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Western Clarion Dec 16, 1921

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Array IH
A Joint-.*
Official Organ of
Twice a Month
The Washington Conference
For many week*, the Wsshiugtou Conference haa
heralded aa the great hsrbmger of peace; with
wttrbwords of peace, democracy and prosperity
ita been acclaimed the one hope of the world.
av. with a eharscteriatic flourish of official trum-
it has assembled; for week* it haa talked and
ed; its diasolution ia spoken of a* an early
ibflity, and in so for ss thc world knowa, it
-aid nothing, done nothing;, solved nothing; that
ild not h*vc ben accomplished equally well with-
Tne Conference was called to discus* po**ibilities
armament  !iuiiU.tiona  and  to find  a common
meat on the "pri-bleui of the Pacific"--not at
lt»ftt*t or c-jUltoiia rcasoiji, but true. True, because
itiefint -aa-- the burden of armaments has become
^tolerably heavy; in the second, because failure to
a mutual understanding involved the continued militsriam and the practical cestsinty of a
rid *sr in the almost immediate future   So far
relative importance, of the two items stated in
men* order to that named and therefore the
rt to the situation is the *'problem of the Pacific."
it it lhia problem! Precisely the same problem
tine capital everywhere in ita frowth and de-
i"opinfnt-~the problem of trade, the problem of *e>
-ttif aarttet* for the profitable disposal of exploit
! surplus.
Tag question ia not a neu one. nor sre the factors
lie problem the outgrowth of today.  They dovw-
ioto the forgotten thing* of yesterday and are
related acquence of tbe trsde ambitions of a
thin Imperialism ws* not.   Thc root* of the
I-wtion ro hack to l&r»3, when thc Americau. CstaV
">dorf perry knockad st thc doora of Japan, dc-
issfiBg admittance.   The Japanese—bavins; prev-
M experiftice of white ambitions for Dominion—
fttt lusty for the "right* ' of  their own enste.
« *»li*i availed the war-gear of a primitive pco-
[*eagainst the science of civilisation?   Japan learn-
*BB, that the myetir Faint could face thc lusting
,f« only on the term* of tho West; only with the
pen-ga and psyeholgy of thc Weal.   And so thor-
rtly haa th<- lesson been acquired that in**** gen-
•tioBS Japan ha* ri*cn from an ancient feudaliciu
Power in the world.   The shogunate. in tmt s
pBry; Thc Daimyos haa been succec<lcd by the
***] and a "god descended" absolutism has given
'■<* to th-r* "constituted democracy" of a "god-
W***d " < ligarchy. To the thundering music of big
Britain and America forced an entry into
lajKn-a-, into Chins—-but he would be indeed a
lately hold admiral, who, today, would sail
ltotbe sesj of the Ritdug Sun snd let loose even s
&P to 181KJ thero WM room for development,
■' race for the world market waa not quite bo in-
Imperialism wss but foresketched in the
T* More or leas "peaceful penetration" waa
l(% going on in thc Orient, tlie progress of civ-
her 'nay." She had compelled China" to open her
door*; had prior voice in the dictation of her policies; controlled her customs; had compelled '•concessions" in the rich valley of the Yangtze; compelled agreements, that in these concessions none
should come before her.
In those days European policies were directed
against the expansionist, territory-grabbing ambitions of Czarist Russia. And just aa in the later
days Britain hemmed in German expansion, so at
that time she put a ring against Russian advance.
She checked Russia from entrance to the Mediterranean; put her off from Asia Minor; countered
her designs on Persia; prohibited her entrance to
Afghanistan and India; forced her to the only way-
open to her—to the far East, to Eastern Siberia
and the 18 provinces of thc magnificient resources
of undeveloped China. So, in brief, matters stood
in 1894.
Meanwhile Japan had been steadily developing.
She could read the mind of the West. She saw the
designs of the West and understood their significance. She saw X'hina—her coveted and natural
outlet and market, slipping swsy; saw the steam
roller of Russia creeping down upon her shores—
i and ahe resolved to stop the edvanve. .Korea was
the bone of contention. Korea almost touches Jap-
It is really part of China, but its situation is
waa prspsriug tbe field for the coming
J ftf interests, The 'great powers' were gath*
found the council table with jealously, suspt-
^ treeebary their common snd constant com-'
)a», considering the partition of China.   Brit-
• ^moat in the race of Capital, wss firmly es-
,   ** in AaU. By saa and land, from the straits
**** to the trsaty ports Britain owned; comrol-
; d°minated.   None wss powerful enough to ssy
such that it commands Japan, i.e. commands the
trade routes of commercialism. Hence capitalist
Japan could not allow that peninsula to fall into
"foreign" hands. The seesaw of struggle over
Korea, between Japan and Russia (and superficially
China'-, produced internal troubles in Korea, and
from those troubles sprang the pretext for the
China-Japanese war of 1895. Japan waa wholly victorious in that war. but. because of the guile of the
"Northern Wooer," acquired little advantage from
it. But the war produced two important results.
It brought Japan into recognition as a power to be
reckoned with in the East, and it completely BhatH-
ered the Jay dreams of Chinese partition by the
Western Towers.
Ten years later tbe control of Korea again occasioned" the Russo-Japanese War, the result of
which definitely created the "problem of the Pacific " It made Japan dominant in tbe waters of
the Orient. It entered Japan in the lists as a world
power it brought her into the arena of international poli'ties; it sharpened the advance of eastern exploitation; quickened the pulse of commerce with
ft. lunv wine of Imperialism; an accelerated pro-
-rrsss towards, the insoluble impasse of the present,
and by the Treaty of Portsmouth, created revanche" between Japan and America. For by
American interference Japan considered herself deprived of the full fruit* of victory. Thi..victoryof
Japan also broke the awesome influence of the Ru*-
r-isn bear" in the chancelleries of Europe, and cen-
ed politics on its instant IOM "Drwg V*
Oaten " Also, it formed the bests of several treat,
---.the Franco-Japanese agreement, which brought
iTpan a loan of 12 million sterling; ths Ruas*Jsp
agreement; the Anglo-Russian convention; and the
American Treaty of 1908-all more »*•"«£-
£, Chinese integrity." Also it confirmedI the Anglo-
Z tmty of L002. which, in addiUon to that "integ-
rity " ia a contract by Britain to recognize and ssfe-
£| Japanese "rights and interests" in the Bast.
snd is obligatory on Japan to safeguard British
■'rights" there.   How faithfully the bond is observed, wc know.   In 1910 Japan "annexed'' Korea
—closing that part of the Chinese Empire to the
"open door." Britain has—partly as a result of late
Russian influence—prsctically closed Tibet, and the
Yangtze Valley, and other nations hsve succeeded
in reconciling * Chinese integrity" with "special interests."   Thus were formed the nstionsl combinations, which preceded—and led up to—the Qreat
War.   Even then (consciously or not) Germany was
becoming sn "outsider," snd it wss in 1908 that ths
Kaiser crusaded against the "Yellow Peril," probably as an overture against that combination of
Western Powers, which already blocked the supremacy of the German cct^ ire.   Now let us look st what
this means, and its bearing on thc Washington Conference.
In thc heyday of barbaric antiquity, the great
plain of Jezreel constituted tbe battle ground of the
nations. There, wave upon wave of armed force
clashed and died. Egypt and Assyria, Elam and
Hittite, Persian and Greek, struggled there for the
mastery of the earth. Because, there, thc trade-
routes of the world dipped to the shores of the Great
Sea. There were the avenues by which wealth
came; there were the pathways of th*ancient plun-
derbund, the roads along which armies marched; the
bridgeheads between East and West. Thus, whoso
controlled them, owned the wealth of the world, and
influenced the destinie8 of its peoples. But when
slavery had broken the bonds of the old society
when the economic of exploitation had impoverished
and devastated them, one and all and shut off the
means of life from struggling life itself; and developed new needs, new conditions, snew necessitiea,
and with them other centres of activity, the sceptre
of power passed to other lands and peoples, reorganizing in new form and detail the restless processes of social life. To Carthage and Rome came
dominion, and for the same mastery of wealth they
too challenged supremacy of the Mediterranean.
With the rise of capital, consequent on the discovery
of new commodities and markets, and from these
new tradf and necessities, the battle front surged on
fields of the low countries. For there were centred thc
activities of the new commerce, there were the highways of wealth commanded, and from there could be
controlled the growing activities on the wsterwsys
of the Baltic and thc North Sea.
But from fiefs and towns came nations and centralized authority, and trade expanded from coastal
seas. Out across the oceans, nations grew into Imperialist empires with all the panoply of institutions which Imperialist capital signifies. Wealth
increased, and with its increase, the means of further wealth. Surplus outflowed in continually increasing volume; primitive countries were invsded;
primitive industries destroyed; primitive societies
broken up; primitive peoples transformed into challenging trade rivals. Now, on the outskirts of ths
world, on the line between dsy snd night, ths cold
world snd ita institutions, broken down and decayed, its peoplea surging in the grip of the greater industry; Imperialism, desperate with incrsaaing necessity; East snd West meet, and wait, tanas in tha
pregnant silence of irreconcilsbles.
Ths OrianMa. thus, the lsst hunting ground of ths
(Continued on psge 8)
■       i
The Collapse of the South Wales
Coal Trade
By J. T. vYslton Newbold
DURING the last ten or fifteen years the South
Wales miners have come to be regarded by
critics, both friendly and hostile, as being in
the very fore-front of the revolutionary movement in
this country and their lodges, economic classes and
conferences as the natural and, almost, the original
home of advanced opinion as to the ultimate objective of the workers and the correct means of getting there. They have been braeketted with the
engineers of the Clydeside as the twin hopes of the
British proletariat. They have struck the imagination of the class conscious workers just as they have
attracted the attention and excited the hostility of
the capitalist press and the bureaucratic administrators of tbe capitalist state.
Viewed at the present time or within recent years
and not over the whole period of working class development since the Industrial Revolution, it would,
indeed, seem as if the engineers of the Clyde and the
miners of Glamorgan and Monmouthshire had inherent in themselves some characteristic which for all
time singled them out from amongst their fellows
of the working-class. Such an idea, such an impression, would, however, be an illusion resulting from
taking too short and too narrow a view. It has only
been as a result of certain influences, in certain eonditions, that the workers in these two important industries in these two widely separated areas have
taken the lead in the ranks of the organized workers.
It is neither as a consequence of some innate characteristic of race or racial admixture, nor some peculiarity inherent in engineering or in mining, nor yet
a mere chance, that these two bodies of men hsve
adopted an attitude and propagated a theory which
have made them at once the heroes and the models of
the revolutionary elements of Great Britain. There
was a time when the hand-loom cotton-weavers of
Lancashire and of Lanarkshire, thc stocking-frame
workers of Nottingham or other sections of the textile operatives were in the van of progress. On other occasions it was the miners of the Tyne, the irou-
puddlers of Staffordshire or at a later season, the
dockers of East London, who made themselves the
bane of all respectable and law-abiding citizens.
At one time it haa been one set of workers snd at
another it has been quite another. Certainly, the
school of thought associated in so many people's
minds with the Rhondda has had sn influence longer
and more potent than some of these others, but
scarcely greater than those who constituted the
Working Men's Association and advocated the Charter.
The Industrial Unionists Idea.
The idea of the sufficiency of organization of the
workers at the point of production in one all-inclusive union comprising all engaged in that industry
and direct action by those workers, in conjunction—
somehow to be contrived—with workers in other industries similarly organized with a view to enforcing
demands, however drastic—that may be said to be, in
essence, the theory adopted from America into the
Clyde srea and into the steam coal lodges of South
This idea was, relatively speaking, strictly correct.
It wss an idea whicb would develop naturally in the
minds of men thoronghly imbued with the fundamental concept of Marxism, the materialist conception of history—the history that thc determining
factor in the affairs of social life is the method of
production then prevailing—and who were completely immersed in the everyday problems of working-class life in the very self-contained mining towns
and villages of South Wsles.    It was, particularly,
an idea which took hold npon and expanded in tbe
minds of men who not only worked together in ssso-
ciation, great numbers of them doing tbe same kind
of thing and contributing to the mass production of
a single undertaking, the colliery, but who were continuously made aware of their great numbers and,
living in one great community, where everyone waa
a miner working at the same colliery, had exactly the
same problems to face, and the same employer to encounter.
Their conditions, whether at work or off work,
their identical impulses to solidarity, were not paralleled anywhere else in industry outside of mining
except, to some extent, in great centres given over to
engineering and shipbuilding on a large scale, such
as Clydebank. Goran, Bast Glasgow, or Barrow-in-
Such were the general causes prc-diapositig tbe
miners of South Wales to adopt and to work out in
practice the theory of Industrial Unionists,
Now. let us inquire into the peculiar circuuiHtancea
that have given a special stimulus in South Wales
to a theory and practice which seem, at first glance,
to recommend themselves to intelligent miner* everywhere, and to all workers in large scale production
at all times.
The Importance of Snipping.
Capitalism, in Great Britain, haa, during the last
seventy years, come to depend increasingly open the
import of raw materials and of food, and the expert
of manufactures. The natural resource* of thi*
country have, for one reason or another, become altogether inadequate to supply either the workers or the
machines they tend with the mean* to keep them
constantly runnine*. Also, the product of the industry has grown far beyond the capacity of the home
market effectively to absorb it.
The development of overseas trade and tbe productivity of industry have, in thia country, continuously reacted upon each other. During the last
fifty years a greater and greater part of the product
of British industry has becn going oversea* in tbe
form of means of production—in other word*, there
has been a constant increase in the export of capital.
Upon this capital there ha* fallen due. at yearly or
half-yearly intervals, interest which baa been
brought home, mainly in the form of tangible commodities. British capital has been a m**an* to production and to the growth of oversea* commerce all
over the world. The articles of thi* commerce have,
moreover, converged upon or issued out of the porta
of Great Britain. Britiah capitalism, in becoming a
system of world-wide extent, ha* come to depend.
ABOVE EVERYTHING ELSE, on the atifficieney—
and efficiency—of the shipping industry.
British shipping has become more and more important, and whoever wishes to find Ihe vital nerve-
system of British capitalism must giv bis attention
to the industry of transport. partieulaHv of oversea*
transport, by mean* of which the actual eirculntion
of thc commodities themselves is alone made possible. The credit system is but a reflection. Merc,
at transport, we are face to face with reality. Incidentally we are confronting—power.
During the last "half-century, British merchant
shipping, in becoming steam shipping, hn* become
utterly dependent upon coal for bunkering purposes.
Coal, suitable for ship furnaces, ha* been tbe particular product of South Walea, The *rp-*rior quail-
ties, for use in the stokehold* of swiff and luxuriously furnished passenger liner*, the variott* grades
of *mo!*e!ess steam coal, have been almost tbe monopoly of South Wales,
The Fuel of the Navy
But indispensable ss the eosla of South Walea
and, consequently, the labor of thoae who produced
the coal of South Walea, have been to Britiah Shipping as the moat vital aervice of Britiah capitaliam.
they have been even more necessary to the armed
might by which the Britiah Government haa guarded
the British merchant marine, Britiah eoBwaret»4
the far flung dominions and prote-itorstts of th
British Empire. The British navy bai *--*.*,„•-!,• J
on Smith Wale* coal. It has been So,,-*, *lVl£
steam coal which haa made it possible for ta* battle
fleets, cruiser squadron* and torpedo iUi\\u ,[
show the I'nion Jaek rentlcst-iy. .a-..!s*iv
every ocean and on the fnrth-M sea
The ever sccentuated competition of naval ana*
mriita. the building of vessels that moat ah*-* no
smoke upon the »kyiine, and mu*l aa rsflee anr
amount of money to gun-power, armour sad Bpeet?
the ineresaing requirement** ol coal for fa Umu 0j
France, of Italy, and of other Powen bsve, fag
1884 to lf>04. and stilt more fr-on 1 • } -., \*.\* J
during the War. when hundred*, al | -, ;.i; ., c,j
eoalhiirniiig atmiiarie*- were taken -.-. ■}-.,. [•;....
made ineesaanf, repeated, and sbovfl a . regnbtfe*
mam!* upon the producing cspacitj : *... v ,*>
Wales steam c-,al collieries and the efforts of the
miners employed therein
It is no exaggeration to assert that no teeti :i of tie
workers of the whole world - not excepting the shell-
makers, warship repairer* and net bsat v.; ... i
ers of the Clyde at ihe heigh", of th. (ir^at W-,--
have had more potential bargaining itj  peat
er negottati**** strength than the Admiralty *t*aa
con! miners of South Wales had up to rVnairtiee Day,
Though, of course, this tremendous power *u
Deter fully rpprrciatcd. much less exerted, it vstia
tuitivejy rcaliaed by the Government and •<•■ t**\
ita'ist* Tbe whole fabric ot Bapitaliam and of li:
Empire wa* at the hazard of th* emotional ra
of South Wales, Britiah capitalism an! behind it
the most efficient of all ita Departments, the Ad
miralty. realized that th**y mm? never drive Seel
Wale* into the arms of the revolutionaries, irfcBi
yet they were dependent upon them for th-* fed I
the Xavy. In cirrumstanee* such aa these thr prce
tire of Industrial .'i.tnnism and tbe elsbofttiBB B1
thc theory of the adequacy ef the Strike Ut*-hat
much to recommend tbem. They have hsd the *"°
biases of an effica"y which hn*» owed far leas 1
tlo-m and to their exponents amongst pheck'**ei*fB
men, agents and lodge offieiaU. however slotjBS
end however impetuous, than to I BOfsil fa-'5'1
that are rapidly disappearing.
From Coal to Oil
For, partly a* u result of (he very Batural dew
of the Admiralty to obtain alternative isBrea! *\
fuel supply, but mainly for ressooi ot l te***aie
character, the Rritisli Navy and, with it, the °:hf
navies'of the world, are abandoning tha ose **t***u
eon! and are adopting, in its place, oil   $*** sl!1?
1908 the British Government, throngh the Porenj
Office or the Admiralty, has been r*er*i",t«nt^ "3
ing, on the one- band, to secure officially °r un0
inlly, eontrol of the future reserves of ">' to*** &n\
on the other, to utilize oil for the drive "f ,ver;
kind of warship, from the submarine to l-bfl s"Pe,
dreadnought.   Admiral Sir Wm. Pakenbam n»<!
fact, the gentleman himself, have recorded the •
that Sir Marcus Samuel, when   Chairman of
"Shell" Transport and Trading Company. *****\*
Btantly impressing upon the Admiralty the ***** .
of adopting oil fuel in the Navy.   Of ***+*'
vested interests at work to secure the ehm
but the paramount consideration was technical.
8 WI
ing to the development* of torpedo warfare, a ^
ahip mu*t have a very great speed and ,,M'"'
answer the helm.   To add tm the already high «P
and to do ao whilat naing coal would Decf"tJ|pf
entirely diaproportionate increase in bunker
•ity, and, consequently, in dead weight       -     .
require very hesvy engines, and would add 9
(Continued on page 5) WESTERN    CLARION
Classes and Class-Consciousness id Class Society
NO doubt the correct way to write an article
on any subject i« to commence at the beginning and work towards the end, touching a
fee of the aiding** and way points aa we •-<■ along.
t-jjj, method however, ha* ita difficulties, as it Js
jg-at-bnea hard to tell which ia the beginning, and
Tjj,,h th-- end of S aubjeet, and furthermore, very
^en neither the beginning nor the end i.s m -right.
pi.rti<i!latly *■* ***** !rue ** ******** society; we know
Tfrylittl<* about tbe beginning, and th. end ih over
| tn unknown trail.
Consequently, I have come to the conclusion that
ijl^l.cv way to write an article is to itart right in
ftatanddli oi the aubjeet, or aa near the middle U
pp-sj |e, <all the starting point rem, and work hoth
nra like a thcrntometcr.
Th- advantage of this system is easily teen. In
tie firs* p'aee it doSB not matter where we begin, or
ifcere «*e finish. li» the Becond place, whenever we
fttak of anything we can writ** it down without eou-
■Brring whether it i* exactly tn order of sequence
w not And la*tl>. we cnimot be expected t„ ex-
bi*i tbe subject  oi *ay the last word.
S'o« let Da *tart iu right where we are and ex-
taw rlsase* JOB!  a* they exist m human society
attbf pre* Bt tun**. al*o brnfly investigate the ha*-.*,
af ehmtirl ation, and "he causes ami tb grees "f i Isaa
(fc'ii^eu-.ne'vs      What   do   we   mean   by   elaaaea   in
te*w.) i   iety [ and  upon what eonditions or eir
rasstinrra • !<> we ba*« our ela-wtiiitation 1   W, bear
sjaese ipeak ot the uppei   ela*-*,, the lowei   elsss,
lit middle claw, the upper ten, ami the submerg---
trttk. th* leisure class, am! tin eommon pe >ple. the
j (-tested rlas*. and thc |BJflflBB*tlJllll1 ela*s, the mer-
th;:.   lasa   the artisan elass. and the agricultural
Ban, ete    Wt might go on indefinitely, but tins is
BMBft to illuBtrste.   The*se elasj.es are generally re-
alTed '   aa social «lasses, and no doubt Borreetly,
atrau h a*. thc classifieatton t« baaed on dcgreea uf
etthi and poverty, culture, edu ation, craft, and
sate, etc.  The ela**iAcntjt*u is very often quite --r*
fein-ry an<l the lines of demart ation are ,\n a rale
tttf indefinite,    These so-called irlaaaf* are mcrelv
Bwtl groups or factions, that may. or may not, be
Baaraoittk to each other, but do not constitute distal lad acparate elajww-ain theniMivt*-.    I do not
IBBenWr <\er hearing anyone try to explain the
he af demarcation between the lower claaa and the
sidd!- data, or between the middle class and the
«f'i*r ehu.   There ia only one certain way fee di*
n&gui*h a member of the middle ejaas, and that is
""-■mi w<* find bun sitting astride of the fence that
*0***es the slave class from the parasite da**, up
fartntlv m a Hta-P 0f trn-0|. \ag* bo may fall off,
•tHer on one side or the other.   The middle clsaa n
•Wd of fifty.fifty proposition     It's name should
*i>''ft    It is the point where two extremes meet
N blend.
u; *hat of the other two cla**-*-* just mentioned'
alave class, ami the parasite class, more often
Pried to aa the working class ami the capitalist
W*t 0 tin- lubjeet claaa and the ruling class, etc..
Wjk* that ,b,ea all the work of the world and
P*Bathing but ita ability to produce wealth, and
F»ee elaaa that own* all the wealth of the world,
^''b'riiis no useful labor. There we have div-
P*of daates, a line of demarcation, by means ot
P*normal human beings in civilized society may
rl*wifud in one or the other of the two classes,
gtofletaol th,. ,-,.„*)0-n,,n who sits on the fence,
I ** thia classifleation is based on the economic
Jj ",(>nH- or ihe economic situation, of tbe elaaaea
"-Tiled, tlu-Hi, ei-j-tt-p, ftr(, correctly termed econ-
Jf classes, to distinguish them from the numerous
^ social rlaasc*.
|«* don't try to get out of it by claiming that
r^h you are a worker, \on own a little property,
m). tlt'"0U«Tn y<** *** * capitalist you do a li»ll«'
-*«- f(* v Sl,(,,> nn argument you are merely trying to
t* lo,? over thc fence. The working elaas, as a
•dm; °Wn8 Do PJ-opertv in the mean* of wealth pro-
wi       rhe 'apitalist elans  as a class, doea not
'Z-&?■ ,,s ""^ * -**** tm the
ttl1.'  useful labor; it doe* not even do its
Owing to the fact that the economic interests of
tbe working class are diametrically opposed to those
01 the capitalist class, it necessarily follows that the
two Classes must be at all times antagonistic to each
other.   This antagonism manifests itself from time
to tune m disputes and clashes over wages, hours of
••'"'•\  working  eonditions,  and  so  forth,  between
groupa of workers nnd capitalists, now in one industry, Bgain in another, but it is not generally recog-
ni-ied BJ a conflict Of -lass interests by either of the
• lasses concerned; it is supposed to baa result of the
Bvariee   and   duplicity   of   certain   individuals   or
P0 ipa.   This being the ease, the government (which
is supposed to be of the people, by the people, and
f« r the people, and to   aet in the interests of the
people    ia very often called upon to settle the dis-
i wte, whi h it oceaaionaly does.   However, as the
government in in reality the executive committee of
the capitalist elsss, it very naturally decides the dis-
| ..     in the interest of that class, and then the peo-
pl< . that is the capitalist class, plus the majority of
irking elsss, declare that justice has been done,
and ao il has. justice from a capitalist class point of
\ icw.
n ■   ides never seems to enter the mind of the
average workei that justice, like everything else in
a iverse is merely a relative proposition eonae-
\ be - annot figure out lmw it is that the work.
• OUI of justice ahvays seems to catch himself or
. other worker or group of workers, where the
chi<    n  ..• -be* the sate.   Nevertheless, after he has
■n through the ordeal <>f capitalist justice a few
- ••    idea begins to leak into his cranium that
then in a >m< thing rotten in Patagonia. At this point
it ia almost safe to intrdoduee him to the works of
V;t-v Bngels, Dietegen, snd other Socialist writers.
Bt le is likely to be in a ftrame ot mind susceptible to
Socialist | ropaganda   For we must remember that
the mere fact that a worker is discontented, that he
knows he is a worker and that his employer is some-
• ing elae (maj   in fact lie almost anything else),
does not make the worker class-conscious ■ if it did
the who],, working class would have been elass-con-
s i us long ae".
Before n worker can become conscious of his position in human socb ly, he must understand that society i- divided into two distinct economic classes, a
maater class, and a slave class, and that he is a member of the alsve class he must also understand that
the economic interests of these two classes are, at
■11 times diametrically opposed. To understand this
be must hsve some knowledge of the Marxian law
of value, he muet know something of the economic
basis upon which clasa society stands. It is also
necesaan thai he should know something of the
causes, origin, and evolution of class society from
ita earliest inception, consequently, he must study
the msterislisl conception of history. He must also
learn to apply the dialectical method of reasoning
lo every phase of human activity, otherwise, he will
be continually losing himself in the swamps of cap-
talisl claw psychology.
New this may seem rather a large order at first
-flan c. hut after all it docs not require such a great
effort it cue really wishes to learn; it is not so much
whal wa must learn, as what we must unlearn. Before we ean get new ideas into our heads, we must
•act some of tho old ones out. We must discard near-
Iv everything that has been crammed into our minds
ta ihe home, in the school, in the church and in
eYorv institution of capitalism: this is the difficult
par," Furthermore, there is no regularly prescribed
dose of knowledge; the only rule that can be laid
down is that each worker learn as much as he can,
B0 onfl can know it all, and the amount of know-
1 |,-(, acquired bv each individual will depend on the
,„',„, Wd opportunity at his flsposal* the effort he
„,--•-,.*•. and hfs ability to understand
i* is safe io Bay that no worker who thoroughly
nnder8tand« his class position in human society can
,ver be influenced by ideas of nationalism, or by the
drivel of patriotism, and yet there axe many who
call themselves Socialists that are influenced by such
ideaa. It may also be pointed out that even a limited
knowledge of the fundamental principles of Marxian economics makes a worker immune to opportunism, and all schemes for reforming capitalism. Likewise, a fairly good understanding of historical materialism is an antidote against ■ all the various
brands of superstitious drivel that are peddled
throughout the world in the interests of capitalism,
in other words, it is a sure cure for ghosts.
Regarding the question of how a class-conscious
worker should act, I might say that the main reason
why he should be class-conscious is that he may
know how to act in his own class interests, under
all circumstances, without advice from anyone else.
There are, however, many ways in which a worker
can demonstrate that he is class-conscious.   For instance he can vote the Socialist ticket, if he has a
vote, and the opportunity to use it.    He can also
support the Socialist press, in preference to the prostitute press of the capitalist class, and this is a very
important point, here we have no barriers to contend
with, there is nothing to prevent any worker from
being-, a subscriber to a Socialist paper. On the other
hand, our anti-political action friends would have us
believe that there are millions and millions of clasa-
eonseions workers whose fingers are just itching to
get at the throat of capitalism, but they cannot express their opinion by means of the ballot, because
they have not got a vote.   If this is true, one would
naturally expect to find the Sociabst press swamped
with subscribers.   But such is not the case.   Even
the so-called Socialist and Labor parties that have
platforms broad enough to accomodate the whole
human race, with the possible exception of John D.
Rockefeller, and the Pope of Rome, are forced to
beg continually, for support for their press.    The
truth of the matter is that the percentage of workers who arc class-conscious is as yet, very small, un-
les we extend ouv classification to include almost
every degree of radicalism, whieh we cannot afford
to do.   There are many other ways in which a worker can demonstrate that he is class-conscious, but I
will not take up space to ennumerate them here.
Among other views in connection with class-consciousness, we occasionally hear the remark that because capitalists as a class, always act in their own
class interests, (that is, they always vote a capitalist
class ticket, support the capitalist class press, and
other capitalist class institutions, etc,) they must of
necessity be class-conscious, and that this fact would
indicate   that   they   are more intelligent than the
workers, who tlo not act in their own interests as a
class.   I do not see it that way.   It is true, there is a
small percentage of capitalista that do understand
this class position   in the same way as a Socialist
understands his, but the majority do not.   All that
the average capitalist does in his own interests, is
to ilo as he always has done.   Continue to believe
the same things he always has believed.   Support
the same church, the same press, the same political
party, that he always has supported.   Do, as he has
been trained to do, from his infancy.   In short, act
like a trained monkey.    This, I maintain, requires
neither "brains" nor education; all that is necessary, is to howl with the pack.   "When we know it to
be a fact that the majority of the workers can be
depended upon to act in the interests of the capitalist class at all times, and directly in opposition to
their own class interests just because they have been
trained to do so, surely it is logical to assume that
the majority of capitalists can be depended upon to
act in their oavu interests on the same principle.   In
fact, I have an idea that if the capitalists were really
class-conscious, if they understood the trend of so*-
eial evolution, if they bad any idea of what the future may have iu store for them, they would not always act as they do at present.   Anyhow the moral
for tbe workers is to study, and prepare themselves
for tbe new society, no matter how their masters
may see fit to spend their time.
f. j. Money. w
Western Clarion
as f)
PBBJiaae*! twiae a ■eatk by Ue Socialist Party ei
Canada, P. O. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
ml O. P. 0# as a
If thla aaac-er to as jaw address labal *******
ON December 6th there were placed before the
workers of Canada the names of half a dozen
S. P. of C. candidates for election or rejection.   They were all rejected
Why? Because of working-class ignorance,
which ia the subject of another story.
Thc vote recorded haa been a'rv.dy characterized
aa a disappointment. A vote from a wage worker for
s Socialist candidate we take to be, speaking with reservation, a vote cast by that worker in hia own interest and with some measure of understanding behind it. In judging votes reeordel for our candidates, we take into consideration therefore, the particular field in which the candidate 'was nominated
and our eatimate of the degree of underst. uding of
the workers in that ares. *
e   e   •
In Xansimo riding, we confess to a disappoint-
ment snd, for thst matter, a surprise. We thought
the workers in thst riding knew more than is indicated by their vote of approximstely eleven thousand for their masters' candidates and four thousand
in the name of their own--W. .A. Pritchard. Dia-
sppointment or surprise must be determined by comparing results with previous judgment, snd here our
previous judgment sppesrs to have been st fault.
• •   •
In Burrard, the vote for Comrade Harrington is
tr.gher than we expected it would be, considering
thc measure of Socialist propaganda that haa previously covered that riding. Vsncouver Centre measured np to and beyond expectations, tsking the constituency into consideration with votea recorded in
previous elections. Vancouver South waa something
in the nature of a surprise: hut only to those who
themselves blew a bubble which waa picked by nothing else titan working clasa ignorance.
• •   •
Now to Manitoba. (In passing we may record
thst Comrade Ii. A. Wiertz waa a candidate in How
River, Alberta. His exact vote hss not come to
hand but it is understood to hsve been very small.
His candidature was entered st the last moment,
therefore we had no notification of it previously announced). In Manitoba, Comrade R. B. Russell waa
defeated by the Workers* Alliance policy, sn organisation the present composition of which we described last issue. We are not kicking about it; we arc
simply stating the fact.
The Workers' Alliance of Winnipeg, under the direction of the Communists, entered this election in
order to defeat R. B. Russell, and they succeeded.   •** spread over a wide area.   The vote will bc given
Thereby bangs a tale.   Events will yet determine   m *hese columns when all returns are in.
whether that tale is to be told.
shall be able to discuss these matters as time goes
on. We bayc discussed them before. The glaring
fsct before us now, however, is that we have to set
onr house iu order. If, in order to do that we have
to burden these columns with controversy, criticism
and a measure of that party strife which hss been a
deplorable feature of some other Socialist journals
in recent years—deplorable, as of no educational
value to thc uninitiated- we shall do it with regret.
But we are ready—if unwilling-—and able to do it,
if it is needed.
The working class has much to suffer from. Its
latest affliction is illusion, the stock in trsde of its
new prophets. Illusion—the hope engendered of
something that the prophets know cannot be realized—this and sound working class education cannot
live in the sanu1 house in agreement together.
Note Change of Addrest.
Local (Vancouver^ No. 1 whieh has occupied the
old church at 401 Pender Street Bast, have been ordered to move to make way for a Chinese Mission.
New qusrters have been rented at
/ 5    * ,l?fr Cordova Street West
Vancouver, B. C.
Rents are high and moving day may again be a feature to be reckoned with, although we hope not, for
the sake of tbe eomradea who undertake the task.
Send mail for Clarion or the Dominion Executive
Secretary to P. 0. Box 710.
v ■ a    a    a
Election Results—
Vancouver Centre—
.Stevens (Coalition)   10,493
Osle  (Liberal)      5,538
O'Connor  (Socialist)       1.866
Batson (Independent)         39
Clerk (Coalition)   ',  12.072
Macdonald   (Liberal)        B,$Z1
Harrington  (Socialist)    2,735
Vancouver South—
Ladner (Coalition)   4ft93
Odlnm (Liberal)   4130
Richardson  (1\T..P.)  2«0/7
Kavsn.irh  (Socialist*        B10
Richmond  (Farmer)    ...    312
Dickie (Govt.) 6,903
Booth (liberal) „ 4,143
Pritchard (Socialist)  3,995
Winnipeg North—
McMiirrsy (Liberal)  3,743
Rtwsell   (rWtalijt)   ,  3,lfK)
Blake   (Coalition)       3,042
Penner "Communist)      596
• •   •
Expulsion of Robert Walker as Member of 8. P. of C
Robert Walker, of Cumberland, B. C, has been
expelled from membership iu the 8. P. of C. Sufficient time was given tc him to enter a full denial of
of the report of his speech in the "Cumberland Ia-
lander" at the banquet to the Governor-General of
• •    a
Concerning thc referendum on the matter of affiliation with tbe Third International. .Many places
are atill to hear from.   Membership of aome locals
feelings is proverbial-" The wish ii f.tl
thought." and ao on. •.»«■» to *
We cither contract or are taught dialike, to n
sects, partjes, nationalities, etc    u p
•It-urn- knowing hi, "label- „,„■ ,rc V **
     a „.„    louri    an< «rC(>, -
hnn; meet him again when we know »hai h
by the "association of ideas" principU hi    3
"a dog with a bad ,,«,«,,• and so all b.w^
Man, aa a being formed for actio-   takea al
in physical and mental action lrres|*eetlva Ht^
ijuencea; becauae he U ao charged with eneJT
'ic canuot be comfortable if it does not nt fu
A conviction that the way ia , bar for in, -J2
of our activities- ft belief -4a aa tan . t Besanwat
happy existence as action Itself.   !>, u!)- lt^.
depresses u*.   Shakespeare a Laertes, liki hi*, fist
spur—"a wa**p-atuug and uapatienl fnl'  *   *'
bents the impulsive temperament. I! ■•„!,■  -j,f
rational mind.    Nietzsche alto point! out tat *
versa! desire to discharge energy whatever cut (I
low;  hence, deduces the eoneluaioti  that stlUr*.
»ervarion is not the first law of |ife,   Hit • -„,-, u
le  powerful'' and dominant   sccounti far a hm
wboae effeeta on others run* from mere -.mp--^
otxd fricteon, all the way up [4 mata murder, awn
n*id destruction.
If au oeeupstiou satitfie* «o»r inner areviof for*.*.
tion, and ia also pleasing to m in it» If »r Sr* lu-
Ue to esagtfcrale ita worth a«id be btitui to |*aestaa|
i|iieneea Thus, we find Stn-dlea r gov*mean p*
*\***d far beyond their original. Beeeaasjy paves*,
am! so degenerating into a Ben conawMptiea ml ib>
e*nt energy, and becoming a aneer wasta ai thst]
tbat ought to t»e employed otherwise
The influence of the physical on the rarttal vs*vl
largely seeounta for the various "anti" BWesaiBa
against tlie thine* that injure the h. ly 31 } th-*r*brl
damage the mind.
The Socialist Movement need* and <b •* an l« thl
elranrat and moat Bn|f BenHmBed thinker*"     a so.[
i« enough." etc.   When under S-. :.* i-m it "w*"
fo have all the people   'wUc ' the -.anv.-, iiv,pf*!i-|
ments to m und thought will tend KB disappear
•o-— 1
— :0:
"We are about sick and tired of the practices of lying, deceit, double dealing, shuffling, scheming,
trickery and deception that now masquerades in this
If the human mind were a perfectly working log-
ieal machine, mankind by now would have been far
konntry under the name of Communiam, which/ further advanced in progress and hanmneHs
pleads tactics as the convenient pretext for every
miserable practice engaged in and which has hidden
behind the ethic of working class loyalty, free from
exposure, in order to further ita own ends.   All in
iuc mind is often burdened and influenced by a num.
ber of harmful biases and prejudices. Some of
these, such ss nstiousl, race, class, industrial, professional and intellectual, are more or less section-
si snd overlspping io extent.   Others influence all
the name of the working clasa I
There Is preached to ue constantly—organization,    mankind almost without except ion
working class unity-end all that goea with it. ^We       As a source of error and illuaioii, the bias of tbe
Juat at tbis moment, when «- eotBf t<* mbbubj
the figures of our "Here snd  Now    a?ul ilir.o'*
Maintenance Fund" budget, we sre confronted fitta
s"pile of chairs, bench forms, cabinets, book*ue»,j
bundles of books, pspers. Btove-pipes and ao font
clothe<J in a mantle of kalaomine an<l settled inex'-n*
ably and securely iu the mid<lle of the fl**or-ea ***)
poaine pde.    Theae constitute our "Btt*Bets,,| they
comprise what Comrade Stephenson wonW no doobj
degr-ribe as our " msterial Bqnipment,"
Somewhere in this pile our records BW to N
found, and they will not be found I < fore this BBBJ
goes to press. We cannot therefor.' poiBl eitfl che«*r|
fill Caledonian acorn in thu iwue te lbs *ke!f!onij
caah aeeumulation of the paM fcWO Bfeeka. We 11 let -j
potts thia time and well drop not even « ••■••* con\
cerning tbe need for flnanee.
• But we may as well remind you of our postal
dreaa-Westem Clarion, P. O. Hox Tin. *******
a C. Our old Joss House in now Inhabited br»J
heathen Chlncet under Presbyterian direstioB, rWj
hyteriaa theology, as a lan.llonl, Bgpecta to exjo
more money from tlie Chinese, in .le**!!* i-""1'';l
it got from us.
The furniture pile wil! be demoWHsed hy B»
(rifth Edition)
far copy 10 *****
Psr S6 ooplee  *^
Stupidus and Sapiens
(Re-printed from tlie "Clarion" April 29 1911
By D. 0. MacKenxie
THE vista opened out by the patient research
of the arehueol-.gist, the ethnologist and the
biologist, in the attempt to unravel the unwritten history of man is one in which the most
exuberant  fancy   can  revel   Bndlosilv    Gradually
there ho* been unfolded to in* picture after picture
until We sec, far in th.- past, beyond even the earliest
tradition, man first emerging from the forest gloom
of primeval days.    bow of brow, long 0f arm, short
legged, huge muscled, grim of aspect, the direct for-
besr of the human race, yet lacking all v--stige of
aught we arc accustomed to associate with humanity.
Dwelling aa the  beasts of the  forest,  wandering
through the clay in search of food, grubbing tor
roots, climbing for fruits or nuts, crou lung at night
in s cave or on the limb of a tree; mating a« the
beast.   A bea*t in all things, naked and unashamed.
Where do we find in him any of that human nature
we speak of so glibly f    Where any eonception of
good or evil, of decency, or morality, or faith, hope
and ehsrity.   Where is the soul which has been th*-
source of so much anxiety to his posterityt Where
th* habits and customs, where the laws, human and
As says our Haji :—
* What re** d be. say. of Good or 111.
Who ia tha hill hole made h.» har;
The Blood-fed ra« nin** !*•*»* 0 sttttf,
WUder taao *ik*#»t «oli or ht-ttr*
"Hew km* In man's pre-A-jamlic day*
Te feed ******* swill, to abMf aa<1 !»r< • •:
Wert the linii* f 4--! » anl> life.
A perfect lite sans Coda or < to***.
Yet, thia is a man, blood of our hlood. and bone
of our hone. Our relationship to him is undeniable,
and its closeness a mere matter of a few hundred
thousand years, A long tunc? Sol it' A mere
turn of the gtsss compared to the ag<* between that
ancestor of ours Slid bis far away forbear, the slimy,
ferr. less amoeba.
Th.it man, urged onward by ihe w»me mute rre-
•tstible farces thst hsve brought bin to «hc thres-
hold of manhood, passes over that threshold, and.
cm-ration by generation, approaches us of today,
ji"t ss we are pressed onward to the tomorrow we
know not. At the s'.ern mandate of nsflSBlity he
adapts himself to new conditions, devises tie v means
of gaming hia livelihood, creates tools and weapons.
snd fver improves upon them.
"Tat. as Ions* tut** rolW he lcame.1
Ftow bea**>r. ape m*I ant to bulk!
Rhelier tot sir* and dsm and 1 -rood.
rrom blast aad blste tbii burl and killed."
Age by age, wc can trace the Btaith of our f.rli*
era towards us. ever, as thee eases, profiting pain
fully and slowly by the accumulated experience of
past generations- growing in knowledge, growing
greater in brain and less brutish in body. Ever
impelled by the stern necessity of obtaining a better
ho'd upon the means of life, improving their dwellings, their boats, their clothing, their tools and weapons. Discarding the rough stone weapon for the
polished, that for the flint, thence to copper, to
bronze, to iron.
Free, wandering, warring, hunting, lawless, pro-
Dertylesa, "ignorant" savages. Living thus for
nigh three hundred thousand years before the first
dawn ol barbarism even. Then, finding a new source
of food supply in the cultivation of the soil, swinging open the pates of Eden and passing out on the
Way that led to labor and to slavery, to progress and
to civilization.
That ancient forbear of ours, the child of the man-
ape, the scientists call "homo stupidus"' —stupid
mnn.   I's they call "homo sapiens "—wise man. Oh,
fond conceit.' Wise man!    We, who revere the an-
liquity of a civilization barely ten thousand years
o'd, and that with lapses.   Who invest with a halo
ol heavenrborn sanctity a mushroom system of property ri little better than a century's growth. Who
bow before the altars of "eternal" deities discovered  but yesterday.    Who crystallize our miserable
modem characteristics as "human nature"—as it
v as in tbe beginning and always shall be.      Who
elevate to the ludicrous dignity of divine Jaw an upstart  moral code coeval with shopkeeping.   Who
eoneeitcdly plume ourselves upon the possession of
a higher ethical sense than our rude forbears, and
daily and habitually stoop to practices which the
most untutored savage would abhor.    Who lie, and   .
cheat, and thieve, aud prey upon one another.    Who
mb. rtvish and oppress the weak and cringe before
the strong; WnO pander to lust and prostitute for a
pi'tanee. who traffic, traffic, traffic in all things—
in manly "honor," in womanly "virtue," in childish
defeocelesaneaa, in the flesh and blood of kith and
kin. in tbe holiest of holies or in the abomination of
abominations: and who crown our achievements by
pouring over the festering heap of our iniquities the
leprous, foetid slime of hypocrisy.
Wise man! Wonderful creature! Lord of creation!
Hub of tbe universe! For whose uses all things, the
qui-'c and the dead, were especially created; the
star"? and tbe planets, the sun by day and thc moon
by nighl to light him: the earth, the seasons, the
Wftids, the rain, the waters, the lightening, the metals, tlie mountains, the plains, the valleys, the fores.s. the fruits, the boasts, the fishes, the birds, the
beet, the fleas and the flies and the corned beef and
The Soviet government is quite aware that it has
to deal with wolves even if they are wolves in
sheep's clothing.   Russia has never believed that the
Entente bourgeois would come to the help of the
hungering workers and peasants of Russia for any
unselfish reason.   Russia, however, did not expect
that they would demand the recognition of the Czarist debts from the working population of Soviet Russia who are dying of hunger.   The Soviet government declares: In order to save millions of human
beings from death by hunger and in order to hasten
the reconstruction of the lnnds which have been destroyed by Entente intervention it recognizes in the
name of the suffering population the pre-war debts.
Wc establish the fact that at the same time when
the bankers of France demand the cancellation of
their debts  to England and America, and when
wealthy England is bringing about the cancellation
of its debts in America they demand the recognition
of the Czarist debts from the impoverished and hungering people of Soviet Russia.   Soviet Russia is
prepared to pay tbese debts when it is in the position
to do so, when by trade with foreign countries, and
with the help of new loans its economic life has been
brought to the normal level.   The recognition of the
pre-war debts demands however, the mutual recognition of the Soviet government by the Entente.
Without such a recognition our recognition of the
pre-war debts would have no international value.
The Entente stands now before the tques-tijoii
whether they will render assistance in the revival of
Russian eeonomie life or whether they will undertake new political adventures through which they
will centainly not conquer'us, but will certainly
cause us new sufferings and deprivations.—"Roata
Send all mail to—
P.O. Box 710
Vancouver, B. C.
(Exchanges please adjust to suit)
ICoecow, October 29th.
C«H Radek writes under the above title m "Prav.
***** "The Soviet government demands the sum-
Booing of an international conference in which the
Entente states have to present their claims against
tovt*t Russia. This coference will be called iipon
** »etflc all matters of contention between Soviet
R'lwin and ita earlier allies. This action of thi
Soviet government ia a great -vent to ihe realm of
world politics.'*
A'ter establishing the fact that the Entente, In
"P'tenf an ita efforts, was not In the position to over-
****** the Soviet power Radek writes further: "Tbe
Vfl*y fr.ct that the Entente demands the recognition
of the Ciarist debta is a proof tbat they have finally
•was. to the conviction that the Soviet government
*** and will continue to agist The campaign of
the Entente against Soviet Kussia bus changed the
«hj into e heap tt ruins. Our industry has been
d-Mwved and for reconstruction we lack machinery
JJ,f "Ptipment, So far the working elan of the
w****to Rnrnpe h„Vp on*v bten able to eomi lo onr
help by etruggllng against their bourgeois. They
could not give MM oiachinory and tools because the
means ol production are stall in the bands of tbe
world bourgeois. Taking this fact into account the
Soviet government lias otten proposed to the capitalists to enter into commercial relations. Every new
victory of the Red Army was made thc ground of a
new offer of peace to Western Europe. The Soviet
government was ol the opinion that it was preferable to accept certain burdens than to allow the.
whoU economic life of the land to be destroyed.
Tbe Entente imperialists have grasped the fact
that if they do not succeed in overthrowing the Soviet go\ eminent by famine they must bury their
hopes. Fur tbis reason England is endeavoring by
means of economic assistance to obtain a monopoly
p. sition in the Russian market. France knew that
negotiations, not yet iu an official form were pro-
reeding between England and Soviet Russia for the
placing of « loan, After the unsuccessful attempt to
involve Paland In B war with Soviet Russia France
haa now devnled to win support of the Entente for
patting through its clrtlnia tor the recognition of the
prewar debt by Soviet Kussia.
''Continued from page 2)
to the length, tonnage, ana cost oi tue ship. Guns and
armour would need to be sacrificed, and as "the
battleship is solely a gun-platform," economy has
to b,e sought in other directions.   The use of oil fuel
results in the ship having to carry a smaller crew
and in other ways is productive of many important
gains in efficiency. The oil-driven warship has come
to stay.   She can be fuelled anywhere except in a
gale.   The British Navy will never, so far as can be
forneen, revert to steam coal.   As one ship after another goes out of commission and'out of the service
-and the original "Dreadnought" is now being
"broken up"—the coal using warships will disappear utterly, and with them the indispensability to
the State of the South Wales miners.
Again, the great steamship companies, whether
for passenger or cargo purposes, are steadily adopting oil fuel instead of coal.     Increase in running
costs has speeded up this tendency, and, despite the
greater price of petroleum, steamship owners are, in
view of other economies, having vessels built to burn
oil.   Furthermore,  at  the  Dockers' Enquiry, and
elsewhere, there hove been continuous complaint*?
about the congestion prevailing at the docks and in
the harbors of this country.     The building of new
docks would be a long and extremely costly affair.
The alternative economy is to "turn the ship round,"
i.e., to bring in, unload, load and send her out more
expeditiously.   Here, oil fuel is a god-send.     The
following are comparative figures regarding the "Olympic," the largest of British ships:—When using
coal she had 246 stokers: now, using oil, she has
sixty, twenty on each shift.   When using coal, it required on each trip 300 men, working four to four
aud a half days, of 9,600 hours of labor, to coal her;
now, 10 men. working for eight hours each, or 80
hours fo all, can oil her.   She bums 600 tons of oil a
day as against 840 to 920 tons of coal.
(To be Continued.)
' '■.
J • *
Materialist Conception of History
"Ireland," one historian says, "has been the
Cinderella of the British Empire, as the Boers and
other parts of the* Dominions have received Home
Rule. The government of Ireland by England was
the outcome of a conquest conducted on a scale of
ferocity and cruelty unsurpassed by Germany iu
Belgium. Each compiest was followed by the con-
fiacation of Irish Lands to English robbers, who
drove Irish landlords and Irish peasants to death
and destruction.''
As early as 1172, Henry 1,1 took advantage of the
internal troubles of the natives, seized upon the
kingdom and conferred the government Upon his son
John, by whom it was united in 1210. But with successive revolutions it was not entirely subdued until the 16th century. Laws were now established to
wear English dress and use the English language.
In Queen Elizabeth's time the Protestant church
was established, and all subjects were bound to attend its services. The violent manner in which enforcement of these laws was attempted aggravated
the rebellous spirit and drove them to insurrection.
Lecky, in his "H-story of European Morals,"
tells us, when dealing with the final rupture of England from the Church because of the Pope's perpetual demands. "Ireland on the other hand, had
been given over by two Popes to the English invader, on the condition of the payment of Peter's
pence" Vol. II p. 92.
At a later date the successors of the English Conquerors became the absentee landlords, draining
Ireland of millions a year, which were spent iu London or on the Continent, instead of in improving tin-
land of Ireland. In 1847 it is estimated four million
pounds or 1-3 of the entire rental of Ireland was
paid to absentee landlordism. The inability to pay
rent led to evictions of tenants from cottage and
land, in most eases without compensation for improvements which had been made.
Therefor, crushed between the upper and lower
millstone of exorbitant rents ami prohibition of natural industries within half of a century nearly half
of the population, (4 millions, as the population of
Ireland was 8 millions), were forced to emigrate to
the United States. This accounts for the large Irish
movement in the States.
With the sttempt to crush out their religion, legislation was passed to prohibit Catholics from teaching. Their children could not leave Ireland to be
educated abroad, they were prohibited from carrying firearms, buying land, voting for members of
parliament, or from holding civil or military positions.
Laws passed in Henry Eighth's time provided
that English statutes were law in Ireland and that
the Irish parliament could not meet, that ita net*
oould not be passed without the consent of the King
and Council, further, that the Irish House of Lords
was composed of Anglican prelates and nobles, and
the House of Commons of Protestants who represented one-tenth of the population.
Is it any wonder you had a rebellous people?
Yet, fearful of this shadow of independence and determined to consolidate English rule, the Anglican
parliament of Ireland, in spite of the protests of the
Irian patriots, sold its birthright for a mesa of pottage
and Ireland lost this semblance of parliament by the
Aot of the Union of 1800, which assigned Ireland
100 members to the British House of Commons and
28 peers to the House of Lords.
Tbe basis of society in Ireland (except a small
strip of land around Dublin, before English invasions) was tribal ownership of land. The Irish Chief,
although recognised in the courts of Spain, Prance
and Rome as a peer, held his position upon tbe suf
ferance of the people as administrator of tribal laws,
while the land and territory was entirely removed
from bis jurisdiction. In some parts of Ireland the
English invader could not penetrate except at the
head of a powerful army for almost 4i*0 years after
the first conquest. The forcible breaking up of the
clan system in 164^ changed the social BBpBet of the
struggle whieh, Connolly says, fell into the hands of
a middle class.
lie says: "The so-called Patriot Parliament waa
in realitv like everv other Parliament that ever aat
* *
in Dublin, merely a collection of land theives and
their iackeya- their patriotism consisted in an effort
to retain for themselves the spoils of the native j»*a»-
antry: the English influence, against which they pro-
tested, was the influence of their fellow tbeivea ill
England, hungry for a share of the spoils. .Sarfiehl
and his followers did not become Irish patriots because of their ficht against King William's government any more than an Irish Whig out of office ber
comes a patriot because of his hatred of the Tories
who are in.
'The forces whicii battled beneath the walls of
Limerick or Perry were not the forces of England
and Ireland, but wen- the forces <-f two English poll-
tied parties fighting for the possession of the powsfB
of government, and the leaden of the Irish Wild
ii esc on the battlerlelda of Europe were not shed
ding their blood becaoae of their fidelity to Inland,
as our historians pretend to believe, but because they
had attached theme* Ives to th-- defeated aide »-f
English politics. This fact was fully illustrated by
the action of the old franco Irish at the time of the
French Revolution. They in a body volunteered
into the English army to help to put down the
French Repttblie and as a resnJf Europe trttneneed
the spectacle of the new r-'puhliean Irish exile* fighting for the French Revolution, and the sons of the
old aristocratic Irish exiles fighting under the ban
nor of Kin-laud to put down the Revolution." .
"And on tbe other hand . . King William, when
he bad finally subdued his enemies in Ireland, showed by bis actions that be and his followers were animated by the sail- i lass feelings ami consideration*
as their Opponents. When the war was over William
confiscated one million ami a half acres and distributed them among the aristocratic plunderers that followed him.
While they who adhered to the iinuy of .In in ex
<•■ uld not expect any consideration after bis defeat
by William, the hungry horde of adventurers nnder
William who bad glutted themselves with plui d«r
fot which they bal crossed th< Channel, showed no
more disposition to remember the claims of the eommon soldier by the aid of who*,- swords they had
risen to power than do fcbe rubra of today show to
tbe relumed soldiers when they are no longer need
During the American Revolution, whan Ireland
was threatened with a Kreneb Invasion, a large volunteer force was raised to protect Ireland.
When England was occupied abroad, pressure
was brought to bear which temporarily abandoned
the claim set up by the English parliament to
fore- laws on tho Irish Parliament, and also a concession of free trade, enabling Irish merchants to
trade on equal tonus with their English rivals was
inaugurated through what was known as Grattan's
Purliuiient Tbe political agitators of today never
tire in telling us that the period of prosperity attained during this parliament would be restored with
Home Rule.
Yet with this boasted prosperity there waa an
advertisement of a charity sermon to be preached in
the Parish Chapel, Meath Street, Dublin, In April
1796, with the statement that in three streets of the
Parish of St. Catherines no less than 2000 souls had
been found in a starving condition.
This ia really what the Home Rule capitalistic
expression  of prosperity   will  mean  for thl  Irish
workers, even although they obtain Home Rule.
We And Ireland did not lose her trade position
by losing her parliament.
The invention of the water frame ami apinnini
jenny, by Arkwright and Har greaves; Crampton'a
mechanical untie: the Application of tin- Steam »n
fine   to  blast   funis-'---*,   all  combined  to cheapen
linen and cotton.
The Competition became so keen and. Irish is.an
ufaeturers, without a native eoal supply, beina dependent on nn English supply of coal while their
English competitor* before the days of railway
transportation had the coal supply at their door,
found P easy go undersell the Irish msnnfscturer.
As long as such machinery via* worked by hand
Ireland could bold her place on the markets, but
w ith the application of steam to tbe industry tod the
introduction of the power loom which first came Into us.- in 2613, the immense natural advantage of I
coal supply finally settled the contest in favour of
English manufacturers.
It was stated in the Irish Parliament thai the
prodnetion of linen was twice the production of
Scotland m IW, the flgaree given being 23,000,000
yards for Scotland as Again*'  46,706,319 yards
This daserejpancy m favour «>f Ireland ••.•*■ credited to the native parliament But by the year 1830
the port of Dundee. Scotland, exported m<-r*- linen
than all fan-land, although both countries had been
deprived Of *e\( government.
Why   had   the   Scottish   manufacture  advanced
whilst tint of traland hsd deeayedf ■ ■ Because Si I
lard pOsWeanetl a nstive eoal supply and every fl
it*, for Industrial pursuit* that Ireland lacked.
The volunteer army during ihe threatened Fr«tot h
invasion in the American Revolutionary period wen
all Pro test a i> *«. well armed, they demanded « re
it.oval of al) their political grievances, politieal re*
pr«s--ntalion and freedom of trade.   They woa 1 '
Trade, but after the gram ing of free trade a roJ
unteer convention was summoned to meet in Dublin,
to consider the ipiestioii of popular refweaentatiofl ia
parliament.    Lord {'harleiitwit. command-1m■*■»■>-f
Of  the  volunteer**.   repudiaS *d   the   Conv.iilin    BIS
example was followed by all thc lesser fr>   B' ' BB
«lly. when it did meet. Henry <'rattan, wb«-s   |
I real and personal fortunes the volunteer** bad made
denounced them in parliament as "an armed rsb-
The convention wa** fniitles* and ended in con-
fusion, when the attempt was made 10 hold another
convention it was prohibited by Government pro
damaUofl and the signer* of the call were arreated
and heavily fined.
The Government having made peace with Aw
erica,   granting   independence,   was  able  to  bumI
troops in Ireland and tbe Volunteer movemenl *•'"
rendered without a blow.
Therefor We have seen the patriotic ProtestanU
of Ireland making a great bowl during the Ores-
War when some of their Catholic friends have imi*
fated their ancestors, taking advantage of poor England whan she was busy at war abroad.
If we look at the Irish Question today we Mill
nee it la nn economic question as to whether tb'* cspi-
taliHtK of Ireland will keep the. surplus value •v
ploitcd from labor or share it with the absentee land-
The Rev. Dr. .1. A. H. Irwin, minister of the Pre*
byteriau Church of Kilhead, Ireland, Bnrni "There
are two or three factors necessary for progress a
prosperity and happiness of any people in any ooUfl
try; first, the right to develop their own Industrie*!
natural to their soil; second, reasonable means ol
transit  for the  transportation of their products j
third, a natural, responsible, sound system of b»*


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