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Western Clarion Jun 16, 1923

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 0\Yv0
t\uc^
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A Journal of
CURRENT
EVENTS
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
HISTORY
ECONOMICS
PHILOSOPHY
No. 893.
NINETEENTH YEAR.     Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, JUNE 16, 1923.
FIVE CENTS
Permanant Prosperity
SINCE the spring of last year the American
daily press has been publishing glowing accounts of the great era of prosperity existing
in the U. S. A. The glad tidings are heralded forth
to the disinherited of other less happy lands that
here is a sanctuary of refuge from unemployment,
low wages, and other proletarian afflictions, in short
—a haven of contentment, where every prospect
pleases and only the labor agitator is vile. We are,
or were assured by so great an authority as Herbert
Hoover, that "we had arrived at permanent prosperity." American capitalism had reached a point
of perfection, where the purveyors of the standard
blend of optimism and other worshippers at the
shrine of Boosterism and Service might (to paraphrase the words of the late Mr. Roebuck), exclaim
iii chorus: "We look around us and asfc, what is the
state of these States?" Is not every honest work-]
ingman able to get a job? Is not every business
man who is inspired with the ideals of vision andf
service able to do business? We ask you whether!
the. world over, or in past history, there is anything
like it? Nothing. We pray, yea, we predict that
our unrivalled happiness will last.
Recently, however, the prophets of the press,
minor captains of industry, economists, industrial
analysists and financial horroscopists, such as Roger
Babson, started to vieAv Avith alarm where they
formerly pointed with pride. Enemies of perman-,
ent prosperity, we are told, are on the march, in fact
they are even now attacking the business front.
These enemies are inflation, rising labor costs, labor
shortage (?), rising prices, Avith the most insidious
foe of them all—the Buyer's Strike, mopping up in
the rear, to use a military expression. The inability of
the wealth producers to buy back with their wages
or other subsistence incomes the products of industry from the capitalist class Avho own the machinery of wealth production and operate it through
the exploitation of labor-power for Avhich they pay
Avages or cost of subsistence, is Avith unconscious
humor dubbed a Buyer's Strike. Buyer's Lockout
would have been an equally intelligent term.
As an explanation of the recurrence of economic depressions in capitalist society the "Buyer's Strike" should rank in historical significance
and scientific accuracy with Prof. Senior's "spots
on the sun" hypothesis. Somewhere in "Value,,
Price and Profit" there is a passage concerning
wages, prices, etc., Avherein it states "that it is not
the scantiness of the contents of the pot—National
Production—but the smallness of the spoons used
by the workers" which is responsible for economic!
crises. At least that is the gist of the passage, as I
remember it. Now, everyone knows that strikes
occur. Who strikes? Workers of course. People
who strike would undoubtedly commit any crime!,
They get the habit. If they strike for higher wages,
what is more likely than that after they hold up
their employers the rascals would go on a "Buyer's
Strike?" Such a line of reasoning is in tune with
the logic of the Kiwana, Rotarian, "Hello Bill" fraternity.
There are other indications that all is not Avell
with Prosperity- the sharp conflict of editorial opinion  over  the  immigration  question, for instance.
BY F. CUSACK
During the controversy which ensued over the introduction of the Senate Bill to allow the admission of
aliens in excess of the 3% quota, newspapers which
had previously been publishing cartoons depicting
Labor in bib-overalls and cap, and Capital, sitting
cheek by joavI at the groaning festive board, carving
the roast turkey .of prosperity, with a baffled, be-
whiskered "red" wearing a look similar to that
whieh made Cassius famous, glowering on the happy
scene—these newspapers SAvitched over to pictures
showing the dangers of an alien influx.   One cartoon showed the ship of prosperity, heavily laden
with wage-plugs, sinking by the stern (scuttled by
aliens) in the ocean of business depression, the number of rafts and lifebelts, stencilled Steady Jobs,
being totally inadequate for the number of passengers on board; the only resource left to the unfortunates who had not grabbed a life preserver
(job) was to crowd together in the bows of the
doomed ship singing "Nearer my God to Thee." As
an illustration of what capitalism means to the unemployed workers, the cartoon wats tffntally realistic.   At the same time covert and open attacks
were made by these newspapers, on Judge Gary,
Chairman of the U. S. Steel Corporation, one of the
principal   advocates  of  unrestricted   immigration.
Judge Gary and other advocates of freer immigra-)
tion are accused of looking only to their immediate
interests.   One of the most anti-labor and militaristic papers in the    country   ironically   asks hows
Gary's plea '' for turning towards Christian princip-
ale in business" squares with his advocacy of the
12-hour day.
Why this conflict of opinion on a matter of policy
Avhere we might expect an united front of the employing class, granting the existence of a labor
shortage? Does it not tendto show on the part of
certain business interests, a realization of the fact
that the so-called prosperity is merely a temporary
boom? Sections of the bourgeoisie Avho, unlike the
U. S. Steel Corporation, are not employers of large
masses of unskilled labor, fear crime waves, police
expenses, and race riots betAveen the native Am-1
erican and the foreign born Avorkers, similar to the
clashes which occurred in many northern industrial centres between white and negro Avorkers during the post-war slump, due to the acute competition on the labor-market OAving to the "scarcity of
work." Some of the propaganda put forth by
those interests in favor of the neAv immigration policy should convince even the most obtuse Avorker
ae to his slave status in capitalist society. It splendidly illustrates the ruling class point of vieAv concerning their fellow humans. For instance, the
national Immigration League is out for the removal
of present restrictions, and suggests callouses on the
hands as the best test of the immigrant's fitness.
"The more calloused the hands of an adult male
immigrant, the more desirable he is."
The Liberal Immigration League hold that the
"need is not for voters but for workers." Where
does Harding's "pure democracy" fit in under the
L. I. L. dispensation? The.same organization suggests that aliens be put on probation for five years;
those who make themselves undesirable to be liable
to summary pedortation! What a glorious prospect
for the immigrant, flying from the ills he knows,
to those he wot not of. Yet another league demand-
that the government have the right to "distribute," "educate," and "supervise" the alien, andi
suggests that the literary test be abolished. Education, no doubt, would be along lines calculated
to increase the volume of mass production, with ap-
propriate political indoctrination conductive to standardized citizenship, the preservation of established
institutions, the main feature of the curriculum
being inculcation of a profound respect for the
sacredness of capitalist property rights.
We learn on the authority of the N. Y. Journal
of Commerce, that "the unemployment situation
in New York City industrial area is at last reduced
to normal porportions." Normal proportions have
been shown by long experience to be 100,000. "There
are approximately that many without work in
the city now." (March 1923). On the basis of the
New York figures, the normal proportion of unemployed in the U. S. A., in times of prosperity, would
number a million. Prosperity, therefore, arrivesi
when there are only one million in the industrial reserve army.
What are the chief factors responsible for the
business prosperity now blooming in the U. S.?
Have the fundamental conditions of capitalist production altered to such a degree as to warrant
the optimism of the permanent prosperity prophets?
Many and varied are the opinions given as to the
causes of the present expansion of business. Some
cynics there are, and at least one journal of current comment Avhich ascribes it to the flourishing
condition of the bootleg industry, termed "America's largest single industry." The smuggling of
foreign liquors, the "manufacture and distribution"
of the native "moon," corn, dehorn, jackass, mule,
seat and synthetic brands of hard "licker," employs an enormous number of Avorkers, whiskey detectives, disbarred attorneys, druggists, and others
Avho would otherwise flood the labor market. This
industry, not requiring a large expenditure in constant capital, and returning large profits to the entrepreneur, appeals to the imagination and initiative of American and other workers avIio desire to
succeed in life and become men of importance and
influence in the community.
Tbe above vieAvpoint may be Avorthy of consideration by students of economics. It should at least
provide to the dry advocates material for a slogan
such as "Prohibition and Prosperity go hand in
hand." Thc Washington Post informs us that only
"3% of the total American production is exported
to Europe," that the U. S. A. is independent of the
European market, the domestic consumption of the
U. S. being equal to the present rate of production;
ergo: permanent prosperity. On thc other hand,
there are other authorities avIio consider the present European situation as advantageous to American export trade. The best informed trade journals,'both American and British, ascribe the present
industrial activities to the remarkable expansion of
the constructional industry, which has been, and is,
thc backbone of the boom. Advancing prices, which
in turn tends to increasing capitalisation, lead some
(Continued on page 8) PAGE TWO
WESTERN    CLARION
By the Way
if;1!
HEGEL (1770-1831) was a German philosopher who greatly influenced the thought of
the first three-quarters of the 19th century.
His time has been termed, in the estimation of the
more matter-of-fact standards of scientific thought
of our day, a period of romanticism in historical
theory and philosophy. My gibe in last issue at
Avhat I inferred were remnants of Hegelian romanticism infecting socialist theorizing on the social
problem Avill have little value for purging our
thought of such unrealities unless I add to it explanation.   So hereAvith.
All individuals, whether they have consciously
worked it over or not and regard it as their philosophy of life, have what is termed, an "outlook" on
the universe of men and things. This outlook constitutes our standpoint of judgment; it is a mental
approach or point of view whose standards constitute the bases of our opinions. Opinions may
vary or change in a superficial sense, merely swinging, as it Avere, on the pivot of our fixed standards.
But again, the standards of judgment themselves
undergo change and modification, whieh is to say,
there is a shift to another point of vieAv in outlook
on life involving opinions fundamentally different
to those held previously. During transition periods,
brought on by changing material conditions of social
life, particularly so when the method of "production
has changed, there goes on in every mind a more or
less unconscious and confused conflict between the
old social standards that are in process of breaking
doAvn and the new ones evolving out of the discipline of habits of life and economic conditions
brought on by the new material factors. The philosophies have, in the main, been the reflection of
such conflict of social standards.
Human conduct, in its social aspects, religious,
political, economic, is predetermined by the individual's outlook on the world, i.e., on his personal
philosophy of life. The competency of the philosophy as a guide to conduct is thus of great moment. For, a philosophy that does not square with
the facts enlarges the reign of accident. The facts
—facts of politics, facts of economies, iacts of
human nature—all facts break you if you ignore
them. Nevertheless, it is never Avholly a question
of having a great collection of data, it is also necessary to have a correct point of view or method of
approach to facts in order to make proper selection
of those facts relevant and significant in whatever
relation may be, say, for example, that of social improvement.
It is an all too common mistake to assume that
the great systems of philosophy in history are the
artificial creations of the study and so without
social significance as having no connection with the
ideas and common needs and aspirations of human
beings of their time On the contrary, "a philosophical theory is not an accident or Avhim but an
exponent of its age and handing on its results to
the future." Of course, it is true enough of the
philosophers that, "the past, as they represented it
was a masked, and disguised, and mythical and mystical substitute for the real experience of earlier
men. The past as having been, and as having some
sort of message for the present, had ahvays, and
especially since the Renaissance, brooded in and
over the minds of European thinkers." Nevertheless, those philosophies that did become influential,
did so because they satisfied the felt need of great
social groups for a unified consistent system of
thought which would express their social traditions,
needs and aspirations. And whatever of survival
value they have for mankind in general in all succeeding times, becomes selected and absorbed, disappearing as it were, into the general current»of
thought. Sometimes that which is useless also survives, but merely to justify the cults.
•     *     •     •     •
The Germany that our generation knew prior to
the great war, a nation Avelded into a unity under
a centralized government with an almost absolute
monarchy, Avas not the Germany of Hegel's time.
In his time it was a loose, shambling mixture of independent principalities, politically Aveak and im7
petent and industrially backAvard, all within a ring
fence of the ambitions and comparatively consolidated nationalities, of Russia, Austria, France and
perfide Albion. In this situation, the peoples of the
German principalities, Avhatever their mutual jealousies and quarrels, had much too strong racial, cultural affinities and common economic interests not
to yearn for a more perfect political unity; and beginning Avith a few, the will for it spread as the
passing of time demonstrated more and more its
need both as a protective measure and for the more
ambitious project for a "place in the sun" which
was to mature later on in the culmination of 1871
for which Bismark is given the credit. A sensitive
soul, there are many world currents, religious, scientific and political sweeping through Hegel's philosophy, while he was at the same time, one of the articulate voices of the German desire for national
unity, Avhich, though still far over the horizon, was
itself only one particular case of a general tendency in the political life of the whole world.
I am noAv coming to my point on what, according to our later matter-of-fact standards, is the romantic element in Hegel's philosophy. In his youth,
under the influence of the ideas cf the French revolution, Hegel had been a glorifier of liberty when
to do so was to be revolutionary. However, with
the passing of years, and as he developed his theories,, he became more and more conservative and ftne
of the chief justifiers of the Prussian State. The
concept of revolutionary social change became ab-
horent to him as something impossible of realization.
For this direction of his thought some credit may
te due to the first Napoleon who raised the devil
ir: Continental Europe, and who, with his conquering French legions and his dictatorship, Avas one of
the strange dissillusionizing progeny of the French
revolution. Perhaps also, the Prussian State, by
the subtle flattery of professorial appointments drew
the unconscious Hegel into its service, for until he
received its favors his lot in life had been one of
bitter poverty. Be that as it may, the man was undoubtedly honest in his beliefs. In the main his
social theory assumed the character it did because
he rested the whole weight of his interpretation of
history upon the principle of "continuity"—a very
great truth, though not the whole truth. History
•of course is more than a mere succession of events,
there is a casual continuity, whatever of divergent]
factors of causation there be. Now "continuity"
taught that "any present social situation is linked
by a never entirely broken chain of historical antecedents to a past that reaches back beyond discoverable beginnings." The Conservatives interpreted
tbat to mean that the dead hand of the past, in tradition, thought, habit and custom laid upon every
generation rigid limits to the possibilities of change.
Because human nature is so ancient, they said, and
so persistent, social changes can only be brought
about very slowly, if at all.
But there is a companion principle to the factor
of "continuity" in history, to which Hegel and the
Conservatives of his time gave no credit; and perhaps could not if its importance was the discovery
of a later generation of psychologists and students
of social group cultures, customs and institutions.
The companion principles is this:'' that men in groups
may merge their volitions so as to supercede the
predominance of historical factors and so either nul-
ify them or relegate them to a subordinate position." Thus we see the possibility of change is enlarged. While still recognizing that a social factor
never ceases to be a social factor, that every present
social situation is conditioned by previous situations, nevertheless, this principle relieves us of at
least some of the supposed inescapable heritage of
the traditional past. So we now look into the material conditions of the present for factors at work
in the formation  of  new habits, dispositions and
standards that may supercede the traditional. At
the same time, we are free to place a new higher
value on the taking thought of ways and means of
social changes and of human inventiveness and ingenuity in working them out. In the scheme of
things as a Avhole, man is shown now as more of a
dynamic factor Avith increasing possibilities of power to control his conditions of life as his knowledge
increases. As might be expected, however, it is the
habit of those who desire things to remain as they are,
to stress the principles of "continuity," while those
Avho are for change are liable to rest their case mainly in the companion principle. In spite of the extremists, however, the truth lies in a due and proper
appreciation of both principles in history. We may
take it that the universal manner of social cause and
effect is gradualism rather than catastrophism, but
with the possibility of a more accelerated movement
than the Conservative interests would care for.
I will noAv briefly outline Hegel's conception of
the universal process after a recent reading of the
article on him and his work in the "Britannica."
As for the matter of the two historical principles,
readers will find them expertly elucidated by Al-j
bion Small (Chicago University) in "the American
Journal of Sociology" for May. *%
To the eye of our philosopher, the universe is a
process of development in the background of which
is a universal spirit or, as he terms it, the "absolute" eternally present. The movements of the process are the self-unfolding of the "absolute," i.e.,
y God revealing himself in the natural world, as a
series of materialized forces and forms of life; and
in the spiritual world as the human soul, the legal
and moral order of society, and the creations of
art, religion and philosophy. So to Hegel, the community was very much more than a mere aggregation of individuals. It was an organic whole rooted
in its cultural past. There was to him, in a real
sense, a community spirit, partaking of the divine,
ever-developing and unfolding to the end of attaining an ideal, self-realization in the centralized state,
the supposed highest expression of the community
spirit. He pictured the stages on to this ideal as the
outcome of,.a process of social forms, evolving out
of other forms through everlasting self-generation.
What should man do in that preconditioned
scheme of things, then, except seek, not his own
will, but the will of God which was to materialize
itself, so happily (?) for the then disorganized Germany, in the will of the centralized (Prussian)
State. Hegelianism resolved itself into this, that,
in the beginning, man was created for the service of
the State and not the State for the service of man.
Hegel is dead of course, but his soul goes marching
on. I even hear socialists, generally unwitting of
the further implications of their contentions, arguing along those lines.
Marx, who was a Hegelian of the materialist
"Left" in his youth, said that Hegel stood the world
upon its head, meaning that the philosopher saw the
historical process as the working out of the "idea."
But Marx, the materialist, did not say that Avith the
intention of disparaging the power of ideas or of
relegating man to a position of mere driftwood in
the complex of social forces. What he Avas calling
attention to Avas that the material eonditions of production in society were the primary factors conditioning the character of the social, political and
spiritual processes of life. But that is without prejudice to the fact that both the social cause and the
effects are the result of man's activities. Marx' materialist philosophy however has come down through
rows and rows of lesser men, and often it is a mere
play-room where animistic conceptions and traits of
personality disport themselves. Spirituality is imputed to where only purposeless mechanism obtains.
Holding fast to Hegel's "spiritualism" on its one
side, directive and even discretionary powers are
denied to men and credited to the impersonal forces
of the environment. Hegel, himself, was not so
fatalistic as all that, though he saw man's power
to change his social life narroAvly limited by traditional factors and conceived of the will of the ideal
citizen as wholly submerged in the will of the "absolute" political State.   Differing from Hegel in
am WESTERN   CLARION
PAGE THREE
social theory, Mlarx' own life-long struggle to break
the continuity of social tradition showed that he saw
man's duplex nature both as individual and social
being and conceived of him as a dynamic factor and
the only purposive factor in the complex of blind
social forces. In formulating his materialistic interpretation of history, Marx merely wished to put
the world upon its feet, with its head, such as it is,
right side up. •
#      #      *      #      »
In my previous  discussion of the problem of
social change, I have assumed a long transition period out of Capitalism.   Hoav long I have no idea, one
reason for which is, that I do not know, nor does
anyone else know concretely AA'here Ave are going.
The ideal society of the future is variously termed
Communism, the Co-operative CommonAvealth, the
Great Society, etc.    The first tAvo terms at least give
an impression of a more extended co-operative life
than at present obtains.   They express, as such, a recognition of and a reaction against the evil effects
on human beings of the competitive conditions of the
social life of our days.   In fact, the social problem
has been traced to its source as institutional; concretely, that of private ownership and control of
social means of production and disWiDution in the
interest of private profit and aggrandisement at the
expense of the underlying population, ln this scheme
oi things, the Avelfare of the community as a whole
is a secondary, in fact solely an accidental eventuality.   In the new order it is proposed to place the
community welfare in the paramount position by
placing the means of production within the control
of the community, or, at least, those means of production upon which the community as a whole is dependent.   The measure of private control and the
measure of social control best serving the interest of
the community will, I think, be a matter of expedJ
iency and constant adjustments until the end of
time.   The immediate aim of our day, however, is
>i greater extension of social control to eriminate the
admittedly serious and menacing social conditions
resulting from private control of economic powers.
To a large extent OAvnership over the more socialized industrial and economic instrumentalities will
be involved in order to make social control effective.
Over other enterprises upon which the communities\
are less dependent control may be asserted in some
other indirect manner.   Various forms of social or-*
ganization for the future have long been under discussion,—Collectivism, with the State as owner and
employer, the defect of which, its opponents allege,
is the danger of a huge bureaucracy; Guild Socialism, Avith the management downwards to the laborers in the trades guilds as virtual owners of the industry, having control of the industrial processes
and conditions of Avork, and the State as the real
owner and representative of the general public asi
consumer.   Another scheme advocates two parliaments, one an industrial parliament with representatives from the various industries, and the other re-J
presentative of the consumer and general citizenship interests.     Whataever experience may dictate
in the actual Avorking out of the problem of organization, the preliminary discussions have great value
so long as they are centred upon known and perma-'
nent factors common both to the present and the
future—our common human nature, organized social
life, the machine process, and a Avorld economy of;
production and distribution.   Otherwise, evil consequences arise from constructing "ideally" the future State out of imagination spurred by mere de-i
sire.   We then are sure to construct a compensatory
dream Avorld, and living in it as an escape from
harsh reality so become impractical in criticism and
in action.   Knowing of Confucius, Buddha, Jesus,
Socrates, the wise, the great, the good, we are apt
to model our future society for an abstract man who,
all  one  undifferentiated  interest,  lives   only  for
"humanity as a whole."   It is perhaps forgotten
that the reputation of those ancients has come doAvn
tc us, through the cults and kindly tradition, and)
that we shall never know them as their wives knew1
them or as their contemporary rivals ln religious or
philosophical theory knew them.   With some lucky
reputations, it is the evil that is oft interred with
men's bones while the good that men do lives after
them—and grows and grows and grows.
Let us be practical, take a practical view of
human nature, a thing of many interests, both individual and social and otten only reconciled by sacrifice.
The beginning of wisdom, to quote from Beard's
"Economic Basis of Politics," is to recognize that
there is no rest for mankind, no final solutions of
eternal contradictions, for of such is the design of
the universe. Whatever may be the formula for the
ownership of property, there will always be an agricultural interest, a railway interest, a transport interest, and an engineering interest, a manufacturing
interest, a mining interest, a fishing interest, a public ofticial interest with many lesser interests grown-*
up of necessity in all great societies and divided into
different classes actuated by different sentiments
and views Tho regulation of these various interfering interests is tbe task of the future and wilt involve the spirit of party in the necessary and ordinary operations of administration
#     *     #     *     #
I often hear it said in reference to Russia, "Oh,
that is not Socialism," and as often Avonder what
the standpoint ut estimation really is. I knoAv it is
cometimes ne.'.ssury to imagine we have halted the
continuous, flowing processes of hie, compartmcuial-
ized, so to say, and put each section away under
proper headings '"cr reference. £'0 here we have the
inatriachal and patriachal societies, and in su session
the political Societies, Feudal :.&.m and Capitalism.
But here is handicraft prod>n*Lion and snult trade
carried on for a livelihood. Where? In both Capitalism and Feudalism! And here is large 8-ale machine production, wage labor and production for profit also in beth Capitalism iinj Feudalism. Yet
production f.r a livelihood tehngs characteristically to Feudalism, while production for profit domin-i
ates in Capitalism It is w_au:\ er method dominates that gives its name to an epoch. Moreover, the
question of distinguishing what .•*• what of forms of
society at certain transiiionar*. stages is sull farther complicated by the political aspect of things,
for often in such a stage of social flux military or
political power may not at all times lie in ihe hands
of the same class who hold a predominance of economic poAver, or at least, the ratio of the distribution
of these powers, may not be equal. So the landed
aristocracy with their military poAver long lorded it
over the bourgeoisie of Europe. The days, the
months, the years, the centuries are arbitrarily iixed
marks in time eras, but ages, epochs, periods and
times, who shall delimit the twilight zones Avhere
they merge in the great procession of things and say
which is which? But some will not see the world in
process and their ready answer is ahvays "Yea,
Yea!" or "Nay, Nay!" Nevertheless, every form
of society contains institutional furniture carried
over from previous societies, while already within it
are coming into existence embryo-like, those institutions whieh Avill serve men's purposes, in the nevt
order. >
To estimate progress in social change to a new
order in Russia or elsewhere, I can not take my stand
in some indefinite future in I know not Avhat organization of things. Some there are who are surer
of the social structure of the future than I am, but
I question their foreseeing powers and the source of
their conception. What is their standpoint erected
out of for judging present progress—the future is
always the prolific home of Utopia, the "wish" disports itslf too freely in its spacious corridors. What
is such standpoint worth for criticism? It might
vary with every individual and by its very nature,
in the absence of facts, it can not be a matter-of-
fact standpoint but only one of a matter of opinion.
On the other hand, I am content to take my
stand in the present and look baclovard to measure
progress. I. know Avhere I am now and what Ave are
trying to get away from. Here I take my stand on
knoAvn ground and I can estimate advance by the
character of the measures introduced, the evils overcome, the advances made in control, tj-ecurity and
social well-being—say, for illustration, I drive a
slake in at the year 1923 and ten years hence at 1933
when we get there, or any other period Avhich the
pessimistic or optimistic reader may think fit, and
size the interval up. Knowing what we are trying
to get avpay from and the character of the ways ana
means adopted to do so, I am now all along dealing
in knoAvn quantities, and the facts will check me up
if I start romancing. As to taking a standpoint in
the future to pass judgment on any decade of our
days, we have no warrant in science or from the historic past to claim certitude that humanity could
make the grade, or that it would be in its interests
if it did so, to any of our best laid schemes for a
tftn-e* so far away over the horizon of the years.
We never could and never Avill pour human kind
into any mold of our preconceiving. The future is
experimental, as many an all-powerful autocracy
has found to its cost in the past. And I make the
prediction that as the masses of the people throw off
economic slavery and take a real directive control
over their social life that by experimentation in progress conditioned on the material of the immediate
situations rather than by preconceived dogmas they
will create a life so amazing in variety and richness
as to put to shame tbe best schemes our shabby and
shoddy mentalities of today could conceive of. As
I see it, it is for us here and noAv to deal Avith things
Avithin our reach and poAver and leave the rest.
*****
Mainly, for us of tb^e Avorking class, the question
of progress is a question of control, a question
of the gradual acquirement of control in order to
influence the policies of the State. We may make
bad use of such poAver as Ave may get at first and suffer for it, but Ave shall learn better from evpenence.
And in that regard I differ Avith the old lady's advice to her daughter who asked her permission to go
to swim:
Oh, yes, my darling daughter!
Hang your clothes on a hickory limb,
But don't go near the water.
However ignorant the working class may be of history, economics and politics, gladly Avould I see them
take the plunge into the stream of political activity
as an economic group, because, as any sAvimmer or
blacksmith, farmer, seaman, housewife or administrator of Avhatever kind knows, there is a kind of
knowledge that is only to be got from practical experience. Politics is not the land of romantic abstractions, but a branch of social engineering dealing
with concrete human beings and the regulation and
improvement of the conditions of their social life. In
this practice of life, industrial and political principles can only act as guides to the working out of
problems. Furthermore, the satisfying of working
class needs today will drive them in tne main to attacks in the foundations of capitalist class privilege
Every once in a while in history the needs of a submerged social class coincides Avith the historically developed need of society as a whole for fundamental
change. So it Avas at thc break up of the feudal
system when tbe burgesses of the toAvns Avere the
leading interests in the political struggles against
feudal privileges. Shortsighted, ignorant of the further reaching consequences of their acts in a historical and Avide social sense as such a class may be, yet
their very immediate needs for the removal of a
tithe, toll or impost on industry or trade led them in
tbe direction of undermining and throwing down the
established order. In the main, such a class can do
no Avrong for they have given to them, as it Avere, a
true sense of direction once they become initiating
factors in social change. It is so with the working
masses of today.
I, hope next issue to deal Avith the constitution of
a Labor Party. C. •
MANIFESTO
— of tht —
SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
(Fifth Edition)
For copy 10 otnti
Ptr 26 copiet fl
Port Paid PAGE FOUR
WESTERN   CLARION
I  .
h
lie?
II,'
Western Clarion
A Journal of History. Economics, Philosophy,
and Current Bveots.
Published twice a month by the Socialist Party ot
Canada, P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
Entered at G. P. O. as a newspaper.
Editor.  Ewen  MacLeod
SUBSCRIPTION:
Canada, 20 issues     fl.00
Foreign, 16 Issues     $1.00
Oft j H this number ls on your address label your
XU/1 subscription expires with next issue. Reuew
wu~promptly.
VANCOUVER, B. C, JUNE 16, 1923.
SECRETARIAL NOTES.
LOCAL (Vancouver) No. 1, some time ago appointed a committee to find ways and means to
secure headquarters suitable to the work on
hand. The committee, finding—as similar committees have found in the past—that the matter of
renting headquarters for the Socialist Party is no
easy task, and being somewhat resentful concerning the permanent homelessness of the Local, recommended to the Local that the committee be constituted as a Building Committee, to open a subscription list to secure funds for building or buying
a place of suitable size and convenience, that could
be counted on as permanent. In this connection letters and lists have been draAvn up by the committee
and some comrades have received copies in outlying
districts already.
In accord with the request of the chairman of the
committee, we promised to reproduce their letter
outlining the matter, as of interest and moment to
the general Clarion reader. Now, however, space
forbids. These few words will serve, however, to
centre attention on the letter, which Avill appear
next issue. In the meantime, a request to P. O. Box
710 will bring information to all who may be interested.
•     *     *
Comrade Lestor held a meeting in Edmonton,
Alberta, on June 10th, at Meeting Creek, June 13th.
From there he has gone to Stettler and Alix. From
there he goes to SAvalwell, thence to Calgary. Then
he leaves Calgary June 18, 6.05 p.m., arrives llanna
June 19, 12.10 a.m.; leaves Hanna June 20, 12.10
a.m., arrives Stanmore June 20, 1.06 a.m.; leaves
Stanmore June 23, 1.06 a.m., arrives Youngstown
June 23, 1.38 a.m.; leaves YoungstoAvn June 25th,
1.38 a.m., arrives Excel June 25th, 2.50 a.m.; leaves
Excel July 1, 2.50 a.m., arrives Fiske to remain at
Fiske one week.
Arrangements for return to Calgary are delayed
until further information is received.
*     *     *
Clarion Mail Bag is held over until next issue.
HERE AND NOW.
Being as short of space as of cash Ave are at the
printer's mercy twice over. As a consequence his
demand is for cash on hand. He brightly informs us
that copy is not negotiable at the bank—not Clarion copy. Clarion cash would be as good as any
other, if we had any. We have earned a reputation for impudence in handing the hungry printer
this since last issue:—
FolloAving $1 each—W. A. Alexander, IT. Williams, 13. Aloise, C. A. Smith, B. Tamarkin, W. H.
Jenkins, C. MacDonald, W. J. Churchill, J. Marshall,
F. W. Moore, A. W. Ostcrberg, W. H. Cottrell, T.
Hanwell, J. J. Albers, G. Duffell, J. McKinlay, A.
Gardener, Mrs. Griffith.
R. O. Childers, $2; Wm. Allen, $2; J. McLennan,
$2; M. Milliken, 25c; A. Jordan, $1.60; E. Simpson,
$2; N. Z. Communist Party (per G. E. W.), $6.75; H.
Noaks, $1.50; Frisco Labor College (per J. K.),
$9.60; J. O'Brien (per T. A. L.), $1; T. A. L., $2.
Clarion subs, from 30th May to 14 June, inclusive-
total, $48.70.
CLARION MAINTENANCE FUND
Following $1 each—Marshall Erwin, G. D. (per
Sid Earp), Mrs. A. Hollongshead, Mr. A. Hollings-
head, J. Untinen, R. Burns, E. Price. Following
per T. A. L, D. Gibbs, $1 j A. Tree, $1; T. A. L., $1—
total by T. A. L., $3; A. Jordan, 40 cents; St. John
comrades per M. Goudie, $9.
Above, C. M. F. receipts from 30th May to 14th
June, inclusive—total, $21.40.
REVOLUTIONS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL.
BY J. HARRINGTON
Seventh Article
WE have been, so far, discussing the open
season on kings and kingdoms, principalities and poAvers. Europe presented the appearance of an old Aunt Sally show, three balls a
penny," with the most blue blooded families at the
back of the lot.
Before taking .up the revolutionary movement
a<?ain Ave had better glance over the constitution and
disposition of the European powers. In Central
Europe we find a collection of small states, the inhabitants speaking various dilalects of Slav and
German. These with some parts of Italy had composed the Holy Roman Empire; Austria Avas by far
the strongest and most aggressive and had so far
dominated. And so far, religion, language and geographical location had a great influence on social affairs, owing to the feudal conditions which prevailed
over much of this country. Italy was striving in a
blind fashion for national unity, as Avere Hungary,
Bohemia and Germany.
Outside of France, and to a less degreee south
Germany and the Rhineland, which had been Gallie-
ised or, if you like it better, Frenchified by the Napoleonic conquests, very little was heard of proletarian demands. Outside of this territory very little
machine production prevailed. The inherited traditions, the songs and heroes, Avere as different on each
side of the Danube as either was from the Isle of
Skye. Pressburg, the seat of the Magyar assembly,
had nothing in common with Vienna, Avhere the Ger-/
man language and traditions prevailed, though separated by but a feAV miles and the blue Danube. And
the Magyars, who sat with such revolutionary vigor
at Pressburg, could claim no common traditions and
sympathy with the people immediately surrounding
them—the Poles, the Croats, the Czechs, the Slavs
in short. As the Gaj intimated to Kussuth,
the Slav ocean in which the Magyar island was set should not be dispised. To conclude
the metaphor, the island did try to subject the ocean.,
And neither being one or the other, both suffered
disaster.
Italy had seized the opportunity offered by Austria 's extremity to throAV off their foreign yoke, and
the Austrians were gradually being driven over the
border. We will take up this briefly before going
into the Slavonic disaster.
Divided into a dozen different governments, four
of Avhich might either force or guide Italy into a
national unity, this country had been the classic
land of the medieval city. While Mazzini, Garibaldi and Cavour, with all the courage, energy and
foresight possible, fought and schemed day and,
night, the desires of Venice Avere just as far from
their ideals as are those of childhood from man--,
hood. The same might be said of several other sections. Austria ruled down to Venice and Milan; the
House of Savoy ruled Sardinia and Piedmont; the
Bourbons , Naples and the south; the Papal states
lay immediately to the north, while between them
and the Austrias were several Duchies. All were
resolved on the expulsion of Austria; each had its
own ultimate design, while each also had a revolutionary movement of which it Avas desperately
afraid.
The expulsion of the Austrians lent a temporary unity to the native ruling houses and the Pope;
but no sooner had the initial successes been made
than the different interests set the Italians at each
others throats. When the Neapolitan army left to
assist against the Austrians an attempt was made to
establish a republic, barricades Avere thrown up and
Ferdinand II. (King Bomba as he was to be nicknamed a year later for the bombing of Messina,
A.hich bombing, I might add while still in parenthesis, threw Thiers into such a fit of righteous
Avrath) fled. The attempt was crushed, and the
Neapolitan army was recalled. This on the very
day, May 15th, that the workers and students of
Vienna had demonstrated that reaction would not
be tolerated, and the Emperor and his court had
fled to the army in Italy.
The peasantry of Austria, having received ma
terial advantages from the revolution and haA'ing
so far enjoyed these unchallenged, however stren-.
uously the assault on the towns Avas maintained,
were quite ready to fight the good fight.   And fresh
Austrian armies soon put the aspiring Italians to
flight and thus furnished an occasion for the return
to sanity of the revolutionaries.    And but a few
months  later the  very  students  and workera of
Vienna were enthusiastic Avarriors, fighting their
country's battles in Venetia and Lombardy.    So
that when old Radetzky, in command of this army,
received orders from the government at Vienna  he
could well reply: "These men are not the government of Austria: that is now in my camp; I and ray
army, we are Austria; and when we shall have beaten the Italians we shall re-conquer the Empire for
the Emperor"! The Pope also, who had declared
war on Austria, withdrew, as he well might, considering that country was the mainstay of the Church.
The King of Sardinia Avas soon forced to retire, and
while Venice and Milan still held out Austria's star
Avas in the ascendant.   The Slavonic people, repulsed
at Pressburg, at Berlin, at Frankfort, found that the
overthrow of autocracy did not mean the supremacy of their nation, did not even mean in a pronounced Avay equality with the Germans and Magyars
Meanwhile the Panslavic Congress met at Prague.
And notwithstanding the cry of "Slava" while vr.e
speeches were being made in the eany days of the
revolution, when they met together their tongues
had developed on such diverse lines that they were
unable to understand each other.   They could, individually, converse together and get along in a
hit or miss fashion, but in a deliberative body, where
gesture and grimace can be of very little service and
when the Aoav and fire of speech will not permit constant interuption, and particularly when so many
different,   explanations   would  be required  it Avas
found that some other medium would have to be
used.- So that, as Marx puts it, the people who were
united on but one issue, hatred of Germans and the
German language, had to fall back on this hated
language as the only one generally understood.
In the south and east the Serbs, Croats and
Ulachs demanded national recognition; and Iioav-
ever passionately Kussuth might declaim on Freedom, Avhen these peoples made, as an alternative to
their demand, the threat to seek satisfaction else-
Avhere than at Pressburg, he just as passionately
exclaimed, "Then the sword must decide." The
victory at Vienna and Berlin had evidently released a new crop of despots, whose right to rule was
immediately challenged.
Marx's well knoAvn hatred of Russia is nowhere
more plainly revealed than in his summary of this,
muddle: "Thus in the studies of a few Slavonian
dilletanti of historical science was this ludicrous,
this anti-historical movement got up, a movement
Avhich intended nothing less than to subjugate the
civilized West under the barbarian East, the town
under the country; trade, manufacturers, intelligence, under the primitive agriculture of Slavonian
Serfs. But behind this ludicrous theory stood the
terrible reality of the Russian Empire; that empire
which by every movement proclaims the pretention
of considering all Europe as the domain of the Slavonic race." Plainly, Marx Avas in a temper. He,
has stated elsewhere (The Eastern Question) that;
since the 1848 revolution "there are in reality but/
tAvo powers on the continent of Europe—Russia and,
Absolutism, the Revolution and Democracy," From
which it will be seen that to err is human. All the
more so that in his own account of the Revolution
some of the most dastardly acts possible Avere re-,
corded of those who would necessarily be included!
in his category of trade manufacture and intelli-.
gence.
In the First place the revolution had scarce hurried its dead when German warriors marched into
Poland and smothered the Polish movement in blood
and fire. In the second, revolutionary, atheistic
France marched into Italy and drove that mighty
man of revolt, Garibaldi, out of Rome in the name
of God and for the good of the Pope, two years.
(Continued on page 7)
• -»-■■. —mitm
MIMl—H WESTERN   CLARION
Tactics
PACE FIVE
IN TWO PARTS'.
Part One.
NOT possessing a dictionary, I do not knoAv
the precise definition of "tactics," but I presume it means specific methods adopted for
the attainment of definite ends. According to our
conception of the aims to be Avon, avc direct our activities; and in proportion as fact and conception
coincide, so strategy justifies itself in its ultimate
results. We don't mean the Jesuitical dictum that
"the end justifies the means," but that the final end
is consistent with the primal clarity of concept. An
understanding of the objective is essential, but not
enough. With that understanding there must be a
balanced estimate of the totality of factors conditioning and determining the active method. Without the latter the former is but an idealism—and
it may be "a bar sinster" to the cause it advocates.
If such a definition is justified, then tactics is
governed by the nature of the objective; its characterisation intimately dependant upon the particular circumstances through Avhich that objective
is to be pursued. This nature and the attendant
circumstance arc to be arrived at by no haphazard
process of conjecture, but by conscious perception
of the stubborn facts of existence, of Avhich, both
they—and their hunter, man—are the latest products. This is no ideal occupation, nor is it a whole
class concern, and it has none of the fascination accorded to the deft weavers of heart's desire. Nevertheless, as a class Ave must take up the task—and
consistently. For reality reacts upon us relentlessly; and, if unprepared for it, disastrously. No lesson, of history is more clear.
The objective of socialists is socialism. That is
the social ownership and administration of the common means of life. The tactics to be adopted for its
consummation is determined by the totality of conditions obtaining within the society in which it exists. What the tactics is to be, therefore, is a product of our conception of social organization. The
visualisation of the one is the determinant of the
other; and their certainty necessitates clear comprehension of the social reality which occasions
them, a certainty which development feeds to full
blossomed maturity.
Capitalist society is class OAvnership of the common means of life, operated in the terms of sale for
the profit of private benefit. Consequently, fundamentally, capitalism and socialism are direct antagonisms. They are irreconcilable philosophies of
human activity, and between them there can be
neither peace nor truce. Capitalist society, organised on private ownership of social necessities, necessarily gives to ownership the usufruct of possession. Possession gives dominance over the non-possessing class. The class that possesses nothing but
its labor power must ask the class that possesses
all for the means of its life. Thus asking, it betrays
its servitude; betrays itself as a slave class, and its
"rights" but the servitors of class interest. Property right is the right of class ownership in the
means of life. Class OAvnership is political society;
and political society is the right of ownership to
maintain and defend its property in the means of
life.
But while this is true, the inner manner of it is
not just so badly simple. During, and because of
social development man "has sought out many inventions." Social development is indeed the development of invention. Necessity continually drives
society to the satisfaction of its necessities. Yet,
paradoxically, necessity is never satisfied. It becomes but the advocate of a Avider process. Through
thousands of years—lean and painful years—man
organised to overcome the adversities of nature. But
the organisation to fight nature matured into agencies that fought man for dominion. With its triumph
it demolished the fundamental ties on which' society
organised—common and mutual association in the
struggle for existence; substituting, gradually and
by divers methods, society organised round the common means of life, in private possession.
The first processes in the drama of social change
divided society into economic classes, with its inevitable accompanymcnt of social differentiation.
The latter phase of that process is exactly the opposite—the elimination of social distinction and the
reamalgamation of society into one economic unity.
The earlier development of progress, that united
society in primitive necessity, becomes transformed
in its latest stages into the Imperialist impulse that
breaks up the rival and individual interests of economic groups; and reacts constantly more stringently on their social status, rendering the struggle
for place more difficult, more impossible; and drawing them ever nearer to the fundamental realities of
life. Just as society in growth evolved its virile
conflicts for poAver and dominion so the same society
in. decadence induces its confused struggles for prestige and privilege; its reactionary radicalism, and
illusionary interests of amelioration. Naturally the
politieal clamor grows louder, and the spreading
demands of crushed effort more insistent. Yet being deluded With the catch-phrases of political device, clinging dourly to the love of another period,
failing to~ disintegrate the lingering concepts of yesterday from their advanced incidence of today;
"being deceived of themselves," i.e., misinterpreting the long abortion of natural human aspirations
for life and the substance of life, the clamor subsides with the manipulation of political gestures,
and its neAv figures of opportunity; and the crushed
endeavor of long suffering humanity drifts into new
eul-de-sac's of palliation, to find itself once more
shattered in the pitiless barrage of political dominion.
Political dominion is the substantiation of economic dominion. It has achieved that dominion because it reflected the economic progress of society.
And it holds that dominion because, in the conceptual equivalences of its time-spirit, it appears to further that progress. But, as stated, economic progress unfolds the dynamic rivalries of economic interests; and those interests, active with the impluse
of growth, and motived Avith the necessities of time-
condition, seek to perpetuate themselves by and
through Avhatever influences they can command.
Naturally tbe struggle for existence involves the
destruction of its victims. Not all survive. But the
survivors groAv more powerful and more entrenched
in their privilege. Commercial practice brings forth
experiments in method and principle; and the world
market is the arbiter of success. But the Avorld market is also the Moloch of society, violating and desecrating its whole social intention; ainf to sustain
that violation, i.e., to sustain tbe right of privilege
against the need of society, requires politieal control. Consequently, the happenings in the political
world are the manifests of its economic, organisation; the manifests of specific groups, seeking to
advance specific interests, mutually antagonistic because competitive in character; mutually associative in nature. And they obtain that "democratic"
government by consent, because society, misunderstanding the terms of the political, construes them
in the widely different and infinitely more complex
terms of democratic humanity.
It is true that politieal poAver cannot fly in thc
face of the tempered "rights and privileges" of a
new generation, oriented by ucav conditions of life.
But it is also true that political poAver has made the
conventions of the new generation, Avith all their
differing aspects, subservient to their great advantage. And although the neAV creations of dynamic
conditions, shepherded Avith haphazard care, have
benefited certain sections of society, both master
and slave, yet they have neither prevented the
groAvth and desolation of slavery—as a condition—
nor the degeneration of society as a civilisation.
The representation of the 19th century, Avith all its
political    pigmentation    remained   the   represent
ation of commercial expansion. And the representation of the 20th, so far, has but assumed the aspect
of political repression. In the first case, the peaceable exploitation of the world's resources for the
private benefit of the mercantile bourgeoisie. In the
second, the political repression, peacefully construed
of rival Imperialisms bloated with exploitation,
for the benefit of an international oligarchy, drunk
on the bondage of a ruined civilisation. We talk of
our rights—rights of speech, of thought, of assembly, of freedom of life, of happiness, even—ye gods
and fishes little,—the right to work or to strike. Yet
rll these are but variations of tbe principles of bourgeois individualism, molded to different functions
by different times. They are the giant echoes of old
commercial struggles, Avith little application to wage-
dom. Commercial competition developed new technology; neAv technology produced new responses in
thought and action; and required new practice both
in the government of subjugation and in its exploitation. The slave of today can vote: yesterday he
could not. The slave of absolute monarchy was
forced to his task by the rigors of primitive production. The slave of commercial democracy is no less
forced by the consent of machine abundance. The
rights of the slave class are but hostages of possession, partly groAvn wily by experience, but mainly
derivations from necessitai'ian technology. Proof?
We acquiesce in the councils of Imperialism. We
approve—the subjugation of peoples. We avow—
the right of individualism. We work—when we are
permitted. We assemble—in the ranks of unemployment. We are free—to do as we are hidden.
We speak—the language of dominion. We think—
the substance of privilege. We enjoy life—in the
justice of opportunity. We are happy—in the glory
of Empire.
It is all those things and factors Avhich build up
what Bacon calls "the idols of the market and the
theatre,"—the struggle of different and rival interests for private gain. That is why there is such
confusion in terms and practice. It is biased with
prejudice, excited Avith sentiment, colored Avith obscure preconceptions,—both of time and eternity.
That is why radical reformism is so shadoAvy in
thought, and so undeterminate in practice. And that
is why the great, gaunt, harried mass of society tolerates so patiently the "Pepper's ghost" of political illusion.
% tt
Thus it is that the institutions of society represent the interests of society—as a whole. But the
developing economics of society distorts their application, and subverts their functioning, almost automatically as it were, transforming social interest
into class privilege. So it is that tbe power of privilege, parasitic on production, but also active in its
control, groAvs greater, while social interest, paralysed by private property, grows less; and as the
power of class waxes more obdurate, the functioning of social institutions calls more insistently for redress. Society feds tbis. It feels,
and resents it most bitterly. It sees its "liber-
tics" curtailed, its "rights" foreshortened, its justice violated, i.e., it sees the ethic of enthusiastically
propagated freedom—the old bourgeois freedom of
individualism,—set aside, and shorn of its amalgamation that storms in triumph the citadel of mercantile individualist enterprise. Carries it because
it is in harmony with the further development of the
social forces. But not knoAving that political society
is slave society, not understanding that private possession entails social subjugation, recognizing itself
neither as a slave form, nor its developed institutions
as agencies of capitalist import, it attacks, not the
primal organization of its institutions but the accrued (and in that direction, invincible) results of
their misdirected functioning. FolloAving the immediacy of the moment, it must, of course, conform
to the situations imposed by the exigencies of the
moment. Those conditions are the determinant of
(Continued on page 8) PAGE SIX
WESTERN   CLARION
Rambling Remarks on Revolution
j
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If
AN OPEN AIR ADDRESS
ON several occasions you have seen me standing here recommending you to buy our literature.   It occurred to me that it would be
advisable to let you knoAv something of the contents.   For my subject this evening I think a good
title would be "Rambling Remarks on Revolution."
Most of these remarks are based upon this little pamphlet and what it has suggested to me Avhile I read
it.   It is the Manifesto of the Socialist Party of
Canada.   It sets forth clearly the attitude taken by
the party, and in dealing with it I shall endeavor as
usual to suit my remarks to the mental capacity of
those who are beginning to be interested in the study
of scientific Socialism.   The well informed students
—and' we are all students—and ahvays students—
will have to exercise patience over my reiteration.
The first edition of this pamphlet appeared fifteen years ago.   This is noAv the fifth edition, so we
may take it that any theoretical errors have been
corrected, and any obscurities have been clarified.
One of the first questions which an enquirer asks
when he meets a Socialist, or when he opens a Socialist book, is "How do they mean to bring about the
Revolution?"      Now we may as reasonably ask
"Hoav do YOU mean to bring it about?"   It is your
problem in as great a degree as it is the problem of
the Socialist.   But revolutions are not made, they
arise out of certain conditions.   I tell you frankly
that Ave" cannot hope to outline a revolution.     We
have to recognize the well-nigh impossibility of such
an undertaking.   But Ave can at least try to understand one when it occurs.   One thing we can do, we
can keep our minds open and flexible in order to
recognize conditions when they arise, and to avail
ourselves of opportunities when they present themselves.   Without study we will never be able to do
this.   Remember that because a thing has been done
in a certain way for many years, or because a system
has lasted for many years, it does not prove that
tbat way is the best, or that that system will not
change.   No, the only thing Ave can be sure of is
change; and so long as perfection is unattainable, so
long will there be people devoting every possible
minute to attaining it.   Such people are revolutionists.   True, they are in the minority.   Every man
Avith an overmastering idea is in the minority, sometimes even a minority of one.   Their ideas meet with
apathy in many cases, or with ridicule.   I will allude
here only to one instance as it was so ably dealt with
in the "Clarion" a short time ago.   I refer to the
timely remarks by Comrade Adrian    C.    Thrupp
against vivisection, and urging the need of revolution in the medical profession.   All such minorities
are bold and have tenacity of purpose in their endeavors to overrun long established abuses.     We
should remember that there is no finality to progress.
We are in line with progress when Ave seek to effect
the change of a system which can no longer support
the masses it has subjugated.
The first change a Socialist seeks to effect is one
in the mental attitude of the wage worker. He may
not always be Avise in his choice of words. Possibly
he begins by telling the members of the working
class that they are enslaved. I remember well the first
time I learned I. was a slave, I did not like it. I had
accepted as an axiom that I was free to choose my
job, the world was wide and I loved to be in it; but
experience of the wide world leads me to agree with
the Socialist when he' tells us avc are a slave class,
and in the face of bitter opposition tries to press this
truth home. His Avords generally arouse great indignation in the minds of even the poorest. It is not
difficult to understand why. Have not our teachers
and preachers taught us that contentment with our
lot is great gain, and that meekness and humility are
the qualities that best become a Christian; and have
they not instilled into our being that Ave are free-
born Britons?   The country matters not; at school
BY AGNES HOLLINGSHEAD
children are taught to be proud of their country.
The little Britisher, ragged and underfed,' recites
Blake's lines "I am glad that I Avas born a little
British -boy." The American citizen, far from the
land of his birth though he may be, learns that "All
that Avell becomes a man marks the true American."
Ir comes then as a shock to most people Avhen a Socialist tells them that they are enslaved. - But if Ave
once realize this, then our minds are ready to be told
how this condition came about and, what, presents
greater attraction, Iioav to find a Avay out.
Our literature furnishes this information.   I am
quoting freely from it, and I would ask you to devote as much time as you can from your wage earning pursuits to this study.   We all have at least the
elements of education, enough to make us efficient
wage slaves «and patriotic  soldiers.    Our masters
have provided this for us, and we cannot expect them
to do more.   It noAvsrests with us to educate ourselves for the accomplishment of our release from
Avage slavery.   No need to say you have not the time
nor the money.   I cannot believe this when the ri*-
ture houses are croAvded, the hockey matches attended by shouting multitudes, and the literature of the
master class funding such a ready e.„ie.   But wr.at
about any paper that is published in the interests of
our own class?   If it does not go under, all it can do
at the best is to clear expenses.   This shows the
apathy of the working class towards forwarding
their own emancipation.
The little pamphlet I mentioned at the beginning
of my remarks is a suitable one for commencing the
study of Socialism.   I do not wish to deceive you by
telling you that it is recreative; it is not.   Our purpose is to instruct the Avorkers and show them bow
certain historical facts have influenced their methods of obtaining a living; to lead them to see that
c ertain effects have been produced by certain causes.
Our literature aKunds with information which disposes the economic motive underlying every act of
the governing c.'ass, even every move of the recent
fruitless conferences following as a result of the
great Avar and the altered eonditions arising out of
the peace. You remember hoAv the patriotic orators lauded you as a natioi whose people showed
ruth courage, f'-ilitude and sound sense in the recent
terrible Avar.    Now we hear the Duke oE York announcing that !;«, cannot helo being an optimist as
he belongs to p nation whose men and women have
m, bravely and so vncomplafrrngly endured the even
Harder trials of peace.   Tho i»V3U harder trials of
peace!   Do you "get" the full significance! of this?
Are we optimist** then becaus- A\'e find peace sap-
portable after the strenuous times of the Avar?
The Socialist, writers show conclusively that economic condition's are the only •jiasoa of Avar, and they
warned us during the war that 1I13 outbreak of peace
would be as cataclysmic as the outbreak of Avar; but
ibey did n>.i '"!:i'jTn to be op Mm .v.* nol prophets for
telling us th'.-. "i ou all know how the Avorkers flung
.hemselvcd „l.M -he-, conflict reg .nlles* of the consequences to themselves. You know how master and
Avorker agreed to sink their differences and meet the
common foe, the German. Those in what Ave may call
affluent circumstances rallied to such slogans as
' • My country, British Honor an 1 Justice.'' The sentimental ones could not resist the appeal of thc weak-
ei nations; those on the breadline, the shiftless, tbe
careless, the worthless, perhaps after all had the
most defendable reason for going to war. Think
what it means to a hungry man to live again, to feel
clean and well clad in His Majesty's uniform and to
know that his bread would be given and his water
would be sure. They Avere not devoid of sentiment
either. TheykneAv those dependant upon them would
be relieved from the uncertainty of the periods of depression existing before the war. They became useful to their country. They earned respect as our
deliverers.   Do you remember one of the posters
with Burns' verse inscribed:
"For gold the merchant ploughs the main,
The farmer tills the-manor,
But glory is the soldier s pride,
The soldier's wealth is honour."
Small Avonder then that they were thrilled.   It
would take a heart as hard as the heart of Pharoah
not to succumb to this.   They Avent and fought their
masters' battles once again, but they were ignorant
of the most far-reaching historical fact that victory
meant loss to them as Avorkers, for in any war the
victorious State has ever been the stronger to oppress its own Avorkers, the defeated State ever the
Aveaker to resist their demands.   Many a time have
I heard Socialist speakers say this at the commencement of the Avar.   Who shall say in the light of subsequent events, that they did not know?   The veterans have experienced the soundness of that statement.   As sympathetic human beings we may deplore the war and shudder at the spectacle of man
kind butchering each other, but as scientific Socialists we have to study it as an inevitable part of a
Avorld process and to a process slaughter is of no
moment.   Indeed, as far as social advancement is
concerned, Avhat we call good times are as deadening
to the intellect as a period of war, though we prefer
to take a chance on the good times.   The great war
is over, but do we know the outcome of it yet?   The
Avar has not given what it promised. There have been
conferences in Europe but no satisfactory solution
has yet been found for the problems of Europe. We
know not what the outcome will be, only this is certain, that it must carry us towards the social revolution.   Arc we ready for it?   The Socialist Party is
trying to prepare the minds of the Avorkers.   Every
change entails an amount of uncertainty, possibly of
suffering.     The sounder our knoAvledge of society
and the more people Avho are Avilling to give themselves to an understanding of it, the easier will be
the transition from capitalism to Socialism.     The
surest way to make ready for the new order is to
learn the life story of the human race, the evolution
of human society.   Society as it is now is not the
same as it was in the past.     Throughout the ages
there has been "a process of growth from the simple
to the complex.     Savage society decayed because
the technique of progress was not sufficiently advanced to enable it to support itself, and the political society of today is dying because it can no longer
sustain the masses it has subjugated.   I am quoting
again from the Manifesto. The wealth of the former
society was freedom—access to life's necessities; the
wealth of the latter society is subjugated labor—the
cause of its disruption.   Until labor recognizes its
subjugation and abolishes capitalistic exploitation it
must remain poor, miserable, degraded, ministering
to the pleasure of the ruling classes, a contented
slave class.   Is there anything more contemptible
than a contented slave ?   Our mission is to rouse the
workers, to urge them to put aside apathy and sluggishness.   Being ourselves members of the working
cless Ave strive to point out the cause of our misery
and the reason for the change.   There are those of
us who yearn for action, for something now. There
is neither blame nor wonder to that; but we must
submit to the weariness of waiting—weariness indeed—but wait we must. Just as we cannot put back
the hand of time, neither can we advance it. Working
class history is red with the blood of those who have
revolted on impulse before the fulness of time.     I
may cite the case of the Spartaeans in the days of
ancient Rome.   They revolted and managed to hold
the master class at bay for years, but failed and were
ruthlessly crushed in the end because society was not
developed on the only basis on which freedom can
flourish—socialization of resources and production;
social OAvnership and administration and the consequent elimination of class distinction.   This point we
must Come to before Ave can be free.   As long as you WESTERN  CLARION
PAGE SEVEN
look up to the exploiters as your betters, nay, even
_as your benefactors, slav&s will you b«.
By class ignorance alone are the Avorkers kept in
servitude to their masters, and by no better means
can that ignorance be dispelled than by the continued support of the propaganda of revolutionary
ideas. Continued "support I say. Good intentions,
although the Almighty accepts them, are of no use
to our fellow men unless they be carried into operation. Well meant promises to be there when the
time comes are valueless. The*time has come for being well informed and more waiting Avill not help one
particle. Get into line with the educational movement, for it is a truth indeed that the working class
can have their freedom Avhenever they know how to
take it and keep it. The time for acquiring this
knowledge has come. To the revolutionist these invitations for support are unnecessary. As he values
himself and desires to live like a man, so will he act
with his fellow men like a skilled workmen knowing
what has to be done and how to do it.
The revolutionary movement is going on. It cannot do otherwise; but what the movement lacks at
present is more revolutionists, more Avage slaves who
recognize their identity of interests. We read in
the Manifesto a quotation from Thucydides, who
said: "Identity of interest is the surest of bonds,
whether between states or individuals." That is
another way of saying that union is strength; but
the union must be on the mental plane. We must
admit that the capitalist groups in society understand .
this identity if interest much better than the Working
class. They strive to hold what they have by any
means which is effective; moral and sentimental
scruples have no weight with them. They are the
OAvners of capital, weak in numbers, but in spite of
their relative weakness, by virtue of ownershp they
are the lords of socety.
Opposng this group is the revolutionary element
of the working class, also few in numbers but clear
in its demands for freedom from the dictates of capital. This is the section of the working class that understands the identity of interest. Between these
two opposing groups there is the huge inarticulate
mass of toilers, convulsed in an effort toAvards adaptation to a social environment which is constantly
changing in its complications, supporting union to a
certain extent, groping for a united front, but still
accepting a position of wage slavery and talking
about understandings between capital and labor,
some of them even asking for more work with less
wages rather than be laid off for a day or two in the
week.
Now Avhat is this leading to? This continual acceptance either placidly or even under protest by the
working class of the system of Avage salvery must/
eventually bring them face to face Avith a crisis where
compromise will no longer be possible. A tremendous increase in unemployment is no doubtful spec-/'
ulation; it is a certainty. With it must come also
a corresponding increase in the distribution of sur**
plus value in the shape of charitable doles from the
master class, or, a working class revolt. By the regular development of capital the attempts of the working class in dispute with their masters over declining Avages are doomed to failure. The result of re*
cent strikes furnish proof of this. It seems to me
that a strike with so little to gain is a dissipation of
energy. As workers and fighters the Wage slaves of
modern capitalism have proved their worth beyond
possible doubt. Courage and vitality are not lacking,
but hitherto these qualities have be«n expended in
the interests of the oppressing class. That which is/
of supreme importance to us is either totally absent,
or vague and indefinite in its character. This need-,
ful quality is class consciousness, an understanding of
the nature of Avage slavery which by its operation
constitutes the wealth of modern society which the
Avorkers bring into being but do not, dare not, use.
The task to which the revolutionary working class
movement has by circumstances been allotted consists in spreading among the wage slaves of capital
a knowledge of their real status in life, giving them
a correct understanding of the relations betAveen man
. and man under the present social order. By directing the thoughts of the working class into the chan
nel of scientific socialism will come a power before
Avhich the entire armories of capitalist defence will
not avail. We ask you not to wait till the time comes.
(Jet over your mental laziness, your present indifference to social and political questions. Do not harbor the idea that emancipation is nothing more than
a dream. We dream, but with well directed effort
based on knowledge our castles in the air will mater-
iulize. The western slave does not yet understand
the need for effort; he does not see his captivity and
therefore feels no need for freedom. I do not find
fault with my audience, but what of those who are
not here, who would not listen to us, who, through
mental deficiency try to ridicule the movement? If
they realized that they are slaves surely they would
seek every opportunity to learn hoAv to gain their
freedom. But need Ave be discouraged because of
their indifference ? No, we shall carry on with fortiJ
tude, nay, even Avith cheerfulness. Why are we so
fearless, Avhy are we even gay? Because we knoAv;
we understand what is happening; history supports
us in our prognostications. Few in numbers though
we be the ruling class fear us. iThat is Avhy they will
not permit us to mount the soap box in this (Calgary)
city. Why are they afraid of a score of socialists intent on study? It is because of the ideas and the
knoAvledge Ave spread. Ideas and knowledge are un-
crushable, and the people who hold them are un-
crushable. We have ardor and enthusiasm, and these
estimable qualities are anchored to clear vision and
class consciousness. It is this very class consciousness that compels us to advocate freedom in the
land of the free.
The study of socialism by the workers leads to
their organizing for emancipation, to struggle for
freedom being the last right left them and the only
task worthy of class conscious slaves. We have no
such Avar cries, no such frothy declamations as
"Long Live the Class Struggle." Our whole existence has been a struggle; we would welcome the
end of that struggle. The working class today is
tbe majority class and the class which represents
social progress and which embraces all that is essential Avithin our industrial process. This is the
class which has done the fighting in all previous
Avars and which must now fight for themselves.
"When this class has overthroAvn the present system
the social revolution will be an accomplished fact. I
do hot mean by this that Ave are to repeat the struggles of the French Revolutionaries at the barricades ; such methods in our day find their place only
in the melodramas and the cinemas; they -are Avhat
the playright would call anachronisms. What could
the workers in revolt hope to accomplish against the
modern methods of Avarfare such as aeroplanes and
poison gas ?
A man who would try to precipitin* such a revolt before the minds of the people are ready for it
and before the people have the power, I do not like
to call him a knave or a fool, but he is certainly mis->
guided. We seek to stimulate the intelligence of the
Avorkers, realizing that our emancipation lies in the
application of knoAvledge and experience. The stor- '
ies of the barricades may bc thrilling but such exploits would be futile in our days. Some of our opj
ponents tell us to go back to our books; I consider
it wise to take their advice as well meant. The
movement requires all the study avc can devote to it.
REVOLUTIONS, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL.
(Continued from page 4)
previous to Marx Avriting these words.  Nor has Russia ever equaled in cowardly ferocity, the France of
June 1848 or May 1871.
It is perhaps not tbe least of history's ironies that
the country heralded by most revolutionaries, and
especially by the most consistent and influential revolutionary of them all, as the seat of all reaction'
and the reserve army for all counter revolutionary
pflAvers—the barrier to all rebellion—should have
had to beat back with her OAvn revolutionary arm-/
ies every last one of those, countries in Avhose en-,
lightened breasts alone beat the pulse of freedom.
But the Slavonic Congress at Prague furnished
the occasion for another victory for reaction.
Marx's bitter comments on this fiasco were no doubt"
prompted by the fact that here the loyal troopa
again regained that confidence they had quite evid-i .
ently lost. The Congress ended in a riot and while
the revolutionists were settling their differences-
said by several historians, but not noted by Marx,-
to have been engendered by Hungarian provoca-i
teurs, sent by Kussuth, an Austrian army under)
Prince Windischgratz fell upon them, and after a
feAV days' battle the revolution in Bohemia was at
an end and a fine crop of hatred filed for later consideration. (
One more important situation only, have we
space for: Thc German speaking Duchies of Schles-
Avig and Holstein were troubling European diplomats. The ruling Prince Ferderick VII was without
an heir. The Danes, realizing that his death would
open the way to a seizure, decided to take the matter, Avhile yet cold. But the Germans rose in revolt
and declared for independence. They would have
been easily overwhelmed but the Federal Diet at
Frankfort Avere induced to send troops to help
their fellow countrymen. This army, Marx points
out, Avas composed almost entirely of young revolutionaries, whose zeal for the cause could well expend itself fighting for Freedom and self-determination of small nations (except Bohemia).
It is remarkable that the nation which was in the
next quarter century to be victor in the most brilliant and easily won campaign of the century,
should have received so humiliating a defeat at the
hand of Denmark. Whether by design, or the hand
of God, this territory, so vital to the interest of in- •
dustrialised Germany, through which the Kiel canal
was built, remained after a Avar for its possession in
the hands of a small state like Denmark. Be that
as it may, it furnished another opportunity for reaction to again assert itself.
The Frankfort Government (remember this is
the Government won by the Revolution) submitted
to the signing of an armistice by Prussia which left
Denmark in a very advantageous position. The
Frankfort Assembly rejected this armistice by a
majority of three, and the Government resigned.
This caused the Assembly to reconsider the vote,
and three days later the armistice Avas approved.
As this left the rebels at the mercy of a victorious
government, and surrendered a revolutionary principle, the barricades were again erected, and again,
Avhether by the hand of God or design a large force
of loyal troops were at hand, and after six hours'
fighting the revolt was crushed; it was quite general, but the real government was prepared for it,
even if they did not engineer it.
So the Revolutionary Government Avere saddled
Avith the crime of butchering their own friends, just
six months after the storm which had evidently
shaken the autocracy of Europe doAvn to and beyond
its very foundation.
We know what Ave are, but we know not Avhat
Ave may be said the ill-starred Ophelia. And so
that ought to do for noAv.
SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
PROPAGANDA
MEETINGS
EVERY SUNDAY
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
JUNE 17th.
Speaker: J. HARRINGTON
JUNE 24th.
Speaker:   D. Mac PHERSON
All meetings at 8 p.m.
Question!.       '    Discussion. PAGE EIGHT
WESTERN   CLARION
PERMANENT PROSPERITY
Hi
(Continued from page 1)
American observers to think that the reaction will
come  much sooner than has  generally  been supposed by British observers.   Gary, of the Steel Trust,
speaking in NeAv York, May 25th, declares that he
does not anticipate a substantial diminution of the
demand for finished steel for at least six months.
Permanent prosperity for at least six months! The
occupation of thc Rhur valley by the French has
benefited  the  American  steel  and  coal  industries
temporarily.    Germany,  normally  an  exporter  of
steel, is noAv endeavouring to buy it in SAveden, and
Sweden, who formally obtained it from the Rhur is1
seeking for it in the U. S. A.   Thus the extreme need
of Europe is beneficial to the American manufacturers.   Here we have an explanation of the large measure of support accorded by the American press, including the Washington Post, an administration organ, to the French occupancy of the Ruhr. Here are
some of the paradoxical incidents in international
trade between the U. S. and Great Britain and other
countries.    Coal is being shipped both ways.    Orders placed in Britain at the time of the American1
coal strike are still being delivered to Atlantic ports,
and crossing steamers carry U. S. coal to Europe
under the pressure of the new emergency.   At the
same time Avhile large consignments of English and
continental pig iron have in the last few months
been sold along th'e Atlantic seaboard, Great Britain
is uoav importing iron and coke from the U. S. and
so are SAveden and Holland.   The editorial optimism
of the Washington Post regarding American independence of the European market does not fit in
with the above trade reports.
Carrying coals to Newcastle, at one time considered wasted effort, noAv seems quite a necessity to the smooth operation of the profit system.
Of course, it is not exactly a neAv departure in business. Fish caught off Nova-Scotia appear for sale
in B. C. and vice versa. Strawberry jam made in
Quebec is being sold next door to the jam factory in
Mission, B. C. Reverse the places of manufacture
and sale and there is an example of part of what
Engels termed the anarchy of the capitalist mode of
production.
Failing the outbreak of war, and the consequent
"market" for the surplus values produced by the
industrial and agricultural workers, a contingency
not likely to occur in the immediate future, the inevitable glut of those commodities which re-appear
in the process of production as constant capital, i.e.,
machinery, steel products, etc., will automatically
throw millions of slaves out of employment, Gary's
estimate of six months is as good a guess as any
other. The American farmei's have not recovered
from the agricultural slump of three years ago. Their
purchasing power has not increased in ratio to the
expansion of business and consequent rise of prices
in other lines. The "Spokesman's Review" of May
30th, quotes Senator Copeland as follows:
"We are living in a fool's paradise," Senator Copeland
declared. "In certain lines in America we have prosperity,
but the idleness of the rest of the world should warn us
that our prosperity is likely to be transient."
Discussing the lack of prosperity among farmers and
its causes, the senator said he was surprised recently by
a letter sent to a New York newspaper by a Virginia farmer in which was given a comparison of food values on the
farm and labor engaged in the building trades.
"This statement," he said, "shows that it takes 63%
dozen or 762 eggs to pay a plasterer for one day of eight
hours; it takes 17 V£ bushels of corn or a year's receipts
from half an acre to pay a bricklayer one day; it takes
23 chickens weighing three pounds each to pay a painter
for one day's work in New York; it takes 42 pounds of
butter, or the output of 14 cows, fed and milked for 24
hours, to pay a plumber $14 a day, and it takes a hog
weighing 175 pounds, representing eight months of feeding
and care, to pay a carpenter for one day's work."
The farmers, not having the whereAvithal to buy
with, are nevertheless referred to as being on a
"Buyer's Strike." To remedy this sad condition,
the U. S. Government have instituted Farmers Loan
Banks, which loan money to farmers at 7%, through
the intermediary of Trust and Mortgage companies.
As an indication of some local conditions confronting American farmers, the following petition is illuminating.
"We the undersigned farmers of Whitman county,
the best and richest wheat growing section of the United
States and the world, owning the best improved farms in
the United States, find it impossible to longer continue in
the production of wheat. Our horses will soon be too old
for service, our harness and equipment is badly worn,
and we are now and will be unable to replace them.
"Therefore we ask the government of the United States
to take over these farms, pay off our obligations, that have
been incurred in the raising of wheat, and allow us to re.
main on the farms and pay us wages, so that we may have
some of the comforts of life and all of the necessities. We
are in no condition financially to harvest the growing crop
and ask that congress be convened at once and take over
these farms before harvest."
Socialists do not doubt the existence of prosperity, but they modestly enquire, Who are the
prosperous ones?   Hoav come?
TACTICS
(Continued from page 5)
party activities; and party activity is, in turn, governed by its social perspective—its insight into social
phenomena; its interpretation of current events, its
concepts of the nature of social relationships and its
understanding of social organizations not merely theoretical, but in practical and actual operation. The
scope of activity will be determined, by the historic cumulus of the day, and instinct with purpose
and direction in sympathy with the vision of its
objective.
Consequently, if the aim is the removal of particular grievances, the practical amelioration of effects,'"
+''»n active energy will be devoted to the end of
their present alleviation and the tactics adopted
must of necessity conform with the legitimist practice of political association. It must work through
the legality of political organizations, in the body of
political power,—a body dedicated to the sanctity of
property right. It must work through the formality
cf government, steeped in the precedents of possession, and overcome the stalwart prejudices of generations, through organization devoted to law and
order, impatient of "extremist" demands, "sobered
Avith the responsibilities of poAver," and supported
by masses struggling for the Avages of necessity and
divided on the main issues of its life. What that
struggle has achieved we knoAv; what its continuance
may produce Ave may guess. Maybe, e.g., labor government, more or less capitalist minded, fervent on
the issues of trade (for the Avelfare of the masses and
the immediate relief of unemployment), conciliation
to possession, ideally just to subject races (aat1io must
aAA'ait the expiry of "contract" for their freedom),
and finally being overwhelmed in their inevitable
inability to fulfil the obligation of the immediate.
But if the aim is revolution, its offensive will be
thc utter abolition of Avage slavery, as immediately
as it can possibly be achieved. And being revolutionary, and therefore more or less cognisant of the.
social complexus of relations, its tactics can be no
illusive struggle of crucical excitements; no challenge of unmatured conditions; no sinister threats
of social upheaval; no barren appeal to fugitive enthusiasms, forlorn because divided Avith its vain imaginings; and no phantasies of economic necessity,
red with the terror of unexploded fallacies. Its tao-
tics must be the awakening of class conscious perception. Grown from and changing with the necessities of developing capital tactics must consistently
seek the explanations of capitalist reality, paying but
scant heed to the proletarfan temporizations for immediate relief, and concentrate on the struggle for
political power. In the deepening miseries of a society becoming more and more a proletarian unity,
tactics will point the failure of capital to fulfil its
social obligations—and the reason why; Avill be alert
for every opportunity of enlightment, critical of
practical politics and its reasons, driving home its
lessons from the rude shocks of daily experience,
keeping, steadfastly to its own living issue—proletarian unity through the percepts of social understanding. It Avill hold the mirror of truth to the
groping mind of discontent, thereby consciously
arousing its rising hosts'Avith the weapons which, unconsciously, historic development hats prepared for
use, Avorking hand in hand Avith the forces of progress, knowing that in the harsh disullusionments of
disintegrating society, in the fevered struggle,
fruitless toil and Avasted effort of proletarian existence, in its great throbbing heart of hope, and courage, and indomitability, there Avill be born the sure
conviction that no political contrivance whatsoever
can either mitigate or vanquish its frothing miseries.
That is the real pathway of revolution, the tactics
that draws strength from pregnant condition, and
encouragement from unfolding reality, armed at
once for attack and defense, and impregnable with
the passion of its truth. R.
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