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Western Clarion Mar 16, 1920

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A Journal of
Number 815
Official Organ of
Twice a Month
. VANCOUVER, B. C, MARCH 16, 1920
The International Muddle
THERE is a close affinity between commerce
and war. In fact, in modern times, the latter
is merely a decisive point in the evolution of the
former. Commerce, itself, is nothing more than a
veiled form of war. Each competitor for world
markets and routes of trade, must pursue a policy
closely akin to that of the various contestants on
the field of battle. Outwitting, outflanking, outbargaining, and outcheating its rivals is, obviously,
the means adopted by each capitalist nation. Nor
is this objective strictly limited to the commercial
competitors of today. Ever since its inception the
exchange of commodities has been accompanied by
stealthy method and sharp practice.
The earliest traders of the historical period—the
Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Greeks, Romans, and
Germans, all found it compulsory to ply their calling by means of piracy and plunder. From the frail
and isolated barques of Mediterranean traders to the
mighty mercantile fleets of modern nations is, however, a long step. Many changes have taken place
during the. intervening centuries. Numerous methods have been initiated, and a multiplicity of modifications have resulted, as the changing modes of
Avealth production rendered obsolete the manners
and customs of previous times.
But, undoubtedly, the greatest distinction between
ancient and modern exchange is found in the fact
that in former systems the peddling of commodities
Avas only a side issue, something engaged in by a
small percentage of the population, and only possible, at all, when a surplus existed. Production for
use was the predominant feature of other societies
and, until the wants of the producers were satisfied,
there could be no inceptive to swap anything with
neighboring tribes. Today, on the contrary, the
wealth of the world which, economically speaking,
consists entirely of the products of labor is produced
essentially for exchange. The use-values of articles
of food, clothing, machinery, etc., are almost completely lost sight of ,and whatever importance is
attached to such values, is because of the fact that
they must satisfy human wants of some kind, else,
no demand for them exists and consequently, no
profit can be realized.
Such a situation as this could not be possible so
long as society supplied its requirements through the
instrumentality of the family, guild, or domestic
systems. Not until the age of the great mechanical
inventions, and geographical discoveries, had industry developed to a stage where merchant, manufacturer, and financier could be completely divorced
from a productive capacity and left unhindered to
pursue their course of exploiting wage-workers, and
forcing a market for their products into the remote
corners of the earth.
As the new factory, or capitalist, system developed its adaptability to every section where suitable
natural resources, and a sufficient supply of labor
power, existed was soon discovered. Europe was the
first continent to experience the ravages of modern
commercialism. Its soil, climate, mineral resources,
waterways, geographical position ,and other factors
of a favorable character gave to the trading class of
Europe a marked advantage over that of other continents. But Europe is not a unified or solidified
whole. It is broken up into many states, or nations,
whose rulers' interests are not identical, and who
bitterly compete with each other in order to dispose
of those exchange values extracted from the Avorkers of every section.
This competition engenders malice, suspicion, and
hatred to a degree unthought of among primitive
traders. From-the beginning of the factory system
up till the present, history records some of the most
curious alignments imaginable between different
nations, and groups of nations, so that they may
preserve their positions and gain fresh advantages
in the commercial race. With that "Uriah Heep"
duplicity Avhich has ever characterized the profit-
seeker one campaign Avould be scarcely completed
Avhen a shifting of forces became imperative, and
those Avho had been bosom cronies in the last Avar
became, on account of changing conditions, the opposing forces in the next.    '
The present world situation, especially as it manifests itself among the Allied victors of the recent
Avar, portrays very well the lack of sociability that
exists amongst thei modern crusaders for world
democracy. The ostensible reason for Britain's entrance into the conflict was the desire to guard the
interests of her smaller neighbors. A truly commendable reason to say the least. But her political
bedfelloAvs—Japan and the United States Avere not
convinced that the grievances of little nations warranted their interference. Something more enticing appeared on the horizon. There Avas noAv an
opportunity to grab those markets which Britain, in
her altruistic endeavors, could not Avell attend to.
Had the Allied governments been a little more successful in their laudable work of exterminating
Huns it is, indeed, problematical what the commercial outcome Avould have been. Britain Avould at all
events have found it necessary to start in to clean
up her friends when the other conflict Avas ended.
The markets of the Orient and South America Avere
rapidly vanishing, while financial jugglery more
mystifying than the "Einstein theory," was resorted
to by the U. S. and Japan to ensure their success over
their philanthropic ally.
Britain's enemies, hoAvever, came to her assistance
when her friends had failed. The march of Teutonic
hordes in the direction of Paris compelled the U. S.
to thrown doAvn the gauntlet if they expected to receive compensation for the vast sums loaned their
associates. Of course, at that time, no patriotic
Englishman Avould have accused America of mercenary motives. Now, even Horatio Bottomley can
see through it. The Huns did it. Their great display of strength saved Britain from commercial failure at the hands of her friends. Peace, of a kind,
prevails in, the Allied camp for which Germany
should be given the credit.
The signing of the Treaty of Versailles, and the
adoption of a League of Nations (or robbers) opens
up the old commercial sores again. During the war
enormous quantities of goods were exported from
America to all parts of the world. Not all of this
Avas sold on credit- Enough was disposed of on a
cash basis to give the U S.. control of practically the
Avorld's supply of gold. With this great gold reserve on hand, the outlook for a transfer of the financial capital from London to New York looked
bright. Gold reserve is the basis of credit, and,
now, Avith a strangle hold on the yellow metal,
and business rapidly expanding, American financiers
Avere assured that they were on a solid foundation
and could well afford to extend credit with a lavish
hand. Due to the martial proclivities of their industrial competitors ,the American capitalists enjoyed such a season of prosperity as to leave them
the richest capitalist class in the world. They soon
lost faith in the democratic aspirations of their
European associates. The commercial character of
the whole campaign was plainly revealed to those
who only a few moons previously could see nothing
but a struggle between "freedom" and "autocracy."
The old speeches of Washington, Jefferson, and
others were carefully overhauled to discover words
of Avisdom anent "our" keeping our noses out of
entangling alliances with foreign, and particularly
European, powers. "We" could not exist independent of all others. "We' 'had the gold, and the
business, "they" nothing but anarchy and financial
liabilities, so Avhy continue relations?
But this idea of the premier commercial place being usurped by her non-combatant side-kicker was
not looked upon kindly by Britain. With the war
deck cleared of its debris, more attention could be
given to trade expansion, and plans formulated to
restore her lost prestige. The beef-eating descend-
ents of Vikings and sea-rovers could still be depended upon to give a good account of themselves
Avhen their pockets were at stake, and the weak spots
in the American armor Avere subjected to a critical
.Although most of the European countries were
heavily in debt to American capitalists, there happened to be some in other parts of the world whose
balance of trade Avas ip the opposite direction. Large
quantities of raw material had been imported into
the U. S. from Japan, China, Argentina, Chile and
other countries, as well as silk, tea, vegetable oils,
beef, hides, and fertilizers, Avhich heavily over-balanced American exports of manufactured  goods.
This was the opening desired.   Nothing could be
gained by a military tussle, but much through diplomacy and propaganda.   Britain must first attend
to the education of Japanese, Chinese and South
American merchants, and show them the necessity of
ahvays demanding gold in payment of all purchases
made by American capitalists in their respective
countries.    The trade balances to those countries
were against the U. S. but, still, their raAV materials
were urgently required, and the demanded payments
in gold were readily acquiesced in.   Of the total
gold exports in 1919 of over $368,000,000, the great
bulk Avent to South America and the Orient.
Britain, on the other hand, has long controlled the
market in exports of manufactured- articles in exports of manufactured articles to these same countries, extending no material credits but demanding
gold in payment, which, of course, is only fair, considering that her customers are making the same
demands, through her counsel, on the U. S. In this
way nearly all the gold that leaves America finds its
Avay to Britain, so that the financial controlling aspirations of the U. S. bankers has, even at this early
stage of the game, been rudely punctured.
Not only this, but in addition most of the raAV
material purchased by Britain comes from the American market. So far it has been paid for, not Avith
gold, but Avith promises to pay. Britain retains the
gold, and When American capitalists protest against
such unfaA'orahle exchanges, and threaten to curtail
credits ,the financial magnates of Fleet Street coolly
retort that in such a contingency they must go elsewhere to secure their raw material.
The American exporters are shipping much of
their material to the other Allied countries as well
as England, but, as these are all financially insolvent, England being still the custodian of "little nations, "pays their bills Avith her promissory notes, but
in every case where she is selling them goods she persists in demanding gold, and also receiving it, so
that the world's supply of gold continues to move
in one direction—to Britain. Every dollar in'gold
exported from the U. S. can only mean increased
credit contraction and, already, the gold reserves
are heloAV the danger point, and tending to make
ever more precarious the position of the erstwhile
confident and independent American capitalist.
What this situation is in regard to Europe itself, we
shall investigate in a future issue-
Economic Causes of the War
30CIALISTS have ahvays maintained that Avar
was an effect of economic forces. As this is
a general statement made by Socialists, I think the
present time is ripe to substantiate it. This I will
endeavor to do from a study of numerous books,
written on the Avar from the capitalist's viewpoint,
also other books on colonization.
Dr. Harris's book, "Intervention and Colonization
of Africa," tells us (1914): "The rise of capitalist
industry in the last 30 or 40 years has destroyed and
rebuilt the old worn out towns of the old world,
and aAvakened democracy, Avhile on the other hand,
largely as a result of these economic forces, European society has spread throughout the world. This
expansion has come about by the Avay of enterprise
of adventurous traders pushing their Avares and
gathering in the rich natural treasures of savage
lands. This transformation is mainly responsible
for those policies of imperial expansion, of commercial and colonial rivalries which underlie the past
The partition of Africa and Asia furnish us
data for a survey of the economic and political
forces of today. European states at first directed
their efforts tOAvards the acquisition of territory
and the founding of colonial empires, in order to
secure commercial power and the control of trade
routes and centres. Their vieAvpoint has changed
and has become economic and commercial instead of
territorial. This Avas due to, the development of
machnery in production and improved transportation facilities enabling in 20 years time that 600 men
could do the work formerly done by 2,145 men. This
industrial revolution brought what is called over-
producton, a production that exceeded the purchasing power of the Avorkers. (The historian says exceeded the needs of the people). The facilities and
improved I means of transportation brought foreign
markets Avhich hitherto had been unapproachable.
In 1800 the trade of Europe reached 300 million
people; by 1900 over 1,000 million were reached.
The home population increased enormously, then Ave
had in the eighties emigration of the Avorkers of
Europe to America and the various colonies of European countries. The home governments Avere anxious to keep this moving population under their oavii
flag and control and became envious for colonial expansion. They began to ask themselves hoAV this
expansion could be accomplished, and found it Avas
by means of the sAVord. Lord Roberts tells us in his
Message to the Nation, Avhen speaking of German
ambitions: "Britain obtained her's, sAArord in hand."
Bead also Homer Lea's "The day of the Saxon,"
p. 12, and to those Henry Dubbs Avho are carried
aAvay Avith the League of Nations movement, I commend "The Day of the Saxon," p. 23, Avhere Lea
says: "There can be no retention of the British
sovereignity Avithout the repression of the territorial
expansion of other nations, a condition that must
culminate in a war,—one war if the empire is destroyed,—a series if it is victorious."
Russia undertook a remarkable colonial expansion
in Centra1 Asia to secure trade and trade centres.
Japan fought a great Avar to fulfil her economic destiny in Korea and on the Chinese mainland. When-
Japan whipped China in 1895 she proceeded to annex Chinese territory for Japanese capitalists until
German, French and Russian capitalists said 'hands
off" Britain stood apart in splendid isolation and
gave the Jap to understand that she was her friend:
the result was the Jap-Anglo Alliance. The British
capitalists secured a commanding position in the
East. The Germans meanAvhile seized Kiao Chau
after they discovered the distirct Avas rich in minerals This is the part the Japs have captured during
the past war. The dark continent of Africa is the
part in Avhich Ave find colonial expansion and where
the various commercial interests of Europe clash. In
1870. European possession of Africa was confined
to seaport towns and adjacent territory, which were
used as ports of call and trading centres. The European interest in the Dark Continent as a field of
commercial and industrial activity was aroused as
never before. The number of explorers of the time
had outlined at least the location of the great lakes
and Avatenvays, and the possibilities of the various
sections as sources of Avealth and trade for Europeans Avas ascertained with a fair degree of accuracy.
The founding of the Belgian Congo by King Leopold II, of Belgium forming the "International Exploration and Civilization of Central Africa," Avas
a start. It Avas soon noted that this region Avas rich
in ivory and rubber, and various sections were parcelled out to trading companies. France became
ambitious over this territory, but Belgium received
the support of the other European poAvers to 0A\rn it.
We all knoAv about the atrocities in this part of
Africa, and it is time well spent to read E D..
Morel's tAvo books: "King Leopold II. and the
Congo," and "Britain in Congo."
The reason Ave saAv so little fighting over the
dividing up of Africa Avas because the poAvers partitioned if off from time to time with their coalitions,
one tme Germany and Britain opposing France, other
times France and Germany opposing Britain, also
France and Britain against Germany, according to
the economic interests of the parties concerned.
Previous to 1870 Britain did not intend any more
expansion, but the discovery of gold, 1869 and 1871,
in South Africa, gave her a change of heart. The
discovery of gold and diamonds brought in white
settlers and Britain obtained possession of the chief
diamond mines, the OAvnership of which Avas disputed
by the Transvaal authorities. Then we have a beginning of the economic rivalries of European nations over colonial expansion, in an endeavor to obtain territory for emigration, also a monopoly market for the disposal of the surplus wealth of home
labor, and also the exploitation of native labor and
natural resources of the controlled territory.
Roland G. Usher, in "Pan-Germanism," 1913, says
"the population of Germany has increased so rapidly
and increase in industry has grown at a stupendous
rate and is enormously in excess of the needs of the
population; her prosperity will mean bankruptcy
unless some outlet is found for her surplus production and an extensive market found for this surplus
production. Germany to use the channel, forces
her to expose her commerce to the assaults of the
English fleet so long as the latter control the Channel. Even if she acquires colonies and a great market -she cannot really possess them until she acquires
a highway safe from the attacks of her enemies.
Short of conquering France and England, she can
never free her commerce from actual danger without a great fleet in the North Sea. To secure a
Avorld trade in some fashion Avhich will not expose
her to attacks from the English fleet an overland
route to the East must be found. Pan-Germanism
is therefore, in the first place a defensive movement
for self-preservation. In the second place an offensive movement, directed against France and Britain
its object is to capture English possessions in the
Mediterranean and Asia. She expects thus to obtain an outlet for her surplus population and manufactures." (Pan-Germanism. R. G. Usher, 1913.)
—The Copp Clark Co., Ltd., Toronto.
The "Daily Chronicle War Book" deals Avith this
surplus manufacture and population and the scramble of European powers for opportunities of exploiting undeveloped estates, also the need of raAV material and foodstuff for home market, and says:
"Statesmen have had brought home to them the
supreme urgency of the economic necessities to the
modern state. The modern statesman has to think
in terms of commerce, about raw material for his
country's products, and markets for the manufactured goods. The security of overseas trade depends on a strong navy. Hence the appetite of colonies and trade goes hand in hand Avith naAral ambitions. Britain with her colonies and navel traditions Avas able with ease to adjust herself to the
neAV Avorld policy. Germany on the other hand with
a bad geographical position and the absence of coaling stations, was in a highly disadvantageous position. Therein is to be sought one of the root causes
of the recurring antagonisms that have marked
Anglo-German relations in the past 15 years."
Dr. Rose, "Origin of War," p. 75, says: "Germany
coming last in the field of world policy could not ac
quire  a  coaling station Avithout  alarming everybody."
"Daily Chronicle War Book," p. 10: "Germany
had been left out in the cold, at a time when the
neAv pressure of economic conditions, over sea possessions is more valuable than ever to a nation."
"Pan-Germanism," p. 49: "Belgium, Holland,
Avhose existence Germany's rivals regard as necessary to their oavii safety," and the "Times," London, 8th March, 1917, says: "There are still, it
seems, some Englishmen who greatly err as to the
reasons that have forced England to draw the sword.
They do not reflect our honor, and our interest compelled us to join France and Russia even although
Germany had scrupulously respected the rights of
small nations. We felt in honor bound to keep the
Avord Ave had given, in keeping it self-interest had
gone hand in hand Avith honor. They Avere not reasons of sentiment, they Avere self regarding and even
selfish reasons." A. G. Gardiner in the "Daily
NeAvs,": "The riches of the Lorraine iron mines are
the real heart of the war controversy."
So widely do the economic interests ramify, so
completely are all the sections of the globe influenced by them, that the Boer War, Morocco, the strangling of Persia, the war in Tripoli, the Balkan crisis,
Avere only incidents in the gigantic struggle in which
the very pawns are kingdoms and the control of the
globe the stake of the Imperialists. England gained her economic position because of her geographical position and her coal and iron resources. Being an island she Avas not torn asunder during the
Continental Avars, and Avas able to continue her industrial expasion Avith peace at home. The utilization by her rivals of all modern inventions has
robbed her of this unique economic position she,
held in 1815.
Turkey, in the 70's, Avas a tool England used not so
much to obey England's behests as to frustrate Russia's expansion. The' Turkish-Russian Avar proves
that. This aspiration of Russia for a trade route to
the Mediterranean made the German and Austrian
alliance, who desired this expansion for their trade
in the East. When Germany attempted to colonize
in Venezuela she Avas ousted by U. S. A. and England.
Germany could not obtain access to such a colony
in the Mexican Gulf Avhile England and U. S. A. controlled the Atlantic Ocean, Avithout their permission.
In "Pan-Germanism," p. 139-140, R. G. Usher
tells us about an agreement to frustrate German expansion by U. S- A., Britain and France, and in p.
146, says: "At all costs, U. S. A. and Germany must
be kept apart. Britain and France withdrew their
opposition to U S. A. ambitions in the Gulf of Mexico and the building of the Panama Canal, because
it Avould be impossible to keep a sizeable fleet in
the Gulf of Mexico and also concentrate their fleet
in the English Channel. Usher in his chapter on the
position of U. S. A. gives us the economic reasons
Avhy U. S. A. took Cuba, also the Phillipines from
Spain, to extend the coalition of France, England
and U. S. A. in the Far East, and prevent the acquisition by Germany of colonies whose location or
development would interfere with the control of
Eastern commerce of these three countries. Usher
also tells us if Germany should move on Holland this
coalition will take possession of the Dutch colonies,
the Celebes, and will then hold a position controlling the trade routes from India to China, Japan, and
to Europe in general, which Avould be nearly impregnable as anything of the kind in the Avorld.
When the question arose of the Allies taking over
the Dutch ships early in 1918, the Wall Street Journal did not put up any sentiment about it and said:
'' It may sound cold blooded, but there is sound reason for believing that if Holland does not like the
use to which the Allies put her ships and concedes
therefor to enter the war, the Allies Avould much
prefer she enter on the side of Germany . . . and
there are reasons why Great Britain would be con-
tent to see Holland jump out of the frying pan into
the fire. The entry of Holland Avould make Great
Britain a present of Java, the Avhole Island of
Borneo, and among other conquests, Britain would
add to the greater part of her African possessions,
(Continued on page 3) WESTERN  CLARION
The Science of Socialism
Wealth Production—Capital
W"E have seen in the previous article, that the
wealth of a nation is the products of human
labor power, and that the exchangeable value of each
and every one of the manifold commodities Avhich go
to make up that wealth is determined by the quantum of social human labor poAver which is essential
to its production.
It is our business to take the process Avhereby a
certain article is produced and to analyse that process before we can rightly ascertain the underlying
causes of the economic problems Avhich confront
mankind everywhere today. For the purpose of
such an analysis let us take the means whereby
cotton is produced and try to trace the cause of the
poverty of the operatives on the one hand and the
riches of the cotton masters on the other.
It is patent, that in order to produce cotton goods,
something more is needed than human labor power.
We saAv, in the last article, that labor, per se, possesses no value; that value is created and is determined by the quantum of social human labor power
which is essential to production.
Human labor power can only produce use-values
by application to the land and its products. As Sir
William Petty said: "The earth is the mother and
labor the father of all Avealth." Or to quote Karl
"Labor, is, in the first place, a process in which both man
and Nature participate, and in which man of his own accord
starts, regulates, and controls the material re-actions between
himself and Nature. He opposess himself to Nature as one
of her own forces, setting in motion arms, and legs, head and
hands, the natural forces of his body, in order to appropriate
Nature's productions in a form adopted to his own wants."
Cotton, for instance, is a product of Mother Earth;
and the finished cotton goods cannot be made by
labor and placed upon the Avorld's markets until such
time as the cotton operatives have obtained access to
land and to industrial capital.
Land—that is the first great essential in order
that useful commodities may be produced by human
labor power.
But it is patent that land in combination Avith
human labor power would not alone suffer in the
modern process of Avealth production. If, for example, there are but these tAvo essential elements to the
exclusion of all others, the accumulation of wealth
on a large scale is economically impossible. A
dozen men, who possess nothing but their ability to
Avork, placed upon the finest and richest soil in the
Avorld would not be able to accomplish as much as
one man Avho tilled poorer land Avith a feAv implements.
Man, is, indeed, as the Prophet of Chelsea has ably
pointed out, essentially a "tool using animal " Given
tools and machinery, and the quantum of wealth produced by human labor increases by leaps and bounds.
To again quote Marx:
"An instrument of labor is a thing, or a complex of things,
which the laborer interposes between himself and the subject to his labor, and which serves as the conductor of his
activities. He makes use of the mechanical, physical and
chemical properties of some substance in order to make other
substances  subservient  to his aims."
We find, then, that the production of any given
commodity, in this case cotton, involves the employment of three essentials:
Land, Tools and Human Labor Power.
Let us examine the production of the cotton goods
by a present day capitalist, bearing in mind Avhat
has just been said.
We find that the Cotton King is the proud possessor of land, machinery, mills—in short of two out
of the three essentials to the production of cotton
goods. He has invested a very conisderable sum of
money into those essentials, for he has paid for the
land, for the buildings ,and for the machinery. He
is the sole possessor of the cotton mills and the whole
of their contents. In other Avords, our Cotton King
is a capitalist, and the cotton mills which he owns
comprise his capital.
Once again Ave find it necessary to enter into a
brief abstract disqusition in order that we may obtain a fair idea of the Avorking of the existing social
By H. M. Bartholomew.
order.   What is this capital ?   In what manner does
our Cotton King expend his capital.
In the first place there is his money capital, Avhich
may be taken as the starting-point of the whole process of producing cotton. With his money capital
our tJotton King goes into the markets of the Avorld
in order to purchase all the raw materials Avhich are
essential to the production of useful cotton goods.
His Commodity Capital provides him with the purchased commodities, including labor power, that
have been bought by his money capital and taken by
him into the sphere of cotton production. Here their
form is completely changed, for the raw cotton is
converted into yarn and afterwards into clothes.
Some of the articles disappear—for instance, coal
and oil. Although some of these component portions
of the commodity may disappear, their value appears
in the finished commodity.
Our Cotton King's Fixed Capital represent those
portions of his capital, whether buildings, machinery,
tools or similar "instruments of labor" as only transfer a portion of their value to the finished article.
They give over their value by degrees, the portion of
their value Avhich has not been embodied in cotton
goods remaining "fixed' 'in them. All the value of
this Fixed Capital is ultimately transferred to the
commodities, but the transference occupies many
years.   Says Marx:
"Capital is not "Fixed" because it is fixed in the instruments of labor, but because one portion of its value embodied
in instruments of labor remains fixed therein, whilst another portion is in circulation as a fraction of the entire value
of the completed product-"
His Circulating Capital comprises that part of the
essential constituents of production Avhich consists of
the raAV and incidental materials the whole exchange
value of which is embodied in the finished article.
The raAV cotton, coal, oil and similar elements of the
finished commodity, a coat, have either been transformed into a new use-A'alue, or have disappeared
altogether. In any case the Avhole of their value is
expressed in the final value of the coat.
Again, Ave find that our Cotton King has his Constant Capital.   Says Marx:
"That portion of capital, then, which is represented by the
means of production, by the raw-material, auxiliary material
and the instruments of labor, does not in the process of pro
duction, undergo any quantitative alteration of value. I
therefore call it the constant part of capital, or, more shortly,
constant  capital.'
Constant capital, in fact, represents the total expenditure of our Cotton King upon the production of
the finished article, Avith the exception of that portion of his money which goes to reward labor in the
form of Avages or Variable Capital. Marx tells us
that :—
"That part of capital, represented by labor power, does, in
the process of production, undergo an alteration of value. It
represents an equivalent of its own value ,and also produces
an excess, a surplus-value, which may itself vary, may be
more or less according to circumstances . . . The characteristic of variable capital is that a determined, given fraction
of capital—a definite amount of value, is exchanged against
a self-increasing, value-creating power—labor-power to wit.
which not only reproduces the value paid for it by the capitalist, but likewise produces a surplus-value, and paid for
by no equivalent-"
Having, all too briefly, analysed the manner in
which our Cotton King expends his money (capital)
and the various forms which that capital takes, let
us return to the actual cotton mill itself.
In that mill, Ave shall find a large number of men,
women and children Avho are Avorking hard for many
hours *k day—producing cloth from raAV cotton. We
see here, in concrete shape, the capital expenditure
of the mill OAvner. Raw cotton, machinery ,tools,
coal, oil, packing—these are essential -to the transformation, by these Avorkers, of the raw product into
a finished coat.
The capitalist's expenditure in other industries
■will, on close analysis, resolve itself into:
Iron Industry: Iron ore, flux, depreciation of furnaces and mills, coal and wages.
Farm: Seed, manures, wear and tear of tools and
buildings, and wages
Thus shall Ave find Avith any and every industry.
It has been seen that the capitalist purchases his
raAV and incidental materials (his Constant Capital).
By what means does he pay for this portion of his
produce, and Avhat determines the value?
Here it is that Ave shall find that the abstract dis-
quition in the second article upon value was no idle
one, but one which had far-reaching results, as then
hinted, in the science of political economy.
We saw that the value of an article, coats or guns,
ships or ploAvs, is determined by the quantum of
social human labor power which is essential to the
production of that article. And that is the determinant factor in the value of the various commedities
which are necessary to the production of the finished
article of our Cotton King. We find, indeed, that
his constant capital, represents the quantum of social
human labor power which is embodied in the raAV
and incidental materials. In other words, he pays
for his raAV cotton, his coal, his oil, and his machinery at their exchangeable value as incarnations of
social labor poAver.
We have reached the point, therefore, when we
begin to gain a someAvhat clearer view of the process of Avealth production known as capitalism. Use-
values, or useful commodities, can be produced only
as the result of the application of human labor power
to land and industrial capital. (By industrial capital I mean tools and machinery). There is no
royal road to riches, no easy path Avhich we can take
in order to accumulate use-values. These use-
values are the production of human labor power, and
their value is determined by the quantum of that
labor power Avhich is embodied in them.
Our Cotton King is a capitalist. In other words,
he has invested his money (or capital in land, in raw
cotton, in machinery and in the necessary materials
for keeping that machinery Avorking, and he has
paid for the raw and incidental materials at their
market value. His constant capital represents his
expenditure in the realm of cotton production, minus
the payment of wages to his cotton operatives.
Those cotton operatives work for him in his mill,
and in return for their services they are paid wages.
These Avages represent the capitalist's variable capital, and it will be in a close analysis of this variable capital that Ave shall find that cause of the
many economic antagonisms AA'hich characterize modern society.
Next Article: Wealth Production—Surplus Value.
(Continued from page 2)
and also those in the Far East. Holland may as well
surrender her ships and hold on desperately to her
neutrality, painful though it may be. Whichever
side she takes, she stands to lose."
Java, besides being a great coffee producer, is the
fourth oil region in the Avorld.
I think I have shewn the trail of commercialism
all through this article, and the Imperialistic aims
of the various capitalist governments. If it is
worthy of your consideration 1 will come again pointing out the economic forces at Avork in the Balkans,
Turkey and Spitzbergen—the mining district Avhich
was seized by the British, reported October 2nd,
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A  Journal   of  History,   Economics,   Philosophy,
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THE capitalist press again informs us that Russia is to be left to its Sovietism, is to be al-
loAved to develop its OAvn forces of regeneration,
free of all hindrance and interference from Allied
sources. Being incapable of understanding the advanced culture of imperial democracy, this barbaric
east is, henceforth, to be free, to practice its atrocious devices in social anarchy and horror. With
adept duplicity, born of its developed necessity, does
capital veil its true end and purpose.
The lifting of the Russian blockade, both military
and economic, is not due to allied generosity, but to
capitalistic necessity, rooted in the foetid deep of
the world mart. Not from choice have the Allies
vacated Russia. They have been forced from its
borders, driven in confusion to defeat before the
gathering concord and vitality of a new social con-
, sciousness. Bolshsevist Russia has been successful
on all sides. On all fronts, victory, signal and decisive, has crowned its arms. More sagacious, because
superior in knowledge, it has accomplished superior
results, overwhelming Allied aggression with disaster ; meeting political diplomacy Avith unshakeable
fact; confounding guile Avith truth; confronting the
s'ham democracy of commerce with the living reality
of social unity.
Allied Imperialism has at last discovered the
tragic folly of the Russian blockade. Unable to
isolate Euro-Asiatic resources and peoples, without
bringing its OAvn industry to rest; unable to limit
Germanic rivalry without Avhelming itself in the
common ruin; unable to impose its dominion on the
world without Avrecking its vaunted civilization; it
is compelled to yield to the inexorable law of its
economic anarchy; compelled to voice the hypo-
-critical subterfuge of an unwilling tolerance. Thus,
is the blockade lifted, thus the attempt to restore
commercial relations; thus is the supremacy of material condition once more made manifest.
And once more has diplomacy blundered. The
re-opening of the Avonderful east is, indeed a market, but it is not noAv a capitalistic market, regulated
by monopoly control. It is a market of Bolshevist
concessions, not open to the free play of capitalistic
exploitation, but subject to the limitations of Bolshevist necessity, and conditioned by Bolshevist
supremacy. The renewal of trade relations is the
opening of a neAv Avorld era, a neAv social consciousness. The prestige of Soviet Russia will be mightily
augmented. Its principles Avill extend Avith its commerce, and its commerce will be world-wide. World
contact Avith its reality, will unfold its purpose, clarify its meaning, and refute the studious lies of its
capitalist aggressors.
And the net of capitalist intrigue will be spread in
vain, to baffle it. For with neAv trade, will come
fresh poAver. With new power will come a higher
relation of social production, and with it a new
ethic of social relationship, while {he increasing intensities of capitalist production to meet its necessities on a vanishing market, will crush and defeat,
both the intrigues of capital and the source from
which it springs.
Let US' be of good cheer, and go to our task with
renewed vigor, confident of success, knowing that
the stars in their courses fight for us. The victory
of Soviet Russia heralds the triumph of the world
proletariat, and indicates that the curtain has risen
on the closing phase of that clay-footed monstrosity, capital.       - t R.
The last instalment of "Sabotage," by Prof. Veb-
len, appears in this issue, and the pamphlet is printed and may now be obtained from stock. See literature price list. Our next effort in the production
of a five cent pamphlet will be "The Criminal
Court Judge," and "The Odd Trick," both by
Ernest Belfort Bax. These will be produced together under one cover at five cents, and their publication Avill commence in next issue.
* *    #
Concerning our stock of literature, as time goes
on Ave hope to be able to make considerable additions, but in the meantime, such titles as we have in
any quantity appear on the Literature Price List,
page 8. Many individual orders have come in during the past t,Avo months for copies of "The Evolution of the Idea of God," by Grant Allen. We have
had an order placed with the publishers for over six
months and have almost given up hope of ever
receiving the books. Delivery of orders for this
book is therefore uncertain, and we have not had it
included in our Literature List since 15th January.
• #    #
Congratulations are extended from all quarters to
our contributor, C. M- C, for his able article entitled
"Armenia," which appeared last issue. This has
evidently attracted Avidespread notice, and has certainly elicited much favorable comment.
# #    #
The C. M. Fund is sick and dying, but we have
had a considerable increase in subscriptions, which,
hoAvever, are mostly in B. C. We should like to see
a better representation of the middle and eastern
provinces in "Here and Now." Comrade Bennett
heads the list again, this time totalling $52.
* *    *
A brief letter received the other day from C. M.
O 'Brien states: '' We are to appear before the grand
jury March 1st, and if they deem it expedient to
commit us, the trial will be March 15th." We have
no later information regarding Comrade O'Brien
than this.
Local (Vancouver) No. 1 will hold their ninth
annual celebration of the anniversary of the Paris
Commune of 1871, in the Lester Court, Vancouver,
on the 18th March, 1920, at 9 p.m. Supper and
dance, tickets $2 each.
The Paris Commune
IT is about half a century since France was defeated by Germany. The government of France at
that time was, without question, the most corrupt,
and its members the most contemptible of modern
times. The French people had been forced into a
war for which they were totally unprepared, because this government thought by such deseperate
measures it could maintain the Empire and its degenerate hangers-on.
During the Avar it had given out victory after victory Avhen crushing defeats were actually occurring,
and Avhen the Germans invested Paris and Louis
Bonaparte lost his-, crown, what remained of the government conducted a feigned defence in the hope of
having a disheartened people, starving and cowed,
Avhom they could continue to rule and ruin.
But the despatches Avhich carried the news of the
capitulation of Paris after almost five months of
siege, contained brief notes that all Paris had not
surrendered.) The London "Graphic',' 'of March
18th, 1871, states: "The Prussian entry into Paris
created a great sensation amongst the Parisian Radicals." It describes hoAv the denizens of) 'Mont-
martre assembled their artillery and declaimed no
Prussian should enter their quarters, and finding no
one pay any attention to them, they fought among
themselves, and many were giving up their arms.
Next week, the issue of the 25th, we find an account of "the Reds" decorating the July Column
Avith Red flags, and a party of sailors incensed thereat tore them doAvn and raised the Flag of the Empire. They Avere arrested by the Reds and placed in
gaol. These "handful of Reds" were very amusing to the newspaper despatch writers up to this
point,—but their tone changes from noAv on.
On the 27th February, the news spread through
Paris that the Prussians Avere to enter the city
Hanotaux, who was French Minister of Foreign Affairs some years back, and author of "Contemporary
France," says: "The great wave of wrath gathered definition around this deepest shame."     Then
came the reports that the artillery had been left so
^that the Prussian might take it. The alarm was
sounded, and the crowd rushed for the guns, 227 cannons, dragging them to places of safety. "Of this
beginning, great events were to be born," says Hanotaux.
Paris was armed. The government, which Marx
has characterized as a " cabal of place-hunting lawyers," Avas sitting at Bordeaux. The Germans entered Paris on March 1st; everywhere they found
evidence of deepest resentment; the stores were
closed, and placarded "on account of public mourn-
' ing;" the statues Avere draped in black; the streets
Avere deserted- On March 3rd, Emperor William
abandoned his grand review in the Champs Elysees
and entered with his troops from Paris. Thus, the
bully Avho had stamped on the face of the French
government, was reprimanded by the people of
Bismark now insisted that Paris be disarmed.
Ferry, mayor of Paris, wrote the government on
March 8th that all might be well if they returned to
the city.The government replied by appointing monarchist general and lickspittles to prominent places
of power, by enacting that all debts and back rents
must be paid within three days; that the government
of France should henceforth sit at Versailles. On
the night of the 17th, an attempt was made to sieze
the cannon. The troops sent by the Government
revolted and two generals, Thomas and Tecomte,
were shot. The stage Avas noAv set for the great
Avorking class tragedy. March 18th saw the Commune victorious over the herd of lawyers.
The issues at stake, or rather those Avhich lead to
this point of Avar were not working-class issues. The
degradation of Paris, the payment of debts, the removal of a croAvd of speechmakers might concern
the small-fry capitalist and business man, but they
do not concern us. HoAvever, the workers of Paris
made these middle-class troubles their business, and
Avar was declared. Even then they failed to digest
the full significance of their acts. Instead of proceeding to conduct war on its proper footing, they
attempted to carry on business while the government, weak and impotent, Avas organizing an army
for their overthrow. What feAV thousand soldiers
had not openly revolted were treated with the greatest consideration, being housed and fed on the best.
Thiers, head of the Versaillese government, said that
Bismark offered to pacify Paris. But Bismark publicly denied any such offer.
The despatch writers noAv mention that Paris is
dangerous, and that Germany Ava,s making great
efforts to return all prisoners of war, and was arming them as they passed the border.
So Paris blundered^along, playing at government,
Avhile Versailles Avas gathering strength. When at
length the Commune decided to march on Versailles, the plan was shouted aloud for days, and
all the strategic points had been ocupied by the
enemy.   The attempt Avas completely overwhelmed.
Within Paris many factions fought for control,
Socialists, Anarchists, the International Republicans
alternately dominated. But there was no set policy,
much talk and little action. Outside Paris a dozen
toAvns or so made demonstrations, and Marseilles for
thirteen days maintained a Commune.
The forces outside were directed by a single principle and by the same men throughout; those inside
the city Avere directed by several different groups,
having widely different concepts. Action on the part,
of those without,' talk on the part of those Avithin,
till on the 21st of May, while the Communards were
holding picnics in the parks, and the Committee of
Public Safety Avas trying for treason Chiseret, one of
its most active members, the news reached them of
the entry into Paris of the Versaillese troops. Then
came the Battle in the Streets. For nine days the
fight continued, the last three in a city on fire.
When the enemy entered Paris, Delescluze, Minister of War for the Commune, issued the famous
parchment "Make way for the people; for the combatants of the naked arms," etc., but Avars are not
Avon by words, and many of the Commune leaders
seem to have harbored that concept. The end, after
so much heroism and suffering, saw one of the most
frightful and shameful massacres of modern times;
nothing happened during the war just ended to compare with that foul atrocity.
On the Nature and
Uses of Sabotage.
(Continued from last issue)
At the present conjuncture, brought on by the
war and its termination, the case stands somewhat
in this typical shape. In the recent past earnings
have been large; these large earnings (free income)
have been capitalized; their capitalized value has
been added to the corporate capital and covered
with securities bearing a fixed income-charge; this
income-charge, representing free income, has thereby
become a liability on the earnings of the corporation;
this liability cannot be met in case the concern's net
aggregate earnings fall off in any degree; therefore
prices must be kept up to such a figure as will bring
the largest net aggregate return, and the only means
of keeping up prices is a conscientious withdrawal
of efficiency in these staple industries on which the
community depends for a supply of the necessaries
of life.
The business community has hopes of tiding things
over by this means, but it is still a point in doubt
whether the present unexampled large use of sabotage in the businesslike management of the staple
industries will now suffice to bring the business
community through this grave crisis without a disastrous shrinkage of its capitalization, and a consequent liquidation; but the point is not in doubt that
the physical salvation of these peoples who have
• come through the war must in any case wait on the
pecuniary salvation of these owners of corporate
securities which represent free income. It is a sufficiently difficult passage. It appears that production must be curtailed in the staple industries, on
pain of unprofitable prices. The case is not so desperate in those industiros which have immediately
to do with the production of superfluities; but even
those kept classes to whom the free income goes, are
not feeling altogether secure. For the good of
business it is necessary to curtail production of the
means of life, on pain of unproftable prices, at the
same time that the increasing need of all sorts of
the necessaries of life must be met in some passable
fashion, on pain of such popular disturbances as will
ahvays come of popular distress when it passes the
limit of tolerance.
Those wise business men who are charged with
administering the salutary modicum of sabotage at
this grave juncture may conceivably be faced with
a dubious choice between a distasteful curtailment
of the free income that goes to the vested interests,
on the one hand, and an unmanageable onset of
popular discontent on the other hand. And in
either alternative lies disaster. Present indications
would seem to say that their choice will fall out according to ancient habit, that they will be likely to
hold fast by an undiminished free income for the
vested interests at the possible cost of any popular
discontent that may be in prospect—and then, with
the help of the courts and the military men, presently make reasonable terms with any popular discontent that may arise. In which event it should all
occasion no surprise or resentment, inasmuch as it
would be nothing unusual or irregular and would
presumably be the most expeditious way of reaching
a modus Vivendi. During the past feAv weeks, too,
quite an unusually large number of machine guns
have been sold to industrial business concerns of
the larger sort, here and there; at least so they say.
Business enterprise being the palladium of the Republic, it is right to take any necessary measures for
its safeguarding. Price is of the essence of the case,
whereas livelihood is not.
The grave emergency that has arisen out of the
Avar and its provisional conclusion is, after all, nothing exceptional except in magnitude and severity.
In substance it is the same sort of thing that goes
on continually but unobtrusively and as a matter of
course in ordinary times of business as usual. It is
only that the extremity of the case is calling attention to itself. At the same time it serves impressively to enforce the broad proposition that a conscientious withdrawal of efficiency is the beginning
of Avisdom in all established business enterprise that
has to do with industrial production. But it has
been found that this grave interest which the vested
interests always have in a salutary retardation of
industry at one point o ranother cannot well be
left altogether to the haphazard and ill-coordinated
efforts of individual business concerns, each taking •
care of its own particular line of sabotage within its
own premises. The needed sabotage can best be administered on a comprehensive plan and by a central
authority, since the country's industry is of the nature of a comprehensive interlocking system, whereas the business concerns which are called on to control the motions of this industrial system will necessarily work piecemeal, in severalty and at cross-
purposes. In effect, their working at cross-purposes
results in a sufficiently large aggregate retardation
of industry, of course, but the resulting retardation
is necessarily somewhat blindly apportioned and
does not converge to a neat and perspicuous outcome. Even a reasonable amount of collusion among
the interested business concerns will not by itself
suffice to carry on that comprehensive moving equilibrium of sabotage that is required to preserve the
business community from recurrent collapse or stagnation, or to bring the nation's traffic into line with
the general needs of the vested interests.
Where the national government is charged with
the general care of the country's business interests,
as is invariably the case among the civilized nations,
it folloAVS from the nature of the case that the na
tion ^lawgivers and administration will have some
share in administering that necessary modicum of
sabotage that must always go into the day's work
of carrying on industry by business methods and for
business purposes. The government is in a position
to penalize excessive or unwholesome traffic. So,
it is always considered necessary, or at least expedient, by all sound mercantilists to impose and maintain a certain balance or proportion among the several branches of industry and trade that go to make
up the nation's industrial system. The purpose
commonly urged for measures of this class is the
fuller utilization of the nation's industrial resources
in material, equipment, and man power; the invariable effect is a lowered efficiency and a wasteful use.
of these resources, together with an increase of international jealousy. But measures of that kind are
thought to be expedient by the mercantilists for
these purposes—that is to say, by the statesmen of
these civilized nations, for the purposes of the vested
interests. The chief and nearly sole means of maintaining such a fabricated balance and proportion
among the nation's industries is to obstruct the traffic at some critical point by prohibiting or penalizing any exuberant undesirables among these
branches of industry. Disallowance, in whole or in
part, is the usual and standard method.
The great standing illustration of sabotage administered by the government is the protective tariff,
of course. It "protects certain special interests by
obstructing competition from beyond the frontier.
This is the main use of a national boundary. The
effect of the tariff is to keep the supply of goods
down and thereby keep the price'up, and so to bring
reasonably satisfactory dividends to those special
interests which deal in the protected articles of
trade, at the cost of the underlying community. A
protective tariff is a typical conspiracy in restraint
of trade. It brings a relatively small, though absolutely large, run of free income to the special interests Avhich benefit by it, at a relatively, and absolutely, large cost to the underlying community, and
so it gives rise to a body of vested rights and intangible assets belonging to these special interests.
Of a similar character, in so far that in effect they
are in the nature of sabotage—conscientious with-
draAval of efficiency—are all manner of excise and
revenue-stamp regulations; although they are not
always designed for that purpose. Such would be,
for instance, the partial or complete prohibition of
alcoholic beverages, the regulation of the trade in
tobacco, opium, and other 'deleterious narcotics,
drugs, poisons, and high explosives. Of the same
nature, in effect if not in intention, are such regulations as the oleomargarine law; as also the unnecessarily costly and vexatious routine of inspection imposed on the production of industrial (denatured)
alcohol, which has inured to the benefit of certain
business concerns that are interested in other fuels
for use in internal-combustion engines; so also the
singularly vexatious and elaborately imbecile specifications that limit and discourage the use of the
parcel post, for the benefit of the express companies
and other carriers which have a vested interest in
traffic of that kind.
It is Avorth noting in the same connection, although it comes in from the ofher side of the case,
that ever since the express companies have been
taken over by the federal administration there has
visibly gone into effect a comprehensive system of
vexation and delay in the detail conduct of their
traffic, so contrived as to discredit federal control of
this traffic and thereby provqke a popular sentiment
in favor of its early return to private control. Much
the same state of things has been in evidence in the
railway traffic under similar conditions. Sabotage
is serviceable as a deterrent, whether in furtherance
of the administration work or in contravention of it.
In Avhat has just been said there is, of course, no intention to find fault with any of these uses of sabotage. It is not a question of morals and good intentions. It is always to be presumed as a matter
of course that the guiding spirit in all such governmental moves to regularize the nation's affairs,
whether by restraint or by incitement, is a wise
solicitude for the nation's enduring gain and security. All that can be said here is that many of these
wise measures of restraint and incitement are in the
nature of sabotage, and that in effect they habitually, though not invariably, inure to the benefit of
certain vested interests—ordinarily vested interests
which bulk large in the ownership and control of the
nation's resources. That these measures are quite
legitimate and presumably salutary, therefore, goes
without saying. In effect they are measures for
hindering traffic and industry at one point or another, which may often be a wise precaution.
During the period of the war administrative
measures in the nature of sabotage have been greatly
extended in scope and kind. Peculiar and imperative exigencies have had to be met, and the staple
means of meeting many of these new and exceptional
exigencies has quite reasonably been something in
the way of avoidance, disallowance, penalization,
hindrance, a conscientious withdrawal of efficiency
from work that does not fall in with the purposes
of the Administration. Very much as is true in
private business when a situation of doubt and hazard presents itself, so also in the business of government at the present juncture of exacting demands
and inconvenient limitations, the Administration has
been driven to expedients of disallowance and obstruction with regard to some of the ordinary processes of life, as, for instance, in the non-essential
industries. It has also appeared that the ordinary
equipment and agencies for gathering and distributing news and other information have in the past
developed a capacity far in excess of what can safely
be permitted in time of Avar. The like is true for
the ordinary facilities for public discussion of all
sorts of public questions. The ordinary facilities,
Avhich may have seemed scant enough in time of
peace and slack interest, had after all developed a
capacity far beyond what the government traffic
will bear in these uneasy times of war and negotiations, Avhen men are very much on the alert to know
Avhat is going on. By a moderate use of the later
improvements in the technology of transport and
communication, the ordinary means of disseminating information and opinions have grown so efficient
that the traffic can no longer be alloAved to run at
full capacity during a period of stress in the business
of government. Even the mail service has proved
insufferably efficient, and a selective withdrawal of
efficiency has gone into effect. To speak after the
analogy of private business, it has been found best
to disalloAv such use of the mail facilities as does not
inure to the benefit of the administration in the way
of good Avill and vested rights of usufruct.
These peremptory measures of disalloAvance have
attracted a wide and dubious attention; but they
have doubtless been of a salutary nature and intention, in some way which is not to be understood by
outsiders—that is to say, by citizens of the Republic.
An unguarded dissemination of information and
opinions or an unduly frank canvassing of the relevant facts by these outsiders, will be a handicap on
the Administration's work, and may even defeat the
Administration's aims.   At least so they say.
Something of much the same color has been observed elseAvhere and in other times, so that all this
nervously alert resort to sabotage on undesirable information and opinions is nothing novel, nor is it
peculiarly democratic. The elder statesmen of the
great monarchies, east and west, have long ago seen
and approved the like. But these elder statesmen
(Continued on page 6.) PAGE SIX
At Last!
AT last the high cost of living, insofar as the U.
S. is concerned, seems to be due for a jolt.
For a considerable time the problem has caused
much discussion among not only "experts," but also
it. has been the topic for much argument among the
masses of the lay members of society.
Professors of economics—the usual University
brand, amateurs and armchair spittoon philosophers
have aired their views on the subject, and many pet
theories have been advanced in the press columns
advocating methods to be adopted in regard to manner by which it could again be brought within the
range of vision.
But just as in the days of yore, when critics of
Marx, in attempting to prove where Marx Avas
wrong, simply proved their own lack of knowledge
and inability to understand, so is it today among
the wiseheads AAdio have come forward with their
own pet theories as to how the deed should be and
could be accomplished; they have shown their own
The organizing of housewives to boycott milk,
butter, eggs, bacon, etc., the forming of co-operative
"consumption" societies, increasing production,
and last, but not least, the ingenious idea of introducing the composite dollar, have all been advanced
in all seriousness, but needless to say, little has been
accomplished by such theories and suggestions.
The growing baby still continued to thrive in a
most alarming manner on such treatment, much after
the fashion a human baby is supposed to grow
when fed upon some patent food, as depicted by
alluring advertisements.
After the complete failure of these several nostrums, it seems as though we are about to see it
felled to the ground if the financial situation is
any criterion to go by.
As is well known, some short time ago, America
advanced huge loans to her Allies to enable them
to carry on the war to a successful conclusion. Now
she is going to try and get a little of the interest
accruing from the loan, back, by taxing the exports to her beloved ancestor, England.
England is under suspicion. She is accused of
building up her foreign trade at America's expense,
and America is determined to try and put a stop to
such despicable and unladylike actions on the part
of the mother country, and to accomplish this they
have taxed goods which England was importing,
such as cotton, food, etc., to such an extent that
the pound sterling has dropped from a pre-war
basis of $4.87 to the low figure of $3.19, thus making it unprofitable for England to do business, and
of course as profits are the objective, Britain threatens to retaliate by cancelling orders on such goods.
What does this mean? It means that the laAV of
supply and demand which has been working one
way will now reverse its working order, and that
food which has been kept in cold storage Avith a
view to business will now be thrown on the market
in an attempt to sell and realize on it.
Already the effect of such a move has made itself felt. Cold-storage eggs have slumped in price,
not value, from 45c to lie per dozen wholesale. In
the Chicago market the price of hogs has taken a
turn in the same direction, and the packing houses
have quit buying, as they too wish to dispose of
the surplus on their hands. Grain, which has been
stored up in elevators for years is to be let loose
on the market. That Avhich the President and his
Avar on "profiteers" could not accomplish has been
accomplished by an economic law.
What Avill be the effect on the dear long-suffering public? Clearly the proletariat will gain by
such a move, that is, from the viewpoint of the purchasing power of wages, but such gain will be
only momentary, for the same economic laws which
forced' down the price of (thje commodities will
eventually locate in the vicinity of his pocket and
his wages will soon become a shrinking quantity.
Our stout-hearted, homey-handed son of the soil,
the "backbone of the nation," will likewise have
a feAV troubles of his own.
The outlook for him is anything but rosy, for
he also stands to lose financially from such a move.
Stock Avill be left on his hands Avhich cannot be
gotten rid of unless he hies himself to some local
market and attempts to get rid of it there. Again,
feeling himself hit in the pocket, he will have to
retrench, and the maxim of "cut down expenses"
will be cruelly thrust upon him.
He is liable to adopt the "ca? canny" system by
limiting his activities on the farm, cut down on
many essentials, such as machinery, etc., which he
procures from the city, and form some kind of
agricultural society in an effort to stem the tide.
If such action on the part of the rural worker
should take place, its effect upon the conditions of
the city dAveller will have far-reaching consequences. Several industries relating to farming supplies
Avould begin to feel the pinch, entailing the curtailing of production within that sphere, the laying off of "hands," which in turn would be thrown
upon the unemployed list, and so form an army of
competitors for the jobs of those Avorking within
other industries, and bang goes the high Avages.
Clearly, Ave have arrived at a position where the
proletariat is worse off than formerly. Loav prices
or cost of living, and less to busy them Avith, will
not have improved matters any, not to count the
groAving unemployed army, swelled from the ranks
of the small tradesman, who is doomed to be
squeezed out by the bigger interests.
But if the cost of living be reduced in America
by such methods, Avhat will be the result over in
If England hasn't huge supplies on hand of raAV
materials and food, the effect over there arising
from such an action is fraught with disaster to
Workers engaged in the cotton industry will be
thinking the end of the world has arrived for them.
Not only will he be unemployed, but the little satisfaction that may be his American brother's will
be denied him. As to the cost of living being reduced, just the opposite will be the case, and one
Avill need an aeroplane to keep up with them. Verily a bright outlook.
But there is an old proverb Avhich sayeth, "Necessity is the mother of invention," and another
Avhich says "Necessity knows no laAv," and if the
masters of finance are not very careful how far
they go with their little squabbles, they are very
liable to start something to which there can be but
one ending. Anyway one looks at it, the prospects
of England opening up trade-relations with Russia
are very bright ineed, as there is no other course
left open to her.
Regarding the farming elements of this country,
any pet scheme they may foster in the line of forming organizations at the expense of the city worker
are doomed to failure. There is only one way out,
and the sooner we. become acquainted with it the
better it will be for all concerned. Capitalism has
nearly reached the end of its tether. The contradictions which are inherent within the system are
unsolvable on a capitalistic basis. Nothing but a
complete overthrow of the whole shebang will benefit us in the least.
Let us realize that the farmer and the proletariat
have onje interest in common, and one .common
enemy, and that they must unite Avith one common
object—the overthrow of the capitalistic system.
Here and Now
J. B. Parke, $1; Sid Earp, $6.50; R. M. Alexander,
$1; H. Schlinsog, $2; Jack Shepherd, $1; 0. Erick-
son, $2; M. W. Smith, $4; W. Healy, $2; Jack Hut-
ton, $10; W. Orr, $1; G. Beagrie, $1; J. Staples, $1;
T. Carr, $1; A. R. Keeling, $3; A. P. McCabe, $3; S.
Webster, $1; W. Fleming, $1; Mrs. Steen, $1.50:
F. J. McNay,' $1; Trevor Maguire, $1; W. M- Bartholomew, $1; Harry Roberts, $8; W. K. Bryce, $1 ;
B. Patritti, $2; Wiley Orr, $1; H. Vindeg, $4.50; A.
H. Russell, $1; Lucy Hyde, $2; Sanford E. White,
$2; H. Robertson, $3; Bob Sinclair, $10.50; Geo.
Paton, $1; Nels T. Sachle, $5; A. Mathieson, $2.50;
T. B. Wilson, $1; Mrs. Swanson, $1; George Schott,
$1 ; E. Falk, $1 ; R. Zimmerman, $1; J. R. Larson,
$5; F. Harman, $3; F. Kissack, $1; R. Inglis, $4.40;
J. Reid, $1; W.  Bennett, $52.
From 26th February to 11th March inclusive—
total, $160.90.
(Continued from page 5)
of the dynastic regime have gone to their work of
sabotage on information because of a palpable division of sentiment between their government and
the underlying population, such as does not exist in
the advanced democratic commonwealths. The case
of Imperial Germany during the period of the war
is believed to show such a division of sentiment between the government and the underlying population, and also to show how such a divided sentiment
on the part of a distrustful and distrusted population had best be dealt with. The method approved
by German dynastic experience is sabotage, of a
somewhat free-swung character, censorship, embargo
on communication, and also, it is confidently alleged,
elaborate misinformation.
Such procedure on the part of the dynastic statesmen of the Empire is comprehensible even to a layman. But how it all stands with those advanced
democratic nations, like America, where the government is the dispassionately faithful agent and
spokesman of the body of citizens, and where there
can consequently be no division of aims and sentiment between the body of officials and any underlying population—all that is a more obscure and
hazardous subject of speculation. Yet there has
been censorship, somewhat rigorous, and there has
been selective refusal of mail facilities, somewhat
arbitrary, in these democratic commonwealths also,
and not least in America, freely acknowledged to be
the most naively democratic of them all. And all
the while one would like to believe that it all has
somehow served some useful end. It is all suffi-
cienty perplexing.
The Bats of Liberalism
TWENTY-FIVE hundred years ago, less or more,
a gentleman by the name of Aesop, told a
fable about a bat. We will quote the fable in full,
not only because it is a good story in itself, but also
because of a feAV remarks we intend to make later.
"Once upon a time there Avas a fierce war between
the Birds and the Beasts. For a long time the issue
of the contest Avas uncertain, and the Bat, taking
advantage of his ambiguous nature—part Bird and
part Beast— kept aloof and remained neutral. At
length Avhen the Beasts seemed to be getting the
better of it, the Bat joined their forces, and appeared active in the fight; but a rally being made by
the Birds, which proved successful, the Bat was
found at the end of the day among the ranks of the
Avinning party. A peace being speedily concluded,
the Bat's conduct was condemned alike by both'
parties, and, being acknowledged by neither, and so
excluded by the terms of the truce, he was obliged
to skulk off as best he could; and has ever since
lived in holes and corners, never daring to show his
face except in the darkness of twilight."
Anyone who has ever read this fable of the bat,
cannot fail to think of it, while he Avatches the antics
and listens to the tale of woe, of our modern middle
class Liberal. The Liberal resembles the bat in the
fable in tAvo Avays. First, his inability to see in
broad daylight. And, second, the conclusion that
because of his ambiguous nature—part worker and
part capitalist—he is neither one nor the other.
Reasoning from this premise our friend the Liberal
bat, arrives at the further conclusion, that human
society is not divided into two conficting classes, and
that there is no class struggle. He looks upon the
Socialist movement, and the Radical-Labor organizations on the one hand, and the imperialistic capitalist organizations on the other, not as the hostile
manifestations of a class struggle, but merely as
tAvo greedy disagreeable groups, who have entered
into a kind of conspiracy to make life as miserable
as possible for the poor innocent long-suffering public, Avhich is himself.
Once in a while we come across a Liberal of a pugnacious disposition, who advocates the extermination
of both the Bolshevist and the profiteer, in the interest of the public, but this type is rare. The
Liberal in general, is of a conciliatory turn of mind;
(Continued on page 7.) WESTERN  CLARION
(Continued from page 6)
he is doing his best to promote peace and harmony
between the unruly factions in society, and this he
is convinced he can do in the course of time by a
judicious application of various nostrums and reforms. 0 f course it is annoying to have a Socialist
pop up now and again ,and ask a question he cannot
answer, or make a statement he cannot refute. But
it is worse than annoying, it is exasperating, to
have a capitalist, or a group of capitalists, pop up
and say or do something that confirms the contention of the Socialists. To show how this last is resented by the average Liberal, we will quote from
tAvo different Liberal magazines.
In an editorial in "The Nation," of January 17th,
1920, under the title "Whom the Gods,Would Destroy," and dealing with the refusal of the New
York State Legislative Assembly to seat the five
Socialist members, Ave read:'' The followers of Lenin
contend that Socialism cannot be achieved through
the ballot because, even if a majority is obtained,
the present holders of privilege and power will resort to force rather than surrender. Karl Marx
Avrote in the 'Communist Manifesto' seventy-five
years ago: 'Political poAver, properly so-called, is
merely the organized power of one class for oppressing another.' Is the Assembly of the State of New
York determined to prove?that Lenin and Marx
Avere right?"
In .the "NeAv Republic" of July 2nd, 1918, appears an article by Mr. William Hard, under the
title of "Anti-Bolsheviks: Mr. Lansing," dealing
Avith the recognition of the Mannerheim Government.
Mr. Hard says:
"Mr. Lansing's recognition of General Mannerheim's White Guard government was revolutionary.
It announced Mr. Lansing's adhesion to the analytical formulas of Karl Marx Karl Marx says
to Mr. Lansing and to Mr. Wilson: 'You are bourgeois. The state, the international system of states,
is the instrument of the bourgeois capitalistic class
and Avil! be used by you to promote bourgeois capitalistic class interests. You will recognize Mannerheim no matter Iioav murderous he may be, no matter how anti-democratic, no matter how pro-German.
You will refuse to recognize Lenin, no matter how
impossible it may be for you to prove him any more
murderous, any more anti-democratic or any more
pro-German than Mannerheim. Proof in such details as murder is irrelevant.      The pertinent and
binding fact is class Mr. Lansing and Mr.
Wilson listened and chose. They chose to act in
precise accordance Avith the concept of class. Their
method of fighting Bolshevism is to accept Bolshiv-
ism's analysis of the class nature of life and then
hope to escape the cataclysm which an acceptance
of that analysis necessitates."
And yet Mr. Hard, like the rest of the bat tribe,
cannot see, or will not admit that there are classes
in society, and a class struggle. At least not in
America. Perhaps there may be something of that
kind in Europe, but in the "land of the free and the
home of the brave,," never! If only Mr. Lansing
and Mr. Wilson and the New York State Assembly
could be persuaded to act as if there Avas no class
struggle, there Avould be no class struggle.
If this is not the blindness of bats Ave Avould like
to knoAv what it is? But the time is past for such
nonsense. It is obvious to anyone Avho has eyes to
see, or Avishes to see, that human society is divided
into tAvo conflicting economic classes. One class
that does all the work of the world, and owns nothing. And another class that oAvns all the wealth
of the wor]d and does not work. The fact that along
the line of demarcation betAveen those two classes
there exist large numbers of bats and hybrids, does
not alter the classification, any more than the existence of a mule alters the classification of horses and
It must also be remembered that the bat does not
always call himself a Liberal.Sometimes he masquerades as a Socialist. Again he may be a prohibitionist, progressive, anarchist .radical, or reformer, etc.
If you cannot locate a man by the name he gives
himself, listen to what he has to say, watch his actions, and then read the fable of the bat, and you
will have no difficulty in placing him.
Truly the Liberal is finding himself between the
devil and the deep sea, and if he does not find out
soon to Avhich side of the fence he belongs, he is
likely to resemble the bat in the fable in still another way, that of hiding "in holes and corners,"
an 1 "never daring to show his face except in the
darkness of twilight."
F. J. McNAY.
Winnipeg News
By Gordon Cascaden
(Special to the "Western Clarion")
Winnipeg, March 9th.
More than 1,000 exhibits were filed by the government in the trial of seven labor men charged Avith
seditious conspiracy in connecton wth the big 1919
Winnipeg general strike.
Nearly all these exhibits Avere seized in the homes
of men active in the organized labor moA'ement,
having passed through the hands of the best informed Avorkers in every section of the Dominion.
Most of them consist of economic works prohibited
by the Canadian government at the time of the
strike, but nowr let into the country because of a recent order issued following a general protest by
both farm and urban labor men.
The other exhibits are made up of letters seized in
the homes of these unionists as Avell as permit cards,
copies of the Strike Bulletin, photographs, wage
contracts and other documents in some way connected with the strike.
One hundred and thirty-five witnesses also gave
evidence for the CroAvn, five of them, however, not
appearing in person. They are in sunny California,
balmy Florida, or sanatorium® outside Canada's
boundaries, but each tells a story of the awful conditions which existed here when the workers decided
they would all take a holiday at the same time.
The defence did not put on any witnesses or file
any exhibits.
Following introduction of this mass of evidence,
the jury retired while the Defence and Prosecution
battled for more than two days regarding the subject matter of the appeals to the jury. The Defence
fought strenuously for admission of everything within the covers of the exhibits, declaring it did not
have anything to fear from a thorough examination
of everything connected Avith the strike or the labor
movement in general. It also wanted the scope of
the trial broadened so that it might include an inquiry into every cause of the tie up. It charged
that the employers' organization, Avhich masqueraded under the sweet sounding name of "Citizens'
Committee," really Avas the real instigation of any
A. J. AndreA\rs, K.C., one of the principal spokesmen for the so-called "Citizens' Committee" during the strike, and Avho has SAvorn as CroAvn prosecutor to see that "even handed justice" is received
by the men on trial, and the battery of the legal
fraternity at his command, fought succeessfully
against admission of all this evidence", Judge Metcalfe upholding their arguments.
They filed certain books and certain volumes of
the "Western Labor News" and the complete files of
the Strike Bulletin, for example. But they marked
only little parts from this article or that article
and read them to the jury. They objected resolutely to the Defence being permitted to read other
parts of the same articles or from other articles explaining the marked passages of the Strike Bulletin.
"We are not afraid if everything is put before the
jury," the defendants said. Judge Metcalfe refused, hoAvever, to let the defendants read what they
desired, himself marking, Avith a black pencil, parts
Avhich they might use.
Efforts to settle the strike after it once began and
any activities of the so-called 'Citizens' Committee"
Avould not be considered in this trial, Judge Metcalfe said, folloAving lengthy arguments by counsel
on both sides.
"We charge that another institution created those
riots, and Ave ask the privilege of proving it," E. J.
MeMurray, of Defence counsel declared. "We are
charged with the creation of violence, and in
reply Ave say Ave did not do it, and that others did it.
We say that an organization was formed here and
that it precipitated this strike, and should be considered in this trial. We want to show who were
the authors of this strike and the .disturbances in
"If we try to sIioav that others, by newspaper
adA'ertising, set class against class, should that not
be considered?" Ward Hollands, of Defence Counsel, asked. "Surely if we show everything we did
to settle the strike that ought to be admitted in our
"The Court of Appeal has already dealt with the
matter," Andrews for the Crown, replied.
"We are not supposed to bring an indictment
against the "Citizens' Committee' 'or the newspapers, that surely should be the duty of our learned
friend (Andrews) and of those in charge of the administration of the laws of the country," MeMurray
Metcalfe refused the application by the Defence.
The addresses to the jury will take several days, and
funds for the continuance of the Avork of the Defence Committee are needed.
Labor Defence Fund
Send all money and make all cheques payable to
A. S. Wells, B. C. Federationist, Labor Temple, Vancouver, B. C.
Collection agency for Alberta: A. Broatch, 1203
Eighth Avenue East, Calgary, Alta.
Central Collection Agency: J. Law, Secretary, Defence Fund, Room 1, 530 Main Street, Winnipeg,
A Forecast
The essentials of a democracy, of the civilized
commune, are with us now, are clamoring for acceptance: only a little vision and the dream were
I have an idea (a preconception, maybe), harboured in spite of reasoned theories and pessimistic
belief, that when the crisis comes the change may
be sudden, and by its very unanimity put to scorn
the idea of resistance.
Movement, change, adaptation, it is true is the
necessity of social, as of organic evolution, and it
may Avell be that when the need arises, the new
social adaptation will reflect the orderliness of a
potentially intellectual, machine—bred and machine-
disciplined society—a factor hitherto nonexistent in
the fabric of human association.
At the same time, hopes, beliefs and prognostications are not facts, and the play of mentality cannot
be measured in advance. Economic forces will convey man with unswering footsteps along the historic pathway he must needs tread to that goal for
Avhich he must aim, and must needs strive to reach
—his emancipation from the curse and thraldom of
property rights and wage-servitude.
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy and
Curent Events.
Official Organ of the Socialist Party of Canada.
Issued twice-a-raonth, at 401 Pender Street, East,
Vancouver, B. C.   Phone: High. 2583.
Rate: 20 Issues for One Dollar.   Make all moneys
payable to E. MacLeod.
For _ enclosed herewith,
send _ issues to:—
Clarion Maintenance
Dick Burge, per W. B., $1; Lucy Hyde. $1 ; F.
Donohue, $1 ; Leonard Iveson, $1; R. Inglis, Fort
William, .$5.60.
From 26th February to 11th March inclusive—
total, $9.60.
Name   has removed
to 	 J
OWING to the fact that the American working
animal is beginning to show signs of being just
about fed up with the dope peddled by the one hundred per cent, capitalist newspapers and magazines,
and as there is grave danger that he may soon cease
to absorb such high explosives altogether, and begin to study his own class literature, and his oavii
class position, and as such a catastrophe must be
prevented at all costs, it is suggested, by certain
persons (Avhose chief function in life is that of leading wage-slaves down a blind alley), that the percentage should be reduced considerably, in order
that the dose may be more palatable.
Upton Sinclair-has written a new book entitled
"The Brass Check," with the sub-title "A Study of
American Journalism." Also an article in "The
Nation," of February 7th, under the title "Building
an Honest Newspaper," which is a kind of advertisement of the book.
In "The Nation' 'article, Upton tells us that after
tAventy years of experience Avith American journalism, he has at last come to the conclusion that the
capitalist neAvspapers and magazines are not telling
us the truth.   But we will let him speak for himself.
"American newspapers and magazines aret great capitalist
institutions, operated under the capitalist system, and in
the "interest of that system, serving private and not public
inerests. .... The masses of the American people are today-
fed upon capitalist propaganda in the guise of news. News is
the raw material of thought, and until the people have honest
news, they cannot be expected to do any intelligent thinking
Now this is a most remarkable and original discovery, and we cannot imagine hoAV Upton Sinclair
ever guessed it, even after twenty years' experience. It will undoubtedly go down in the pages of
history as one of the great discoveries of the twentieth century. But great theories never come singly,
so Upton has another bright idea, he has a cure for
all this.   He says:
"If I had an editorial staff, some trained investigators, and
the names of trustworthy correspondents in strategic places,
I could dig out stories of such sensational interest as would
stir the American people to their depths- Ten years ago this
was feeing done by a dozen big magazines, and now it is not
being done by a single one. Why? The big magazines have
been bought by the big interests, and the 'muck-rakers' have
been turned out to silence or the soap box. .... Now I make
an appeal to my follow men and women for a new standard
of journalism: a newspaper which is published, not to make
money, but to convey information. . . . For a start of the
enterprise. I propose an executive board consisting of from
twenty to twenty-five members, persons who have proved by
life-long service that they believe in the truth, and are willing to stand by the truth. These people should belong to
every shade of liberal thought. Purely by way of illustration,
to show the type of person intended, I name twenty-three
who happen to live in or near New York, and whom I should
invite: Allen Benson, Alice Stone Blackwell, Arthur Bullard,
Harriet Stanton Blatch, William C. Bullitt, Herbert Croly,
Max Eastman; William Hard, Mrs. J. Borden Harriman,
Rev- John Haynes Holmes, Hamilton Holt, Charlotte Perkins,
Gilman, Paul Kellogg, Amos Pinchol, Charles Edward Russell, Lincoln Steffens, J. G. Phelps Stokes, Ida Tarbell, Col.
William Boyce Thompson, Samuel Untermyer, Frank A.
Vanderlip, Oswald Garrison Villard, Stephen S. Wise."
Anyone who has followed the career of some of
the individuals here mentioned, for the last three or
four years, will have an idea of the brand of "honest
neAVs" we may expect to find in a paper published by
them. We are Avilling to take Upton's word for it,
that they represent "every shade of liberal thought."
But to make sure that Ave get the truth, the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth, we would suggest
that Bill HayAVOod and John Spargo be added to the
above list of twenty-three to make up the full
tAventy-five, then we will be sure to get the truth
from all angles. But there is still one difficulty.
He says:
"The question is: could such people work together? Would
it be possible for any newspaper policy to be satisfactory to
them all? The newspaper I am planning will publish no
editorials. So it is not a, question of getting these twenty-
three men to agree upon a policy concerning Russia or concerning the I. W. W. The only policy they have to consider
is the policy of the National news; and that policy will be a
fair chance for every man to be heard."
There Ave are. Noav where are Ave? In the first
place the proposed name of the paper is significant.
Tt gives us an idea of what the policy will be provided of course, that the executive board can agree upon
a policy-   It will be National Liberalism.     There
Avill be no editorials, so there is no chance of a fight
on the editorial page. With regard to the news,
Ave are not sure that "capitalist propaganda in the
guise of news," is any worse than "stories of such
sensational interest as would stir the American people to their depths." Ten years ago a dozen big
magazines Avere telling such stories. Yes! and how
much good has it done the working class? Remember all, or nearly all, of the 100% capitalist newspapers and magazines are labelled these days. Now
Avhen Ave come across a bottle of liquid, labelled
Avood-alcohol, Ave do not drink it, or if we do drink
it, Ave knoAv Avhat Ave are drinking, and what the
effect will be. , But when Ave get a certain percentage of wood alcohol mixed with our cider, we do
not knoAv Avhat Ave are drinking, Ave do not knoAv
Avhat the effects will be, consequently we are more
likely to drink it, and that is precisely why it is
mixed. Let the capitalist press remain 100% capitalist propaganda. Let the Avorking class build up a
press that will be 100% Avorking-class education.
Let the class lines be clearly draAvn. And Avatch the
Upton tells us in his book (page 243) that the
"Star," a Seattle newspaper, "was Avilling to lose
thirty-five thousand readers in order to smash the
Seattle strike." Very good, if "capitalist propaganda in the guise of neAvs,' 'is willing to drive
away thirty-five thousand readers from one paper,
in order to smash one strike, then what we require
is Socialist papers ready to teach those Avorkers their
class position, as soon as they become disgusted
Avith 100% capitalim. But we do not require an
"honest neAvspaper' 'that will tell them stories of
such sensational interest as Avould stir them to their
depths, and lead them off on another Avild-goose
So much for Upton's theory of an "honest newspaper," now for his book "The Brass Check." In
our opinion it would have been more appropriately,
although less sensationally named, if it had been
called "The Failure of a Reformer." It is 448
pages of proof that any attempt to reform the capitalist system, is an absolute Avaste of time. For this
reason, and the fact that it contains a considerable
amount of information regarding the tactics and
methods of modern journalism, it is well worth reading. Let there be no misunderstanding. Although
Upton Sinclair calls himself a Socialist at times, he
is far from it, as the above quotations show. He
is noAv, and always has been, a nationalist, a reformer, and a sensational muck-raker, as his OAvn
book proves. Before the war he was a radical-
During the war he was a patriot, and Avrote a story
to "win the Socialists to the idea of supporting the
war,, (p. 207). After the war he "went bacK into
the radical camp." (Page 206). There is not one
sentence in the whole book that advocates sound
scientific Socialist education for the workers. But
there are many sentences that advocate an "honest
newspaper" of the type mentioned above. On page
414 appears a paragraph that would almost lead one
to the conclusion that he had at last seen the error
of his ways ,but his appeal to a bunch of freaks to
help establish an "honest newspaper" proves the
contrary. The paragraph we have in mind reads:
"For twenty years I have been a voice crying in the wilderness of industrial America.; pleading for kindness to our
laboring-classes pleading for common honesty and truth-
telling, so that we might choose our path wisely, and move
by peaceful steps into the new industrial order. I have seen
my pleas ignored and my influence destroyed, and now I see
the stubborn pride and insane avarice of our money-masters
driving us straight to the precipice of revolution. What shall
I do? What can I do—save to cry out one last warning in
this last fateful hour? The time is almost here—and ignorance, falsehood, cruelty, greed and lust of power were never
stronger in the hearts of the ruling class in history than they
are in those who constitute the Invisible Government of America today."
Such is the result of twenty years of reforming
and much muck-raking. Now to show that there
is no hard feeling, Ave would advise anyone who can
spare the money, and who would like to have a line
on reform tactics, and the corruption of American
journalism, to buy the book and read.it, the price is
single copy, paper cover, 50c postpaid; cloth $1.00,
American money; published by the author at Pasadena, California.
In the publishers note, the author tells us that:
"If the great mass of the people ever hear of the
book, it will be because you, the reader, do your
part." We take this opportunity to announce that
we have done our part to make Upton's book and
his theory of an "honest newspaper" popular, and
if they do not meet with the success he expects, our
conscience is clear anyhow.
F. J. McNEY.
Literature Price List
Communist Manifesto. Single copies, 10c; 25
copies, $2.00.
Wage-Labor and Capital. Single copies, 10c; 25
copies, $2.00.
The Present Economic System. (Prof. W. A.
Bonger).   Single copies, 10c; 25 copies, $1.50.
Capitalist Production. (First Nine and 32nd
Chapters, "Capital," Vol. 1 Marx). Paper, single
copies, 50e; cloth, single copies, $1.00; cloth, 10
copies, 75c each.
Socialism, Utopian and Scientific. Single copies,
15c; 25 copies, $3.25.
Slave of the Farm. Single copies, 10c; 25 copies,
Manifesto, S. P. of C, single copy, 10 cents; 25
copies, $1.50.
Red Europe. (F. Anstey, M.P.). Single copies,
50c.    Ten copies or more 30c each.
The Story of the Evolution of Life. (T. F. Palmer).    Single copies, 10c.
Evolution of Man. (Prof. Bolsche). Single
copies, 20c; 25 copies, $3.75.
The Nature and Uses of Sabotage (Prof. T. Veb-
len).    Singles copies 5 cents, 25 copies $1.
Red Heart of Russia. (Bessie Beattie). Per
copy, $2.00.
Ten Days that Shook the World. (John Reed).
Per copy, $2.00.
Six Red Months in Russia. (Louise Bryant). Per
copy, $2.00.
(All above post free).
Ancient Society. (Morgan). Per copy (postage
14c extra), $1.50.
Supplies to Locals.
Dues Cards, per 100, $1.00.
Letterheads, per 100, 60e.
Platforms,, per 100, 50c.
Constitutions, per 100, $1.50.
Receipt Books, Warrant Books, various prices.
Quarterly Report Forms, free.
Western Clarion Sub. Cards, free.
Make all moneys payable to E. MacL*eod, 401
Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C. Add discount
on cheques.
Socialist Party of
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, affirm our allegiance to, and
support of, the principles and programme of the revolutionary
W-' ing class. ,
abor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The
present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is, therefore, master;
the worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins
ef government all the powers of the State will be used to protect
and defend its property rights in the means of wealth production
and its control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free from
capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under
which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. To
accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled
economic forces.
The irrespressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and
he worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political supremacy.    This is the Class Struggle.
Therefore, we call all workers to organize under the banner of
the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the
political powers, for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the
economic programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property in the means of wealth production (natural
resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective means of production.
2. The organization and management of industry by the
working class.
3. The establishment, as speedily aa possible, of production for use instead of production for profit.


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