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Western Clarion May 1, 1923

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A Journal of
CURRENT       s
Official Organ of
No. 890. NINETEENTH YEAR.     Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, MAY 1, 1923.
The United Front
THE new theory of the United Front would
seem to imply that, diverse in objective, and
divided in purpose and ideation as we are, it is
still possible, in the deepening distress of worsening
conditions to inspire and animate the mass of the
workers with the sentiment and purpose of social
revolution. The theory is comforting, and is feasibly presented in the various journals of "immediate materialisation.'* And it has all the backing of
young enthusiasm born of modern spirit of discontent with the patent anomalies of capital in decadence.
It would be futile to deny that crowds can be
moved by the fervour of passionate appeal, or that
society can respond to the stimulus of organised
minorities. But experience is proof that the crowd
that is moved by that appeal is very potently saturated with the spirit of its objective, and history
shows that society is readily responsive only to
awakened consciousness of its associate interests,
clearly perceived, We may argue with man or mass,
but the argument is cogent only as it expresses the
psychology of their thinking. And similarly society
will be attracted to the magnetic minority only as
that minority can express the prime necessities of
the hour in the intimate associations of social objectivity. Were minorities of themselves, able to influence a society unconscious of reality, society
would not, as now, swing idly to the anchors of traditional phantasies. Were mere thought electric enough to illumine the web of historical event, there
would be no occasion to appeal to the opportunism
of minority leadership. It is not, in reality, the "enlightened" cult of individualism that is strong to
arouse and enthuse, but the collective thought of
forceful conditions, thrust mordauntly home on the
simple mind of common experience. Just as labor,
however complex, is measured in terms of simple
labor, so minority consciousness, advanced though
it be, is effectively active necessarily, as it expresses the experience of its social counterpart. Society
cannot be led by the nose, except in the measure of
its thinking. And it is (as yet) our misfortune that
the forms of its thinking, evolved from the stimulus
of past historic interest is still affiliated with the
class interests of privileged powers. To change that
requires more than persuasion and organisation - to
give it power and influence, more than sentiment
and watch cries, however red.
In the present pathos of world unrest the whole
historic material of society is in a whirl of flux and
criticism. But the flux is generated by the unhalt-
ing process of economic development, not at all by
the prowess of economic interpreters. And its
criticism, urged and directed by the whole weight of
the social forces of life and lahor and groping in
the vasty vagueness of social misunderstanding, derives vigor, incentive and value, directly as it perceives the origin of our social chaos and the non-
equivalence of our social standards. To probe social
chaos to its fundamental causes demands knowledge
for the accounting of its equivocating standards,
comprehension. Not the knowledge of mere academic philosophy nor the laboriously acquired understanding of theoretical primacy (beloved of convention and formalism), but the firsthand knowledge of life in the intimate relations of daily ex
istence ; and the understanding of those relations in
all their grimy garments and vicissitudes of proletarian experience. That is knowledge and understanding that cannot be thrust upon us by stealth,
nor by dint of formal argument or reasoned appeal,
nor yet by the tense aspirations and "wanchancy"
ambitions of impatient—and impenitent—enthusiasts. It comes only as the conditions of socially
changing forms, break down the hoary traditions of
time; as the changing social forms disrupt and vanquish social ethics and status; as the quagmire of
social existence encroaches turgid and deep on the
barren conventions of class Dominion and in the
gathering flood of its deliberate movement exposes
and overwhelms the false and pharisaic philosophy
of class "eternities.".
It is precisely here, where we would expect it to
be the strongest, that the formula of the united front
betrays weakness. It shows itself to be but a gambler's chance with a desperate dice. It seeks through
grumbling discontent to organise revolution. It
claims that when crisis comes society can be opportunely herded to salvation. It seems to declare that
society can be swayed in a specific direction amidst
a tumult of irrelevant interests. It implies that in
the snapping of old social sanctions is the probability of conscious social reconstruction. Not so.
True, discontent can be organized to express its discontent. But to express the philosophy of revolution it must consciously possess the objectivity of
cause and effect. That is, that the cause of its whole
social misery is the effect of the capitalist ownership of its life. If it does not prove that, it can not
strike at the substance of reality, but only at the
ghost of the ages—its shadow. And the hypothesis
of "the crisis" is just a delusion. In the modern
world of capital crisis has become a permanence.
And rather than organising an opportunity to salvation amidst its drab and joyless inanities, we are,
rather, settling down doggedly to its endurance.
Like our capitalist masters we are apparently willing to endure the haggard leanness of the now, in
the hope of the lusty prosperity of tomorrow.
But that hope can never materialise. As the
days drag on; as conditions grow worse; as misery
assumes wider proportions; as economic restrictions
embrace and crush social class divisions; as social
usuages fall into deeper destitude; as hope grows
dim and get dimmer and life more destitute and intolerable; the driven crisis will merge into the
driving mass that moves because it must. The
mighty stress of world conditions will shake down
the bourgeois gods of now and yesterday. They will
prove their wisdom false and their oracles empty.
Their failure will be plainly written in the dire
agony of human experience. In the stifling of social activity; in the stagnation of social production;
ih the withering of social existence, the eagerness
of want, and the willingness of toil, and the technique of production will be contrasted with the luxury of possession; with the abundance of material
and resource, and the cheap fripperies of profit.
Ax\d brought thus face to face with the essence of
social relations, and with the meaning of social organisation, the unromantic fundament of property
right shall became plainly apparent. Being apparent, society as a whole will scorn its ethic and pre
tension, as now it scorns the pretensions of the past.
And it will, at the same time, clearly perceive the
significance of the voice in the wilderness: that
capitalist right in the means of human life is the
prime cause of social destitution and the greatest
progenitor of social evil. With that recognition,—
not in the dissolution of social sanctions, is not only
the probability of conscious social reconstruction!
but its inevitable necessity.
Thus the appeal of the United Front loses potency as a material reality. We cannot force diverse
purpose .into the firm unity of common aim. We
must first want the object of our activities. If the
want is not common, its means will not mature. And
if, in all the. present criticism of men and mode, of
means and aim, there is no appearance of plan or
method, it is simply because, in the flowing of social
change in the means, methods and objects of human
life, the new psychology of the hour is not yet adapted to the unfathomed vicissitudes of the change.
The fact that such criticism and such dissatisfaction exists is but a symptom of the running tide of
development. For the multiplication of sect and
party, and the unfertility of their appeals, is an indication that the body politic is losing its centralisation of authority; that staunch as it may appear it
is no more regarded as the sceptre of social unity
and utility; but on the contrary has become suspect
and unprogressive, and is inwardly disintegrating
before the gathering weight of social purpose and
social necessity.
That is, indeed, the process of social revolution.
Social revolution—as it is now understood and in
the particular relations of world conditions—is international and must be achieved internationally.
It is the awakening of the world's proletariat from
the hypnotic suggestions of political prosperity. That
is one precise lesson of the Russian upheaval. Another is, that only clear comprehension of social relationships can give us the desired solidity of social
purpose requisite to face the stern issue of the final
struggle for power. But the awakening of the
world's proletariat is neither the work of institutions, organisations, nor enthusiastic orators, but
is primarily the development of the world's resources to their fullest capacity under the economic of
established society. With that development proceeds the development of its Psychological reflex,
until the latter, under the impetus of economic failure, is compelled to probe beyond the confines of
authoritative doctrines and social superstitions, and
discover the true source of its social evils, its economic miseries and fettered capacities, in the fundamental organisation of society itself—private property in the common, social means of life.
Mere organization is not sufficient to compass
success. In fact many hinder it. Economic organization—which is all that labor associations are—
presupposes economic relations, they are the developed consequents of those relations, and until
those relations have quite plainly demonstrated
their social inefficiency—that is, their failure to secure and conserve social existence which is the purpose of social organisation—a purely revolutionary
organisation, at once practical and effective, is not
only prevented by the very terms of the proposi-
(Continued on page 8) PAGE TWO
By the Way
MY proletarian shiftlesness undertook to
write these notes instead of set articles,
thinking thus to escape much labor in composition and study. It were easy thought I, to dash
off in spare moments now and then notes of comment spiced occasionally with sly malice towards
what I presume to think are Utopianisms lingering
on among fellow Socialists. I would make no frontal
attacks. No! My strategy was to be one of indirection, harrying the Utopian, deeply entrenched in his
preconceptions, conducting demoralizing raids on
his bases of opinion, all under cover of innocent looking comments on men and things. So my naive duplicity proposed. But, 0 Lord, in an unguarded
moment I. said I would deal with the "nationalization of land" proposal of the British Labor Party,
and the more I have thought about the matter since,
the more I realize what a mare's nest of troubles I
have laid myself open to. It is not altogether the
scope of the subject, about whicii discussion has been
carried on for generations and upon which whole
libraries have been and may yet be written. What
chiefly troubles me it that the subject forces me into
the open on the question of social reform and many
things else; it compels me, prematurely, to expose
a position I had intended to mask awhile partly because I do not feel altogether sure of it. So, I am
moved by anticipatory tremors and timidities, in imagination already I hear on the breeze the undis-
criminating impossibilists traditional war cry: "Reforms do not reform, palliatives do not palliate!''
Not wishing to arouse unwarranted hostility and
thus have ears closed to my further argument, I
may state in advance that, so far as I see, my attitude on reform involves no change in the Party in
respect of its educational function or in its independence as a revolutionary political organization.
It would however, it seems to me, entail a recognition that reform organizations, industrial and political, fulfil a necessary function, both for defense and
attack, in the interest of the working masses and
therefore entail an attitude on our part towards
them pedagogical, critical as occasion warrants, but
fundamentally friendly as to organs of the workers
in the fields where lie their immediate political and
economic interests. As almost a necessary corrollary
to that attitude, the concept of function should be
substituted for that of principle, as distinguishing
one organization from another. What modernized
mind but deplores the wastes of mental effort in the
unending, turgid, metaphysical logic-chopping over
principles, a concept out of date even in the eighteenth century for the purpose in mind. What wonder the practically minded working class at large
are perplexed at the animosities, recurring splits and
divisions among its active elements and fail to understand the metaphysics that are the occasion.
And—whisper it not in Gath—neither do the doctors. Listen in on us when two—two, not three,
two is enough—belonging to the same group are
gathered together.
*   *   #
Cast your eye over the cursed scene of anarchy
in the so-called movement in Canada. Two cats or
a dozen cats I think it is, over a clothes line exhibit
the same kind of a movement. Are the working
class apathetic! What wonder! But there is more
than apathy,. There is in them actual hatred and
contempt for our anarchy, they realize it stands in
their way. Substitute, I say, the concept of function
ior that of principle and we should have a new
spirit and a new order of things in the working class
movement. Our organizations would be regarded
as functional groups engaged in departmental activities, industrial, political and educational, in one
great enterprise. Each functional group would attract those who by native bent were inclined to its
form of activity. Mutual jealousies and suspicions
would disappear or sink to a minimum. Individuals
could go from the industrial or the political movement to the educational for a knowledge of theory
and return to their own movements more efficient
in the working class cause. The working class, seeing the active elements down to a workmanlike
basis of function, a basis it could understand, would
shed its apathy for an awakened and lively interest
in all our affairs. On this matter, of course, I particularly address the rank and file, over the heads of
individuals whose animosities have hardened them
into mere feudists, or between whom the hard word
has been passed which they can not forget. Not
personalities, but a cause is at stake. Given the opportunity I may have more to say on this idealistic
proposal in the future. There are, you know, two
kinds of idealism, idealism and practical idealism.
*   •   *
Well, having now committed myself, I must go
more into detail. The way to get conclusions right
is to start right in the premises, so they say. I
want to traverse the premises. Though readers still
disagree with me in the end, I hope that our going
over the ground may still have some educational
value as a by-product. Like any surveyor we need
an instrument, the best possible. I recommend one
Someone has said, that it is the hall-mark of a
civilized mind that it be capable of taking resur-
veys of its standards of judgment, testing them in
the light of new experiences. One wno should possess such a mind would be said to have an "objective mind" or to have the "scientific habit of mind."
There is little doubt, then, that we are all more or
less savages. In degree, for some limited uses it is
present with us all, even with the primitive savage.
Modern science, it might be said, has raised it in our
day into the consciousness of mankind as a necessary
attitude of mind for research. It is working "ideally" in enquiry when an idle curiosity is the only
accompanying influence. Its achievements are
mainly in the mechanical sciences and industrial
activity. In the so-called social sciences the ideal
is more difficult to attain because subjective influences, the self-deceptions of desire, the personal
biases and predilections of the investigator colour
has view and warp his judgment. In our courts of
justice this trait of human nature is so well known
that when witnesses agree too closely it is taken for
granted there has been collusion. The freer play
of the objective mind in the natural sciences and industry has resulted in man's control of natural forces and his power to produce growing apace, while in
comparison his control over social forces lags far
behind. It is true that science has accumulated a
vast fund of knowledge concerning man and his
society, but it can not be applied to the conduct of
social affairs so long as the kind of mind that gathered the knowledge is absent from that field of activity.
What I have written on the character of the
'' objective'' mind may infuse readers, with a suspicion that perhaps their attitudes on many things, say
for one, social reform, may not be the result entirely
of rational considerations, and so incline them to
their re-examination.
I have said that my point of view on reforms
would entail a recognition of labor organizations
dealing with immediate conditions as performing
necessary functions in the interest of the working
class. We have already recognized the economic
organizations of our class as so functioning, but have
witheld it from the political. Yet the workers have
innumerable interests other than those concerning
conditions of work and wages. Some of them are in
the sphere of politics—State affairs—relations with
foreign countries, and domestic affairs such as education, hygiene, recreations, State interference in industrial disputes and legal enactments affecting
these disputes, etc. As the modern State evolves and
adds to its original chief function of policeman more
and more of economic and non-economic functions it
becomes ever more necessary that the workers take
a hand in political afairs as a class, not only to pursue a merely defensive policy but also to take the
initiative in social affairs. The times demand, work--
ing class interests and the interests of society as a
whole demand that working class activity take on
not only an anti-capitalist character but also one of!
anti-capitalism. The full historical -significance of
the working class movement goes beyond the fact
tbat it is a movement to free the workers from a position of economic subjection. It has also the task of
freeing society and its means of life from class control, placiug control in the hands ofsocietyasawhole.
It is not by working class good-will, but by virtue of
historical necessity that one aim embodies the other.
There is more than an "ideal" necessity for social
reconstruction, i.e., for the transferring of society's
means of production from private to social control.
Modern large-scale machine production and the
world market signify socialized production and a
universal dependence on its operation. Production,
however, rests conditionally on production for profit for a class who own the means of production. It
i-s this condition of production that has brought into
play the driving force of necesity for the transferring of productive powers to social control. Even
the bourgeoisie must yield before the pressure or
break. But they yield reluctantly and ever seek to
escape necesity through national success in commerce or in war at the expense of rival nations. As
a consequence, the very existence of civilization is
said to be threatened. Thc producing populations
are threatened with an increasing measure of poverty and degradation that bodes no good, in the
opinion of those who believe as I do, that a strong,
virile working class, mentally and physically, is the
chief hope of the social revolution. That is why
"ideally," the producing masses, both urban and
rural should become initiating factors in social
change; it is also why, of a historically developed
necessity, they must.
* *   " *
But even though society should escape by chance
a worse fate and under State necessity changes that
are adaptions to new conditions be made by capitalist class parties, sheer economic necessity will coa-
tinue to dog the heels of the masses of humanity.
With, however, tlie producing masses entering in as
an initiating force, while it will still be, as ever,
"first things first" and "next things next," a transitional period entailed not alone by mental, but also
by technical facts, their purpose will not be a mere
existence, but well-being. The removal of obstructions to its attainment will be of another kind marked by an increasing revolutionary significance as
knowledge of the social problem increases derived
from practical experience and education.
• •      •
The work of scientific Socialists, is educational
To be true to name and function consists, not, it
seems to me, in lumping reforms in one indiscriminate mass, but of analysing and classifying them as
their elements, reactionary, meliorative or revolutionary, may indicate. So that, as the case may be,
the working masses may understand the momentous
significance of their political acts.
If these notes get in the "Clarion" I shall take
it as a charter of liberty to say more along these
lines in the next issue before dealing with the "Nationalization of Land" reform. C. WESTERN   CLARION
The Anglo-American Alliance
THE Ruhr, and to a lesser degree, the Near
East have for some months been absorbing
practically the entire attention of all those
interested in world politics. Yet, at this very time
there has been taking place an enormously important orientation of forces in an entirely  different
When the government of Lloyd George went out
of office, it appeared as if the relations of Britain
and the United States promised little peace for the
near future.    Lloyd George may be said to have
been the spokesman and agent of the nationalist
tendencies in British politics.   He was the agent of
the industrialists, and as such, he stood for a militant  British   assertiveness   in   the   councils of the
world.   The policy for which he and his colleagues
spoke was for  a survival of  the  economic phase
whicii had passed some time, prior to his resignation.   The new forces, or rather the old forces which,
had regained economic power as a result of the long
continued trade crisis, were those of the bankers and
financiers.    They had, gradually succeeded in undermining the economic power and political influence  of  the  industrialists  who  bad  raised  Lloyd
George to the head of the coalition.   Lloyd George,
bad he remained at the head of the government
would probably have led Britain h)to a war with:
France, either indirectly in the East or directly in
the West.    He would not have been prepared "to
make the apparent submission to the United States
with the same  good grace as the government of
Bonar Law and Stanley Baldwin, has done.   He was
. associated in the mind of America with hostile oil
interests in Mexico, tbe West Indies and Mosul. He
was similarly committed to interests in the financial
world hostile to the domination of Chicago and New
The government of Bonar Law, while not by
any means likely to yield at all points to the United
conservatives, has already taken a line which is
calculated to bring the United States and Britain  .
into alliance, though it would be difficult to say
whether this policy only commenced with the entry
of Bonar Law into the office.   It would seem that .
for some time previously there had been unofficial
approaches to America, made through banking and
commercial magnates, and which may have had the
tacit approval of the more conservative element in
the Lloyd George government.    During the year
1922, and especially during the latter half of it, the
question which assumed the greatest importance for*
the government was not the Near East, but the
question of arriving at a settlement with the United
States Government on the matter of the debt owed
to it.   Coming events east their shadows before and
we can take it that the Geddes Committee on economy in public services, was appointed with a view
to arriving at such a reduction of government expenditures as would make possible the payment of
interest and sinking fund on the American debt.
The recommendations of this committee have by
no means been entirely followed out, but the money
saved is certainly about equal to that required for
the immediate charges on the debt to America.   It
is not always the more spectacular aspects of state
policy which are worthy of our notice.   The adventures of Great Britain in the East were nothing like
so vital an interest to our governing class as some
people imagine.   They were in fact rather a last
effort of an obsolete phase of imperialism.
All important as the question of oil is for the
British Admiralty the question of finance appears
even more important in the minds of the government as a whole. While the war had greatly enriched the manufacturers, ship-owners and certain
other profiteering interests, their position had been
undermined during the two years of depreciation
by those other and older economic interests whose
capital values,  relatively depreciated  during the
war, had rapidly appreciated during the last two
years. In this country at any rate, the whole banking fraternity and the mercantile houses in the City
of London have recovered the position they occupied in the national economy prior to 1911, but
which they lost for a while during the war. They
have, a natural prediction for friendly relations
with the United States. British investments in
South America are somewhere in the neighbourhood
of £1,000,000,000 and that these, like holdings in
Canada, Mexico and the West Indies would be endangered by any complications with America. We
can understand Iioav strongly their Influence works
for the achievement of an entente between the two
English-speaking peoples. Sentiment may appear
to be a link which binds these peoples together, but
in reality it is a class bias an economic community
of interest.
Turning now to America, we find that there also,
as a result of the terrible industrial depression, the
big industrialists have come once more under the
domination of those financiers of Wall Street, from
whose control they had managed to slip during the
war period.
Tbe  Wilson Adminstration from 1913  to  1921
were a visible political expression of an effort at
emancipation from Wall Street, vigorously attempted, and for a time successfully carried out by American industrialists.   That is to say, with the building up of huge fortunes as a result of the expansion
of American industry, to meet the demands of the
war-years, American big business became more self-
reliant, more self-assertive and more nationalist in
character, and    for a time  revolted    successfully
against the big houses of Wall Street, whose power
in "American finance was built not so much upon
American production as upon the service which they
rendered to European capital, seeking to exploit the
expanding agriculture, industry and trade of the
United States.      The greatest achievement of the
Wilson administration was undoubtedly the setting
up of the Federal Reserve Bank which sought to
give American business men a financial service at
home, guaranteed and controlled by the American
Government.   Just before America's entry into the
Avar, the big corporation of business men and financiers connected with Rockefeller and the Chicago
Produce Trade, thought to cultivate an American
export and carrying trade and an American economic expansion AA'hich expressed itself sometimes1
in 'terms of decided imperialism.   With the entry
of America into the Avar, these interests sought to
build up a great mercantile marine, built at the expense of, and constructed by the State and intended
to provide American exporters and importers with
transport under the American rather than a foreign
flag.   From 1917 to 1821, numerous corporations
Avere founded and efforts made to foster American
trade and influence throughout the American Continent and the Far East.   Not only that, but efforts
Avere also made to gain a financial footing within ihe
British Empire primarily in Canada, but  also in
South Africa and India.
This Avas the inevitable corollary of the acquisition by the American capitalists of British holding!*
in American securities, followed as it Avas by extensive loans, to the British Government and the Allies.
It seemed, until last year, that America intended
to assert herself as a great Avorld poAver in active,
opposition, not only in finance, but in trade and
.politics, to Great Britain.   The same phenomenon
of militant   industrialism Avhich   expressed   itselC
through Lloyd George and the coalition Government
appeared also in America.   The failure, however, of
the gigantic promotions of the industrialists and the
Trust Companies, for the purpose of developing export trade, and the calamitous failure of the American Mercantile Marine, built and promoted by the
United States Shipping Board, together with the
added inability of Europe to do business Avith America, have, in America, brought in the same liquidation of bloated industrialism Avhich we have witnessed in this country. The great 'financial houses of
Wall Street, have once more come into their own
and resumed their sAvay in the world of economies.
Not only that, but the farmers of the Middle West,
unable to sell their produce in any of the American
or European markets, have also fallen back into tho
clutches of these same bankers.
Thus, Avhile the Republican Party came into power in 1921 with a tremendous majority, to carry into
practice this policy of splendid isolation and strident
Americanism, the logic of events has compelled-
President Harding to bring his party into the service of its traditional task-masters and paymasters,
Ihe bankers of Wall Street in general and J. P. Morgan in oarticular.
The house of Morgan has been a concern for thr-
retive promotion of Anglo-American friendship aand.
co-operation. During the Avar it Avas a buying
agent for the British Government; it sold immense
quantities of securities for the British Government
Avhich that government had taken over from its subjects; it acted as a loan agent for all transactions,
the cumulative result of Avhich is now seen in the
stupendous debt of the British Government to Am«r-.
ica. In every scene and on every occasion, J. P.
Morgan and Company have been the faithful friends
and close collaborators of the British governing
While Americans have a very considerable influence in Paris and have certainly been behind the
electrical industry and behind Loucheur, they are
not likely for a single moment to be in sympathy
Avith the policy of the French militarists and petty
bourgeoisie which is responsible for the occupation
of the Ruhr. They have no more use for French national assertiveness than for, the national assertiveness of any other foreign imperialism. In fact, it is
doubtful Avhether Morgan and Company favor imperialism at all. They are essentially the agents of
the international bond-holding interests that are a
force likely to favor the regime of the League of Na-*
tions Avhich, there is reason to believe, has its active
though secret aid at every turn. They also, like
Bonar laAv, desire tranquility. Tranquility is, of
course, just Avhat merchant bankers and bond holders Avant.
While it avouUI seem at first sight that the Americans have driven a hard'bargain Avith the British
Government in the matter of the funding of the debt,
ii is noAv evident that the British have not done so
badly.' The Americans have quietly dropped the
Shipping Subsidy Bill, whieh was causing intense
anxiety to British shipowners and which, had it
been proceeded Avith, would Avithout question have
resulted in the bankruptcy of British shipping or, at
an early date, Avar between this country and America.
This abandonment   of State   guarantee for the
American   shipping   industry  means in effect, the
(Continued on page 4)
Prefaoe by the anther.
181 PAGES.
Per Copy, 18 Oenta.
Ten oopies np. 10 eenta
to* Piii. PAGE FOUR
Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Boo-omlcs, P__toeo|)_y,
and Current Events.
Published twice a month by the Socdal-rt. Party ot
Canada^ P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
Entered at G. P. O. as a newspaper.
Editor . ._ Ewen  MacLeod
Canada, 20 issues      fl.00
Foreign, 1« Issues      $1.00
• «' If this number is on your address label your
KM I luibecrlption expires with next issue. Renew
w v ' promptly.
VANCOUVER, B. C, MAY 1,1923.
THE Socialist press throughout the world on
this date will carry in its columns what are
generally called May Day features, and on
this date the day of emancipation for wage-labor
will be heralded from the workers' platforms
throughout the world as a joyful parallel to the
coming of spring flowers and sunshine.
It is true that the fellow we call the average
man is not accustomed to glancing over the records
of festival observances in the days gone by. He
knows very little of any parallel between his present day lahor demonstration and the ancient pagan
festival celebrating nature's promise of harvest and
food in abundance. That joyful character is somewhat absent from the present average May Day
demonstration. Instead there appears a catalogue
of present distresses and evidence of the yoke of industrial exploitation now laid upon wage-labor. Its
hopes and aspirations are still unfilled. Even the
International Socialist Congress (Paris) resolution
of 1889 declaring for the eight hour day is still unrealised and the First of May, a day set upon the
calendar by that Congress for aunual international
labor demonstration to secure that objective falls
far short of universal recognition among wage Avorkers as a day of holiday from wage labor to voice
a measure of hope and resolution for freedom from
industrial slavery. Yet, if it is not thought about
and understood by mankind, it is recognised that
dates recording events record past events and not
events of the future, and so it is impossible to impose arbitrary standards for general recognition.
Today the condition of interest i* a consideration
of the degree of working class response in objection to class oppression from above. There lies the
promise of working class emancipation.
RESPONSE to our invitation to discussion (of
several issues ago) has not been very great.
We have a short article from a Saskatchewan
comrade which we hope to print next issue and a
letter or two of promises and enquiry. We would
like correspondents to send their names and addresses rather than bare anonymous documents alone.
•       •       •       •
Comrades in Alberta and Saskatchewan are asked by Com. R. Burns, Alta. P. E. C. secretary to
note the contents of this letter:—
To Secretaries of locals, S. P. of 0.,
Alberta and Saskatchewan.
Dear Comrades:
A short time ago a letter was sent to all Locals
of the P. E. C, and some members at large, requesting some information regarding the sending of
speakers on a tour through the provinces. Most of
the letters have been answered and the feeling expressed was that it would be poor policy on the
part of the P. E. C. to send speakers through until
about the middle of June.
The P. E. C. have decided to notify all Locals
that no speakers will be routed until the above time.
In the meantime it requests all secretaries, and active members at large, in the provinces to get all the
information they possibly can in respect to how
many meetings could be arranged in their district,
and what time would be most suitable for these
meetings. When the P. E. C. receives this information they Avill get busy and make the necessary
Kindly send in these particulars as soon as possible, so as to have your district on the schedule in
its proper place.
R. Burns,
(Sec'y. Alta. P. E. C),
27 Central Bldg.,
Calgary, Alberta.
• •       #       *
In the meantime, Comrade J. Harrington will be
in Blairmore, Alberta, to address the miners there
on Tuesday, lst May.
# »       #       *
Local (Vancouver) No. 1 has organized what is
described as a Grand Dance on Tuesday, May 8th,
to be held at Belvedere Court, corner 8th Ave. and
Main  Street.    Tickets,  men 75  cents, women  50
* *       *       *
J. Kavanagh sends us a copy of a letter he sent
to the B. C. Federationist on March 17th and which
Avas not published in that paper. He asks us to
publish it. The letter (besides touching upon other
matters) touches upon some discussion which has
appeared in the Federationist over Harrington's
first article (February lst) of the present series—
Revolutions, Political and Social.
As it so happens a letter was sent to the Federationist by J. Harrington on the 23rd April, no indication of which appears in the Federationist of
the 27th.
The Federationist will perhaps explain what rule
it follows in such cases. For the present we leave
the matter at that without comment.
* •       *       #
Com. J. Glendening, 221 Jefferson Avenue, Winnipeg, is uoav secretary of Local 109, S. P. of C.
Wednesday April 19, 1923.
Editor, Clarion:—
Recently I heard a question, as to whether the
time was not now ripe for the revolution to take
place in its entirety. The answer came that since
the average worker has the point of view he has
at the present time it could not, nor Avould it take
Noav being of that class of slave that attends to
all the drudgery of the home I think many things
whilst doing that drudgery and one of them (the
thoughts) is that before long something, no matter
hoAv far short of the entirety, will happen, and we
shall have to be satisfied for a spell at least Avithout
the realisation in all its fulness.
Perhaps Katherine Smith or the Avriter who quire
recently Avrote in the Clarion will answer. We get
such a lot of men's view points and they are only
one of the kinds of slaves there are.
I read all the Clarion and notice that so little
encouragement is given for any but male Avriters to
expound their views and, so far as I see it, all will
have to see; speed the day; for unless they wake up
pretty soon the other kind of slave will be forced
to do so and then we will lead you to the "promised land."
For women are waiting till they are sick for
something to be accomplished by the male of the
species. I know there is nothing particularly inter-;
esting in my question but if only some interest could
be aroused in women more than it is I think that
something great would be accomplished; they ar>s,
generally speaking, apathetic.
New Westminster, B. C.
Editor's Note: The reason why articles by won-en
do not regularly appear in these column-- is that
women do not write. Why they do not write may
be another matter. Perhaps they will explain. We
certainly have no thought of discouraging anyone.
Our introductory remarks are short this time
but, as will be observed, they are no shorter than
our cash. We have no space in which to say more
and that should be enough anyway.
Following $2 each: Jim Cartwright, "C. C. W.,"
C. F. Orchard, H. J. B. Harper, L. True, C. O'Brien,
J. Peterson, E. Rhodes, J. W. Jamison, P. Wallgren,
Jim Lott, J. Meldrum, J. Fletcher, A. McDonald, J.
Dennis, J. Kavanagh, J. G. Smith, C. Redusko, C.
Folowing $2 each: Jim Cartwright, "C. C. W.'"
T. Twelvetree, N. C. Nelson, R. Burns, J. Glenden-
ning, E. Gillett, Wm. Thomas, Chas. Foster.
C. W. Mossman $1.50; Joe Hubble $3; S. Earp
50c; J. M. Wilson $1.50.
Above, Clarion subs from 13th to 26th April, inclusive, total $43.50.
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
APRIL 29th
Speaker: C. LESTOR
All meetings at 8 p.m.
Questions. Discussion.
(Continued from page 3)
actual abandonment of the attempt to build up a
great American mercantile marine, for it is quite
realized that without such government assistance it
is impossible for the United States ship-owners to
hold their own against the more firmly established
and infiinitely more experienced British ship-owners.
Here again we see the influence of this great house
which, while controlling the International Mercan-,1
tile Company and it's great subsidiary lines, the
White Star, the Red Star and others, sails them un*
der the Union Jack as British ships.
On top of all this, Ave have the proposal in the part
of the American President, that America, while not
entering the League of Nations, shall appoint its
judges upon the International Court established in
the League.
This coming together of the American and the
British financial oligarchy and the harmonious relations being established between the respective executive committees, are phenomena Avhich deserve our
most earnest attention. What is coming into existence is an alliance of bondholders, and alliance of
creditors and an alliance of international owners of
abstract property. The American Government and
the British government will come together as agents
of the mortgage-holders of the Continent. They hoth
desire and will see that they get, tranquillity, howr
ever drastic the measures of repression which may
be necessary. Together, they Avill guarantee the
supremacy of the League of Nations, together they
will formulate a code of laws to govern the hopeless
millions who for the next eighty to a hundred years,
shall have one duty, and one duty only—to toil
ceaselessly to pay off a debt incurred in order to
make the world "safe for democracy." : .—»—._»—.-"l i     i    il Tt i um  i
A Review of the Plebs' Economics
An Outline of Economics. Plebs Text Book Number Three.
Published by The Plebs League (tor the use of classes
run in connection with the National Council of Labor
Colleges) at 162a Buckingham Palace Road, London,
THE development of Science and the scientific
method spreading from one sphere of human
knowledge to another until the whole field of
natural and social phenomena had been brought
within its scope very early presented to the theologian the problem of how to preserve a Deity who
was being rapidly shorn of his attributes and functions. Two counes were open. Some sought refuge
in Pantheism but this, as Schopenhauer long ago
pointed out, amounted to total extinction. Consequently the majority followed the progression from
Deism to Theism and so to the concept of an Absolute located sottiewhere over the confines of the
known universe. An Absolute, vague, indefinite, impersonal and functionless but yet serving as a peg
on which empty theologies might be hung. In the
meantime the functions of Deity were usurped by
a crowd of animistically conceived natural laAvs in
terms of which Science described and explained the
Similarly, when Marx took over the Labor
Theory of Value from the Classical School he was
confronted with the problem of saving a theory
which he needed as a basis for his exploitation
theory but which had ceased to function, that is to
say, it would no longer explain the facts. It, no
doubt, had at one time done this, its existence cannot othenvise be accounted for, but the development
of industry and commerce had been such that the
theory Avas iioav at variance Avith the facts of t\ie
' market. True, Ricardo had done his best for it.
He got over the difficulty of Rent by his Theory of
Rent and he elaborated, the Cost of Production
theory in which the raw materials and machinery
figured as "past" labor and interest and profit appeared as the result of the efforts and sacrifices contributed by the financial and employing capitalists.
Nevertheless the difficulties ciowded thick and fast.
They may be found set forth in detail in the
At this point Marx takes up tbe problem. He
makes a distinction between concrete or useful labor
and abstract or social labor. Useful labor being
expended on appropriate material effects a qualitative change and produces a useful object. In a
society such as ours the production of goods is a
social act looking to the satisfaction of a social
want. Our producer, then, at the same time and by
the same act incorporates a certain quantity of social
abstract labor and creates Value* The useful object
is a commodity. The value thus created, although
only conceptually existent, is to be thought of as an
entity, as a substance having actual existence in the
commodity. It is created in the act of production
and exists prior t(r and independently of the act of
exchange. Being materialized undifferentiated
labor it can have no quality other than magnitude
and having been created in response to a social want
no more can be materialized than the amount socially necessary, for the production of the commodity.
Marx therefore states the Law of Value in these
"We see then that that which determines the magnitude of the value of any article is the amount of
labor socially necessary, or the labor-time socially
necessary for its production." (Capital, Vol. I p. 46)
'' The value of a commodity, therefore, varies directly as the quantity, and inversely as the productiveness, of the labor incorporated in it." (Capital,
Vol. 1 p. 47).
Marx further pointed out the distinction between labor-power and labor. The fact that, with
appropriate instruments the worker can produce
more in any given period than is necessary for his
maintenance for that period when stated in terms
of the LaAV of Value appears as the formula that the
value of the product of labor—allowing for the
value of the constant capital consumed in the process—is greater than the value of the labor-poAver
expended.   The difference is surplus-value.
Exchange-value may be regarded as the phenomenal form of the substance Value. It does not
appear, however, that there is any causal connection between the two nor is there any mechanism
by which Value can make itself effective in the field
ot circulation. Now, it is precisely in this field, that
is in the market, that exchange-value necessarily
emerges seeing that it is the quantitative ratio in
Avhich commodities exchange, or in other words
"the proportional quantities in which it (a commodity) exchanges Avith all other commodities." When
one of the quantities to be exchanged happens to be
the money-commodity, which is now invariably the
case, exchange-value appears as Price. It is, therefore, the Law of Prices which is now in question.
We may note in passing that the "Cost of Production and Marginal Utility theories are not now
theories of Value in the Marxian sense of that term.
They are theories of Price and as such do not necessarily conflict with the Law of Value.
If we take the market for any given commodity
at any given moment Ave shall find that the supply
of that commodity is for the time being a fixed quantity. Now, it is the business of the seller to sell; he
Avill sell if he can and in many cases must sell. The
goods, therefore, will be sold and at such a price as
will make the demand equal the supply. That is to
say at a price which will find purchasers for all the
goods. We may observe in passing the influence of
price in the determination of demand. If the price
should rule so low as to cause a Avithdrawal of goods
from the market this Avould sIioav the influence of
price on supply. In any case supply Avould equal
Now this price is clearly arrived at Avithout reference to the Value or cost of production of the
goods. These, Avhen once exposed for sale, are at
the mercy of the market.
The production and sale of commodities is, however, a continuous process. If the goods are removed
from the market by purchase others must take their
places, :and the price which is realized must be such
as to allow of a continuous flow into the market.
That is to say that the price must, on the average,
cover the cost of production of the goods.
Prices are not, however, determined by cost of
production. It would be mere tautology to say
so, seeing that cost of production is itself
merely an addition of prices plus, of course, the
average rate of profit. By the way, the Cost of
Production is the same as Marx's Price of Production. This question may be considered as finally
disposed of by the statement, which is generally conceded, that, prices, thus determined by the conditions
of the market will, in the long run, tend to coincide
Avith their respective prices of production. That is,
for'competitively produced goods. Commodities
produced under monopoly conditions are, of course,
subject to the law of monopoly prices Avhich is, howj
ever, only a variant of the law of prices.
Further, the Price of Production, by reason of
the fact that it includes the average rate of profit,
cannot coincide with Value because (1) of the varying organic compositions of the capital employed;
because (2) even in the case of capitals of average
composition the constant capital employed may (probably does) include the products of capital of another composition; because (3) of varying rates of turnover and because (4) Merchant's capital must share
in the average rate of profit.
Value can, nevertheless, be connected with exchange value and in this Avay: In any given period
of time there is produced a given quantity of commodities; these have absorbed a given quantity of
labor and, consequently, have a certain total value.
The values of these commodities are expressed in gold
prices.   The total (gold) price must, of necessity,
equal the total value. Now, according to the productivity of labor and the intensity of exploitation
a certain proportion of the total value will consist
of surplus-value. The proportion which the total
surplus-value bears to the total capital employed-
gives the rate of profit. The surplus-value is distributed pro rata among the various capitals employed,
forming a given percentage called the average rate
of profit. The total profit (including rent and interest) equals the total surplus-value, and this again is
a part of the total value produced by labor. But
the price of production includes as one of its elements the average rate of profit. Here, then, is the
point at which the concept Value touches the percept exchange-value. As a .matter of fact the Law
of Value is only a roundabout way of saying that
labor produces all values. But in respect of the in*-
fluence of Value on prices the most that can be said
is this, stated in the animistic language of last century, that "the general law of value enforces itself
merely as the prevailing tendency, in a very complicated and approximate manner, as a never ascertainable average of ceaseless fluctuations."
All of which boils doAvn to the statement that exchange-value and price are not to be explained by
reference to the Law of Value. Incidently it may be
observed that if any student finds that the marginal
utility theory is useful to him there is no reason why
he should not use it as a serious contribution (albeit
someAvhat obsolescent) to the study of the formation of prices.
Value and exchange-value are therefore very distinct and separate things, and unless this distinction
is recognized and emphasized the Marxian Theory
of Value appears to do violence to the facts of the
case, and is indefensible. It cannot even be made intelligible.
Instead of which I find in the latest publication
by the Plebs League—An Outline of Economics.
Textbook No. 3—this statement:—
Exchange Value. The amount of something else for
whicii a commodity can be exchanged. When expressed
in money it is called price. The exchange value of a
commodity is the amount of human abstract socially necessary labor needed to reproduce it. Price oscillates above
or below value under the influence of a varying supply and
And that is one reason Avhy this text book will
not do.
The book, however, is not, as is the case with so
many similar publications simply so much cauld kail
rechauffe. It contains much new and valuable material and could be safely recommended were it not
so lamentably and inconclusive on fundamentals.
It is also to the credit of the producers that they
recognized the problem involved in the question of
Value and Prices but, like so many Marxists, they
have not sufficiently studied their Marx. I have
also a suspicion that they are suffering from an uncritical acceptance of the absurd position concerning
the identity of Value and Exchange-Value taken up
by Mr. Louis B. Boudin in his book "The Theoretical
System of Karal Marx." Certain it is, however,
that the dire necessity Avhich has been so long apparent for a text book of Economics from the Socialist
point of view still remains unfilled.
It is sufficiently apparent that the intentions of
the editors Avere of the best, even if their execution
was poor, and I have no hesitation in endorsing to
the full their concluding statement:—
"It must be remembered that Marx started where the
Classical economists of his day left off: there 1b no reason why we should not make similar use of the orthodox
theories of our time. All new ways of looking at facts are
fruitful of understanding. The value of Marxism lies in
its analysis of the dynamic processes in society; that of
the marginalist school in its analysis of the superficial
phenomena of price changes and the balancing of the comparative advantages of different forms of activity. For
understanding the nature of the Class Struggle the first is
necessary; for carrying on efficiently the detailed processes of production and distribution of goods the second
is also necessary. Let the student seek knowledge candidly
wherever it be found, and let his motto be Marx's own:
Follow your own course and let people say what they will."
"GEORDIE." txm m
WE left eastern Europe in the throes of a
famine. One incident Avill suffice to emphasize its severity. A widow in Vienna killed
one of her children to serve as food for the others,
Avhile the same day a Viennese banker gave a banquet at which strawberries Avere served, tlie cost of
each single strawberry being sufficient to keep the
widoAV and her family for a month. When people
become so desperate that they kill their children for
food, they require little urging to shed the blood
of those they deem responsible for their troubles.
At this time, when all the wage workers and
serfs were destitute.of the common necessities of
life and when all the professions, the merchants and
the industrialists Avere but little removed from destitution, when for years a cumulating load of petty
annoyances and  regulations  had  exhausted  their
patience as a long list of repressive measures had
Aveakened their loyalty, at this very time, characteristic of all governments Austria dreAV up a new
College of Censorship under Avhich booksellers found
it impossible to do business.   Austria, France and
Prussia threatened SAvitzerland with a blockade if
she instituted her reformed constituion.   And Austria framed one of the most stupid and intolerant
laws possible.   Death Avithout appeal for rioting,
imprisonment for hissing, applauding, or wearing
distinctive badges or colors Avere among its provisions.   All in January and February 1848.  ln Germany the situation was not quite so bad, but bad
enough to cause all classes, except bankers and land
owners and the immediate hangers-on of the monarchy to desire an immediate and drastic change.
Marx sums up the situation in short as, a "heterogeneous mass of opposition springing from various
interests, but more or less led on by the bourgeoisie,
in the front ranks of Avhich again marched the bourgeoisie of Prussia, and particularly of the Rhine
province."   And on the other hand he continues:
"In Prussia a government forsaken by public opinion, forsaken by even a portion of the nobility,
leaning upon an army and a bureaucracy Avhich
every day got more infected by the ideas, and subjected to the influence, of the oppositional bourgeoisie.''
That will be enough to show the line-up, by "Marx
himself."   The same line-up in every successful revolution, no matter Avhere it occures.
In the midst of all this turmoil, two young men
of this same bourgeois group Avere building the
foundations of a new science. As Marx points out,
ih countries Avhere the State and Church are team
workers the inevitable point of attack is religion.
And religion here came in for some Avhacks. The
first medium then, chosen by Marx and Engels, the
young men refered to, Avas "The Holy Family," a
review of Bauer and his folloAvers Avho had maintained an attack on religion and autocracy under the
umbrage of philosophy.
Engels then wrote "The Condition of the Working Class in England," material for which he had
collected while engaged in a branch of his father's
factory in Manchester, and in which he forecasts
an early revolution. Marx became interested in
Political economy, a subject to Avhich he gave more
and more of his time until his death. These tasks
brought them both into the labor movement.
The Communist League, a secret revolutionary
organization soon attracted them. Previously
knoAvn as the League of the Just, Avith headquarters
in Geneva and London, it had in 1847 stepped from
secretive conspiracy, a condition unavoidable in
Europe under the Metternich System, to open propaganda, this largely through the influence of Marx
Marx Avas commissioned to Avrite a Manifesto. The
result Avas the Communist Manifesto, "wherein the
Communists disdain to conceal their aims and vieAvs.
They openly declare that their ends can be attained
only by tbe forcible overthroAV of all existing social conditions." Marx then, not to make too long
a story about it, though had we time Ave would prefer covering tbis point more fully, became editor of
the new Rhenish Journal.
This new scientific  method  of labor agitation,
hoAvever, was not destined to have sufficient time to
have any determinant influence in the East.    On
Feb. 24th, the Paris mob tramped Avith muddy feet
and  sodden  garments  through  the Tuilleries and
Legislative Chambers,' knocking off the hats of the
mighty and otherwise setting an example which almost immediately became the fashion.    On March
3rd Kussoth made a speech in the Presburg Assembly Avhich today Avould not even call for" comment;
he scored the bureaucracy and called upon the Emperor to folloAV a more enlightened policy; "The
bureau and the bayonet are miserable bonds," he
declared.    But the March days of Paris were in
full swing, and although news from the Hungarian
Diet,   which  was  but   a half day's journey from
Vienna, usually took a Aveek to reach the home of
the Court, the speech Avas translated into German
and circulated through the city next day. The government was thoroughly alarmed and  considered
an ansAver necessary at once; that answer might
have been written in Canada in 1918 so closely does
man parallel his fellows at all times.   It pointed to
the anarchy existing in Paris.   The extremely moderate demands couched in language in which, one
Avriter declared,  servility  passed  into  blasphemy,
that had every Avhere sprang up and been circulated and debated previous to Kussoth's speech, now
became matters of cherished principle, to be obtained at any sacrifice.    All classes became insistent.
In Germany much strong talk was heard, and the
students in Vienna sent a deputation to the Emperor on March 12th.   The answer was—their demands would be considered.     The students—God
help them—laughed uproariously, "like the neighing of all Tattersals" no doubt.
HoAvever although Goldsmith's "Deserted Village" had been written just 70 years, the Vienna
Bureaucracy Avere to learn that the loud laugh does
not bespeak the vacant mind, if they ever were inclined to stretch poetic instances into psychological
generalities. The students decided to march from
the University to the Landhaus (The States' Assembly). On the 13th they assembled; the professors avIio had formerly prompted their activities
noAv became alarmed and counselled a few day's delay while the demands were being considered. Not
an hour, not a moment; to the Landhaus! an appeal
had been circulated to all good Austrians to assist in
freeing the Emperor of his enemies, the bureaucracy.
The crowd became dense, when a medical doctor
hitherto unknown outside his profession, Dr. Fis-
choff, Avas hoisted on the shoulders of some students
and uttered "the first free Avord" in Vienna, as it
Avas long called. The character of the demands
made in this speech are illustrative of the entire
conditions of that period. Freedom of the Press,
of religion, of teaching, an elective ministry, connection with Germany (Vienna was a German city)
and an armed people. "He Avho has not courage on
such a day as this is fit for the nursery," he declared. The members of the Landhaus, all of the
privileged classes, ceased their deliberations as
the sound of Fischoff's voice reached them; some
Avishcd to decamp, more sought to make the occa-
A petition of this kind has many advantages. The
Landhaus leaders agreed to do almost anything in
their power, but they asked for room and quiet.
Fischoff prevailed on the crowd to Avithdraw.   The
result of this quiet and roomy discussion Avas a
feeble and worthless compromise, which Avas torn
to pieces after being read.   While this wordy struggle proceeded troops were approaching, but instead
of pacifying—this aroused the crowd to fury and
they commenced to arm with every available means,
determined to give battle.   MeanAvhile some representatives of the Landhaus had hurried to the Castle
by a circuitous route to warn thte government of
the danger.   Even while Metternich with his pals
were, with the stiff-necked stupidity of all their
tribe and all their generations declaring that the
Avhole affair Avould blow over in a few days, and was
but the work of a few foreign agitators and lazy
loafers, the battle in the streets broke out, war shortly raged within hearing of the Castle itself.   Cannon and the Citizen Guard composed of the merchants were called out to quell the riot.   The Citizen Guard joined the revolution, giving them a real
armed force; the wealthy students were also alarmed ; they too took their arms into the rebel camp. The
depredations of the mob in destroying property led
the government to hope that the property owners
Avould fall on the mob and exact a summary ven-
gence; the hope was built on sand.   The gunners,
Avhen ordered to fire on the mob, stood in front of
their guns saying they would sooner be shot than
fire on the people.   A lordly archduke rushed to the
Castle wringing his hands in dispair at this altogether   strange and confounding situation.   Metternich,
of course, had to be sacrificed; it was planned that
he go to his country seat there to await the abating
of the storm, but cruel fate determined otherwise.
His villa had already been burned to the ground
and he himself made such a shameful exit from
Vienna as Falstaff did from the house of Mistress
Page, and thence to England where Louis Phillippe
had preceded him by scarce three weeks. By nightfall the government had fallen,  a committee  of
safety formed, the workers and students had organized a mobile and somewhat disciplined army,
with Metternich and all he represented swept away.  ,
The revolution had of course dislocated whatever
traae there haa been, and the workers had to .tK.
fed, as this could only be done from the treasury
it meant heavier burden of taxation Avhich, looming
up at a time when trade was particularly bad
caused the bourgeoisie to long for the paths of peace
and plenty which their ascent to power promised,
for the revolution had given into their hands political supremaey. They noAv commenced to heed
Avhat heretofore they had regarded as Metternichian
lies, the cry of anarchy. An attempt was made ! »
restore the Press and speech restrictions and other
Avise make the world safe from democracy by dissolving the Committees' delegates, etc. This waa
met by the May insurrection. The government retreated.   They did more, they fled.
At this point we will close, and. turn our attention next time to the Berlin revolution.
who had been approached by an old time member, sion an opportunity for forcing reforms from the
Moll by name, but Avho Avith his supporters thought government.   The impatient croAvd, not minded to
uecrecy no longer necessary and consph*acy foolish, wait their decision, burst open the doors and pre-
Accordingly at a convention held in London in 1847 sented a petition in boots.
Progress 25 cents; "C; C. W.", $3; Harry Grand
$1; P. Wallgren 50 cents; J. M. Wilson 50 cents;
"B. L. J." $5; "A Friend" (per Jim Jenkins) $1;
I. True (per Sid Earp) $1; Chas Foster $1:
Following sent by J. Knight, literature secretary,
San Francisco Labor College:—S. F. Labor College
$5; F. Evans $2; J. Knight $2; J. A. McDonald $2;
M. Inglis $1.50; Will Tavernia $1; John Loheit $1;
M. Wallerstein $1; John Field $1; J. P. Lord $1;
C. Pakerman 50 cents—total per J. Knight $18.
Above, C. M. F, receipts, from 13th to 26th April,
inclusive, total $31.25.
■t*E2' VXZ9- ■*- ■
*•*****'   Wn.tfW
The Farmers Delusion
NEARLY a score of long years since the weary
pilgrimage westward started in real earnest.
It took years for treking immigrants from
various parts of the world to sparsely settle the last
great and glorious west. The insatiable cravings
of capital to find a secure haven of rest and security
enticing a multitude of Avage slaves and peasants to
a virgin soil, has met with some measure of success
from the Capitalists' point of vieAv. But many
Avere lured from their happy homes (such as slaves
have) by the voice of "160 acres free." Theif
dreams have not come true.
These were the good old days, Avhen the master'i
voice echoed in the remote corners of the Old World,
aAvakened the vigorous young manhood with
aspirations and visions of becoming budding cap-
italsts in a land abounding with all the good things.
The dreaded alarm clock, the pick and shovel and
a lot of other instruments of torture such as inflict
injury on the working class could be eschewed in
the happy home of their dreams, across the vast
ocean and prairie.
Young dames thought of the free roving life in
the promised land, Avith her chivalrous beau singing
to her sweet beautiful love songs; yes, these were
the days of great expectations and happy dreams,
gone forever.   What a tragedy!
Sturdy Teutons, Slavs, Latius and Saxons alike
heard the rumbling sound of capitalists' voices
chanting the weird songs of freedom, security and
the title deeds of 160 acres free in the land of
plenty, where lay hidden vast resources Avaiting the
physical energy of brawny slaves to win everything
into mountains of real wealth. And they hied forth
Nor is this all. Cities were built, and toAvns grew
overnight, mushroom like. Railroads Avere laid, elevators built in Avhich to hoard hundreds of millions
of bushels of tbe golden grain. The soil Avas ploughed and homesteads Avere dotted throughout the
length and breadth of the land, everywhere you
could see evidences of great slave activities going
on also you could discern evidence of misery and
incessant struggle, Avage and farm slaves broken
doAvn, and worn out, cast on the human scrap heap
of Avrecked lives.
And the fair sex—they shed their tears, and suffered through the frozen cold winters, half-clad
with cheap shoddy, and half fed, broken down mentally and physically before they reached 30 years
of age. You can-see young girls in their teens, with
old, pinched, weather-beaten faces, and round shoulders advertising their miserable condition of general farm slavery.
In the slums of great industrial centres we
could expect to see gruesome specimens of the
human animal, because they are isolated from the
grub supply, but here even today in the midst of
plenty one hasn't got to travel far on the prairie to
see horrible sights among the farm slaves of both
The farmer here today has become discontented, thousands of them are leaving for other countries. The immigration authorities quote that, for
every one settler placed on the land ten pull out to
other countries. Can Ave Avonder at this state of
affairs Avhen we knoAv that the farmers in the Western Provinces are bankrupt? Can Ave not understand that they Avere in the first place, brought into
this country to be fleeced, and used as beasts of
burden to develop and build this country for the
Capitalist class of this country, the U. S. A. and
Great Britain, who really OAvn Canada. The farmer
does not understand that a Title Deed in the hands
of a farmer slave is only a joke, i.e., a mere scrap
of paper, neither does he understand that his chatties and all forms of private property Avhich he
thinks he owns do not really belong to him. If they
were his property, nothing could take them away
from him.   It has never daAvned on him that the
class he belongs to have built this va . country,
cities and towns and has produced all forms of
Avealth that are here whioh were practically not in
existence 20 years ago. Also hundreds of milii-ns
of dollars worth of valuable food that has been pro
tluced by them has disappeared into the maws of
those who oavii and dictate the control of this country. The skinning of the farmers by the parasites
has been done so openly and Avith such intense
greed that they have really paralized him, leaving
him insufficient means wherewith to carry ".i Cic
game of producing more Avealth for his masters.
Some of the shreAvd masters are seeing the real danger in this and are sending an S.O.S. to their colleagues to call a halt, and help the farmer goose to
lay more golden eggs. This is manifest by the recent order-in-council asking mortgage companies to
give needy farmers seed grain, price of same 'o be
added to the mortgage already    n the land.
We also hear the wail of certain interests in the
gal) house at Ottawa, asking to investigate the financial system; to have a wheat Board for 1923;
to bring plenty of immigrants into Canada to settle
on the land. Already there are 200,000 of them
coming, or rather being brought to 1 his country
from Europe. Yes, they also will have pipe dreams
of making good on the land, but time is ihe ;?reat
leveller of working class aspirations. Son * of them
Avill no doubt become disillusioned.
The farmer and Avage slaves Avho settled this last
Great West have not only accomplish d the gigantic
task of pioneering and developing this- vast country
into a veritable world granary and an lexhausible
source of other food supplies. They• h- "c at the
same time fed the drones and other innumerable
society parasites, such as priests, devil dod"ers, real
estate sharks, lawyersj politicians, bankers, grain
gamblers and parasites of all shades, the sum total
of Avhich compose the Capitalist class and their re^
tainers. Some of Avhom never saAv Canada except
on a map, draw their toll from the SAveat of the
Avorker.--. These gentry Avho walloAV in luxury, aiui
live a life of leisure live in Avarm, genial climates,
and get everything they desire for thc asking.
They have for ages taken the products of labor,
leaving to those avIio do the suffering and slaving,
the bare necessaries of life, on the average. The
Western farmer is exploited of more real Avealth on
the average than the farmers in any other country
in the world. They have at their disposal the most
scientific and economical farm machinery and labor
saving devices for producing Avealth. Still every
fall their commodities vanish as if they had evaporated into the atmosphere, leaving ihem Avellnigb
destitute of the means of subsistence.
The debts and burdens that are Today levied
against the farmer and their so-called property,
makes it utterly impossible for them to ever free
themselves from the tentacles which the capitalist
system has Avoven around them. The farmers, as
time goes on, will continue to get into a worse plight,
until they become Avorse than .00 per cent bankrupt.
As the system develops its contradictions throughout the capitalist world such conditions Avill reflect
and add to the farmers untenable circumstances.
All the reformers and IT. F. A.'s can do is to advocate extension of credits, which means more debt
and its concomitant 10 per cent interest levied
against the farm slaves yet unborn. The future of
farming and its slaves is dark indeed, as far as
they are concerned. To us avIio knoAv that Avealth
don't fall like manna from the skies, but is the
product of the braAvn and blood and SAveat of those
Avho toil, the case is different. We have no dissa-
pointments nor hallucinations or day dreams to
shatter, or great faith or hope in regard to the
system of capitalism. From noAv on it is, a case of
dog eat dog.
This is a very interesting time in the history of
man    It's good to be alive, doing our bit in the
•^.ent class struggle.   M'ore power to the working
da;>s Revolutionary movement of the Avorld! They
have well-founded hopes for the future of all man-   •
kind, Avhen economic freedom shall prevail.
Mr. Farmer, the Capitalist system has further
enslaved you, a free grant of land did not emancipate you.
Read Socialist literature.
Clarion "Mail Bag"
LOOKING through thc columns of a daily newspaper constitutes something of an adventure
these days. You never know Avhat you ore
goin-r to encounter. Startling neAvs and still more
starting vieAvs interposed with editorial comments
of many Avords and little meaning, makes up a budget Avhi-h adequataealy expresses the conflicting
views and confused thought of today. On page one
an eminent diplomat informs a fashionable audience
tbat the future looks black and Iioav our civilization
may be rocked to its foundations unless  Page
three gives us the opinion of a business man of Ro-
tarian persuasions. He states emphatically that business is looking up (on its back we presume), we
have rounded the corner of depression and topped
the peak of high prices. What avc have to do now
is to prepare for a great surge of prosperity; to
grasp it as it Avere, with both hands, etc., etc. On
the back page a medical man voices an opinion quietly and authoritatively. "The world," he says, "is
rapidly going mad," (avc suspected it) pointing to
tbe remarkable and fearful increase in lunacy as
But Ave never get an expression of opinion from
a Avorking plug; he does not come Avithin the scope
of the limelight. The reason for Avhy being that he
is busy doing the Avorld's necessary Avork. Inevitably the contradictions Avithin the present social
order must obstruct the doing of this necessary
Avork; the effort to live by selling will prove futile
—and Avhat then? A policy meeting the needs of
the situation Avill be sought. In the very nature of
things, that policy t be successful must be progressive.
To be truly progressive means to be revolutionary, and Avhoever works towards the formation of a
revolutionary movement is participating in the only
real constructive effort of the age. Revolutionary
thought is creative thought in line with the advancement of human welfare.
The Ji. -lag is of slim proportions this time, but
by no means discouraging. Tavo letters come from
St. John, N.B., one from a "Clarion" subscriber
;md the other from M. Goudie, who along with an
r dosure of twelve dollars, sends us news of the
'opa'ture of Roscoe Fillmore for Russia to Avork in
ihe Social Service Department of the Soviet Government. Com. Fillmore is to give instruction in farming and fruit culntre, and Avill probably be away for
two years. The comrades in St. John had a party
tor the occasion and gave him a good send off.
From Montreal somes a brief letter Avith change
ot address of Com, Exelby. From Woodstock, Ont.,
tomes an order for literature and a proposal for
advertising the "Clarion" in that district. The
letter and the proposed advertisement are both excellent. A lone letter comes from Manitoba. Com,
Roga of Lettonia. sends a sub, and a dollar for the
Maintenance Fund. Subs, and kindly greetings
come from Unity and Laflecbe, Sask.
Alberta is to the fore again with subs., etc., from
Hardisty, Coleman, Empress, Edgerton and DeL
burnc. A very amusing and pithy letter comes from
torn. LeAvin enclosing a sub., also a brief letter of
encori!'ifrement from Com. Hansen, of Botha, Alta.
Writing from Fernie, B. C, Com. Erickson sends
a sub. and reports that the slaves in that district are
very well content hoav because they are permitted to
Avork three or four days a Aveek for another year at
last year's ,scale. Com. Orchard, of Kamloops
(Continued on page 8) PAGE EIGHT
(Continued from page 1)
tion, but appears provocative to the very class Avhose
interests it seeks to promote. Because life and living are still observed through the traditional smokescreen of opportunity and possession. It is the way
of humans and it is the teaching of current history.
Consequently that is our position as a thorough
Avorking class party, lt is the line avc must toe, and
the hard fact Ave must digest, as best avc may.
No organisation not ballasted with revolutionary
understanding can Aveather the rough waters of
revolutionary realities. The S. D. P. of Germany
Avas pretty thoroughly organised, but it melted like
a snow-man in spring, under the magic sun of nationalism. The I. L. P. had a bold following, but
they are wedded in the house of liberalism. The
A. F. L. is but a machine of party politics. And the
great Triple Alliance—heralded Avith pomp and
drum—went to pieces in the first stress of trial. All
because they did not see the real sequences of capitalist possession. Because they did not know and
could not expose the functions of class relationships
and their necessary antagonism. Because they
stood" not firm on social realities. Because their
ideation was not the figures of fact and revolution,
but the figments of reactionary revisionism. The
Russian revolution points the same moral, from
another angle. It succeeded—and splendidly organised itself—not because it was brilliantly led, hut
because it clearly perceived. It achieved freedom
from Czarist feudalism because it had grasped the
nature of its bondage; and thought in the terms of
that experience. And although its "leaders" strove
Avith superb endurance to free it from the phantasies
of philistine philosophy, they Avere successful only
in so far as the giant hammer of Avorld conditions,
and the sequences of the revolution itself, drove
home the lesson of their teaching.
So with the world's proletariat. When it thinks
in terms of socialist society it will obtain socialist
society. But not before. It may—and it probably
will—rise to revolutionary activity and feeling before it rises to revolutionary thought and practice.
But to establish and maintain the revolution it must
possess and be inspired with its thought, as well as
its sentiment. Its organisations are sufficient to the
day, whenever its thought is perceptive of the fact.
Its minorities will carry it to triumph but only
when the mass has invested them with the issues of
triumph. And its "leaders"—not the wavering
pawns of officialdom and '' sanity,'' but the lusty exponents of impregnable experience—shall be heaved
up from the surging ranks of the revolution; and
understanding the revolution, shall charge the flamboyant watch cries of practical politics with the
snap and vim of revolutionary perception. And
the same cause and condition which carries them
clear of reactionary platitudes shall, at the same
time, open their eyes to the solemn obligations and
adamant necessities of revolutionary reality.
We may plan and organise, agitate and enthuse,
but if our seeing is not the seeing of revolution, our
thought must inevitably be tinted and dulled with
the visionary of opportunism. And our activities
will he accordingly. If Ave Avould act straight we
must see true. When we know the cause of social
stagnation, its concomitants of antagonisms and inequalities, we will very quickly understand the
means of its rectification. That understanding is
the magic touch to transform the industrial immediacy of labor organisations into the political sanction
of proletarian revolution. There is no royal route
tc victory; no short cuts; no climbing in by the back
stairs. "The kingdom of heaven" says the preacher, "mustbe taken by violence," Exactly. Not necessarily the bloody violence of riot and slaughter,
but its no less acute struggle, the violence of critical
The class struggle is not the froward gestures
of passionate emotion, but the balanced fervor of an
equally impassioned intelligence.   The road is slow,
dark, dangerous, toilsome. But the proletariat must
traverse it. For that way,—and that way only—
lies fredom.' But to Avin we must curb party impatience and scatter the seeds of social knowledge.
We must Avage the class war on the unequal ground
of contemporary thought. We must take a just estimate of the material forces of society. Not alone
the purely economic material, but the political and
cultural as well. We must throAv aside the last flower of cherished superstitions; the dearest illusions
of desire. For so long as Ave nurture the blossoms
of the political Avilderness, so long as we divide on
the issues of reality; so long as Ave bow to the
"ghosts of King Tut," we will remain the despised
slaves of despotic dominion.
Capitalist private property in the common means
of life is the founded cause of our social troubles.
Let us inscribe that on the lintels of the doors and
on the (many) hems of our garments. Cry it in the
highways and byways of life and action. And'
Avhen in the gathering darkness and decrepitude of
increasing social restrictions and political inhibitions its significance has fructified our thought, our
organisations Avill be well prepared to take care of
themselves and to handle, ably and certainly, whatever problems with which they may be confronted.
(Continued from page 7)
writes informing us of the formation of the new
Local 112.   They will hold a regular business meeting the first Tuesday each month, also propaganda
meetings whenever possible.
Com. Cartwright sends a couple of subs, from
East Wellington, Vancouver Island, and speaks in
amusing terms of recent meetings which have been
held in that district. Subs, and an order for literature come from Port Hardy, Nanaimo, and Cobble
Hill. Com. H. S. Frampton, secretary of the Socialist Educational Society, New York, writes asking
us to insert in each issue of the "Western Clarion"
Socialist Party of
We, the Socialist Party of Canada affirm our allegiance to, and support of the principles and programme
of the revolutionary working class.
Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all
wealth. The present economic stystem is based upon
capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is, therefore, master; the
worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession
of the reins of government all the powers of the State
will be used to protect and defend its property rights in
th emeans of wealth production and its control of the
product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-
swelling stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever
increasing measure of misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in setting
itself free from capitalist exploitation by the abolition
of the wage system, under which this exploitation, at
the point of production, is cloaked. To accomplish
this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially
controlled economic forces.
The irrepressible conflict of interest between the
capitalist and the worker necessarily expresses itself
as a struggle for political supremacy. This is the
Class Struggle.
Therefore we call upon all workers to organize under the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with
the object of conquering the political powers for the
purpose of setting up and enforcing the economic
programme of the working class, as follows:
1—The transformation, as rapidly as possible,
of capitalist property in the means of
wealth production (natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective
means of production.
2—The organization and management of industry by the working class.
3—The establishment, as speedily as possible,
of production for use instead of production
for profit.
a notice of their address, so that travelling comrades
may know where to find them.(*) He also informs
us that they are going to publish an American edition of the pamphlet "Socialism and Religion," by
permission of the Socialist Party of Great Britain.,
Subs, have arrived from Detroit and Chicago,
also a letter from Com. J. F. Kirk, late of New Zealand, who is now in Chicago. In Vancouver things
are going fairly well. Com. Charles Lestor speaks
at a street meeting every night and a lot of good
Avork is being done by jthe local.
(*) Socialist Educational Society, 127 University
Place, New York City.
*~~—****** ^^—M—* ..j
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