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Western Clarion Mar 1, 1923

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Journal of
Official Organ of
No. 886
NINETEENTH YEAR.     Twice a Month
Oil and Turkey
A Study in Capitalist Organization
BEFORE the war, the world's oil industry was
dominated by the Standard Oil Company of
America (the S.O.C.) and the Royal Dutch
Shell Combine (the R.D.S.) Both these trusts have
a capital of well over £200,000,000, and are better
organised and more unscrupulous than most big
business concerns. Naturally they pay an important part in international polities. Since the war a
third oil trust, the Anglo- Persian Oil Company
(the A.P.O.) has come to the front in politics. The
majority of its shares (55%) are held by the British
Government. These three trusts are the chief combatants for the world's oilfields.
The S.O.C. has its home and foreign political departments. Also General M. W. Macdonagh recently left the War Office to become "political adviser
to the Anglo-Saxon Petroleum Co. Ltd., one of the
R.D.S'. companies" (Oil News, 16/9/22).
The American Government tried to fine the S.O.C.
29,000,000 dollars and has made two attempts to dissolve it. The S.O.C. did not pay and has grown
stronger than the American Government so that today, to quote an Oil journal, "the S.O.C. has hitched
the American Government to its cart, so that S.O.C.
interests are national interests."
Now the British Government introduced a regulation, 30 B.B., according to which no British Oil
company might pass under foreign control. The
R.D.S. depends on the British Navy to defend its
far-flung interests, but as only 40% of its capital is
Shell and 60% is Royal Dutch, it is a foreign trust.
Still when it wanted to absorb the Mexican Oil Company, a British company, the British Government
had to suspend regulation 30 B.B. till it was effected.
At the beginning of the century some German
geologists found that the oilfields of Turkey were
among the richest in the world. As they were diplomats as well as geologists, they drew up two reports, "one to their own Government in which they
referred to the splendid opportunities presented by
the oilfields, and the other to the Sultan's Government in which these opportunities were said to be
somewhat scanty." (Oil News, 4/11/22). Abdul
Hamid, however, Avas also a diplomatist and managed to obtain possession of both reports, so "he
had the revenues from Mosul transferred from the
State to his own Civil list," (Oil News, 4/11/22).
R.D.S. and the A.P.O. became interested in this
region, and finally the "Turkish Petroleum Company" was formed in which the German share, 25%,
was held by the "Deutsche Bank," while the remaining 75% was held by the British companies. Then
came the Great War, with Churchill's "side shows,"
and British troops occupied oil fields in Russia, Palestine, Persia, and Turkey.
After the Armistice Turkey was deemed to have
ceded Mesopotamia and Palestine to the Allies
under the treaty of Sevres.
"On that theory mandates over Palestine and
Mesopotamia were issued to Great Britain. These
mandates, however, have not been recognised by
Turkey, which did not sign the treaty." (Oil Engineering and Finance, 6/10/22).
The Mandate for Armenia was refused by Britain,
France and America.   There is no oil in Armenia.
The position was becoming rather complex, for
in the secret treaties revealed by the Bolsheviks,
Tsarist Russia, Britain and France had already
divided the Near East to their own satisfaction, and
according to the Sykes-Picot agreement, signed by
Asquith and Briand during the war, France was to
have a sphere of influence in Mesopotamia which included the oily parts round Mosul.
Of course all these events had no connection with
British policy, for did not a British premier say that
not one square yard was to be added to the British
Empire, and has not Mr. Bonar Law said, "I am
amazed at being told what a huge territory we got
out of the war."   (Daily Herald, 23/5/22)!
After the war, France owed both the R.D.S. and
the S.O.C. enormous sums, which it could not pay.
So, armed with its bill for £5,000,000 the R.D.S.
proposed to the Clemenceau Cabinet, that it should
"co-operate in the plans of the French Government
in the management and exploitation of any petroleum interests which might be reserved for France
by the Peace Treaty." (Delaisi Oil, p. 61).
Now France was getting into difficulties, for, to
quote a French author, '' The Emir Feisul was pushing the Senegalese battalions of General Gouraud
towards the Syrian coast." "The strangest part of
it all—and everybody knew it—was that the power of Emir Feisul depened upon the arms, the money
and the support of our good friends the British."
Then Lord Curzon said, "Sign the agreement with
the Royal Dutch, and you shall have Syria." M.
Millerand accepted. Immediately Feisul was left to
himself. Thus the triumphal entry of General Gouraud into Damascus was paid for by the abandonment
of all our (French) oil resources." (Delaisi Oil. p 62)
At the San Remo conferee, Mr. Lloyd George
reminded the French, that in the annex to the
S'ykes-Picot agreement, it was statcrd, that "all
British pre-war concessions should be integrally respected by the French Government in the regions of
Mesopotamia, submitted to French influence."
The Turkish Petroleum Co. had such a pre-war
concession for the oilfields of Mesopotamia, so according to the San Remo agreement: (7) Mesopotamia. '' The British Government undertake to grant
to the French Government or its nominee 25 per
cent of the net output of crude oil at current market
rates." "Or in the event of a private petroleum
company being used to develop the Mesopotamian
oil fields, the British Government will place at the
disposal of the French Government a share of 25
per cent, in such company.
This agreement was signed by J. Cadman and P.
Berthelot, on the 25th April, 1920.
These gentlemen were not premiers, or even
foreign ministers, but oil experts.
The agreement was "confirmed" on the 25th
April, 1920, by D. Lloyd George and A. Millerand.
As the A.P.O. held half the shares in the Turkish"
Petroleum Co., it is not surprising that Sir Charles
Greenway, its chairman, regards Mr. Lloyd George
as "the greatest of all our British Premiers." (Petroleum Times, 2/9/22). /
The Emir Feisul was transferred to Mesopotamia,
and set up, after the slaughter of thousands of Arabs,
as the king of Iraq, while the Greeks kept Kernel and
his army busy.
Things did not go smoothly: America found she
had a pre-war concession passing through the Mosul
oilfields, "secured largely through the influence of
Rear Admiral Colby M. Chester of the United States
Navy" (Petroleum Times, 4/9/20).
To quote an oil journal, Oil News, 27/11/20, "it
is evident that the United States of America at the
instance of the Standard and possibly other important groups, are not going to take the Mesopotamian situation lying down," so Mosul oil was discussed at the Washington conference, but at Genoa
and the Hague it was eclipsed by the Russion oilfields as the chief bone of contention .
France, also, was not going to be denied her
share of the pickings and sent M. Franklin Bouillon
to make a pact with Kernel, and as one journal said,
"The situation is not improved by the knowledge,
that Emir Feisul, placed in his position by us, and
subsidised by us, wants us to clear out." (Evening
Standard, 18/8/22).
Then Kernel wiped up the Greeks and was left
with a victorious army free to reconquer Mesopotamia.
This was awkward; troops and gun boats were
rushed out to Turkey, Britain appealed to her
Allies, France and Italy, to strengthen their forces
in Turkey, but both France and Italy replied by
withdrawing their troops already there, and Britain
was left isolated without a friend.
Then, horror of horrors, victorious Turkey threatened to nationalise the oil, and to quote an oil journal, "Not only American concerns are vitally affected
by Near Eastern nationalisation projects, but French
interests under the San Remo agreement are concerned likewise. The nationalisation idea is apparently spreading rapidly in the East. Roumania was
reported recently to entertain some such idea, Soviet
Russia has long proclaimed it to the detriment of
America, British and other oil interests in the region
of Baku and Batoum, which are not so very far removed from Turkey, where the nationalisation germ
has most recently sprouted." Oil, Engineering and
Finance (6/10/22).
A hurried secret conference of oil bugs was held
in London. "These included British and French as
well as American and perhaps others. The American oil representatives asked for participation or representation on a certain basis, which cannot be
disclosed." (Oil News, 18/11/22).
This was followed by the Lausanne conference,
where the American observer, Mr. Childs, demands
the open door policy, or as one journal describes it,
"a demand for an 'open' oil pipe, with at least one
end running into the Standard Oil's reservoirs"
(Daily News, 28/11/22).
America's financial position gives her an advantage over her debtors, Britain and France, so "Mr.
Childs established the position of the United States
in plain and unambiguous terms, which he said do
(Continued on page 3) PAGE TWO
Clarion Mail Bag
THE hungry printer has visited us with his
wrath and curtly asserts that we are " overset " already and that eight pages can't hold
any more, even of that high-and-dry philosophy
these queer people—Clarion readers—feast upon. A
-printer's head is full of "points," "lines," "ems"
and "picas," and that's about all. However, we
must accord with his rule and abridge our ambition
for space, and it wont do either to be too "uppish;"
it is somewhat like being cheeky with the landlord
when you're behind with the rent, and this climate
is not that of Palestine.
Comrade Goudie, as usual, is the first arrival in
his (gracious) majesty's mail since last issue. He
sends us a Burns poem, "The Divinity of Blunders,"
in which the religious credulity of mankind is set
forth and special emphasis laid on the schemes of
the priestcraft.
"To gull the mob and keep them under
The ancients told them tales of wonder,
A pious fraud, a holy blunder, a rainbow sign,
An earthquake or a blast o' thunder were held
By those whose faith to swallow doses,
A wondrous story nothing loses.
Are proof as plain o' sleight o' hand is,
As Herman Bosche's leger' main."
Subs, from Ontario and Manitoba, but nothing
contentious or disputative this time. Subs, from
Saskatchewan also. We have not had a word from
Harry F. Smith since away back, until now, and now
he is not communicative. J. J. Egge, Humbolt,
promises us an article to come, covering the advantages for improved method in propaganda that
might follow from co-operation with other bodies in
touring speakers. Very good. We await the plan
of campaign.
A sub. from Geo. F. Ritchie, Meeheche, Alberta.
Alfred Jorgenson has succeeded Com. H. H. Hanson
as secretary of Local Equity, and sends subs, and
C. M. F. contribution^.   We don't suppose H. H.
has died of frostbite or abandoned hope, or Com.
Jorgenson would have told us. Roy Reid sends subs.
and C. M. F. donations from Luscar, collected from
the comrades there.   It would appear to be the case
that each copy of the Clarion finds a community of
readers on the prairie, and it is apparently taken us
a kind of general text book.   Huxley once described
himself (in a contentious period) as a sort of "maid-
of-all-work and gladiator general for science," and,
somewhat in the same way the Clarion reader arms
himself with the family-journal on the prairie and
serves as a consulting agency for all manner of "prying curiosities" in the questions of interest to intelligent men.   W. H. Exelby of Calgary Local corrects
our statement in last issue that he has succeeded
Com. R. Burns as secretary of Alberta P. E. C.   On
the contrary, Com. Burns is still secretary of the P.
E. C, and Com. Exelby is secretary of Local Calgary.
We regret the error and have nobody to blame but
ourselves, which is not very convenient(  and not
altogether usual).
A sub. from A. C. Stopp, and one from J. C. Budge,
Edmonton. Budge thinks the Clarion is the best
educational journal on the North American continent,—but why be so restrictive in the matter of
areas? However, contrariwise. R. M. Alexander
in sending sub. and C. M. F. donation says:
"A Journal of Current Events, History, Economics and Philosophy is all very well for
Highbrows like yourself *and others, but no good for
the rank and file whose support as readers and subscribers you—and we—want. Make the Clarion for
the mob, the mass, the submerged, etc., and you will
get readers and subscribers. So don't kick, ye
brainy ones, if short of dollars. Come down to the
level of the big bunch whose dollars are needed."
Now here's a man ("the professor" we used to
call him) who has the weight of several generations
of apothecaries behind him. He can read a drug
store prescription in any text, from Bablyonic cun
eiform to the Seaman's Medical Guide. He dispenses pills, peuks and physics to the physically unwilling and has a forlorn estimate of the working
class standard of intelligence, judged from that
angle. i-
But what will you have, if not History, Economics,
Philosophy and Current Events? The people who
need our material are not even yet in the dilemma
provided for the donkey of the medieval Schoolmen,
a donkey stuck between two inviting haystacks and
dying of starvation through indecision as to, which
to tackle first. Our great donkey, however, has not
yet taken the notion to tackle any. He does not
know the nature of the problem facing his kind.
And, besides, concerning the certainty of readers
and subscribers following in battalions upon a policy
of coming "down to the level of the big bunch,"
the observable facts do not warrant any such conclusions. We could name right off the reel a score of
labor and Socialist papers of various complexions,
a perusal by anybody of whose pages will never give
rise to any dangerous brainstorm. Positively
simple! And what do we find? We find that they
are one and all threatening to abandon the earth
if they don't get more subs and get them quickly,—
that is, those that are not up to the scratch in sporting news, or favorites among the guessing fratern-
ity.  "
Then what is the trouble ? Well, on the one hand,
with prevalent unemployment the dollar and the
working man are strangers. That accounts for
"non-support" of the labor press in general. On
the other hand, and this applies to aa, any writing
that is charged with any sort of reasoned doctrine,
or enough of it to be useful, is "hard to read." The
average untrained mind can follow with interest a
narrative, fictitious or historical. But let it be interspersed with analysis and the general interest is not
sustained. Yes, sure enough—and we cannot emphasise it too strongly—we are "short of dollars,"
but after all the first need is readers. If we had
dollars rolling in by the handful, a big circulation,
and no readers, we could find ho reason to be joyful.
And then again, we are of the opinion that the
socialist movement itself needs educating. It should
keep abreast of current findings and current thought.
Every event should provide for it instruction. It
should be prepared and able to analyse every momentous happening and should be able to draw reasonable conclusions from international events, political
and industrial, from time to time, for working class
information. Besides cataloguing information it
should strive to engender the reasoning habit, aided
by historical understanding, so that as .far as may
be the rath it treads shall be free from needless
obstruc j^. It should welcome challenge to iu
opinions wherever that may come from, and it should
be prepared to meet its responsibility. It must have
an appreciation of the Effects of alliances or breaks
of one sort or another among the governments, and
it must be able to render itself of some use to the
Avorking class in laying bare the reasons for such,
and that not alone in general but in particular terms.
There is a great deal more that might be said, but
we had in mind the fact that the Clarion is seemingly found to be of considerable use in just such matters, not alone among general readers but in editorial
offices where its interpretations are something of a
guidance, and that through such channels it reaches
a wider circle of readers. Knowledge is departmental, and human interest, so far as subjects of
interest to individuals are concerned, is departmental also, in readers and writers alike. The several Clarion writers have their decided writing interests, and the readers have their decided reading interests also, which is as good as can be. And,
before we forget, it is worth mention that we hate
the term "highbrow" and we hope we'll never deserve it.
Comrade MacPherson of Wimbourne says the
class there is worth the effort. The young students
are showing results in study and interest. Mac himself finds the day too short to cover all the activities incidental to farm life and general meetings,
(Continued on page 4)
SOME of our readers disapprove of the attitude
of writers in being too scientific with their contributions to the Clarion. Many articles are
deemed to have no bearing whatever on the emancipation of the working class.
When a member of the working class enters the
realms of sociology with the view to assist in placing society on a higher social basis than what at
present exists, he cannot possibly confine himself
to the surface of the subject. When capitalism required to have better communication with the world
by laying the cable across the Atlantic the
surface of the ocean was well known, but the obstacles that were to be encountered with at the bottom of the deeps had to be surveyed. Hence the
harnessing of the ship "Challenger" with three
scientists on" board. The chemical composition of
the ooze when raised to the deck of the ship made
known to mankind the composition of the structure
of the great chalk beds of the earth, also the production of a chart for the laying of the cable.
In order to steer the helm of the state into the
proper channel the workers must have a chart of
the Ocean from the surface to the bottom when they
will lay their cable that will convey the message of
working class emancipation without deception.
What has been long kept hidden from us is now
easy of access, and what is more elevating to the
worker than a little knowledge of the world in which
we live? Our minds become more occupied with
the deeper things of life instead of indulgence in
foolish, speculative thought. Science has carried
us over from the ancient field of philosophy and
cast before our vision the modern spectroscope that directs light waves of our planet through
its mechanism. From the spectrogram we view the
various coloured rays that reveal a given element of
a far off planet that has its counterpart on the
earth. No matter what element is found on earth,
the same exists on other stars or suns. To learn of
onr earth and other planets revolving on their axis
around the sun is an achievement that thrills the
worker and creates the impulse for still deeper
thinking. The colour waves on the spectrogram not
only reveal the element, but supply us with the
knowledge that each color wave is a mass of mina-
ture suns or atoms, Avith miscropic planets or electrons, revolving around the atom just like our planets around the sun.
The Avorker enters the coal mine and returns with
a load of coal. When brought in contact with
the rays of the sun the coal shows different colors
indicating the stored up energy of the sun on plant
life. Crude oil sailing on ponds or streams gives us
the same result. Germany is a by-product extracting nation. Aniline oil, producing various colors for
dyeing cloth, is a German product taken from coal.
On cutting ice Ave again discover the electrical phenomenon in a beautiful transparent form. Our brain
activity rises from the arth, and we gaze up into
ihe unknown piercing through an atmosphere of
dust particles producing a blue tint that otherwise
Avould be unpenetrable darkness. We think of the
almost incalculable distances between our earth and
the source from whieh our movement have been
directed. Science says that if a man died today
his "soul" would, at the velocity of light, 186,000
miles a second, take 10,000 years to reach "heaven,"
in the milky way.
Socialism is the next step in the ladder of human development, AA'hen the working class will be
responsible for the building of the superstructure.
A knowledge of the methods used in the different
social systems for the wellbeing of those living within is necessary; production, transportation, and exchange is the force behind the Capitalists, driving
them into the field of Astronomy, Geology, Biology,
and Sociology. Socialists will be compelled to begin
Avhere the Capitalists left off, and the more knowledge the workers have of the different branches of
science, the better they will be equipped to direct
the new social system. Speed the day.
The Standard of Living
A  Standard of living is a definite thing, as definite as any other symbol of weight or measure.   That it is vague in social definition, is
only because it is vogue in social concept.   And it
id vague in social concept because to advance the
purpose of class dominion it is overlaid Avith the
verbal fatuity of class metaphysic.    The confusion
of social classes and the gradual shading off of their
differing standards of life produces the overlapping
indeterminism of imaginary condition.   Hence the
inanities of social misconception acquire substance,
and the abstract adventures of speculation, reality.
The clear cut and divergent economy of the two
social economic classes is lost sight of—is even denied  existence—even when  their  operation,  in  a
drab and dingy world, forces their fateful consequences into immediate relief.   The premises being
so unclear, it is impossible the conclusions can be
certain.   Certainty can exist only in the realisation
of actual fact.   It is much too plain a figure to consort with the phantasisms of egoist preconception.
That is why there is such "to-do" about the improved standard of modern living.    Being  (now)
the  product  of  the  merchant and manufacturing
classes, it is evolved from their conditions of life;
and expresses, more or less actually, their living conditions.    As they are—or Avere until very lately—
the real ruling class of the world, their concepts of
life are engraven on the Avorld.   They naturally express the conduct and condition of life as they find
it and, as naturally, strive to perpetuate a condition
of life which, to them, is good and comely.   As they
are the possessors of the necessary means of life, to
them accrues the advantages of that possession.   As
the oAvners of socially produced Avealth they exchange that Avealth for, and in, the products of the
world,  Avhich  constitutes the "higher" standards
of life; and revel in a condition of life and welfare
that is forever barred to the proletarian producers
of that wealth.   As they see, they think: as they find,
they believe.   Hence logic and argument are of little
avail, while the actual fact of commercial life appears to operate in a direction contrary to the trend
of the argument. • It is only in the strangulating
toils of the Capitalist economic, when the centralisation of wealth provokes the distribution of impotent poverty, that sure conviction can be forced upon
the social mind.
Economically, the distance betAveen wealth and
poverty is precarious. But socially, the difference is
wide as the poles apart. The class standard of life
is by no means a measuring rod of the common standard of living. This is obvious enough when Ave get
behind the class vagaries of social distinction. Then
we see the two socially distinct and opposing classes
of political society—the ruler and the ruled; the
owner and worker; the master and slave. Then it
becomes apparent that the living conditions of each
are governed and determined by separate standards,
and amenable only to its own special circumstances.
Amidst the social chaos of petty distinction and the
deceptive equality of legal investiture, we can see
the prime law of capitalist economy distributing to
ownership the usury of social production, based on
an ancient standard of life and labor; and giving to
dispossessed labor the competitive market price of
modern commercialism, based on ancient concepts of
individualist labor and ownership. That difference
Avholly and completely vitiates any communion in
the life standards of modern society. The legal
equalities of capital are the legal enactments of a
class whose concepts and aspirations had birth in
the petty production and irksome restrictions of
handicraft labor; whose social equalities are the
distorted reflexes of the "naturalism of the physiocrats" of revolutionary times; but whose commercial practice—the purely commodity production,
and private ownership of machine industry, Avholly
negatives and destroys the social concepts of their
nativity. Ancient inheritance, legal fiction, social
equality, natural freedom, linger anaemically, side by
side with the lusty giant of the greater industry; but
the complete politieal dominion and economic necessity of the latter entirely preclude whatever advantage once derived from the former.
Thus the concepts of life and living, of a dominant class, whose ideation is the preconcept of class
interest, and whose greatest good is the figment of
commercial prosperity, do not, and cannot, represent
the actualities of general society. Their concepts
are the stimuli of self preferment; the crude image
of a parasite prosperity Avhose roots plunge down to
the deeps of a broken aud degraded society and
whose artificial Avelfare is the sapped life of exploited humanity. Their "self-made" exemplars of industry are not the normal index of social opportunity, nor their chosen figures of success the average
lot of common life. They look on failure—and appraise their higher superiority; on the Avrecks of
misapplied energy,—and commend their greater
sense or responsibility. Their standards of life,
drawn from the abnormal conditions of commercial
exploitation, and whose day is already done, are
not coincident with the sub-normal issues of the
Avorld of production, Avhose forces are gathering to
the climax. The hazy notions of liberalist idealism
reflect the competitive conditions of class society as
grotesquely as the mirage reflects the scenery of its
occasion. In science and art; literature and education; comfort and security; in craftmanship and
ideal; in aim and interest, the tAvo classes are Avholly
divergent. Their science is but the paid handmaid
of trade and technology; their art the vulgar imitation of dead symbols. Their literature is the
flattery of "success"; their education the perpetuation of Dominion, Their craftmanship is the standardisation of cheap—and yet cheaper—production;
their ideal the eternity of trafficking in contented
slavery. Their aim is the suppression of all that
militates against commercial supremacy; and their
interest the corruption of all Avhose necessity or
training has rendered them fit subjects for prostitution to the ulterior purposes of class. While in all
those things the objective of tlie awakening society
of socialised purpose is the exhaustive analysis of
the actual relations of existence, the endowment of
that analysis to the further service of society, the
subordination of material to man, and the vivifica-
tion of talent and art in the realities of living life.
However, Ave do not stress political corruption,
or social servility. They are both products of time
conditions. Primarily, they are social elements.
They become moral equations only secondarily, as
they obtrude themselves more and more insistently
on social altruism. And as such Ave must accept
them. And accepting them as such, we strike directly at their abolition in the abolition of their generating cause.
But living standards are not engaged by class
tests. Their validity is residual in social Avelfare.
Not "rescue work," or charitous philarithrophy, or
uplift crusades, but the normal satisfaction of the
common needs and aspirations of common life in
its day and generation. To the extent that they
fail in this, they fail the Avhole purpose of social life.
And the extent in Avhich social satisfaction is gratified merely through class necessities is the measure
of social, and its subsequent expression in moral,
degradation. For as class interest becomes more imperious, social life becomes more abject. And as im-
periousness invariably begets violence and oppression, social life is laid under heavier burdens of
service, and further sacrifice of its attenuated desires. If living standards do not express, over the
general society the magnitude of social potentiality,
they are implicit witness to a society in "bondage," and therefore of a society whose standards must continue to fall with the constantly lowering levels of bondage. If living
standards  are but the vagaries of "ranting senti-
mentalism" in brief liasance with fashionable philanthropy, if they are no more than the echo of interested suggestion, or the catch cries of office, or
the calculating polemic of political purpose—if they
are no more than this they testify to the colossal
failure of the social organisation.   The social organisation of society is the socialisation of the means of
life.   That is its meaning, its obligation, its incentive.   And because, in the'chaotic Avorkings of un-
guided time and its consequent generation of egoist
duplicities that incentive has been voided and defeated, Ave face the necessity of revolution, i.e., the
^transformation of society in the perfect likeness
of pristine intention.   To be real, the life standard
must be social, general, equal.   To be true it must
be not merely theoretically purposive, but purposive-
ly complete.   If it is not, it is but an image of class
obsessions, a shadoAv of an ideal whose visionary is
yet entangled in the animalism of fortune hunting.
Thus it is the living standard falls; existence becomes more precarious; security more unstable; social life more distraught and impossible.   The potentialities of life floAV in more and more on the lords
of ownership; less and less on the slaves of production.   Gradually the evils of the social system are
accentuated; continually the operation of its necessities are more vigorous and confined.   The production of wealth, Avhose intention carried Avith it the
certainity of existence, now carries with it the certainty of destitution.   The material of resource, once
inviting to opportunity, is noAv a threat to existence.
The individual labor of ownership, once social, that
originally existed, has developed into its complete
opposite:   the  private   OAvnership   of  social labor.
Stage by stage with that development, changing and
fluctuating with fugitive waves of circumstances,
modified and reconstructed by the driven needs of
time, the standard of life has been fashioned; its
substance determined by the social facilities of production; its ethic and benefits governed by organised
conventions; its concepts widening as the Avorld widened with the social movements of man.   Now modern society confronts a barrage of social usuage,
Avhich can afford a normal standard of life only to the
supervisory directorate of ownership^ progressively
disalloAving to the disciplined wealth producers the
meagre pittance of competitive wages.
Social standards, then, not class standards, are
the vital determinants of activity. A standard of
life merely subservient to class interest abrogates
itself by its OAvn enforced restrictions. By the laAV
of its developing economic it drys up the stream
of its life, and subverts the purpose and function of
society, whose objects it once served. In the process
of this development, it separates a continually increasing minority from the needful means of life and
satisfaction; submerges a growing number in the
abyss of social desolation, tightening the living conditions of general society; rendering a riotous luxury and imperious power to a lessening feAV, and
lowering, notch by notch and by every expedient of
social trickery and political force, to the frontiers
of the intolerable, the subsistence status of the many.
The development of this process is the development of the particular economic of society. If we
understand the fundamentals of that economic we
can direct our efforts, undeviatingly, to the known
cause of social inequality and political subserviency
—the private ownership of the social means of life.
Without that understanding Ave do but flounder in
the quagmires of political reform, distracted by
every impulse that stirs its turged waters; and attracted by every device that flickers, like a shooting
star across its treacherous Avaste of darkness.
Bu,t the energy of thought, like all cosmic energies, folloAvs the line of least resistance. And it
would seem that until what Marx calls the "expropriation of the expropriators" has been accomplished, i.e., until the possibilities of capital have
(Continued on page 8) PAGR FOUR
Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Eoonomice, Philosophy,
and Current Brents.
Published twice a month by the Social-**. Party ot
Canada, P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
Entered at G. P. O. as a newspaper.
Editor  Ewen   MacLeod
Canada, 20 Issues     $1.00
Foreign, 16 issues      $1.00
g*f\***lt this number is on your address label your
KK|tuibecrlption expires with next issue. Renew
M v * promptly.
]5jN these notes, as they appear from time to time,
it is my habit to incorporate much matter right-
" fully belonging to some one or other eminent in
the domains of science or scholarship, but which
may not have its sources indicated. A worker with
little spare time or surplus of energy must needs
resort to the specialists for the science he desires
to bring to his fellow-workers; and the matter of
acknowledging sources I regard, in my case, as one
not primarily of ethics but of expediency—whether
naming the source will be of use to the reader or
not. In short, on occasion, I am an unabashed pla-
giariser of other merit's writings and ideas. If
pushed on to the defensive for this practice, I. might
claim some slight share of ownership in them on the
grounds of my ability to recognize their value, and
that all knowledge is a social product anyway. I
make this confession partly to forstall charges of
stealing and, partly as an encouraging hint to hesitant writers shivering on the brink before plunging
into the columns of the Clarion; mainly, however,
I hope thus to inspire readers with more interest
in what I, properly speaking, merely write, when
not my undistinguished self, but some one eminent
in the world of thought may be the creative intel-
ligense behind some note.
• •        •        #
I see that the Clarion circulation is on the increase.    Good! But weary not in well-doing! To
new readers I say: Get the habit of reading the
Clarion! because, besides being informative    and
educative on matters touching the social problem
and its solution, it is also a mental dicipline in the
scientific habit of mind.    At first, no doubt, you
may find the reading hard going if a study of the ma-
nysided and complex social problem is a new experience; but stay with it.   If the masses of the people
are to play a determining and constructive part in
social change inevitable in any case, either for good
or ill, it will only do so because it has been previously disciplined into some increased capacity for sustained mental effort.   So, to every one interested in
working class education I say. Keep the good work
going!   To those discouraged because they feel the
insignificance both of their efforts and the limited,
because definite, aim and purposes set as guides to
present action in comparison with the totality of
the social eonditions desired, let me quote the encouraging words of Professor Dewey: "From the
standpoint of its definite aim any act is petty in comparison with the totality of natural events.   What is
accomplished directly as the outcome of a turn which
our action gives the course of events is infinitesimal
in comparison with their total sweep.   Only an illusion of conceit persuades us that cosmic difference
hangs upon even our wisest and most strenuous effort.   Yet discontent with this limitation is as unreasonable as relying upon an illusion of external
importance to keep ourselves going.   In a genuine
sense every act is already possessed of infinite import.   The little part of the scheme of affairs which
is modifiable by our efforts is continuous with the
rest of the world.   The boundaries of our garden
plot join it to the world of our neighbors and our
neighbors' neighbors.   That small effort which we
can put forth is in turn connected with an infinity
of events that sustain and support it   ....   "
Last issue I Avrote of the enormous force of lag
in social change, attributing it to the enduring quality of social habits.   Two issues ago Comrade Harrington, in his article  on "Revolutions, Political
and Social,'' must have also had this factor in mind
in saying that when—"we hailed the political revolution in Russia as the promised land we did not
then realise that greater struggle was yet to come."
I myself think that the major part of that struggle
lies deeper than intriguing capitalist interests, domestic and foreign, or-the technical difficulties of
economic restoration and communist reorganization.
It lies in the masses of the Russian people who are
still possessed by the old concepts, loyalties and
ways of doing things.   That is why, as Harrington
says, socialist education is still necessary in Russia. Changed ideas registering the material conditions of the modern twentieth century world   are
the leverage for changing and modifying traditional
social institutions.   But let us not be deluded into
thinking that as yet in this world's history the process of such change is a rationally ordered    one.
New imperious necessity often clashes with old habit and may triumph, even if only temporarily. The
hope of the future in a rationally ordered progress
lies in the power of education to free the human
race from the tyranny of habit and necessity both.
Here is another quotation touching the question of
"Political and legal institutions may be altered,
even abolished; but the bulk of popular thought
which has been shaped to their pattern persists	
Consequently as a rule the moral effects of even
great political revolutions, after a few years of
outwardly conspicious alterations, do not show
themselves till after the lapse of years. A new generation must come upon the scene Avhose habits of
mind have been formed under new conditions.	
Where general land enduring moral changes do
accompany an external revolution it is because appropriate habits of thought have previously been
insensibly matured. The external change merely
registers the removal of an external superficial
barrier to the operation of existing intellectual
tendencies. (Dewey in "Human Nature and Conduct,")
Such intellectual tendencies for the removal of
capitalism are present but not yet in sufficient force.
Capitalism remains, primaritly, not because the rich
have refused to sanction social change, but because
"the steadfast poor are again postponing their day
and patiently supporting the superstructure of what
is so much less than a civilization."
* * * *
Perhaps only postponing it. New habits of
thought, it is true, are maturing, insensibly under
the discipline of material force and conditions of
the environment, and under the influence of education. Yet there are forces in the environment
Avhich, while uncontrolled in the interest of society
as a whole, sweep the world on into the path of
destruction. Everywhere, thinking and observing
people can see the benefits accruing from cooperation; and everywhere they see the destructive evils
of a competitive life based on private control of society's produtive powers. Hence the ideal of an extended cooperation through social control in the
spheres of production and exchange of material
Avealth gains headway. "Every ideal is "preceded by
an actuality; but the ideal is more than a repetition in inner image of the actual. It projects in
securer and wider and fuller form some good which
has been previously experienced in a precarious,
accidental, fleeting way.. Cooperation or destructive competition, Avhich shall win? There are forces
in man as Avell as in the environment. Let us rouse
them in behalf of a cooperative social life!
I confess, these notes are not taking the shape
J had in mind when I commenced sending them in
to the Clarion. Too much philosophy perhaps. Yet
we should see the world of things all in fragmentary
fashion without it. A philosophy is needed to see
life whole, to link things in relationship and to draw
out their hidden meanings or social significances.
However, with more practice I may do better.   As
to the Clarion circulation  !!!
(Continued from page 2)
and is reduced to writing "after the family and the
rest of the live-stock have gone to bed.''
Subs from Oscar Erickson of Fernie and a charter
application with eleven signatures from Comrade
Orchard, of Kamloops, B. C. Comrade Orchard expresses appreciation of the efforts of Comrade Lestor (who is now in Vancouver), as also have the comrades in Calgary.
Several subs from the U. S. A. Billy Welling
again and Com. C. McMahon Smith, both from California. Also a word from Jim Bone, Idaho. Comrade Hoey, Avith a further sub. list, wants to know
Avhat we do when somebody Avants the address of a
Clarion subscriber,—do we furnish it? Apparently
there are some who think the address of any Clarion
subscriber is accessible to whoever may ask for it.
Now suppose that someone we did not know, personally or by reputation, asked for the address of a
subscriber in Florida. We would send the enquiry
to the subscriber in Florida and notify the enquirer
that we had done that. But suppose John A. McDonald (Tor instance) wanted to know the present
whereabouts of Ambrose Tree, we'd tell him, and
that post haste. It's a consiberable time since we
fell asleep in a presbyterian church—so there you
are Larry.
# # # e
Might as well, while we are scrambling for space,
make sure of entry of the details of our footing in
finance, and so here we introduce—
I HERE is not a great deal to tell. We remem-
***** ber the story of Gilbert's Lord Chancellor,
engaged in haranguing himself in the court of chancery, and who was so overcome that he distinctly perceived a tear—a sympathetic tear—glistening in
his own eye. In order to avoid any such situation
Ave make haste to transfer the emotion to the reader:
* •       *       •
Following $1 each: W. Fleming, A. Clark, Miss
Williamson, Mrs. Steen, L. Robertson, G. F. Ritchie,
J. D. McNeill, J. R. Shields, H. F. Smith, R. Towle,
A. Sumner, J. C. Budge, J. Gandy, R. M. Alexander,
C. M. Smith, Mrs. G. Korlann, J. F. Maguire, A.
Mackie, A. C. Stopp, E. Williams, C. Butt, A. C.
Cameron, J. Dennis, Billy William, F. E. Creer.
Following $2 each: D. G. Smith, A. E. Faulkner,
O. Erickson, L. Hoey, J. Allan, J. C. Bloomfield.
W. P. Black 50 cents; J. G. Smith 50 cents; A.
Jorgenson $3; J. C. Blair $3; Wm. F. Welling $4;
Roy Reid $5; Frisco Labor College, per J. Knight,
$9.60. Clarioi subs., from 14th to 28th Feby., inclusive, total $62.60.
FolloAving $1 each: Miss Williamson, Mrs. Steen,
R. M. Alexander, J. Price (per L. Hoey), Marshall
Erwin, Tom Erwin.
H. Myers 25 cents; E. G. Kermode $2; Local
Equity (per A. Jorgenson) $5; Collected by Roy
Reid $10; Dave Lewis $10.
~C. M. F. receipts, from 14th to 28th Feby., inclusive, total $33.25.
Regular Sunday night propaganda meetings at
8 at Local Headquarters, 134A 9th Avenue West,
Economics class every Thursday night at 8, conducted by A. Tree.   All welcome. No charges. WESTERN   CLARION
Reforms for Farmers
JULY lst 1923 is important because then expire
the charters of Canadian banks. These charters
are granted for ten years and are renewed at
the end of each ten-year period, thereby permitting
the revision of the Banking Act at fixed dates, in
any manner that experience of its working makes
desirable. The Aet, therefore, will be reviewed
and the charters extended by the Dominion Parliament and, as a result, numbers of those who have
either fallen or are ready to fall in the prevailing
crisis, are eagerly awaiting the coming of a Messianic Banking Period of Monetary Relief from their
grinding anxiety and misery.
These people are the Reformers Avho rave about
banking "strangle-holds" and who are hopeful that
something "Progressive" is going to be done for
them by their chosen ones; and that will, still, moreover, leave their Capitalist system standing; for
Socialism—of which they know next to nothing—
they both fear and detest; because Socialism means
(peaceful or otherwise) a Revolution.
Noav, quite alive to this danger state of expectancy and as an antidote thereto, the various banking companies have just issued a booklet—"Banks
and Banking"—which has been freely sent to every
publicist and every species and calibre of editor, irrespective of what small town "rag" he lords it
over. The booklet is well, clearly, factfully and
logically written and in our opinion, quite attains
its objective, whieh is to prove that the Banker is
not the "villain of the piece" ill-informed farmers
and others hold him to be; and that no monkeying
Avith Banking Acts can really lift out of the economic ditch those who uoav so deeply and hopelessly
lie therein.
Replying to one of its opponent's charges, the
booklet states, "It is complained that the banks do
not compete; a statement at variance with the fact;
and that local rates of interest on loans are uniform.
So is the local price of wheat. Money cannot be
loaned nor wheat sold profitably beloAv cost." This
reminds us that the late Daniel de Leon, the American S. L. P. 's Pope and idol Avhom they celebrate
by annual birthday meetings and by bronze busts
and author of an absurd and illogical pamphlet called "Anti-Semitism," totally denied that money Avas
a commodity. This Avas in 1911, in answer to your
contributor's question, which ansAver has since been
permanently embodied in his pamphlet "Money."
That answer, however, Avas only partly true. As
Dietzgen and also McMillan (see "Origin of the
World") point out nothing is absolute; only formal
logic and metaphysics recognize the rigidly absolute.
Again, our Comrade Peter Leckie quotes Marx, issue
of last 16th October, on "Money as a Commodity"
—Avhich further reveals the flaAvs in De Leon's Marxian knoAvledge.
To another charge that banks occupy a privileged position, the booklet replies: " . . shareholders are required by laAV to protect the depositor.
Shareholders must pay up an amount equal to the
par value of their shares Avhen the assets of an insolvent bank are not sufficient to pay depositors in
full." And again: "The bank shareholder has to
take his chance like anyone else, but unlike the farmer, the bank shareholder has a penalty imposed on
him if his business is mismanaged, because if the
resources of the bank do not suffice to pay its debts
which are the deposits—he is compelled to put in
as much more capital. His liability is a double one.
And properly so, for the reason that parliament
gives his business (the bank) certain privileges, and
requires in return that he give special security to his
But it may be that the booklet is so "cleverly"
written that it imposes on one. It may be that "Progressives" are furnished Avith some more or less effective '' comebacks.'' HoAvever, as it stands, this is
doubtful. Depressing the booklet may be to Reformers, but to us Revolutionists it is a veritable
message of inspiration and hope. As the "Good
Book" tells us, with belief and faith all things become possible. We Socialists talk about evolution,
and that universal three-phase principle, the Negation of the Negation upon Avhich we deduce the inevitable coming of the social revolution. If all this,
hoAvever, is merely talk, if Ave have neither a real belief in, nor the courage of our convictions; if we accept premises and reasons, yet balk at, refuse,
shrink from or vomit up the conclusions flowing
from these premises; Avhat then are we more than
the unregenerate heathen and Gentiles?
Therefore, it is excellent for us to have this
latest assurance that no amount of free or cheap
monetary hand-outs can remedy the hopelessly out-
Avorn system of society known as Capitalism. Socialism, and Socialism only, can do that!
S'o, for the strong corroboration of the revolutionary Socialist policy that this booklet gives us, all
hail to "Banks and Banking," especially as it is
distributed "with the compliments of the Canadian
Bankers' Association" to which honorable body Ave
Socialists also, with the deepest appreciation and
gratitude, return our highest and most sincere compliments and thanks! '' PROGRESS''
make all this available for the Avorld's markets.
Truly a stupendous field for profitable investments.
It only takes human labour, but it must be cheap
labor,—and in England there is unemployment.
There is idle capital, hungry for profits, insatiable in
it's greed for gain; in Canada as well, and in Australia or the parched veldt of South Africa.
And lo and behold! Posters cover the fences, immigration agencies are opened, exhibitions arranged,
the Church Army and the Salvation Army commissioned to lead the dupes into the promised land or
rather the lands of promise unfulfilled. There is
unemployment in England! Let us pray, prey on the
miseries of the starving.
Quite a change for the immigrant; the golden
Avheat fields of the prairie, the sight of the glowing
peaches of the Okanagan, the healthful odour of the
pines and the mountain air—and he has found work,
a job. True, he is not getting the same Avages as the
native born, but he realizes that he does not know
conditions in the land. His heart is full of joy. He
found a job and he blesses the damnation arany and
thanks the Lord from the bottom of his heart, until
he knows the ropes. He does not realize that he is
made a catspaAv of, to lower the standard of living
of his felloAv Avorkers, until he asks for a raise in
Avage3. The tailor from Petticoat Lane Avould be
about as useful ih a lumber camp as a lumberjack or
roadAvorker on the stenographer's desk of John
Wanamaker. He is not the only pebble on the beach,
for in England there is unemployment, The employer Avants cheap labor, so as to make as big a
profit as he possibly can. The immigrant finds him-
stlf shamelessly taken advantage of. He is where
he is Avanted, helpless, unused to the customs of a
strange country. He is apt to grasp that the boss
did not Avant him, to give him a lift, but, only to
profit by his labours. The system that kept him in
misery in Europe does the same in Africa, the same
in Australia, the same in Canada. Emigration did
not solve the problem for him. If anything, it accentuated his misery.
Well, that did not worry the English capitalist..
That felloAv is out of the road. "I will not have to
pay for his funeral," Avould be about the summary of
his thoughts. However, every lane has a turning.
Less competition in the labour market means a smaller supply of labour power and therefore better
Avages. His competitor across the seas has got now
cheaper labor and has also a cheaper supply of raw
Emigration from Various Angles
THERE is unemployment in Great Britain—*
a very serious situation, because it gives the
workers leisure, and causes them to think,
to grope for the reason of their misery, lt forces
them to look conditions in the face, to analyse them,
to search for the root of the evils they are suffering
from. Mostly they do not know what is at the
bottom, what makes their existence so hideous and
galling. Neither do their employers. Their love
of gain blinds them to the obvious. They attribute
unemployment to a falling off of the demand for
the goods they sell, a tightening of the money market, but it Avould be against their interest to dig
deeper, to find out Avhere those oceans of misery originate. Neither does the government knoAv—at
least not officially. It is up to the cabinet and dependant duffers to find a remedy if they can—a remedy that will leave the profits of the ruling class untouched, if possible increase them.
There are various Avays to achieve this result,
temporarily at least. Often a Avar is desirable to
decrease unemployment. It means feverish activity
as long as it lasts, besides giving a pretext for sup
pressing free speech and press. Besides, the slaughter of a feAV million people Avould reduce unemployment to some extent. HoAvever, this reduction of
men competing for jobs Avould have a deleterious
effect on the cost of production, for because of reduced competition for jobs the workers might demand higher Avages. Furthermore a Avar might be
lost, as the bourgeosic of France found out to their
soitoav in 1870, of Russia in the Japanese Avar, of
Germany in the late big conflict. Even, if Avon, a
Avar might be expensive, as the victors of the Boer
Avar found out. It is most disagreeable to pay more
than 100 cents for $1. A war is too risky. The handing out of doles Avould mean increased taxation with
no net results but the creation of an army of loafers. This would hot be safe besides being unprofitable.   What else then can be done?
We have an empire bigger than there ever Avas,
with billions of feet of standing timber, millions of
acres of land suitable for the raising of grain crops
or for grazing, and vast supplies of oil. Gold and
silver hide in the Avilderness; Avithout limit is the
harvest of the sea.   It only takes human labour to
material. So he can undersell him in the world market, Avhich forces him to reduce his output with a
resultant loss of profits to him. Now it is up to him
to emigrate—if he can—to buck competition in a
foreign land, against the man who knoAvs conditions;
by no means a very inviting task.
Regarded from the imperial vieAvpoint the emigration policy is of doubtful value. It is claimed
that blood is thicker than AA'ater; but porridge is
thicker than blood.   In the fight for markets, in the
scramble for food, clothing and shelter, people
are quite apt to forget history.
Is the man Avho Avas, under false pretenses, lured
into a strange country by the prospect of bettering
himself, apt to become enthusiastic about being con-
tinually exploited and profiteered upon? No flag
that stands for exploitation of humanity can mean
anything to him, but utmost loathing. There is only
one good can result from this emigration policy:-
the realisation of the Avorker that he is exploited
Avherever he goes, no matter what his creed or color,
the realisation that the system of production for
profit must give Avay to production for use; the
realisation of the unity of interest of the working
class the Avide Avorld over; the realisation that, no
matter Avhere he goes, if he does not leave his shackles behind, he cannot be free. When he realizes this,
he will stretch forth the hand of friendship to the
felloAv Avorker across the Pacific, the Baltic or North
sea or English Channel and forget the artificially
nourished and fanned flame of hatred Avhich helps
to forge the chains of his enslavement. He will Avelcome the felloAv Avorker to his shore, help him to free
himself and be helped by him in the overthrow of
capitalism. PAGE SIX
Revolutions, Political and Social
Second Article.
THE term revolution is generally associated
with all manner of excess, and an exhibition
of the most inhuman and bestial acts known
to man. As a result, an inhibition against the advocacy of revolutions arises in the average mind,
as strong as that which exists in regard to human
sex relations. That the normal activities of peoples
exhibit acts of brutality Avhich far transcend any
recorded of revolutionary periods is a fact of which
evidence is too abundant. For unrestrained bestiality the record of mob violence in the United States
is without parallel in any revolution. And the i*e-
cords of religious history reveal such Avanton cruelty that no revolutionary tribunal or mob has ever
been charged with, much less committed. As for
bloodshed, more men are killed every month in the
year by mine explosions than has been recorded of
most revolutions.
We realize that evidence is a small factor in
the formation of opinion, but Ave are not insensible
to the fact that it has some Aveight: that ideas Avhich
have been absorbed by reading, association, and
teaching, might be modified by calling attention to
facts Avhich in themselves are obvious enough but
entirely overlooked.
The French Revolution is the example par excellence of revolutions, and calls up pictures of
September massacres and promiscuous guilloutin-
ing; to it the average mind reverts when dicussing
revolutions. This is quite reasonable, Avhen we realize
that the average mind has no recollection of any
other revolution, excepting of course the Russian
Revolution, which, in its broad aspects resembles
the French.
That France had other revolutions as drastic as
that of 1789 Avherein no more suffering Avas experienced than would naturally follow an excessive
gorge of rank sausage and cheap Avine, does not
form part of the intellectual furniture of the average human mind. And yet such is the record of history, that in 1851 Lbuis Napoleon overthreAV a republic and established an empire Avithout any fuss
or fury. Being President of the Republic he of
course had exceptional opportunities to lay his
plans, which, Avhen put into effect and the revolution carried through, found sanction in the minds of
the most influential of the nation, and if not accepted by the majority, did not sufficiently disturb
them to cause any active resentment.
BetAveen this revolution by conspiracy and the
"great" French Revolution there i.s a vast difference in historical sequence and in social consequence.
Preceding the revolution of 1789 every Frenchman
of intellectual standing had been subjected to insult.
For the most part, the fruits of their intellectual
labor had been burned by the common hangman,
and they Avere deemed fortunate avIio Avere merely
beggared by the loss of property; many lost their
liberty too. Though it must be noted, and noted
well, that the prison terms meted out to these pino-
neers of thought, Avere \ot nearly so savage and
senseless as has been experienced by humbler soldiers of progress in that free-est country on Earth,
the United States —"at this time", as the American orators say. But Ave might take that up later.
While the intellectuals of France were being goaded
into fury by stupid insults and unwarranted violence, the commercials Avere being reduced to bankruptcy by loss of colonies, excessive taxation, and all
manner of petty annoyances, if not downright robbery.
The records of this period portray a condition
bordering on desolation, Avhich might well prompt
the speculative mind to enqtfire into the causes
which prevent mankind from putting an end to
such monumental misery AA'hen  the means are so
ready to hand. But all they asked was a mitigation
of their wrongs, and an alleviation of their misery;
this being denied, they undertook active measures
to secure them and, having once broken Av'th th*
past, each new situation, each attempt to deny them
their very humble demands, took them further and
further from their original objective until they end
ed by decapitating their king, an act which all
Frenchmen execrated in the English scarcely more
than a century previous..
Briefly then, Ave find that the attitude of the
monarchy forced the French people to extreme
measures, and at that point the monarchy ha.l
practically no power. The revolution might have
been as bloodless as that of England in 1688 had
the other European poAvers not interfered.
The social revolution, however, progressed, and
found full expression under an Emperor in "lie per
son of Napoleon Bonaparte, who overthreAV the republic, Avith riduculous ease, although at the time in
such a frenzy of fear that a child might have overcome him; he succeeded, and restored all the political evils which were the cause of so much righteous
indignation a few years previous. That mankind
will surrender tamely all that years of heroic strife
and terrible sufferings have secured is not uncommon, but in the case of France it is so pronounced,
and presents one of these apparently unsolvable
riddles of human behavior so forcibly, that Ave are
compelled to linger, and examine it more closely
than Ave had previously planned.
In the first place Europe was then and for some
years after, populated by peasants. The industrial
age had commenced in England, but had scarcely
touched Europe. What is perhaps quite as important as the absence of the machine, though not
generally noted, the potatoe had not been accepted
by the French, and so the relatively expensive food
demanded more land per family than today. This
peasant Avas by the revolution freed from the handicap tolls imposed by feudalism on the serf; he had
his land free from rent, and providing foreign armies did not march over his fields, his post-revolutionary condition was all that he had ever hoped
for. To the peasant, the vast majority of the people,
the revolution had brought salvation. The armies of
Napoleon had secured him against foreign invasion
and his entire future promised prosperity. Looking
back over the misery of pre-revolutionary days, and
the uncertainty of the revolutionary period itself,
avc can realise that this peasant Avho had scarcely
been touched by the propaganda for Liberty, Equality and Fraternity which had enthused the city
population, and having experienced what the city
Avorkers certainly missed, an enormously increased
measure of prosperity, would readily acquiesce in
any possible stabilization of his conditions, regardless of disputes about sovereignty. The city workers, depleted by years of strife or mobilized in victorious armies, disgusted Avith eternal squabbles about
principles, were also ready for peace. And while
Napoleon assumed all the prerogatives of a king he
also assumed the the traditional labors of a king, and
as the immediate result of his usurpation was an
increase in the prosperity and glory of France, there
remained but feAV to challenge him in the name of
freedom. And after all, however much we may
idealize the Avord, freedom means nothing more nor
less than comfort. We have yet to learn of a people
possessed in a marked degree of comfort and security, instituting a rebellion in the name of freedom.
And we have many examples today of people actually living under onerous restraint, who are loud in
the praises of their free institutions. You can fool
all the people, all the time, providing you feed
Since the beginning of the 19th century France
has had many revolutions, but they did not alter
the economic status or interfere Avith the property
relations, and neither Napoleon nor the restored
Bourbons  dared to  interfere  Avith  the new-found.
property of the peasant. We wish to particularly
emphasise that for years preceding 1789 propaganda of an extensive and intensive character had been
carried on. All the intellect of France combined to
attack the political form of government. Religion,
King, and nobility Avere held up to ridicule, and
while the demand for the abolition of these institutions was voiced by few, they came to be held in
general contempt and whatever restraint they formerly possessed over the masses Avas Aveakened. In
the darker moods of the mind, which the prayer
book calls envy, hatred, malice and all uncharit-
ablenesS, we are apt to forget our moral instructions
The force of this restraint, "the divinity that
doth hedge a King" was beyond question; it appears in many places even today, but its power is
gone. It departed when Napoleon peopled the
towns of Europe with fishermen. It lingers, but the
democratic Royalty of today, top hatted, frowsy
looking tradesmen, can never inspire the awe once
commanded by the distant respondent warriors in
a superstitious age. That awe had to be overcome,
and was, by a series of events and by propaganda.
Political revolutions arise in general from dissatisfaction with the form of governments, wnen social changes become imminent, necessarily the
forms of government lagging far behind bear heavily on the attempts of mankind to meet the altered
conditions of life. A changed method of producing
the means of life such as resulted from the exploitation of America, Africa and India, Avas bound to
come into conflict with the political forms which
had developed around a producing medium which
Avas largely local and almost entirely individual.
Such Avere the conditions Avhich the European merchants and manufacturing towns of 1521 encountered and so the Roman supremacy had to go; such
were the conditions which confronted the English,
American and French people in the 17th and 18th
centuries, and so political revolutions heralded the
social revolution. In those countries where the social development lingered, the political forms had
an opportunity. The Romanoffs, the Hapsburgs
and the Hohcnzollerns were disposed of with less
trouble than is sometimes experienced in getting
rid of a labor union President. And as with the two
latter no property Avas threatened, little trouble
followed the stampede of these descendants of a
hundred kings. And as to the Romanoffs, for a few
months Russia was accorded the fullest measure of
praise, but,—however, the but Avill have to keep till
Ave get further into our story.
Socialist Party of Canada
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
March 4th. Speaker: J. HARRINGTON.
All meetings at 8 p.m.
*v j——i. ——U	
On a Piece of Chalk
(Continued from last issue)
There is more curious evidence, again, that the
•process of covering up, or, in other words, the deposit of Globigerina skeletons, did not go on very
fast. It is demonstrable that an animal of the cretaceous sea might die, that its skeleton might lie
uncovered upon the sea-bottom long enough to lose
all its outward coverings and appendages by putrefaction, and that, after this had happened, another
animal might attach itself to the dead and naked
skeleton, might grow to maturity, and might itself
die before the calcareous mud had buried the whole.
Cases of this kind are admirably described by
Sir Charles Lyell. He speaks of the frequency with
which geologists find in the chalk a fossilized sea-
urchin to Avhich is attached the lower valve of a
Crania. This is a kind of shell-fish, with a shell
composed of two pieces, of which, as in the oyster,
one is fixed and the other free.
"The upper valve is almost invariably wanting, though occasionally found in a perfect state of
preservation in the white chalk at some distance. In
this case, Ave see clearly that the sea-urchin first
lived from youth to age, then died and lost its
spines, Avhich were carried away. Then the young
Crania adhered to the bared shell, grew and perished in its turn; after Avhich, the upper valve was
separated from the lower, before the Echinus became enveloped in chalky mud."
A specimen in the Museum of Practical Geology,
in London, still further prolongs the period which
must have elapsed between the death of the sea-
urchin and its burial by the Globigerinae. For the
outward face of the valve of a Crania, which is attached te a sea-urchin (Micraster), is itself overrun
by an incrusting coralline, which spreads thence
over more or less of the surface of the sea-urchin.
It follows that, after the upper valve of the Crania
fell off, the surface of the attached valve must have
remained exposed long enough to allow of the
growth of the Avhole coralline, since corallines do
not live embedded in mud. —
The progress of knowledge may, one day, enable
us to deduce from such facts as these the maximum
rate at Avhich the chalk can have accumulated, and
thus to arrive at the minimum duration of the
chalk period. Suppose that the valve of the Crania
upon which a coralline has fixed itself in the Avay
just described, is so attached to the sea-urchin that
no part of it is more than an inch above the face
upon Avhich .the sea-urchin rests. Then, as the coralline could not have fixed itself, if the Crania had
been covered up Avith chalk mud, and could not
have lived had itself been so covered, it folloAVs that
an inch of chalk mud could not have accumulated
within the time betAveen the death and decay of the
soft parts of the sea-urchin and the groAvth of the
coralline to the full size AA'hich it has attained. If
the decay of the soft parts of the sea-urchin, the attachment, growth to maturity, and decay of the
Crania, and the subsequent attachment and growth
of the coralline, took a year (Avhich is a low estimate enough), the accumulation of the inch of
chalk must have taken more than a year; and the
deposit of a thousand feet of chalk must, consequently, have taken more than tAvelve thousand
The foundation of all this calculation is of
course, a knoAvledge of the length of time the Crania
and the coralline needed to attain their full size;
and, on this head, precise knowledge is at present
wanting. But there are circumstances which tend
to show that nothing like an inch of chalk has accumulated during the life of a Crania; and, on any
probable estimate of the length of that life, the
chalk period must have had a much longer duration
than that thus roughly assigned to it.
Thus, not only is it certain that the chalk is the
mud of an ancient sea-bottom, but it is no less certain that the chalk sea existed during an extremely
long period, though Ave may not be prepared to
give a precise estimate of the length of that period
in years. The relative duration is clear, though the
absolute duration may not be definable. The attempt to affix any precise date to the period at Avhich
the chalk sea began, or ended, its existence is
baffled by difficulties of the same kind. But the
relative age of the cretaceous epoch may be determined Avith as great ease and certainty as the long
duration of that epoch.
You. will have heard of the interesting discoA*-
eries recently made in various parts of Western
Europe of flint implements, obviously worked into
shape by human hands, under circumstances which
show conclusively that man is a very ancient denizen
of these regions.
It has been proved that the old populations of
Europe, whose existence has been revealed to us in
this way, consisted of savages, such as the Esquimaux are hoAv; that, in the country which is now
France, they hunted the reindeer, and were familiar
Avith the ways of the mammoth and the bison. The
physical geography of France was in those days different from what it is noAv—the river Somme, for
instance, having cut its bed. a hundred feet deeper
between that time and this; and it is probable that
the climate was more like that of Canada or Siberia that that of Western Europe.
The existence of these people is forgotten even
in the traditions of the oldest historical nations. The
name and fame of them had utterly vanished until
a few years back; and the amount of physical
change which has been effected since their day renders it more than probable that, venerable as are some
of the historical nations, the Avorkers of the chipped
flints of Hoxne or of Amiens are to them, as they
are to us, in point of antiquity.
But, if Ave assign to these hoar relics of long-
vanished generations of men the greatest age that
can possibly.be claimed for them, they are not older
than the drift, or boulder clay, Avhich, in comparison with the chalk, is but a very juvenile deposit.
You need go no farther than your own sea-board
for evidence of this fact. At one of the most charming spots on the coast of Norfolk, Cromer, you will
see the boulder clay forming a vast mass, which lies
upon the chalk and must consequently have come
into existence after it. Huge boulders of chalk
are, in fact, included in the clay, and have evidently
been brought to the position they noAv occupy, by
the same agency as that which has planted blocks
of syenite from Norway side by side Avith them.
The chalk, then, is certainly older than the boulder clay. If you ask hoAv much, I Avill again take
you no farther than the same spot upon your own
coasts for evidence. I have spoken of the boulder
clay and drift as resting upon the chalk. That is
not strictly true. Interposed between the chalk
and the drift is a comparatively insignificant layer
containing vegetable matter. But that layer tells
a wonderful history. It is full of stumps of trees,
standing as they grew. Fir trees are there Avith
their cones, and hazel-bushes with their nuts; there
stand the stools of oak and yeAV trees, breeches and
alders. Hence this stratum is appropriately called
the "forest-bed."
' It is obvious that the chalk must have been upheaved and converted into dry land before the timber trees could groAv upon it. As the bolls of some
of these trees are from two to three feet in diameter,
it is no less clear that the dry land thus formed remained in the same conditions for long ages. And
not only do the remains of stately oaks and well-
groAvn firs testify to the duration of this condition
of things, but additional evidence to the same effect is afforded by the abundant remains of elephants, rhinoceroses, hippopotamuses, and other
great Avild beasts, AA'hich it has yielded to the zealous search of such men as the Rev. Gunn.
When you look at such a collection as he has
formed, and bethink you that these    elephantine
bones did veritably carry their owners about, and
these great grinders crunch, in the dark woods of
which the forest-bed is iioav the only trace, it is
impossible not to feel that they are as good evidence
of the lapse of time as the annual rings of the tree-
Thus there is a writing upon the walls of cliffs
at Cromer, and whoso runs may read it.   It tells us,
with an authority which cannot be impeached, that
the ancient sea-bed of the chalk sea Avas raised up,
and remained dry land, until it Avas covered with
forest, stocked with thc great game Avhose spoils
have rejoiced your geologists.   Hoav long it remained
in that condition cannot, be said, but "the whirligig
of time brought its revenges" in those days as in
these.   That dry land, with the bones and teeth of
generations of long-lived elephants, hidden aAvay
among the gnarled roots and dry leaves of its ancient trees, sank gradually to the bottom -of the icy
sea, which covered it with huge masses of drift
and boulder clay.   Sea-beasts, such as the walrus,
iioav restricted to the extreme north, paddled about
where birds had twittered among the topmost twigs
of the fir trees.   Hoav long this state of things endured Ave knoAv not, but at length it came to an
end.   The upheaved glacial mud hardened into the
soil of modern Norfolk.   Forests grew once more,
the Avolf and the beaver replaced the reindeer and
the elephant, and at length what Ave call the history
of England dawned.
Thus you have, Avithin the limits of your OAvn
county, proof that the chalk can justly claim a very
much greater antiquity than even the oldest physical traces of mankind. But we may go further and
demonstrate, by evidence of the same authority as
that which testifies to the evistence of the father
of men, that the chalk is vastly older than Adam
The Book of Genesis informs us that Adam, immediately upon his creation, and before the appearance of Eve, Avas placed in the Garden of Eden.
The problem of the geographical position of Eden
has greatly vexed the spirits of the learned in such
matters, but there is one point respecting which,
so far as I know, no commentator has ever raised a
doubt. This is, that of the four rivers which are
said to run out of it, Euphrates and Hiddekel are
identical with the rivers iioav known by the names
cf Euphrates and Tigris.
But the Avhole country in which these mighty
rivers take their origin, and through which they run,
is composed of rocks which are either of the same
age as the chalk or of later date. So that the chalk
must not only have been formed, but, after its formation, the time required for the deposit of these
later rocks and for their upheaval into dry land
must have elapsed before the smallest brook Avhich
feeds the swift stream of "the great river, the river
of Babylon,"   began to floAV.
Thus, evidence Avhich cannot be rebutted, and
which need not be strengthened, though if time per
ftiitted I might indefinitely increase its quantity,
compels you to believe that the earth, from the time
of the chalk to the present day, has been the theatre
of a series of changes as vast in their amount as
they were sIoav in their progress. The area On
which we stand has been first sea and then land,
for at least four alternations; and has remained
in each of these conditions for a period of great
Nor have these wonderful metamorphoses of sea
into land, and of land into sea, been confined to
one cornei' of England. During the chalk period, or
"cretaceous epoch," not one of the present great
physical features of the globe was in existence. Our
great mountain ranges, Pyrenees, Alps, Himalayas,
Andes, have all been upheaved since the chalk Avas
deposited, and the cretaceous sea flowed over the
sites of Sinai   and Ararat.
(To be concluded)
|       " tm ■ i :o:	
Local Winnipeg, Manitoba. Secretary J. M. Sanderson,
P. 0. Box 2354, Winnipeg, Man.
Business* meeting ever yWednesday at 8 p.m. Economics Class every Monday at 8 p.m. Correspondence invited.
When visiting Winnipeg visit the Local Headquarters at
530 Main Street. -. . *-
Editor of The Western Clarion,
Nanaimo, Vancouver Island
February 24, 1923.
Dear Comrade:
It Avas Avith sorroAV that the comrades residing in
this section of Vancouver Island have learned of the
painful death of the youngest son of our esteemed
comrade Arthur Jordan.
As is customary with coal miners on their return
from work, they bath. Comrade Jordan having returned was standing within a feAV feet of a tub
containing boiling water; reading a letter which his
Avife had handed to him. The little boy of tAvo
years Avas playing in an adjoining room, when his
mother turned to the cold water tap. Looking back
toAvards the tub she saAv the child backing towards
it and called a Avarning to his father to catch him.
The father almost succeeded, but before quite reaching him the child fell in the tub. Although the child
Avas drawn out instantly, it Avas too late. The child
died from the effects of its injuries five hours later.
Funeral services were held on Feby., 15th, at the
McAdie Undertaking parlors when addresses were
delivered by G. Moore, James Lister and T. A. Barnard. OAving to the depth of snow and conditions of
the roads the burial did not take place until Feby. 23.
Comrade Jordan has been known for the past
fifteen years for his zeal and activity in the labor
and Socialist movement in Canada and New Zealand.
Previous to this sad occurrence Com. Jordan had
been chosen by the miners of the island to attend
the enquiry at Cumberland into the recent mining
disaster at that place.
We bespeak the sympathy of his comrades and
fellow workers Avherever Com. Jordan and his family
are known.
New Zealand labor papers please copy.
A Nanaimo Comrade.
not recognise secret treaties or agreements." (Oil,
Engineering and Finance, 2/12/22).
After the oil scandal at Genoa, the oil bugs became more cautious in their tactics.
Sir Henri Deterding of the R.D.S. and Sir Charles
Greenway of the A.P.O. Avere known to be "lurking
in the purlieus of Lausanne," but could not be observed at the conference, until the Turkish typists
Avere examined "in several of whom striking resemblances to eminent oil magnates have been observed."    (Daily NeAvs, 21222).
Yet a further complication has appeared, for
"Mr. Untermeyer's mission is to urge upon the Lausanne Conference the claims of the twenty-two Turkish princes and princesses to oilfields estimated to
be Avorth over £200,000,000 sterling. The presentation of these claims is said to be financed by American and British citizens." (Oil News, 9/12/22).
It is as Avell to watch the intrigues of the oil
magnates closely, for to quote a French author, "To
ensure success to their vast designs they are capable
of fomenting revolutions in Mexico, or sowing civil
Avar in Asia; to crush a competitor they are willing
to set fire to Europe and the Avorld." (Delaisi Oil,
P. 81).
—The (Irish) Workers' Republic (London).
(Continued from page 3)
been thoroughly exploited, we will not—Ave cannot
folloAV the straight path of direct expropriation. Because, the straight road is the road to political supremacy, the road of revolution. And Avhatever its
actual journey may prove to be, its entrance is
threatening in the extreme. The process of evolution—of groAvth, maturity and change—is a passionless and deliberate movement. Like the "hound
of heaven" it goes, unhurrying, and unperturbed.
The elements of comfort and satisfaction are Avound
and Avoven into the very fabric of society. They
are the beat of its heart, the Ihrob of its life. They
are derived from its time-needs. They are interlinked with the heritage of yesterday, and interfused Avith the Avoven hopes of tomorroAv. And until
those hopes have proven abortive, and that heritage
a vanity, till the customs and laws and institutions
formulated, deviously yet unmistrustingly, from
and in the darkness of development, Avhich control the present with the prestige of the past have
proven clearly their ineffectiveness and incapability
for the continued furtherance of human welfare,
society cannot but continue in allegiance to customs and institutions AA'hich have been the provident
interpreters of its progress.
Consequently, the road of revolution is open only
lo society as a Avhole. no single section, or party,
unsupported by the time spirit of development, may
venture with impunity upon its unrelenting Avays.
And every such appeal, hoAvever lofty its motive, is
not only a menace to the proletariat Avho alone
possess the incentive to action, but is also a. sacrifice
to the right of might which is in supreme control of
thc machinery of suppression. Society as a Avhole
will folloAV that path, not by force, nor by theory,
nor by appeal, but only Avhen, by force and by
theory and by appeal, by every impulse and influence of experience and education, the prime cause
of its continual trouble, its deepening sorroAvs and
gathering miseries have been forced ineffaceably
home on its consciousness. In working for that understanding Ave are Avorking parallel with the forces
which are hastening that consciousness. That is the
short path to victory, and the crucial test of (present) activity.
When that consciousness has ripened we shall
have a new ordering of social affairs; different concepts of life; and a social standard of living. With
its coming, the unsociable society of class and its
concomitant aggressions of profit shall vanish away.
And the twin standard of life, like its twin associate in morality, shall perish in the natural probity
of natural living, in the social equity of understanding. For, in the triumph of economic freedom
lives the floAver and fruit of the accumulated experience of the ages; the aAvakening and fertilisation
of the accrued faculties of the mind; and the actu-
alisation of the exponential potentialities of man.
And although we shall never see it, we shall know
that in the risen day of its wisdom that society shall
be secure; and whatever its problems may be, it shall
bow no more to the graven gods of night and the
visionless idols of power. R.
Literature Price List
Socialist Party of
W«,  th* Soolallst Party of Canada affirm our allap-
tanc* to, and support of   tha prlnclplaa and programme
of Hie revolutionary  working olaaa.
Labor, applied to natural roaourc**, produoM all
waalth. Th* present economic *y*t*m la baaad upon
oapitaliat ownership of th* mean* of production, oon**-
quently, all the product* of labor belong to th* oapitaliat olaa*. Th* oapitaliat la, tta*r*for*, maatar* th*
worker a slave.
So long aa th* oapitaliat olaa* remain* in po*****lon
of th* rtrfna of government all the power* of th* Stat*
will b* uaed to protect and'd*f*_d Ita property right* la
th* meana of waalth produotion and Ha control of th*
product of labor.
Tha oapitaliat ayatem glv** to th* oapitaliat aa *v*r-
■w ailing *tr*am of profit*, and to tho worker, an «-***•
Ineraaaing measure of mlaery and degradation.
Th* Interest of tha working olaaa lie* ln aettlng Itself
fre* from capitalist exploitation by th* abolition of th*
wag* ayatem, under which thia axploltatlon, at the point
of produotion, ls cloaked. To accomplish Oil* n*o*s*lt-
at*a th* transformation of oapitaliat property ln th*
mean* of wealth produotion Into aoolally oO-rtrollod i
omlc fore**.
Th* lrrepreaalM* conflict of Interest between th* i
Itallst and the worker neoeaaarlly *zpr**a*a Itself as a
struggl* for polltioal supremacy. Thla la th* Clasa
Therefore w* call upon all workora to organise under
th* banner of th* Socialist Party of Canada, with th*
obj*ot of oonquerlng the polltioal powera for the purpose of setting up and enforolng the econo-ilo programme of the working claaa, as follow*i
1—Th* transformation, aa rapidly aa posalbl*,
of oapitaliat property la th* maana of
wealth production (natural r**ouroea, faotor-
torles, mill*, railroads, «i*.)a Into oolleotlve
mean* of produotion.
I—Th* organisation and management of Industry
by the working claaa.
I—Th* eatabUahmcnt, a* «p**dlly as poaalbla, of
produotion for ua* instead of produotion for
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