussed and passed from mouth to mouth, aided by
the glance of an eye, the tone of a voice, influence
all time, even though we have nothing but memory
to help "as, for what is education but organized
The words of Karl Marx are discussed in this
way, so that the name of Marx has become immortal.
Even the capitalist press took notice of the anniversary of his birth, classing him among the "great
men," as the founder of modern socialism. Now
we socialists do not ask you to follow blindly the
leadership of great men, but we do point out to
you the necessity of understanding the words of
such men as Marx. Such an understanding will enable you to make good even under the present system. Marx was neither poet nor sculptor, painter
nor musician, yet his memory lives through the
force of his written and spoken words. These
words have reference to every phase of human activity and I shall deal with one or two this evening.
The first word that one associates with the name
of Marx and his theories is the word "Capital."'
Capital is wealth used in the exploitation of labor.
The one who owns this capital is called a capitalist,
and the system of exploitation of labor is called capitalism. Some political economists have laid 'it
down that capital is eternal and people who do not
know anything about politieal economy have un-
questioningly accepted that opinion about the capitalist. You have heard the expressions: there have
always been masters and slaves, rich and poor.
"The poor ye have always with you." But if we
examine more carefully we shall find that nothing is
static, certainly no form of society.
Everything is constantly changing.    The only
phenomena about which we can correctly use the
words "always" are the phenomena of change. Notwithstanding this some political economists tell us
that capital existed in prehistoric times; they even
refer us to the animal kingdom. You are all familiar with the proverb about the diligence of the
ants, how they hoard up stores for the winter, but
those economists have failed, to show us that the
ants do so to enable certain master ants to corner
these hoards with a view of selling them and making a profit out of the circulation of their capital.
And there is another break in their chain of reasoning regarding the eternity of capital. They cannot show us that the term capital exists from all
time. As a matter of fact the term capital in the
modern sense dates no further back than the 18th
century. You must understand that words are in
use for a long time before they appear in the dictionary. Now the word capitalist appears in a
French Dictionary published in 1802, called "A
Dictionary of New Words." The compiler of the
dictionary states that the word was wellnigh unknown out of Paris. He was evidently no admirer
of the capitalistic mode of production. He defines
the capitalist as "A monster of wealth, a man with a
heart of iron, and no affections save metallic ones."
I tell you this to show you that these words when
compared with the age of even the human race upon
the earth are of comparatively recent date. There
were other forms of society before the existence of
this one, and this one too will pass.
We can read the signs of the times which mark
the passing of capitalism. Aristotle, the Greek philosopher, pupil of Plato lived about 2500 years ago
and I am quoting now from the "Manifesto of the
Socialist Party of Canada,"—"Aristotle, with something akin to prophetic vision laid down the axiom
that slavery was necessary until the forces of nature
were harnessed to the uses of man This has now
been accomplished and the necessity for slavery
is past Armed with the modern machinery of production, with steam, electricity and water power at
their command, the modern workers, a fraction of
society, can produce more than all society can use or
waste, so much more, that periodically the very
wheels of production are clogged with the superabundance of wealth, and industrial stagnation prevails. ''
When you have the question of unemployment,
which, as you know, is the chronic condition in many
industries. You will agree however, that if we had
the use of what we have created unemployment
would be no hardship. We could all do with a rest.
The Socialists try to show that under this system
of unprecedented production the people who accomplish the production are unable to obtain the
use of what they have produced. That is evident
to the least observant. Some speakers try to tell
us how well off we are in modern days, compared to
the savages who roamed the plains, but relatively
we are not so well off. After all the main necessity
of life is food. Well we know that savages hunted
for food, and as long as the food lasted all the groups
had sufficient; they knew that they could go out
and get more where the last supply had come from.
Now under the existing mode of production we have
the contradiction of people going without in a land of
plenty, simply because the goods have been produced for the profit of the owning class, not for the
use of society as a whole. The most unthinkable
person agrees that there.is a contradiction, and the
thinking are looking for a remedy. The philanthropist makes a collection, money or old clothes.
The indigent accept with gratitude such doles and
when they get a chance to vote for these beneficient'
individuals they do so, thus in thyeir ignorance
perpetuating the system. Well, whether they are
satisfied or not, the system is breaking up, we cannot put back the hand of time. It is to prepare for
the liquidation of the present system that the Socialist Party of Canada holds these educational meetings.
Many people are dissatisfied with this system,
and will tell you "I am a socialist of a kind, and I
would like to see the workers cared for, and have
all the necessities of life." And here we might
discuss two kinds of socialism. I shall take the two
in their historical order, as the second one grew out
of the first. We must understand that modern socialism, like every other new theory had at first to
connect itself with the intellectual stock in trade
ready to its hand, however deeply its roots lay in
material economic facts. To get an idea of the two
kinds of socialism we are treating, we have to go
back to the French Revolution in 1789, which overthrew the Feudal Aristocracy, the country gentry,
and prepared the way for the manufacturing aristocracy, called in France the Bourgeoisie. Many
people have eulogized the French Revolution. The
poets of the time sang of it. "Bliss was it in that
dawn to be alive, and to be young was very heaven."
We have to admit however, that from a worker's
point of view it has been disappointing in its results.
We find the workers of France are still wage slaves.
During the French Revolution, and subsequent to it
there were not lacking philosophers who sought to
work out systems for the abolition of class distinctions in society. The best known of the English ones
was Robert Owen. I am not going to tell you about
him tonight. I merely mention the system of socialism associated with his name. He represented
what we call the Utopian Socialist.
The word Utopia is much older than the days of
Owen, it takes us back to 1516 when a man called
Sir Thomas More published a book called "Utopia."
In which he sets forth an ideal state. Utopia was
no real country, only the creation of this man's imagination. The word has come to mean a visionary
scheme of reform or social theory, especially of
those who fail to recognise the difficulties inherent
in human nature. A large number of the more recent
Utopians have been inspired by socialistic or communistic ideas. Owen was one of these visionaries.
Out of the generosity of his heart he set himself to
try to remove the wrongs under which the workers
labored. His idea was to create a new state, a sort
of combination of Christianity, Science, and Industry. I doubt not that under his arrangement we
would have found life quite supportable, but such
plans will not work. Philosophers like Owen do not
take into account the greed of ordinary mortals,
especially of the class we call the idle rich. The
pride of the possession of private property, the pow-
(Continued on page 2) PAGE TWO
(Continued from page 1)
er of pelf are always more potent than the principles
of the philosophers.   This brings us to the other kind
of sociailsm—Scientific Socialism, which is directed
against private ownership and wage slavery.
I am aware that a popular idea of socialism is
that we have to share our clothes and everything
we possess. That is not the teaching of Scientific
Socialism. We are seeking to abolish private ownership in the means of the production of the necessities of social life, the resources of a country, the
factories, the means of transportation. All th-se
are operated socially but owned privately. That is
another outstanding contradiction in the present
mode of production. Scientific Socialism not only
criticises and denounces the exploitation of the
working class inseparable from the present system,
but it shows how this exploitation arose at a certain
historical period. It traces the evolution of the
system through its various stages and is able to
present its inevitable downfall. These discoveries
we owe to Karl Marx, and this is why we are sometimes called Marxian Socialists. Marx made an examination of the Capitalist system, and his problem
consisted in finding answers to the following questions :
1. What are the sources of our wealth, that is
of the means of subsistence and comfort of
the individuals composing society?
2. How is this wealth produced?
3. How is this wealth divided among the dif
ferent  groups  and individuals  composing our society?
4. How does this division of the wealth affect
the relations of the groups and individuals
participating in it?
Unlike the Utopians, Marx did not attempt to
form laws for the uplifting of society based upon
what they called the principles of eternal reason and
justice, but he examined the system as he found it.
His facts were mainly obtained from statistics in
the British Museum in London. In fact he was so
regular in his attendance there and worked so assiduously that he was regarded as one of the statues of
the museum.
The Socialism of the earlier days certainly criticised the conditions existing under capitalism, but
it could not explain them, therefore could not get
the mastery of them. It could only reject them as
bad. Scientific Socialism however, is shown to be
the necessary outcome of a struggle between two
historically developed classes. On the one hand
there is the class we spoke of earlier, the class which
owns but which does not produce| At the opposite
pole there is the class which by its efforts produces
everything necessary for the maintenance of human
life in comfort, aye, even in luxury, but does not
own that which it produces. This brings me to the
next of my words. This producing class is what
we call the proletariat, the propertyless class. This
word like the others we have discussed, is a term borrowed from the French and used collectively for
those classes who depend for their livelihood on
their daily labor. This class never acquires property, so the name was given to the body of citizens
possessed of no property and who therefore had to
serve the state for a living they and their offspring.
In fact the word "Proles" signifies offspring, so we
may take it that though the proletarian class produces everything, it owns nothing except its offspring. The word now refers to the wage workers
of the State. We belong to this class, the class which
produces but does not own.
This division into classes has a certain historical
justification, but it has this only for a given period
and only under given conditions.   It was based upon
the insufficiency of production.   It will be swept
away by the complete development of modern productive forces.   The proletariat class is the active
factor in bringing about the transformation from
capitalism to Socialism.   Permit me to quote again
from our Socialist literature.    This transformation
is proceeding now through the partial recognition of
the social character of the productive forces, the
great  institutions  for   production,   transportation
and communication, are in many cases being taken
over by the State.   As the property slips from the
hands of the capitalists and becomes public property
the proletariat class gains power, and socialized production upon a predetermined plan becomes possible.   The present anarchy in distribution is replaced
by systematic, definite organization, not each man
for himself trying to get one ahead of the other fellow, but all working for the social requirements of
all.   Then the struggle for individual existence disappears, not because it is disagreeable or immoral,
but simply because it is no longer necessary.
To accomplish this act of universal emancipation
is the historical mission of the modern proletariat.
This is no mean accomplishment. It requires intelligence and study, and this is the study of scientific Socialism. The great question is who is going
to bring about the transformation from capitalism
to Socialism, and how will it be done? Everything
else is only interesting insofar as it throws some
light upon this subject. The Socialist cannot do this
for you, conditions will bring this about, but Socialist teaching will help you to understand the conditions. Marx describes the process. As machinery
improves, commodities can be produced in shorter
time'and with fewer hands. This will not mean that
the work will be spread over to make it go round, it
will mean an increasing amount of unemployment,
and no chance of an increase in wages, and you
must bear in mind that there is no territory opening
up for the disposal of commodities. This again
means an increasing amount of unemployment. With
capital tending to become concentrated in the hands
of fewer, the smaller capitalists are being pushed into the ranks of the proletariat. This class ii? the
majority class. When it becomes aware of its own
force, it is able to seize political power, and turn tho
means of production into State property. Industrial conditions are now ready for this, ard, as we
said before, the forces of nature are harnessed to The
uses of man. What then is preventing the revolution? The minds of the workers are not yet ready,
they are not yet politically intelligent; they still
ally themselves with rival parties of the master class.
They are still apathetic. Shelly sum* this when he
"Rise like lions out of slumber,
In unvanquishable number. -
Shake your chains like morning dew,
Which ir sleep have fallen on you,
Ye are many, they are few."
This social revolution must be accomplished by
the proletariat There is no other class to do it. Tn
previous revolutions the workers swung to one or
other of the contending parties and were able to
turn the balance, but now we have only two classes.
It is no longer a three cornered struggle. As Marx
says, "Just as the Reformation was the work of a
monk, the social revolution must be the work of a
class driven on by the urge of its interests, the irresistible urge of self-preservation." Some are satisfied to make the existing system a little more tolerable. They dissipate their energies in their fight
for palliatives. These are given to us by the master
class when it finds it necessary to do so. Their only
effect is to give the system a little longer span. It
is futile for the workers to expect any permanent
benefit from such petty reforms, your only hope is
in the abolition of the system of wage slavery. That
is why we ask you to give attention to the literature
now before you. An understanding of this will
bring about the emancipation of the whole of society.
I am quite aware that the Socialist speakers are
often ridiculed for telling the workers to emancipate
themselves, and for reiteraiting the need of education. In spite of this we say again, educate to agitate, and agitate to emancipate.
In Consideration  of
a Law
LYING before me as I write are two clippings
from the capitalist press Rochester Herald,
one of which informs the world that the democratic majority in the New York State Senate have
voted for the repeal of the obnoxious Lusk Anti-
sedition Laws, which the newly elected democratic
governor was pledged to do.
The other is an editorial, also from the Herald
of March lst, in whieh the editor discusses and approves the law just introduced by the democratic
Senator Walker of New York purporting to be a
law for suppression of the Ku Klux Klan.
This law provides that every corporation or
association with more than twenty members would
be compelled to file with the Secretary of State
sworn copies of its constitution, by-laws and membership oath, along with the names and addresses
of all its officers and membership. Any changes
made in its regulations and any additions must be
promptly reported. The bill further provides for
concentrated action on the part of its members to
promote or defeat legislation, federal, state or
municipal, or to support or defeat any- candidate
for political office. '
This bill would also make it unlawful to send
or deliver any anonymous letter or leaflet or document to any person other than a member, unless
the communication bears the name of the officers,
together with their addresses.
Violations of the proposed law are made a misdemeanor punishable by fines of from $1,000 to $10,-
000 and guilt is made personal.
Thus any member who acquiesces in the violation
of the law may be punished as well as any member
who continues to attend meetings when he knows
the law has.been violated. While this bill would
affect all national organizations, leaders of such re
spectable and respected bodies as the Masons and
the Knights of Columbus have expressed themselves
strongly in favor of it. As Senator Walker says it
is "in the interest of America and Americans."
Thus we have another illustration of how political democracy, for which the capitalists were so
eager to make tbe world safe, is an instrument in
the hands of the ruling class to suppress the workers. Ostensibly the law is aimed at the Ku Klux
Klan but it is just as applicable to labor organizations, for which it is more than probably intended.
While the Lusk Law aimed at policing lahor
this Walker law makes labor police itself. That it
would never be enforced where other organizations
that were not inimical to capital is concerned and
if it were it would cause them no uneasieness is
evidenced by the readiness with which such organizations arc Avilling to support it.
And so the education and disillusionment of the
workers goes on apace. Truly "capitalism has within itself the germ of its own destruction."
Preface hj tho author.
181 PAGES.
Ptr Copy, _5 Cents.
Ten eopUi np, M oenta Moku
China: the Pearl of the East
TO everyone living around the Pacific coast
the phrases "Yellow Peril." or "Asiatic Exclusion" are verv familiar. After having outlived all thc other perils, such as Scotch, German,
Bolshevik and Sinn Fein perils, and experienced the
ravings of would-be politicians on the first two, .we
find they are lost again and the skeleton is thrown
back in the closet till the next time. They were carefully prepared pills for the people to swallow in
order to keep their mud off the real peril which is
"Capitalism." Lincoln or Barnum, I am not sure
whieh, but I think it must have been Abe, as Barnum knew better, said, "You can foci the people .
part of the time, and sjme of the people all of the
time, but you can't fool all the people all of the
time." The only trouble with Abe was, he did not
know the people. If il was not the case, why is it
that th. workers give their masters the means and
weapons that are used by workers upon workers, to
keep themselves in a state of subjection. When
ycur master has no further need of you, and the
whelps begin to bark, he goes to tbe closet and out
comes poor "John" again. This is the cause of all
your troubles. Then lie proceeds to show you that
by unfair competition (what that is I don't know)
you cannot comi-ete with the Chinese. His food is
rice; yours is roast beef, and he gets you worked up
so that you cannot look a cow in the face, and you
feel like the bull after seeing tbe red.
Yes, poor John is to blame for you being in the
position you aa , so tbe trick is turned again. The
reason he dope, your mind is that you have not
studied your posii on, your ideas on exploitation are
slight. Surplus va es sound to you like some one
that want3 a hand out and that is why you applaud
your masters, Windbags aud Mugwumps, when they
throw this slop at you. The workers want something simple; I am sure they do not need it. At
the last Dominion election, part of the policy put
forward by the Liberal party was Chinese exclusion.
How honest they were will be seen by the following excerpt taken from the "Ueview of Reviews,"
published in Shanghai, China: "The Canadian government, with a view to fosteriug trade with China,
officially opened salerooms in the Ewo Building,
Peking Road, Shanghai, China.*' It goes on to tell
about the usual things, they have to sell, and of the
strong sales organization in connection Wd only
for Dr. Ross, Canadian Trade Commissioner, could
it be made possible. Great man! It did not mention that the worker had produced so much goods
that the boss had laid him off as he could not buy
them back, so he must take them io China. Being
a philanthropic sort of a fellow he sells the goods
to the Chinese. Goods are produced for sale, and
that means they must have an exchange value, so
they exchange with the Chinese merchant and get
some other kind of merchandise that the Chinaman
could not buy back, as ht was in the same box as
you were. There is no "peril" about this; all that
is happening is the disposition of the surplus values.
It is interesting to note the official reports as regards Chinese emigrants living abroad, and the figures are high at that. United States has 150,000,
and Canada 12,000. The real peril, so far as the
workers are concerned, is the exploitation of the
Chinese on a large scale. The question is can the
finaneial and business interests of the world hog tie
China for that purpose, or will China become a
power of its own in the midst of the scrap among the
great powers ? What we know of China in the past,
with its history, traditions and people, is that the
last great nation of importance to enter that stage
of machine production under the dying system of
capitalism is the Chinese. To understand the Chinese thoroughly means a long investigation into the
historical records of that race, so a rough outline of
the make-up of that country is sufficient here. The
total area of China is 4,376,000 miles, with a coast
line of 5,000 miles. Her population is, according to
the post ofice estimates, 427,679,214 people, or
about 100 people per square mile. The greatest part
of Chiua is mountain land. While on the lower
reaches of its main rivers, the Yellow and the Yangtse, are hundreds of miles of the richest soil in the
world. Rice is the favorite diet of the Chinese, but
the large mass of the population live on millet and
wheat, mostly millet.
The mineral properties of China are mostly operated on a small scale, and the possibilities as regards
the amount of mineral cannot be calculated. There
are eighteen capitals in China outside Peking, whieh
is the capital of all the capitals. The revolution
started in the fall of 1911, and the monarchy went
out of business in 1912, when the republicans took
office. Now we have China with all its untold
wealth hardly touched, and we also have that enormous population whieh, we might say, still uses the
hand-craft method of production. A new era has
opened for her, capital comes in from all the corners
of the globe, the gates are down. When the wall
around Canton went down with a crash that echoed
all around the world, then all the agents and sewer
rats of the capitalistic powers scurried for the Chinese markets. Fabulous wealth was in sight, cheap
slaves was the factor. Then all the commercial interests lauded Dr. Sun Yat Sen, the republican chief,
for opening the way for the exploitation of the
China has forged" ahead since 1912, now they
have all kinds of factories in operation. In fact all
the ground work has started to put China on an industrial basis. China is controlled or owned by foreign interests. Everything is not well within her
doors; clouds are gathering" that look black. The
Avorkers are organizing and the armies are not exactly under the control of their leaders; as should be.
Mutinies have taken place on a large scale, and the
troops help themselves. The worker is beginning to
get rebellious, and the worst part of it is the surpluses are not being realized as they snould be. Britain and America have large holdings in China. They
are somewhat concerned over the disturbances that
are taking place there. The various interests are
now quarrelling among themselves and financing
different groups of militarists, who the one day are
bandits, and the next the army. In order to get
first class information as regards the condition of
affairs in China, the Hon. L. G Dyer went out on an
unofficial mission, and this is what he says:. " I find
China in a condition chaos. Civil war in the south.
The west in a turmoil, aud armed camps dominating
all parts of the north. In Peking, the capital, there
are brilliant men, and idealists, but due to military
interference, they have no unity of purpose in binding China together as a nation." He says China is
insolvent, and shows no regard for any obligations
to American merchants and bankers. There are all
kinds of bill collectors, from the commercial and
financial interests of the U. S. A. Debts tbat have
been owed for years, goods supplied that have never
been paid for, and money that was borrowed from
tbe financial interests which is long overdue, also the
interest, which seems to be as elusive as the principal. America cannot understand how China allows those defaults to go on.
Next, the "Christian Science Monitor" says:
March 12th: "Whether the cause lies in China's public men, or in conditions too refractory to be controlled by statecraft, need not be discussed. It is
the result that concerns the world, and the country
13 more divided than ever it was. And the capital
weakens while the warfare of the Governors grows.
There is a danger here, and it is by no means confined to China itself." The discouraging part was
that the Washington Conference threw out a helping
hand, and all the delegates agreed to respect the independence, etc., etc., of China (that is what you
call diplomacy). But the showdown is coming, as
the following announcement reads: "The United
States has arrived at the position. where it must
judge China by performances, not promises. The
great powers that have interests will themselves
have to take steps for their own protection."
Matters are getting worse in China, both politically and financially. So Washington has announced
that unless Peking takes steps to set her house in
order, it is unlikely that the other powers will wait
much longer before taking protective action, even
if the United States so desired. So the "Monitor"
barks about invasion in China, while she cries stop
in the Ruhr. China at the close of the revolution,
in 1911 and 1912, had an army of 800,000 men, half
a million were fairly well equipped. In 1920 estimates compiled by foreign authorities gave her an
army of 1,369,800 men thoroughly equipped. At
the present moment of writing her armies are in the
neighborhood of 1,750,000 men, according to fairly
authentic reports. There is no question that the
internal disturbance in China lies with the militarists, who maintain large armies for their own selfish
interests, paid for by the Peking government. Of
course, there is money comes from outside sources
with interests in China, and from Chinese merchants
abroad who are loyal to their place of birth, as will
be seen by a donation of $40,000, which was received by Dr. Sun Yat Sen from Chinese merchants
and farmers residing in and around Vancouver, B.C.
England before the war held undisputed sway in
China, she was well established, and her authority
was seldom challenged, but during the war she had
to drop the exploitation of the Chinese market and
devote her whole attention to the war business. This
was how the U. S. A., with conditions in her favor,
got quite a firm grip on the Chinese market, and it
will only be a question oftime when she will have
dominant control. England is her only strong competitor, who will not retire from that position of importance which she has held in the past without a
scrap. Fight she will, and fight she must, as her
very existence is at stake. Japan is aLso interested
in China, and, by the way, not yet reconciled to the
treatment accorded her citizens in the land of the
free. Dr. Sun Yet Sen has all the backing of financial America behind him. While General Chan
salutes his masters, the British. Japan ships arms
to China, but it is done unofficially, to be sure. The
British Commission in Germany gavp passports for
quite a load of arms and ammunition, which was
also shipped to China. The U. S. A. is reorganizing
her navy, and recruiting on a large scale. And M.
Joffe, the Soviet envoy is in China to recuperate his
health. Of course Joffe makes the statement that
communism on the Soviet principle cannot yet bc introduced in China because conditions are unfavorable for the success of either.
Russia and China are neighbors. The divisional
line between them is the longest in tbe world. Both
these nations are suffering from the schemes of all
the great powers, and it is likely that the trend of
events in the east and the west will bring them together. This is natural, that they will turn to each
other for support in their turmoils of transition.
Russia is moving Chinawards, and there is no question that it is to her best interests to make common
cause with a nation that is a neighbor, and who is
attacked just like herself. China will make terms
with Russia without herself going into a Soviet Republic. The way of the east is peculiar to the west,
the Chinese were slaves to their own limited reasoning, consuming only what they produced. Industrial organization was unknown outside its domestic affairs. With it all China maintained her civilization and racial ties, while others decayed and
died. The Chinese ideas in regard to the world's
progress are by no means complimentary. There is
(Continued on page 6) PAGE POUR
Western Clarion
A Journal ol History, Ek*onomics, P_illoso|>l_y,
and Current Events.
Published twice a month by the SooiallBt Party of
Canada. P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
Entered at G. P. O. as a newspaper.
Editor Ewen   MacLeod
Canada, 20 issues     11*00
Foreign, 16 issues     1**00
nr**-*-' tht* number is on yonr address label your
HRQiiibscrlptlon expires with next iBBue. Renew
THE Vancouver daily newspapers have been
very much worried during the past week
over the activities of the young bloods at
the University of B. C. It appears that Sir Henry
Newbolt has been at the university lecturing to the
student body, his subject being "Poetry and Patriotism." Following upon that "The Ubyssey" (the
U. B. C. magazine) carried an editorial in which
Sir Henry's choice of subject is deplored and his
treatment of it challenged. Apparently the points
of view of Sir Henry and "The Ubyssey" writers
are out of touch with each other. Besides the editorial in question the magazine carried the following
parody on Sir Henry's own efforts in "Drake's
People in the Colonies, very far away,
(Far away and very far below),
So they sent an orator, twenty bob a day,
All the way to Canada, you know.
Pounding on the tom-tom, hammering the drum,
Telling how we vanquished every foe,
—Unimpressed Colonials looking rather glum,
(When the dickens will the blighter go?)
Seven weeks in Canadfc, long enough to see
(Par away and very far below),
How these poor Colonials are "just like you and me,"
Just as modest—till they start to blow.
Take the news to England—they'll be glad to hear
How we worship Haig and Jellicoe;
Very patriotic, but a trifle too exotic;
You know it really isn't comme il taut.
That poem, or parody, has raised an awful storm
by this time and we gather that it is to be withdrawn "with regret." There is not much sense in
apologising after you deliberately punch somebody
on the nose, which is different from accidently stepping on a man's corns. But here has been poor old
"Lucian" every other "Week End" for a long time
in "The Province" encouraging verse among the
University students, and the first effort which has,
brought down the house, so to speak, has to be apologised for as an "insult to a patriot."
And now the students are in for it. They are
without the British spirit, the British sense of fair-
play, British patriotism and other qualities British.
They are, in fact, flirting with sedition. As "The
World" (March 28, 1923) says:—
From one strange quarter an attempt at justification
of the students has been made. Their ennui at the
thought of anyone in these days being thrilled by memories of Drake or Nelson or Beatty has been defended on
the ground that it exhibits "fearless independence." It
would be kinder to tell the students in question the frank
truth. There is no fearlessness in a mean anonymous
lampoon; no independence in a collegian biting the hand
that sustains him. It is a matter of simple common British honesty that a state-aided institution should not teach,
nor encourage nor countenance anything subversive of the
principles on which the state is founded. What is law
for worklngmen in Winnipeg should be good doctrine for
state-aided highbrows in Vancouver.
We gather from the press that patriotism on the
part of these students should lull them into contentment with all dull headed opinion and that on the
part of the Faculty new ideas should find them hide-
proof.     Apparently, however, the practise of rat
tling the bones of Nelson is wearing out. Patriotism needs dressing up in a new coat—a warm one.
We are wondering if "The Ubyssey" will teH-us
what their brand of patriotism is like, not forgetting
of course, that gentle hint about those seditious
devils in Winnipeg.
Our sympathy to Sir Henry. It's a terrible
thing after having told, the same old story for so
many years to run into a bunch of kids who see
nothing in it.
How Old is Man?
THE Socialist press in Great Britain is featuring the report of the British labor delegation
to the Ruhr region and the recommendation
that the report proposes should be carried out. The
recommendation is that the Ruhr area should be internationalized. On that score they are being criticized all around, but it is with another part of the
report that we are interested.
John Wheatley, Labor M.P. for a Glasgow constituency, speaking there recently said (Forward,
March 3/23) that the capitalist press of Great Britr
ain encouraged the tendency to feature foreign affairs in the news, and to divert attention from affairs at home. He said that "the condition of the
Glasgow working class was a much greater tragedy
than the condition of peoples in Central Europe,"
and that the delegation—
had not found houses tumbling down about the people as
had happened during the past few weeks in Bridgeton;
they found the standard of housing immensely superior
to Glasgow's and nothing of the slums which they knew
here. In the midst of all the present difficulties they had
seen working-class houses being erected—houses which
would compare favourably in external appearance with
middle-class houses here. The people were well-dressed;
the children seemed well-dressed and comfortable. They
had found no apparent shortage of goods. He believed it
might be true that the standard and quality of food was
lower than ours, but there were no signs of the extreme
poverty and starvation that they had heard so much of.
Moreover, there was no unemployment, and the criticism
that the apparent betterness was due to the fact that the
German workers worked harder than we did was absurd.
The miners in the Ruhr Valley worked seven hours from
bank to bank—an hour less than our miners did.
We at home were being misled as to the facts of the situation. If the east end of Glasgow were only transported
to the centre of Europe it would become the mecca of politicians and philanthropists who were blind to every misery
at home. He had every sympathy with the workers in
every country who were oppressed by Capitalism, but no
class of workers in Germany could compare in poverty to
the people he represented .in Westminster.
John Wheatley expounds upon a theme—working class housing conditions in and around Glasgow—quite in tune with the facts. We escaped
from that region ourselves about as soon as our
legs were strong enough to travel, in accord with
the facts laid down.
"The Stately Homes of England" is a fine poem,
no doubt. It is proper British patriotism to admire
it. As Jack Jones says—they stand 'em in rows
'cause they can't be trusted to stand alone. We are
waiting to hear what the Glasgow folk think about
world affairs now.
THE "Clarion Mail Bag" fe'ature is absent
from this issue and will appear in next. We
have been a little under the weather and
have not managed to get the letters turned over to
Comrade Earp for inspection.
J. M. Sanderson, secretary of Local Winnipeg
asks us to announce that Sidney Rose has resigned
from that local and is not now a member.
Local Calgary has changed the address of headquarters there.
Note new address: Room 27 Central Building,
Calgary, Alta. All mail to the secretary of the Local
(W. H. Exelby) or to the secretary of the Alberta
P. E. C. (R. Burns) should be addressed there.
SCIENCE is having its day in the press. Hard
upon the accounts of the recent finds in
Egypt, public interest is stirred by the blazing of a star and by the news from Patagonia that
a skull has been discovered which seems to belong
to the* Tertiary Age. Cosmic events and evidences
of the early history of man are, it appears, once
more excellent newspaper "copy."
Interest in the origin of man is not a new thing.
Even before paleontology had attained the rank of a
science, Scheuchzer believed he had found the remains of a man "witness of the Deluge." Scientific
investigation of the problem began with the discovery of a skeleton in the Neanderthal in western
Germany. Here was a skull type which could not
readily be associated with modern European man
and was at once claimed as an early, extinct form.
The cautious Virchow was reluctant to proclaim
this single specimen as proof of a new type of human,
particularly since he believed that he had discovered in it many pathological traits. However, when
similar specimens were found in Belgium, France,
and Moravia the existence of an Ice-Age population was established beyond cavil. In the course of
time discoveries were made which pushed- the period
of the appearance of man back into still earlier
times. Dr/ Dubois discovered in Java remains
which, while similar to man, were so distinct in form
that they had to be considered as a separate type,
which was named the Pithecanthropus Erectus, the
ape-man walking erect.
Continued search in ancient gravel beds and other deposits belonging to the early Ice Age finally
yielded, in the sands near Heidelberg, the jaw of a
human form, a fragment which belongs to a being
much more primitive than the Neanderthal race.
Additional finds in England suggest the occurrence
of a distinctive type in this early period, and recent
evidence points to the presence of man even before
the Ice Age, at the end of the Tertiary Period. We
may now safely estimate that man has lived in Europe for at least 150,000 years.
Since all the manlike apes are found in the Old
World, it seems probable that die Human species
developed in that section of the globe. Quite recently, however, a single tooth found in the West of
this country has been ascribed to a manlike ape, but
it is the only indication of the presence of man-apes
thus far found on the American continent. The long
search for human remains belonging to the Ice Age
in America has not yet yielded results accepted by
careful investigators. No form has been found indicating a human type anatomically different from
the modern American aborigines. While scientists
in North America are still skeptical in regard to alleged Quaternary (Ice Age) finds, a South American scientist, Ameghino, has claimed that in Patagonia man existed together with extinct animal
forms belonging to the late Tertiary or early Quaternary. His evidence, however, is not entirely satisfactory.
It remains to be seen whether Dr. Wolf's find in
Patagonia will alter our views in regard to the early .occurrence of man in America. If the fossilized
skull which this investigator reports finding in the
possession of a settler is really what he believes it
to be, we shall have to conclude that man existed in
America in the days when the present polar regions
were semi-tropical and enormous reptiles dominated
tbe world.—The Nation (N. Y.)
H. Laidlaw $1; R. S. $2; Harry Brightman $4;
T. Robinson (per Roy Reid) $2; Dave Watt $5; Thos.
DeMott $5.
Above, C.M.F. receipts from 16th to 28th March,
inclusive, total $19. WESTERN   CLARION
By the Way
I WOULDN'T care if they'd only prohibit the
members from Lancashire from wearing 'em.
Lancashire legs are the most offensively proletarian legs of 'em all. That cocky flourish—the
clogs done it—would be positively obscene in silk
britches. The upper-works may betray the culture
of twenty generations removed from clogs j no matter, the legs retain their proletarian outlook on life.
As for legs, legs that are legs, I think silk britches set 'em off fine. The labor* electorate will now
have to use some judgment. Hitherto they have been
electing any old thing, economists, historians, trade
union officials and such ruck. "Hand and Brain"
they called 'em. But now its Legs if they're going
to do themselves credit. I'm thinking of taking a
trip to the old country myself sometime before next
Anyway, I'll bet Billy Bennett a six months' subscription to the "Clarion" that silk britches, on a
leg that is a leg mind you, say Ramsay MacDonald's
not to mention others, have more artistic value than
George Chicherin's shiny top hat.
•IF 0 0 W
Press despatches of last week from Europe reported two notable events. In London, Philip Snow-
don, of the British Labor Party, introduced a motion into the British House of Commons calling for
the nationalization of land. The motion is described as denouncing the capitalist system as a failure,
and proposed that legislation be directed "towards
its gradual supercession by an industrial and social
order based upon public ownership and democratic
control of the instruments of production and distribution. ''
In Rome, the Industry Section of the International Economic Conference, convened in that city,
adopted a resolution which amounted to a reaffirmation of the' capitalist system of private ownership
and control of the m/ms of production and distribution.
*     *     *
The significance of the British Labor members'
motion does not lie in its being something new in
the way of legislative proposal in the British Parliament. I believe that, perhaps some twenty years
ago, the late Keir Hardie introduced some such proposal. Still less does the resolution at Rome strike
any new note in hand picked capitalist economic
conferences, either in its categorical affirmation, or
in detail as outlined in the seven recommendations
of policy which it (the resolution) embodies. The
character of such resolutions in such conferences are,
of course, foregone conclusions—their value is propaganda. Reading the dispatch from Rome on the
purposes of the conference, I was reminded of the
instructions handed to a committee of economic production and technical experts called into being two
or three years ago by U. S'. Secretary of the Interior
Hoover. Their task was to study industrial conditions in the United States and to report on causes of
industrial mal-adjustments, inefficiencies, unemployment and other economic wastes and submit
proposals for their elimination. The members of the
committee were specially instructed to confine their
study within the limits of the capitalist method of
production, and not to submit any proposals of reform that would entail any change in the institutions
of the established order. Just so, it is, that from
Versailles in 1918 to Rome in 1923 the statesmen of
capitalism and their retinues of experts have been
dog-trotting within the same vicious circle from one
fore-doomed conference to others equally futile.
#     *     #
No, the significance of tbe two events lies in
their relation to the present social situation. Social
forces, economic, political and intellectual, have
gathered headway, and the social problem has acquired a new quality by thc process, as it were, of a
quantitative change. Economic and intellectual
forces have developed so that Snowden's proposals
have come to have an air of practicality to the people of this day absent from them in Hardie's day;
while, on the other hand, the resolution from Rome
seems to embody just so much of dicta outworn, and
discredited in human experience, now merely a repeating of pious wishes. For behind all the demands of the resolution, amiable enough some of
them if taken as stated, lurks the unstated but
known ulterior motive of capitalist profits as the
aim and end of industrial effort. The wellbeing of
the working masses or the communities of which
they are a part is only a matter incidental in the
economic scheme of things— a matter at most of a
pious wish. The Economic Conference resolution
protests against the efforts of labor unions to restrict production and reduce the hours of labor. But
not a shadow of an idea is in it that laboring people
may have other interests and aspirations, as well as
industrial, to satisfy which they must, have leisure,
the room of human development, and reserves of
physical, intellectual and moral energies. No protest is raised against the closing down or part time
operation of industrial plants by capitalist owners
or the wholesale sabotaging of the communities by
restricting production in the interest of a profitable
price, which is to say, to "what the traffic will
bear." In the estimation of production experts in
the United States, where the delegation came from
who introduced the resolution, the industrial organization of that country only operates at something
like 25 per cent, of its capacity taken over a period
of time, and that due, not to the restrictions and inefficiencies of labor, but to competitive wastes and
the curtailments enforced by the capitalist method
of production. All the resolution shadows forth,
dark as night, is an insatiable craze for production
of material wealth at the highest rate of speed even
though at the price of debauching labor and the
sabotaging of the communities.
*     #     #
Another demand of the resolution calls for the
continued submission of society's industrial processes to individual enterprise. Even so while civilization is wrecking itself over industrial and commercial rivalries in the regime of private enterprise.
In another respect how does it stand with- private
enterprise? In the so-called finer arts and sciences
private enterprise has a way of serving society without the incentive of swollen fortunes. In medical
science and surgery, for instance, a new discovery
is published broadcast in the service of humanity.
In industry and commerce, on the other hand, a new
discovery is something to be kept secret as a new
power of individual enterprise over trade rivals and
the community at large. In science a new discovery
published abroad becomes a stepping-stone to new
discoveries by experimentors, both professional and
amateurs, all over the world. On the other hand,
private enterprise in industry retards advance in
industrial technology by hugging its new discoveries
to itself and in so doing sabotages the human family
In next issue I. think I will deal with the Labor
Party's nationalization of land project. But I protest I. am not laying down tbe law. I merely make
a contribution to thought on matters I touch upon.
There isn't a bright thought in us just at this moment. The prospect of a Friday and Saturday shut
down in the print shop hurrying us along, and the
damnable attentions of neuralgia holding us back
are operating against normal production. Even the
figures are a little out of kilter, as. witness below.
All adds to our misery. About now we feel as if we
bad a monoply on misery.
Following $1 each: F. Johnson, T. DeMott, T.
Robinson (per Roy Reid), J. M. Sanderson, G. H.
Powell, R. C. McCutcban, D. Burge, J. Dennis, J.
Adie, D. MacLeod, J. Tiderington, C. F. Orchard,
W. K. Bryce, A. Hallberg, Sid Earp, R. Sinclair.
Following $2 each: W. II. Exelby, P. L. D., H. J.
Mills, H. G. Mingo.
A. McDonald $1.25; J. Quinn $5. Above, Clarion
subs from 16th to 28th March, inclusive, total $30.25.
(1) July, 1915, to January, 1916.—Britain promises to "recognise and support the independence of
the Arabs" in various territories, including Syria
and the cities of Aleppo and Damascus.—Times,
(2) May 16, 1916.—"Sykes Picot" secret agreement (between France and Britain) gives Syria to
France and places Aleppo, Damascus and Mosul in
French sphere of interest.—Manchester Guardian,
(3) November 8, 1918.—British and French joint
declaration. "The end that France and Great Britain have in view is the complete and definite freeing of the peoples so long oppressed by the Turks,
and the establishment of national Governments and
Administrations deriving their authority from the
initiative and free choice of the indigenous populations. "—Press, 9/11/18.
(4) May 21, 1919.—M. Clemenceau agrees to
leave Mosul out of French sphere of influence* At
sitting of Supreme Council, M. Clemenceau says to
Mr. Lloyd George: "When 1 went to London last
autumn I said to you: ' Let me know what you want
in Asia, so that we may do away with any cause of
misunderstanding between us.' You said to me 'We
want Mosul, which the Sykes-Picot Treaty puts in
the French zone.' "—Commonsense, 19/6/20.
In April, 1920, San Remo Conference gives Syria
to France and Mesopotamia and Mosul to Britain.
(5) June 10, 1920.—M. Millerand in French
Chamber says: "In conversation with Mr. Lloyd
George M. Clemenceau had given way on the question of Mosul, with the idea of first coming to a
satisfactory arrangement on the question of oil, and
secondly to a suitable settlement of the Syrian question in conformits with the interests of France. It
was on this basis that he had continued to negotiate
with England, which had undertaken to hand over
to France 25 per cent, of the product of the oilfields.
Thus the British Government breaks its pledges
to support independence of Arabs in Syria in return
for Mosul and 75 per cent, of the, oil production.
Socialist Party of
We, the Socialist Party of Canada affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme
of the revolutionary working class.
Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all
wealth. The present economic stystem is based upon
capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is, therefore, master; the
worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession
of the reins of government all the powers of the State
will be used to protect and defend its property rights In
th emeans of wealth production and its control of the
product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-
swelling stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever
increasing measure of misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies In setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition
of the wage system, under which tbis exploitation, at
the point of production, is cloaked. To accomplish
this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially
controlled economic forces. *
The irrepressible conflict of interest between the
capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses Itself
as a struggle for political supremacy. This is the
Class Struggle.
Therefore we call upon all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist. Party of Canada, with
the object of conquering the political powers for the
purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1—The transformation, as rapidly as possible,
of capitalist property in the means of
wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective
means of production.
2—The organization and management of industry by the working class.
3—The establishment, as speedily as possible,
of production for use instead of production
for profit. .   -•'.
■   f-   -. •..■    .-.    . ,-..■; -;.■.■,,   • :
i'a t*tf ''^AMAWAh
afcs_ :-;;.4s-.-i
page six
Struggle and Human Progress
THAT social progress has been made mainly
through struggle has been well borne out in
the writings of modern sociologists. Periods
of equilibration occur in human history in which
progress is made through social achievement. Studying human history, we find that the balance of forces in the equilibrium ultimately creates the dynamic
agent necessary for its destruction.
Another feature well to notice m this connection is, that while in animal life progress is made
by the environment through certain adaptations for
the end of existence, in human society the environment acts in an indirect manner. A third element
now enters the circle of progress. This element has
been termed the telic or rational faculty. Sociologists have it that there are tAvo principal methods
by which progress is made and has been made since
the telic faculty has made its appearance. In
periods of equilibration progress has been made by
the action of static forces through the telic faculty.
The dynamic agents, with their destructive effect on
equilibrium, also act through the telic faculty;
result in struggle and, as it can be observed, this
struggle results in progress. For, as Lester F. Ward
says, "The genesis of society as we see it and know
it has been through the struggle of races."
While in the case of man's evolution a third element has entered the line of progress, the process
of selective elimination of structures remains unmodified. Strong structures survive and weak ones
are destroyed in exact proportion as they serve or
hinder the onward progress of man.
Human history not only gives a vivid example of
the elimination of superfluous structures, but also
serves as a basis for observation of the action of
static and dynamic agents at work.
Let us make a brief study of the dynamic agent
in human history. Primitive men were not warlike
beings. In vast hordes they roamed the prairies and
inhabited the forests, which abounded in food. War
was unknown and unnecessary. The brain of man
in this primitive stage was not developed to any
appreciable degree. And it was not until the scarcity of food (a dynamic agent created by this condition of equilibrium) and the consequent struggle
which it entailed, that the first important development in man's brain became evident. The dynamic
agent (scarcity of food) presently led to the, origination of race hatred, resulting in the destruction of
the then prevailing equilibrium.
Now, let us observe, by following the history of
man, how the dynamic agent (race hatred) negates
itself by creating, through long development a force
equal to itself.
With the scarcity of food man became a hunter
It was necessity that led to the discovery of tools
useful firstly in the art of killing. Game became less
abundant, and tribe fought with tribe for choice
hunting areas. The ensuing struggle of man with
man, as Kautsky aptly illustrates, was more terrible,
more intense than the previous struggle between
man and animal. It was the race that had developed its rational faculty to the greatest extent, enabling thereby the more advantageous action of the
dynamic agent, that became the predominant race
in most cases in human history. The conquered race
was totally exterminated by the practice of cannibalism in the early wars, but in later wars, after the
conquerors had gained such skill in warfare that
they could subject too many to consume, slavery
made its appearance.
The conquering race developed great skill in the
art of military organisation, resulting in the still
further subjugation of the less fortunate races.
Following the period of race subjugation in human
history, a development, which sociologists call social
karyokinesis (meaning a process of race amalgamation) takes place. Obviously, after the subjugation
of races, the society is polarized; and though the
conquered race maintains its racial distinctions and
also its feeling of bitterness towards its oppressor it
submits to its brute force and works for and pays
tribute to it. In caste society, the two classes,
though in a sense economically related, arose from
racial distinctions. Further development of this
caste society resulted in pronounced social inequality. The languages merged and the customs became
similar, but thc former conquering class now became
tlie economic master and the formerly conquered
class became economically enslaved.
Tired of its military occupation, the master class
ingeniously invented legal rights and duties by
which to keep their slaves in check and give themselves leisure. With the production of law, the state
came into being as a means of its enforcement.
The next step in the onward progress of man is
the juridical state, in which the human race is said
to emerge from barbarism into civilisation. Each
individual in this society was apportioned his particular task, thereby creating the division of labor
and the development of merchant's capital. Following this compromise between racial distinctions,
came the formation of a "people," "a synthetic
creation after which animosity abates and toleration
increases." In speaking of the formation of a people Ward says, "There are two antagonistic races
of nearly equal social value, one of which has by
some means succeeded in subjugating the other and
iss striving to secure the greatest return for the
cost involved in so doing."
Growing out of the formation of a "people" is
the "nation," which is based on patriotism. Ward
refers to "patriotism" in the following way: "It is
the basis of the national sentiment or feeling of social solidarity, that is essential to this last step in the
process of social karyokinesis. It marks the disappearance of the last vestige of the initial social
dualism. It means the end of the prolonged race
struggle. It is the final truce to the bitter animosities that had reigned in the group. The antagonistic forces have spent themselves, social equilibrium
is restored, and one more finished product of social
synergy is presented to the world."
Then with the development of the nation, we
find that the dynamic agent, race hatred, is negated
by patriotism and other national sentiments. The
development of the nation is the end of one circle
of progress. Today we are living in a period *of
equilibrium itself, which, acting through the telic
of primitiye man, a dynamic agent is created by the
equilibrium itself, which, acting through the telic
faculty of man, will inevitably result in the destruction of the equilibrium. Again to quote Ward with
regard to this inevitable process, "Races, states,
peoples, nations are always forming, always aggressing, always clashing and clinching and struggling
for the mastery, and the long, painful, wastful, but
always fruitful gestation must be renewed and repeated again and again."
The creators of the dynamic agent today are exploitation, hunger and subjection. The dynamic
agent itself is class antagonism, and we find that it
is the inevitable result of the prevailing equilibrium.
In order to have freedom, and lacfc of starvation,
an economic revolution must take place giving the
workers the means of production. But the master
class have always had the state and many other
means of coercion at its demand, and are thus enabled to crush any premature attempt on the part
of tlie working class to gain supremacy. Although
the aim of social revolution is economic, still the
workers will be forced to use political means to that
end. Therefore, just as in the case of primitive
man, the dynamic agent which will finally destroy
the modern equilibrium, will also assume the form of
Though the process of conquest, struggle, compromise and equilibration in the development of
modern society, resulting from race war, took thousands of years to complete—that process in the workers' revolution, necessitated as it is by the existence
of class antagonism, will take a much shorter period,
and events which starerus in the face today seem to
fully justify the statement that the equilibration re
sulting therefrom will be Communism. After the
establishment of that equilibrium the telic faculty
of man will have developed to thc extent that the
expression of the dynamic agent will no longer assume the form of war. And that period will be the
end of class war, since there will no longer be any
classes to contend for the mastery, and although a
struggle for structure will and must go on yet that
struggle will assume the form of a mental struggle
and the human race will then progress through
social achievement.
S. 0. S.,   J. B. G.
(Continued from page 3)
a great deal of truth in their opinions. To the Chinese, their own life was the best that could be attained. This is the era of machine production, and
China has also been invaded. Neither China or
Russia can maintain their stability as nations
through isolation from the rest of the Avorld. In
fact they won't be allowed to.
What will the outcome be? China knows the
position well of Britain and America in their dealings
with the Chinese. Take a look at an Empress boat
discharging her cargo of human beings into Vancouver. There you will see what creates an antagonism in the hearts of the yellow man. The same
thing happens in all civilized ports where they happen to land. The Jews under the Czar did not get
any worse treatment. The foreign powers in China,
with their "Extraterritorial Rights," are hard and
agonizing to the Chinese. When she sees her fellow men seized and imprisoned by a foreign power
in their own home land can you wonder at the dreaded cry, "Foreign Devils?" When the monarchy was
overthrown and a parliament was set up, the ideas
of young China had materialized. The millenium
had come. Liberty, Equality and Fraternity was
their slogan, but that was all. It was only another
sweet dream that was soon dispelled. .
The war clouds are gathering in the cast. China
is the goal-; who will capture it, America, Britain or
Japan? Who can tell! Or will those two nations,
with a bond of friendship and a population of close
on 600 millions pass into bondage on a scale that
history has never known? Will China rise and assort her rights, is for the future to tell. As Marx
says: ' One nation can and should learn from others.
It can neither clear by bold leaps, nor remove by
legal enactments, the obstacles offered by the successive phases of its normal development. But it
can shorten and lessen the birth pangs."
The chess board is set; each one is waiting for
the other to move. War is imminent - the European
war will be a mere shamble compared to the next.
They holler for peace when they want our blood.
This will be the test. Will the workers fall for
their slogans again, or will they rise to the occasion
this time and deal the fatal death blow to capitalism, the menace of the human race ?
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
Speaker: W. A. PRITCHARD
All meetings at 8 p.m.
Questions. Discussion. WESTERN  CLARION
The Art of Healing vs. the Present
Economic System
IN "Pearson's" Prof. Carpenter of Edinboro'
is quoted as having declared: " .... and as
for medical doctrines, they are for the most
part stark staring nonsense!" It is the purpose of
this article to find out to what extent the art of healing has been tainted by the profit system, so as to
have brought about such a state of affairs. Everywhere one finds a subservience to the "profession"
that is irritating in the extreme to anyone who has
studied the subject a little and has the ability to
"see through" them. A careful examination of"the
history of the medical profession will bring out
enough to show that its past is shady to say the least
and in some aspects almost infamous. Some day
in the future a book will need to be written along
the lines of the "Profits of Religion," by Sinclair,
but dealing with the way the organized medical fraternity has opposed all real progress and fallen for
many a line of bunk that soon was thrown into the
discard. A few examples: Harvey's circulation of
Hood was not acepted by the profession for two or
three generations; Semelweiss, who practically did
away with childbirth fever by simple cleanliness,
was hounded to tbe insane asylum. The list of those
who have made discoveries that have not yet been
accepted by the Doctors is very important, especially since the economic factor has become more and
more important the nearer we approach the present.
In these latter days the doctors have" banded
themselves into large, well organized associations
whose main objects seem to be like much of the old
trade unionism, that is the maintaining of the status
quo, and keeping up business for themselves. This
y/as baldly admitted, without any signs of being
ashamed about it, by Dr. J. H. McDeimitt, speaking
for the B. C. Medical Association before the annual meeting of the Association of Professional
Engineers at Vancouver, December 2, 1922. He
said that "the first purpose of the Association (the
B. C. Medical Association is referred to) of course, is
self-preservation." They are chiefly concerned with
getting laws passed which will make their services
the more in demand, and when they can put it
across, they wish to enforce by law their nostrums.
They have absolute power and could, if they would,
remedy many of the serious abuses and wrongs of
the world. Instead they are aiming to keep their
numbers within certain limits so that they will all
have more to do and make more money. Somehow,
like the priests, they generally seem to be on the side
of the governing powers.   They cannot have been
r making any effort to stop the application of the
third degree by police, on the contrary they in many
cases have been the leading spirits in I. W. W.
lynching parties along with the lawyers, grocers and
the like. Jail abuses remain festering for generation after generation; every jail has a medical attendant who has the power to stop such things.
The power whicii their associations possess could,
if wielded properly, namely, by the refusal of their
services until conditions arc remedied, work wonders, but instead we find them calling upon police
and even militia to enforce vaccination, which
means money for the manufacturers, or if made by
a public board of health, more jobs for their confreres. It requires a little too much courage on their
part to try to enforce measures that will mean expenditure by a large interest; the small man they
will persecute unmercifully.
During the war they made no effort to stop the
use of poison gas, and now, one will find them holding down fat jobs as "pathologists," etc., torturing
[\ dogs and cats and other wretched beasts in the government stations where experiments are being made
to find out the best gas for the next war. It would
have been quite within their power to put an end to
many of the industrial diseases and poisoning that
goes on yet, with only the unions to fight against it.
And when it comes to the good manufacturing evil
they are more silent than ever. Laymen like Upton
Sinclair, with his "Jungle," Alfred McCann and his
"Starving America," and other workers are doiug
what they can to open the eyes of the people to the
fact that they are being poisoned on all sides.
Any medical man who is not a moron must know
that the twelve hour day in the steel industry shortens men's lives, but do we find them refusing to enter the employ of the U. S. Steel Corporation unless
it. is done away with? They know that child labor
as practiced in the cotton factories of the southern
States is wrong, but do they make any effort to have
laws passed forbidding it? t
Of course the doctors have a complicated system
of "ethics" that presents them from doing much of
this needed work, but it is something like the rules
of some of the U. S. Universities that Sinclair mentions in the "Goose Step." A professor must not
engage in propaganda work for labor, but he ean do
all he-likes for the capitalists. And so can the
medical associations do all they like for themselves
and the businesses that rest upon their support and
push. They will actively help conduct all sorts of
publicity campaigns, usually with the help of public
or charity funds; call them Cancer Control or T. B.
Eradication, it matters not what the slogan is, it all
means increased business for themselves. They will
manage to enforce vacination by law (helping the
"security" of the capital invested in vaccine plants,
and by the way, the vaccines used in B. C. are made
at the Parke Davis Co.'s Laboratories at Walkerville,
Ont.) but will they endeavor, with equal energy, to
have enforced by law the maintenance of satisfactory sanitary conditions, that will make smallpox,
typhoid, etc., extinct? They will, but only if
they get the job of enforcing the laws or can build
up large departments in which they and their ilk can
get jobs managing affairs. And unless this latter
tendency is adequately recognized, a change over
from the capitalistic state of society will not get rid
of this difficulty. The medicos will still try to concoct schemes of public health (or health, properly
speaking when the regulars, have entire control of
it) and make large numbers of soft jobs.
If one really wants to usher in a new age in which
all things are to be altered for the better it is necessary for one to completely revise all one's beliefs
arid opinions and to keep them open to further revision from time to time or there will be no real progress.
Now the Physician, as a profession must eventually be doomed to extinction. The medical profession at present is only another of the surplus parasitic institutions that we pack along, and even pity
those who have not this incubus with them. It ranks
along with the Legal, Military and Clerical professions. One's ideals must look into the future
when one has a populace that knows how to take
care of itself and keep well. Instead of a medley
of theories, facts and superstitions, for such are the
popular notions about health matters, it is to be
hoped that real knowledge, based upon the Laws
and Principles of Nature will render any class, parasitic upon man's troubles, quite unnecessary.
All these beliefs etc, must be examined, always
remembering that (in the world at present) publicity is given to a method of healing either because it
makes sensational news or someone is making money
cut of it. Also a drug or other means of healing
is in a very different category from an auto. The
latter simply has to run or it won't sell. On the
other hand a means of healing must have the appearance of working but no one can prove definitely
that it did or did not do what Avas claimed for it.
There are also many holes for evasion in cases of
failure. Instructions were not obeyed, the patient
came too late, etc. etc. etc., and always if the victim
recovers it simply must have been due to the remedy.
He would have died for sure if they hadn't operated, or perhaps it was a mouse serum or the extract
of hogs testicles that "saved a life." (They rarely
say a life, it usually runs into the hundred thousands, and often into the millions).
Simple hydrotherapy, which is the usage of ordinary cold water packs and compresses, "doesn't
pay anyone, therefore it is unadvertised, while Bayers Aspirin is a paying proposition (for the maker)
and Avidely suggested for almost every ill. Appendicitis is a most profitable sickness, I doubt if any
surgeons could make a "living" without it. But I
knoAv a doctor who runs an institution (the place
A', here Debs Avent to recover after his release) where
they never operate for it, and though they have
treated many hundreds of cases they have never
lost one. On the other hand, I have it from the
Canada Lancet for March 1922, that in the New
York Hospitals the case mortality rate after-appendicitis operations is about 16 per cent. That same
number has the back cover taken up by an ad. of
the aforesaid Park Davis Co. about a now mercury
compound, ostensibly for treating syphilis. Over
half a century ago a Hr. Herman in Vienna demonstrated over a period of many years that this disease
could be treated without drugs.   No money in that'.
Sinclair Avrote the "Jungle" in 1906, but the
same practices are goin-j, on, for during the war,
Alfred McCann obtained 16 convictions against
Swift & Co. for trafficking in putrid flesh." In 1909
neAvspaper reports about the government investigations finding that the 1907 Foot and Mouth disease
outbreak in the States had originated from calves
used in the production of vaccines. The II. K. Mul-
ford Co. (the same firm that settled a great many
claims out of court in Texas. Their diptheria antitoxin had killed many children) Avas selling these
calves for veal, and somehoAV managed to quash
the papers promptly, for nothing appeared in Chicago after May 17,1909, when the first reports came
out. This firm maintains a large staff of medical
The practice of Vivisection on an ever increasing scale is responsible for much of this tomfoolery,
Avith its culmination in the absurdities of gland
grafting, a profitable business, for which a large
company has been organised near Chicago, I suppose to rejuvenate worn out pork packers. For
vivisection of animals inevitably leads up to gruesome experiments upon the poor in the general
wards and the returned soldiers. Just a little Avhile
ago at Toronto, they have been trying out their
new diabetes "cure" upon the patients in a Military
hospital. So flagrant a violation of the feAV rights a
soldier is imagined to possess Avas this AA'ork that
the Parkdale Branch of the G. W. V. A. took up the
matter. They passed a resolution condemning experiments in the use of insulin (the new "cure,"
firms are iioav making thc concoction) upon, "fish,
rabbits, dogs and the patients in Christie street Hospital" which caused them to have convulsions and
to "climb the Avails of the experimental chamber of
torture." Of course any member of the proletariat,
salariat or millionaire classes will do; the latter are
chiefly "worked on" for tbe extraction of money,
the former, well they will do anything they like even
to children. The Canada Lancet for March 1922
describes tuberculin test experiments upon little
ones suffering from diptheria and scarlet fever in
the Riverdale Isolation Hospital, Toronto.
A few societies are doing much, either by design or accident, to clear away some of the mists of
superstitution and false reverence that surrounds
(Continued on page 8) PAGE EIGHT
(Continued from page 7)
the medical profession. I refer to the Anti-Vivisection Societies, Medical Liberty Leagues, etc. The
former by attacking vivisection greatly reduces the
bureaucracy forming tendencies of the medicos, and
* the financial profits from the practice would be also
cut out. The latter organization is very much more
outspoken against the money-making propensities of
the doctors, vaccine manufacturers and the like, but
has rather a weakness in that they tend to set up
some of the other cults on a pedestal and thus breed
another gang of parasites. By all means let them
practice but don't make them think that they are
always right and the others wrong. If this is done
in a short time the chiros etc. will be turning round
and persecuting in their turn later and newer
"cults" that come along. Any cult will try to put
up the bars of the clover field they are in to prevent
others from coming in, and always the cry is that
they are "protecting the public."
Vivisection is based upon the same line of reasoning that leads to the more terrible exploitation
of children and some workers, and anyway I. hold
with Shaw that honorable men do not behave dishonorable even to dogs. There is Avidespread theft
of pets to keep the maAvs of the Labs, supplied, a
form of stealing that is of the very Avorst sort. Any
dog used may have been the boon companion of a
family of kiddies, and it is even known that in
many places gangs of small boys are organized to
steal them. A vet. had such a gang in Toronto,
and Avas found out when one of his proteges robbed
the Humane Society's collection box. He Avas only
fined $40.00, owing to a doctor proclaiming his excellent character. Such men as Bernard Shaw, Edward Carpenter, George Lansbury and others are
active in these movements. For it must be seen
that nationalization of the medical profession will
not do aAvay with all these evils", as Shaw seems to
assume. Russia is educating thousands of doctors,
but along the old lines, teaching them the doctrines
and superstitions that had their origin in capitalism, feudalism, and even permitting the shipment of
Russia of enormous quantities of vaccines, Avhen
food and clothing were Avhat were needed. But the
Vaccine firms saAv their opportunity, and got hold
of the Red Cross and the American Relief Associations. And this is done after Abrams, of San Francisco has demonstrated Avithout doubt that all vaccines are contaminated with bovine syphilis, and
often T.B. and* other taints as well.
In short, if the Art of Healing is allowed to keep .
its institutional nature, the article by Scott Nearing
in the Call Weekly for March 11,1923 on the Church
will apply equally to it. The progress will not come
from Avithin the organization; innovations Avill be
always fought instead of investigated and their
promulgators persecuted. So we must do aAvay
Avith the organization and keep free,
We must look fonvard to a society like EdAvard
Carpenter has imaged, a people that are healthy,
happy and able to take care of themselves Avithout
any parasitic institutions to keep them Avell. Hospitals will only be needed for accidents and maternity and it is to be hoped manned by those who work
in them, not to make a "living" but avIio consider
it an honor to serve thus in their spare time. You
Avill say this is impossible to be realized. It is, for
the nation as a whole, but a start can be made in
our own individual lives and in the lives of our families. Drug stores and other unnecessary things
can be dispensed with, food "manufacturers" Avares
avoided, and in a thounsand and one Avays patronage
withdrawn from the octopus-like groAvths that enslave the peoples, and in so doing even make them
believe that a boon has been granted to all by their
"beneficent" actions. Only thus Avill Ave be able to
come through civilization and bring into reality the
ideals pictured by the poets, prophets and teachers
of all time.
Exploitation of the
THE average prairie farmer carries a debt of
least $1,000 at 8 per cent, per quarter section. He has to purchase commodities such
as groceries, coal, machinery or repairs to machinery, new buildings, to the amout of $500 yearly.
The threshing bill amounts to about $180, the freight
charges are either deducted at the elevator or he
pays the R. R. company $155 per 1,000 bushels if he
ships to Winnipeg. Insurance of various kinds will
run around $80, other items $100, making a yearly
expense of approximately $1,000 per quarter section
If the farmer raises 1,000 bushels per quarter
section yearly, which is perhaps a high average
yield, and he sells for $1 a bushel, it is easy to see
where the fanner gets off at,
Noav I figure that the farmer does not receive
more than one-quarter of the value of his commodity
when he exchanges it through the price system for
the factory products and transportation which he
has to buy from the owners of such industries, which
have a high concentration of capital, against the low
composition employed by the farmer, the remaining
75 per cent going to those parasites in the form of
rent, interest, and profit, in the process of exchange.
This rent, interest and profit system is of no advantage to the farmer, it is only advantageous to
the non-productive capitalist class, tothe farmers it
means delivering up hundreds of thousands of bushels of wheat or other grain, hogs or cattle in vast
numbers to the capitalist class, for whieh they receive no return.
This exploitation in a capitalist state is legalized
robbery, for the benefit of the capitalist class who
control that state. The rent, interest and profit
Avhich the farmer pays, easily amounts to the value
of the farm in ten years.
Don't be fooled by the cry for a wheat board,
how can it benefit us under a system of private ownership of the basic industries, Avhereby Ave Avould
still be robbed of 75 per cent, of our production?
If you admit the rights of private property in the
means of life, then if you are logical, you must allow to the owner of that property all the profits he
can extract from the fact of such ownership, and
you have no kick coming, if you get it in the neck,
through the operation of the system.
To the owner of a cow belongs the calf. To the
OAvner of a slave belongs the slave and everything
the slave produces.
Don't be led astray by the cry of no tariff, or
high tariff, advocated by the press and politicians
at election times, it is only a struggle betAveen sections of the capitalist clas.   The cost of production
may be high or Ioav, the price of commodities will
vary accordingly. During the war when wheat Avas
two dolars a bushel, land and machinery went soaring. Land went to $80 an acre, double the pre-war
price. If costs .of production are high, then the
price of commodities is high, Ave are not robbed by
tariffs, but $5,000 to $10,000 worth of products, paid
out in 10 years in rent, interest and profits, denies
to the farmers a comfortable home, proper clothing
for himself and his family, causes him eat as a producer of food, the poorer quality, not to mention
the absence of pleasure coupled with the idiocy of
rural life.
The present capitalist government is the executive committee of the exploiting class, their function
is the holy trinity of rent, interest and profit. They
stand opposed to the interest of the wealth producers.
Get acquainted with the literature of the Socialist Party of Canada.   Read the "Western Clarion"
and the 'Slave of the Farm," which will help to rid
our minds of the private property delusions which
prevent us from realizing our true position as a subject class. We have nothing to lose and everything
to gain by the abolition of capitalist exploitation.
Do you realize that under the present system of
slavery, the Avorkers who by the expenditure of their
physical and mental energy on the natural resources
of mother earth produce the wealth of the world
(and there is no other method of producing Avealth
than by the application of human energy) are generally poor, while those Avho do not engage in useful
labor have all the good things of life ?
Think it over! It may prove as profitable and
stimulating as dreaming of the big crop "NEXT
YEAR." T. O.
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