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Western Clarion Dec 16, 1920

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Full Text

 CLARION
A Journal of
CUREENT
EVENT8
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
,   HISTORY
ECONOMICS
PHILOSOPHY
Number 833   Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, DECEMBER 16, 1920
FIVE CENTS
The Coming War With America
I HAVE been asked if 1 can give any elue to I
elaab between Britain and the United States
in the near future, by some of the "Clarion"
readert. I *"»>' K8>* ''oh" Maclean has issued a
pamphlet under the above title, published by the
British Socialist Party, price, threepence. I will
piv. some of the quotations from this pamphlet, and
will add more information which probably Maclean
had not obtained. He quotes Douglas Haig. at
Glasgow, Msy. 1919, warning Britain not to rely
on (he "League of Nations." but to make adequate
preparation, using the expression: "Only thus can
the terrible pressure of economic competition be prevented from driving whole continents into war."
Sir Douglas believes the danger can be averted by
raising eastern civilization to the lev. 1 of that pre
vailing in Kurope, because of the danger of them
flooding the world's markets with cheaper goods
because of their lower standard of living.
Ma< lean *a> s " As Germans had a* high a civil*
ittlion as Britain, and both fought, we must dis-
Sgree with Sir Douglas when he anticipates a yel-
<>\v menace We calculate that America holds the
Reid So popular b this view in political "high
dies'! circles, thai ' .luhu Hull' utters on a potter
thi pitiful cry: "Is America to Boss the World?'
Sonw may protest tbat a war between English
•peaking people is impossible Perhaps; but let
these recoiled that the bloodiest war of the bis?
century was the American Civil War of 1861*65,
over an economic question." Maclean points out an
American who urges universal military training aa
being convinced that "Ss long as human passion^
remain unchanged, as long as lust for power, or
lovt of laud or greed for commercial expansion exists, so long will there be war."
"Americas foreign trade has trebled .luring the
war. Sh,. ownet 6,000.000 tons of shipping, instead
"f 1,000,000 in 1914 whiUt Vr 2<H) shipyards, with
1,000 slips, are now construct mi: over 4,000,000
'"lis instead of 140,000 in 1914 Britain's foreign
trade is expanding and she has still over 15,000,000
■hip inns; but her yards have only on stock t de«
dared weight of 2,500,000 tons No wonder the
press had recently an inspired advertisement head-
adi Shipping Supremacy -American Shipyard
Competition." Be shows how America it obtaining
■ grip of European market* an.) how Britain It
counter 'balancing the menace by loaning to Euro
peat- Ooantrlts ta capture th« ir wad..
"•' deals with the trustification of Industry, Mar
1,111,1 and Wolff having absorbed Ingles' shipyard
"i So. (Jovan and Henderson's shipyard of Meadow
"de, Patrick.
The shalt oil industry of Scotland has been absorbed in a 480,000,000 trust, dominated by the Persian Oil Company, which is largely controlled by
the British Government for commercial and political
basons in Persia. The Federation of British In
,llls'fieH. representing a capital of £4,000,000,000
B*»8ti for foreign trade and class protection at
lioine.
He pointH out that the big banks of New York arc
'"operating with  the Ment Trusts of America to
,,l(1 food supplies, ami how America is using the
'"'"''••eneeR between  Francs and   Britain  over the
Peace terms and Syria, to win Francec to her side.
He deals with   the  British   loans  to  the  Baltic
States and the sop thrown to Norway to rule Nova
Zemhla in the Arctic ocean. The visit of British
journalists to Denmark he describes as being no accident when "we know America is flooding Denmark with motors and agricultural appliances. The
power which can get a grip of Denmark has the
key to the Baltic and the north."
He tells us: "Britain is encouraging Japan in
North China against America, and in East Siberia, for the same reasons.*'
Maclean says: "America is exploiting Ireland's
distress, and this explains the mighty reception
given to Dc Valera, backed up by loans in due
course. In case of war Ireland would be a fine
naval and air base against Britain. Britain could
be kept out of the Atlantic, and if cut off the continent by a ring of opposing powers he* course as
the mistress of the seas would be ruined. This
explains Britain's madness in supprcsing the Dail
Kirreamthe Sinn Fein parliament )and Irish papers,
and the imprisonment of Irish patriots. America is
exploiting this all right. She is showing herself as
the "righteous democracy," whilst at the same time
she is absorbing her own little Ireland—Mexico to
wit."
"'The Consular system is being reeaxt. Now Britain will have over 400 full-time Consuls over the
world, instead of 2(H) on half-time as before. That
means more trade and political spies—the prelude
surely, to another war." Maclean then deals with
the military and naval preparations of Britain and
America, and the trans-Atlantic flying, pointing
out that America's route was by Spain to France.
lie points out the probability of a dash over China.
with Japan and Britain lined up against America
and China. He gives quotations from various
sources comment ing on the merging of banks and
industries to recover sufficiently to stand the com*
menial struggle, especially with America, also that
Mr. diary, chairman of the I*. S. Steel Corporation.
urged immediate resumption of trade Wjjth Germany.
and finance less fortunate countries to revive production. Gary warned business men that they were
facing the fiercest commercial struggle in the history of the world. He declared the American merchant marine equals the best.
Mr McCurdy, Parliamentary Secretary to the
Food Control, on October 31st. 1919. stated that as
chairman of the committee on trusts it had been his
business to investigate aud protest the sinister influences on Ihe world's meat markets oil the American packers combine, and that tht situation wag
"full of menace," as this group (the Big Five)
"already controls a large part of the surplus meat
of the world.'' Maclean appeals to labor on both
sides of the Atlantic to save the world from a new
and bloodier war five or six years hence, by taking
full conquest Of bower, political ami economic. To
cut out this mark< t rivalry and co-operate, which
will lead to abundance and leisure for all.
For the details read this pamphlet
I will further illustrate tne necessity of the wage
slaves to waken up to their position if this strug
gle is to be avoided.      The "Sunday Chronicle,"
,V9 20. with a headline "Coining World Fight for
Oil Wells."
"The American oil men see the danger ahead;—
they are therefore, scouring the world for new oilfields; only to find that British enterprise has near
ly everywhere been ahead of them, and that the control of almost all the most promising properties is
in British hands. The past of the oil industry belonged to America; its present is predominantly
under her control; but ita future, if we play our
cards well, should be, and will he, British
"America is not going to tee her old supremacy
in the oil world pan without a struggle; that the
will fight hard and long to prevent the British concessions in Mexico and Central and Bouth America
from remaining in onr hands, and that this question of whether Britain or iJie United States is
destined to dominate the future of oil, is going to
prove one of the most contentious that haa evert
arisen between the two countries."
There is also a movement to bring the West Indies into a political union with the Dominion of
Canada, with representation in the Federal House,
and a Provincial House similar to the provinces.
Mr. Harry J. Crowe, of Toronto, wrote to the
London (England) "Times," March, 1917, on this
subject. The "Times" had an editorial applauding the project. Here are some of the outstanding
features as expressed by Mr. Crowe:
"The value of these tropical possessions seems
also to !>e exciting the cupidity-of some of the statesmen on the other side of the border. You have,
no doubt, read a recent despatch from Washington,
containing a remarkable suggestion from William
G. MccAdoo, former secretary of the American
Treasury, and son-in-law of President Wilson,
namely, that the United States should take over the
Bermudas, Bahamas, Barbados, and Jamaica, to reduce Great Britain's war indebtedness to our
southern neighbor.''
'The value of these tropical possessions in the
Caribbean Sea has long been reeognized by our
neighbors to the south of us, and we should not be
surprised at this when we realize that the United
states has more trade with all the West Indies, than
she has with South America or even with China,
with her 400,000,000 consumers."
"The United States fully realize, as we should,
that the world is more and more depending upon
tropical products, and that the great rivalry of the
future will be for the control of the tropics."
He deplores the fact that Canada has no tropical
possessions, while South Africa, Australia and New
Zealand have acquired tropical territory larger than
the German Empire, from the enemy, while Canada
has not added any territory, although she paid
the biggest price of any child of the mother country. Mr. Crowe frets that Canada has no Florida or
Louisiana, no Hawiian Islands, nor Cuba, nor Porto
Rico like the United States. He says: "The lack
of tropical territory is the one obstacle to our full
development. Canada must have tropical provinces,
producing raw material for our manufactures, aud
cheap fruit and other products without tropical territory of our own, in my judgment, we will
never be independent of the United States."
"The United States has been rapidly extending
ber political and commercial control over the West
Indies, until she now embraces not only Cuba, Porto
Rico, but has acquired the Danish West Indies, and
1 understand is now negotiating for the purchase of
Dutch Guiana. The rich republic of nayti and San
Domingo with their 4,000,000 people will likely soon
(Continued on page 8) PAGE TWO
WESTERN     CLARION
A Controversy
Eorroa's Nort—Both of the disputants arc well known
to "Clarion" readers and to the Socialist movement ia this
country. Both of them have come through the same "school
of thought," and they are well grounded on the fundamental principles of Socialist education. Their contributions presented hereunder appear exactly as written. Any
further contributions that may contain apparent personal
references will suffer mutilation while in our care. There
is room here for discussion and we see no reason why it
should not result in a continued interest iu die Russian situation, and a thorough understanding of the problem- past
and present, oi the Rassiaa comrades.
A. McKENZIE CRITICIZES J. A McD. s ARTICLE
'ON COPYING THE BOLSHEVIKI.'
Comrade Editor.—
In the issue of November loth of the •Western
Clarion." appeared an article  under the  heading
On Copying the Bolsheviki." by J. A. McD.
Such an article coming from such a well known
and  voluminous writer,  and  accepted  teacher  of
Marxism in our official organ, is to say the least,
rather surprising to many of us. and demands aome
criticism.   r
In the said article there are really only two para
graphs rfiat could Dt seriously objected to, namely
the first and eighteenth, but they so contradict the
re>t of the article as to misrepresent the true Significance of the Russian Revolution.
I shall let the first paragraph g«> with a very brief
statement. a> the other onr requires a much more
comprehensive rep'y. Indeed the first paragraph,
to do it justice, would require quite a discuvdou.
He says in the third sentence, tirst paragraph .
• We understood, at are still understand, that Bol
shevism is not Socialism." Then what is it? And
what is " Socialism?" Without going into the story
of the origin of the name "Bolshevik."* it will suffice
here to state that before the Revolution March
the Bolsheviki were the truly Marxist faction of th<
Russian Social Democratic Lahor Party. —the other
being the Mensheviki. After the November (Bolshevist Revolution, when they had obtained a majority in the Soviets, they simply put the Marxian
theory into practice, and have been doing so ever
since. For. be it remembered, Marxism is no iron
clad system to be imposed "ready made" so to
speak, on society. But the great lesson to be learned from Marxism is its- method. And. true to that
method, the Soviet Government is building up a
Socialist society. True, they are building it in the
face of enormous difficulties, but they are accomplishing it well And whoever expects to find an
ideal system in a few years in the face of uninterrupted warfare, expects the impossible. But nevertheless it is Socialism in the making.
Here is what he says in th* eighteenth paragraph :
They have Revolution in Russia, but at what a
cost?   Thousands wiped out of existence through
the ignorance of their follow men.    Were the majority of Russian workers solid for Socialist prin
eiples. no nation, nor group of nations, could thwart
their efforts.    They would not be compelled to a<-
eept as allies the factions .opposed to them     They
would not have to accept 'Tilsit Peaces.' or shak*
the bloody hand of Capitalist Europe.    These are
the defeats that we  can learn  from.   These are
the obstacles that we must shun."
The above is from the pen of a supposed Marxian
Socialist. It is really vulgarized Marxism. The
Marxism of Kautsky. the Socialist renegade. It is
a gross misstatement of facts, and shows the inability of the writer to appreciate the solution of the
many difficult problems in a practical manner whieh
have confronted the Russian workers since they
took the management of their affairs into their
own hands. Not only the above, but in a previous
sentence J. A. McD states that ''As many impartial
persons and delegations have testified, it has had a
detrimental effect, in many ways, on the Working
Claaa Movement in other countries "
Let us deal with that paragraph piece by piece!
He says: "They have Revolution in Russia, but at
what a cost? Thousands wiped out of existence
through the ignorance of their fellow men." A
a matter of fact very little blood was shed in the
Bolshevist (November) Revolution. More Wood
was shed in combatting the counter-revolution, tided by armed foreign intervention, ami the cm.!
blockade. But it must be remembered that Russia
lost more men in the Imperialist War than any other
nation, and I am willing to wsecr that there have
been less people killed from the beginning ol the
November Revolution up to date, less than 1»>0 per
cent than in the said war.   And that mostly by for
eign intervention.
Then he  says:  'Were  the  majority  of  BottTJan
workers solid for Socialist prineipbs, no nation, nor
group of nations, eould thwart their efforts." The
majority of Russian workers  were,  and are. solid
for Socialist  principle*,  otherwise  :h.y  would  not
be in power today.    As far as other nations thwart
;ng their efforts, that it only partially true, and he
sides, that is not the fault of the Russian workers.
but of the bitter hostility of every capitalist power
in the world, and of the general political  back
wardatet of  the  working clashes of  those  various
powers, especially the Kntente
Further on he says. 'They would not be com
petted to accept as allies the factions opposed to
them." What doe* he mean by that sentence? I*
must be the participation of the Social Revolution.-
ari-N of the Left, and maybe some of the Menshivik
factions in the government who were at one time
opposed to the Bolshevist programme, but who now
Owing ?«> the development of «\ • nt«*. have seen their
mistake and thrown 01 the;r lot with tbe |Udshe\ik
Therefore they ean hardly }»- said to oppoae the
Bolsheviki
And again: "They WOttld not have to accept 'Til
s't Peaces,' or shake the bloody hand of Capitalist
Europe." 1 suppose "Tilsit Peaces" must r*e tht
Treaty of Brest Litorsk, with perhaps the separate
treafiea which the Starlet Government concluded
with   Ksthonta.  Latvia, Georgia,  I.ithunla.  Finland
and Poland.
Anyone familiar with the events which led up to
the Brest Litovsk Treaty, and the necessity to con
elude such a treaty | space forbids me dwelling on
it here), will understand that far from being a
mistake it turned out to be the only way of avoidintr
the probability of being wiped out, and as a matter
of fact, subsequent events proved it to be one of tin-
greatest traetieal moves of the Revolution.
The conclusion of the other treaties are also te
he considered as great achievements of the potecfal
policy of the Soviet Government to avoid BBIiaees
sary bloodshed.
As  to  "shaking  tht   bloody  hand   of  Capitals!
Europe," he means the opening of trade with the
capitalist powers, or rather the attempts to do s«».
by  grantinj- certain concession*, etc.   Is this to  bt
considered as a defeat or mistake? I^t us nee! Russia is backward industrially   It is a eountn. of vast
natural rtaOIVCtt waiting to lie developed. Its great
est immediate necessity ia the rapid reconstruction
of the transportation system.    Before the war Rus
sia   imported   nearly   all   her   manufactured   goods
from western Europe or America.    Sinee the Revol
ution, that has been cut off by the blocksde. and the
Russians have  been compelled  to depend  on   the
meagre resources of their own industry to try and
keep up with the enormous demand.      But this is
found to be very inadequate. So the Bolsheviki must
seek  trade with other countries who  can  *uppl\
them with such things so necessary to the feeding
clothing and sheltering of their people, whieh  a'
the present stage Russia is incapable of supplying
herself.    If such a trade incidently give* profits to
the capitalists of other countries, it solves a problem
for Russia in a few years, which, if left to her own
resources, would take centuries, besides Strengthen
mg  the  position  of  the  workers'  government   by
helping to build the Socialist society.    Is that a de
feat or mistake?    No!
The paragraph mentioned above „,,,,. .,,
"'   'IN* o
tradiett the rest of .1. a. KeD.'s article  it V
a la.k of understanding of the Martfe.-, J,^*'
thought, especially in regard to tha PmlJ.
' i un (ir:aii P.
volution, in spite of the many tSturtntai at^l
rhetorical phrases that he does so.
Tbe leaders of the Russian Revolution 0J ^
gamed   this   knowledge,   not   only   |,v  ., ,    °4V
study of Marxism, but by taking pari it Hi fa
Revolution.    Their  mistakes   have  bean ta>   ?
* * i\   Vw
And whoever heard, or will ever hear nf>.
i -i '        "vein
in.ii without mistakes and temnoran ,!,•••■     .
hut strengthen tht revo'ottou nltimatelj
Far from being a detriment ti. the     . ,    ,.
other countries, the Russian Ri rolutk      n, ...
example to the enslaved of every land   u .
rnoiistrated to many of raa the true nature . \i
ism as the philosophy of the militant « .-.. -,
No doubt there ts a tendency en • -{,,.; wa,
to 'do something" now, tacticians « • .. „^
ient knowledge; but there are also Iota thtersti
with sufficient knowledge who la k • • eosran
initiative to impart H Jo others, er ' ii • i{lrT.
ism to suit tbe tast> s of their own eomfortsl
*> r
.'•on,
Indeed the need for education u rerj greet
I think that  we will have to dtviaa other uas«
more vigorous  means, and  tactic ,<:■..  Ut gel   $
propaganda  in-fore  tha   masse*      CH ensue si
shall base to give way to a  more  ririle
Th.it  is the lesson of the Russian K*. .    ition
A  MeKRiM
Mcdonald s reply
Coming, as it does, from one whom 1 hare>
long sod favorably in the Socialist meat tat
at  tbe same time, involving a reexs
meat popular subject, the ertttctstt *Jb
K«n/ie i%. indeed, worth*  of m • •
The rancor and irritability   displayed
no vtell a« the ittnoendoet tVC8t trait"'    11
my part.  I can merciful!)  condone     T    M
tions have no i>earmg whatever on Un •   ;    *
could not be sabttaatiated even " the*
Tune, in the course of his art    •
tettrtt  that   two paragraphs  it     0 I ■
Bolsheviki"  aoatradkrt   the  remainder el  "
♦ributiou.    No proof is offered on where the*
tradictions oeeur. snd  mere ass**     •  ess get a
nowhere m a serious di*eu*sion
The eaee, as outlined in the artieh aader bt, s
brief, is this: A Revolution ha* taken pltet it !■
sia A re*olute Marxian minority ineeedeel ■
overthrowing a weak bourgeois regime tad JDl8
garated a system of proletarian dicUtorahip ft ■
s*.ad While the new aocial Cora* it aot Sedafie*
hat dictatorship of a minority, it warrants tbaltf
(Mtrt Of all revolutionists, the WOrld ever, Stttai
of its opposition to international eapitaltSt, S"
the avowed intention of its leaders tt StttWm'
tneial ssstem in the interests of the pt*odaetfl•a*
'i'.at the elaaa-coriseious proletariat ol fttaW
tries, while sympathizing with, and Id
lo, the Russian workers, should rOCOgl its *« tV
that conditions in Russia are quite ■:
wait they are in the industrially de
11
tries of went.™  Kurope and  America
condif.oiis warrant a method of attack that. >■ ^
probability  would  not be successful  b   ^e *®
developed capitalist nations.    That our ftest
(►on of   emancipation lies in   the  diteemma * *
S^wialist   knowledge  amongst  our   W CW
and not in recklessly indulging in the va   ';1\,L>nt
of mob action 'hat have been advance 1
parties during the past three years.
A nview of the article in question wi   I &
clusivelv that this is a fair summary oi
(mi!!-
lai.l down.    Vet. where is the contradict
is none iu  reality.    But, while  I have
dieted myself, still, for the sake of a
contradict   Comrade McKenzie.
I Th"*
etrr
I »** WESTERN      CLARION
PAGE THREE
What is Socialism?   What is Bolshevism? Social-
il a philosophy, a propagandist movement, and
Lt0Tw of society.   H is generally referred to in the
.' . gen8e   a form of society, where aocial owner-
hip and control of the means of production obit ns    la  this  the condition of affairs  in  Russia
I  ,iiv      If so. then the Bolshevik leaders are guilty
V 1,'yinr, the facts from the rest of the world. Iu
article <»u the "Economics of a Transition IVr-
,,    Soviet Russia," July 31, 1920, Lenin, after
I   plaining »" detail how private property in land
Iv.i
, Mil f™
abolished on the 1st day of the dictatorship,
,,„,„ „n to show that it was impossible to put social
uprship into operation, and ends with the state
l)t thai   'small production for profit remains the
form of rural economy."
l„ article No. II. of "Russia Under the Soviets,"
eompiled by Pritchard, from a conversation be had
Iwith Vf. I{ Humphriet, and pnbliahed in the "Red
pjag " this keen observer, aud clever student, more
lengthily explains why the Bolshevists did not. and
,.(llil,j not, carry their land programme to conclusion.
again, in the front page article of "Soviet  Kus-
|„.,,," June 26th, 1920, Lenin tells us that during the
,Mt two years they had gained some knowledge <>f
[the foundatioa <»f BociaHtm, but that there were still
man] things lacking for the realisation of such an
aim.
The same thing is true in regard to the industries.
u 1 ean prove by numerous quotations from the Bol
iberik leaders should such be demanded. Many
lories are still owned by capitalists who exploit
-rage alavi a in order to make profits. Of eourte, I
al owing for the possibility of Lenin not under*
itandtng the eonditions in Russia so well ns Com*
rade afcJCemne, though I would re^qaire i little more
prool from the latter concerning his qualifications.
But, does my critic himself honestly think that
Si alism prevails iu Russia? His tirst statement
say« il docs not, but before he finishes the paragraph
iodines the Mtflttbin to:     But nevertheless it in
Socialism   in   the   making."   What   mode  of  reason
tig ia tins*    Right there We can ftnd that Bolshevism ind Socialism are not  synonymous terms   It..'
ism, as a social system, is proletarian dictator-
with  the  ultimate  object   of Social  ownership
control.    A bitter discussion is now being wag
ed hy the Kautskian and Leuinian Schools as to the
s hility of Bolshevism developing into Socialism,
In my article I stated that time tlont would solve,
thb problem, and this statement still stands
Next let us look at the quotation taken from my
art  >: "As many impartial persons and delegations
have testified, it has had a detrimental effect, in
''•any ways, On the working class m0V< ment iu Other
countries."   A glance at the original suffices to
show that this quotation has been torn from its eon
texl  ami  made   to  mean  Something  very   different
:!'"»> what it says.    My statement was that the persona and delegations testified to the  benefitcial  ef
fecta of the Revolution on the Russian workers, and
not to the detrimental effect it had <»n the workers
elsewhere,    The latter was my  own comment.
On this conclusion my opponent emphatically dia
agrees    One  has  only   to  review   the  attempts  to
imitiate the Bolsheviki. made by various organist*
'",,lv Hi the United States and Europe to sec that
""'withstanding the fact that the Russian Revolu-
""" ts an inspiration to all workers in the light fo
freedom, the lack of knowledge concerning the tit-
nation, as exemplified in the case of my critic, has
llf,d an injurious effect on working class policy.
™< re in the V. S. wc had numerous examples of the
formation of "Soviets" and "Workmen and Sold*
,<>rs' CounefltM founded on enthusiasm alone, and
locating the suspension of education, and the
biking of mass action against a ruling class strongly
entrenched in the realms of power. This "spontan
eo«« upsurge theory" with its down tools, and street
''''"'""^ration policy, could have none other than a
detrimental effect on the numbers who openly as-
"ailed the capitalist citadel with nothing but good
""''"'"uis to warrant their actions.
1,1 the '•Revolutionary Age." May 24th, 1919, a
Bolshevik writer- -Mescheriakov    tells of how  the
"k'lish workers tried to copy the Bolsheviki by
lo,,,»'Mg "Workmen's Councils."    He says that they
did not understand that councils "as organs of the
revolutionary struggle, and proletarian dictatorship,
can work successfully only in the atmosphere of a
proletarian revolution." The attempts in England
had met with complete failure.
Comrade McKenzit's attack on the 18th paragraph of my article is weak and vaccillant. In
most cases he has answered himself. One sentence
particularly merits examination: "The majority of
Russian workers were and are solid for Socialist
principles." A review of Lenin's article on "The
Work in the Villages," "Soviet Russia," February
7, 1020, is sufficient to brand this statement as entirely incorrect. He there shows that the reserve
of science, knowledge, and culture, without which
Communism cannot be built, is in the hands of bourgeois specialists who do not sympathize with the
Soviets. That among the peasantry are extraordinary disaffcetions which reach the stage of the repudiation of the entire system of Soviet economics.
<hi the question of "Shaking the bloody hand of
Capitalist Europe," "Tilsit Peaces,'' "Accepting
their opponents as allies," "the cost of the Russian
Revolution," etc., I can recommend (for space will
not allow me to quote) a perusal of Lenin's pamphlets—'A  Letter  to  American   Working  Men,'"
Lessons of the Revolution," and "Soviets at
Work." This paragraph, however, was not an
attack on the Bolsheviks for doing something that
they should not do, but a plain statement of fact
regarding the position they were placed in and unable to avoid. The moral, if such is necessary, is
that we must study Socialism and know how to act
when the opportunity presents itself. Comrade
McKen/.ie winds up by stating that the need for
education is very great. The more I see of his article the more I am inclined to agree. As for the
"other, and more vigorous means" for spreading
Socialism, a little further elaboration would be
thankfully  received.
Now, Alex., resume the attack as soon as convenient. But do see to it that you sprinkle sugar instead of vinegar on your mush before starting in.
This is a big Subject, and can be dealt with far better b> avoiding groundless insinuations regarding
your opponent Let us examine the ease on its
merits, and through such means arrive 81 I satisfactory solution. J. A. McD.
:0:-
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of
Canada
W> the S.wiahU Party of Canada, affirm our allegiance to,
ami Mpparl "'• ,h«" principles S*ai programme of the rcTolu-
Uoaarj   wqrkiag rla«s.
Labor, ann'otl to natural resources, produces all wealth
Th* iriMll economic avatem ia baaed upon capitaliat ownar-
»hip of tl"' mamat at production, consequently, all the produce of labor belong to the capitalist claaa. The capitaliat
in    Oicreforc,   maater.   tbe  worker  a  slave.
lo lon» aa th,.  capitalist  claaa remain* in po«<cssion of the
■ . .j tonraawaU ail th.  paman at tht state will hi  u«< t
,„   ,,-,,.   i   u*d   daf*n<l   ita   proport*>   right*  la  th.-   win  cf
.     |ta j •,..In. nop »"-!  lt» control of the  product  of  labor.
Th* eapltallal lyttoa jtT-al to the capitalist an tver swell-
lag mo am of profit*, and to thr worker, au ever incroaaing
mo aattl*   of   iiiimd   and   degradation.
The latent* ol the working ol«M lie* in getting itself free
tram caplteHl* exploitation bj the abolition of the fage
■•-Item, under which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. To accomplish this neeeasitatea the
transformation "f capitalist property in the meana ot weatlh
production   into   socially   controlled   ecouomie   forcee.
The irrepresKible conflict of interest between the capitalist
and the worker nccessar.lv expresses itself as a struggle lor
political   si.pr.uit>.>.     This   is   the   Class   Struggle.
Therefore, we call all workers to orguniie under the banner
„f the Socialist rsrt> of Canada, with the object of conquering the political powers, for the purpose of setting up and on-
forcing the economic programmi of the working class, as
follows:
I, The transformation as rapidly as possible, of capital.st property i" th« means Of wealth production
(natural rotOttTOti factories^ mills, railroads, etc.)
into collective means of production.
The organisation and management of Industry by
the working class .
•1 The establishment, as (speedily aa possible, of production for use instead of production for profit.
Literature Price List
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The Present Economic System. (Prof. W. A
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(All above post free).
All above literature can be obtained at the 6ame
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Winnipeg, Man.
 :0:	
SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
LOCAL (VANCOUVER) No. 1
EDUCATIONAL CLASSES
POLITICAL ECONOMY: Every Sunday afternoon,
from 3 to 5.
HISTORY: Every Thursday evening, from 8 to 10.
Class* s meet at 401 Pender Street East. No fees
are asked and no collection is made. All that is
required is an earnest interest in the subject taken
up. All points raised and all questions asked are
fully discussed. Membership in the Socialist Party
of Canada is not a condition of membership of these
classes.
You are earnestly invited to attend.
 :o:	
LOCAL  (WINNIPEG)  No. 3—EDUCATIONAL
CLASSES.
ECONOMIC CLASS: Every Friday at 8 p.m.
SPEAKERS' CLASS: Every Sunday at 11 a.m.
HISTORY CLASS:  Monday   Evening,   8   o'clock.
Friday Afternoon, 8 o'clock.
These classes are already well attended, and the
number of members is increasing. The classes meet
at 530 Main Street, Winnipeg, and all workers are
requested to attend.
it PAGE FOUR
WESTERN     CLARION
Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy,
and Current Events.
Published  twice  a  month  hy  the  Socialist  Party  of
Canada 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Phone  Highland  2583
Editor Baron MacLeod
Subscription:
Canada. 20 issues   $LG0
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fktmM^ «*•** number is on your address label your
JC*Cs#';-j'i -eription expire? with next issue. Renew
mara** •promptly.
VANCOUVER, B. C. DECEMBER 16, 1920
EDITORIAL
H. 6. WELLS.
THE latest publicist to visit Russia is II. (•.
Wells. Mr. Wells is a noted novelist. He
is also a master of arts, and a bachelor of
science. His jaticiful imagination, however, is
more useful to him in gaining a livelihood than
these last mentioned attainments.    Be was at one
4
t'me 'and may now be'   a member of the Fabian
Society.
Mr. Wells- speut fourteen days in Russia. A previous visitor from England. Bertrand Russell,
spent a month or more there. Mr Russell had
never been in Russia before, which was quite evi
dent from the articles he wrote on hi*, return, ami
the apparent difficulties he was under in masting
comparisons a> l«etweeu conditions past" and present While there Mr. Russell com pared Russian
conditions under Soviet administration with hia
own theories and preconceptions, and of eour*.
his theories were much nicer than conditions as ho
saw them in Russia. Compared with him Mr.
Weils appears to be a better observer, although
he does not appear to be quite as well acquainted
with Marxian literature. In fact. all. in the same
breath, Mr. Weils condemns the conclusion arrived at by Marx in "Capital" and proclaims that
he has not studied that work. This being the ease.
Mr. Wells' eritieism of the Marxian whiskers may
be allowed to be quite in order. As we have said,
he is a good observer. He has seen Marx's picture
and that Ls all he knows about him. Not even our
fanciful novelist, however, would have us condemn the theory of surplus value, the materialistic conception of history and the class struggle
pronouncement because Marx chose to wear well
ordered whiskers. Being a man enthusiastic about
art in all its manifestations, we grant him his
place as a critic in that department of human endeavour. His limitations as a eriti e of what is
known as the Marxist position are self confessed.
He has not studied that position.
But in visiting Russia he was saddled with fewer
preconceptions than Bertrand Russell. , He had
been there in the early part of 1914, and in his recent brief visit he was able to make some personal comparisons. In industrial life, in work
shops and factories, he found activity curtailed,
mostly on account of the mobilization of men for
defensive purposes on the various fronts. The
transportation system, a basie field of operation in
any country of large area, he found to be seriously
out of order and in a state of disrepair. The food
supply and system of rationing he found to be even
worse than that obtaining in the England he knew
during the time of war. The education system he
found to be constructive and admirable. The com
munal schools were the subject of his warm admiration. In them, in their educational system
and in the food administration within them he
found that the system built up by Lunacharsky
and his educational staff had** surpassed his expectations of what was possible. Disaffection and
at the same time contentment with the Soviet regime he found among the peasants. He had al'
the freedom of observation he required. He was
sensible enough to expect that if he were taken on
an official tour inspecting schools, prisons, etc., he
would Ik? shewn these institutions under the most
favorable circumstances. The same is done every
where. But he anticipated this by sometimes cancelling his official engagements so that he might
make surprise visits. The result of these surprise
visits was good. His conclusions on the Soviet a>
ministration are warm in praise. No other group
or party in Russia is possible in control. To abandon Bolshevism means murder, chaos, starvation
aud wholesale disintegration now. The Soviet
chiefs of Departments he found to be able men and
earnest workers. In administration of Russian affairs they had steered a straight course and had
achieved what was impossible for any other group
or party. From the ruins of Czardom they had inherited nothing but hunger and want, a broken*
down transportation system and an indiistra! and
agricultural collapte in production. They hail tt
taablished Dictatorship, and Dictatorship, instead
of weakening, had neeessarily strengthened itself
in three years. Without it, any semblanee of order was impossible in Russia.
With the Soviet theories and ideas of social life
Mr. We'js found himself in disagreement 01
their administrative work, he has nothing to say
but to praise it. In spite of the many delays in
transportation and communication which, inciden
tally, he make*, responsible for his failure to meet
Lunacharsky. he thinks it astonishing that there
eists any at all. There is really little in Mr. Wells'
account of life today in Russia that is not pub
lished week after week in articles written by the
Soviet chieft themselves. As for instance in "Soviet Russia."' the organ of the Russian Bureau of
Information in New fork. We have seen in the
past year or two the efforts of these Russian
writers to acquaint the workers of the world with
Russia s condition and her needs Their progress
tn construction work from period to period, their
Statistics of output, their laws, present plant and
achievements generally, have ls*eii given publicit)
.Mr. Wells no doubt is fairiy familiar with these
or similar documents. Be went to see for himself, that is al*. and being a well known figure jn
English journalism he is able to gain tbe attention
of all who will r»ad and pay attention even t<» a
newspaper.     lie charges the miseries of preoeul
day  Russian  life to the   wreekag**   inherited    from
Czardom; to tax years' war and to the blockade.
Anyone  who expects  to  find   uninterrupted   harmony in social life and free institutions of administration—let Bt say democracy—in a country that
has had Russia's experiences of the last six years,
is  blind to perception or    otherwise    dull.      Six
. ■ ars  of  incessant    warfare    and    three    years"
blocadc!      Any administration   that   could   main
tain existence during the last three years in Rus
sia, even if it has not the fully comprehensive un
ders'nnding of its entire population  (tt the theoretically pure would have it)    has    surely    judged
needs and conditions rightly as it met them.
' ..necrning the b'oeade and its effects), Mr
Wells' account of hospital equipment and surgical
rippfict urgently required is worthy of note.
'I niiik of a condition wherein, in a hospital, in th«
mUter of operations, eases have to be held until
the "operating day" once a week eome round
This in order to conserve available supplies and
prevent disastrous waste. That the Soviel medical
authorities have been able to check the spread of
disctae is due to organised effort in the face of the
utmost difficulties.
Strangely enough, from an   industrial    worker's
point of view, the aspect of life in    Russia    that
most arouses the interest of visitors like  Russell
and Wells is the cultural aspect—art, music, literature.    It is strange that a man like Wells, who
was prepared to see worse conditions    in    Russia
than he found there, and who appreciated the ef
forts made by the Soviets to establish and main
tain order amid chaos and the pressing problems
that neeessarily arose, should be surprised to find
the healthy development and promotion of art en
deavour in its various branches To be a consideration secondary to the workaday problems of life.
In this he shows his lack of understanding ot  the
paths of human evolution and  social  growth
In all  his activities man first attends
" bis re.
quiremeuts iu food, clothing ami ibelter hi
these, when he finds time, he builds h - , .' ^
without  Ulit  basis  is  useless  to   am
k<m.m*
4*1
nl and
shorn of appreciation.    In the various eta***   •
1-    development, the measure of tuns srttsti«
hi*
effort
has corresponded to the Leisure time his m*th a
acquiring a means of livelihood afforded hi      i
first  built   his  house and  in hit after        ..,iU !*
decorated and adorned it.      II,   first clothed v
self and afterwards, in course of time  he w..  i,
to produce | coat of many colors.    ]{,. Vjis .
and he ate what he could obtain.    Priautrre ^   'I
knew  no sauce.      In supplying his meals be gg
met  the demands of bare nature.     Watt be 1
• reeled for himself an inhabitable house he ja a
able  to consider decorating  it,  walls     I _,. |#.
beauty, however offensive to the
*rt me fo-j
II  Q, Wells it may be. will prove | }-.,.■■
if circumstances ever overtake Bits  .
hungry.
And so who  Russia.    In a land when
ti\e   work   us   !,,   progress,  towards  the ,, ((,
its people's needt, the first consider..' ,: [jaj ;„
directing energy toward the finding • food,
clothing and shelter, and making secure the ter,
tainty of continuous supply. The*.- ;,.,- the essentials. Art without tin m* i* useless, be • e*i).
not then be appreciated. The follow,- ,,f ,>ulta*a
will attune himself in *»ueh a period tt the ietml
requirements of the day. The rcquirtmc jus of the
day. being met. will promote in art its iraptkt
If  Mr   WVls  were now to dtvote himself mi
misIv to a study of Marxism h*- m gut      !"rs?a!:i
what he has ofottlTUd     He BBtktt H ••• ||
theorising  and   tells us  the class *•-..•„
a f«et of life.    He cannot see the dividing line between bourgeois and proletarian     Marx •     tSSCltl
fhat  there is an unbndgcd gulf  between ttttt tVS
eltatet and  thai  they  hnve nothing
In this matter we have little regard '    Mr Wi
opinion^     The  eonfutlOn   of  his   mind  ou *ueh  t
subj'ct  as this is not  due  tO dullness      I I
of application in its study,    Wt are
tln*sc  argument*  from  the  polished    and       '  '
lights of  literature     Mr    Weill   * —
classes instead •«f two     He would trgu<
of his kind that the workman who     • *"
Of tWO to his credit  in the bank  is in the 9S\
ing class  as  drawing  interest.      The da'';* pet
when we have to prove the BOnttSMN of -'""I1 ^P
lent twitterings.   The wage worker whose ti
has raMttd a dollar or two's worth *' "•?"
sentcd in a banker's meagre ■ceoonting of ha swings, is but a day or two further removed from
starvatio,, than his fellows in time of street u'
maintains life, not on his savings but OB tat pr*
ceeds of the sale of his lalw>r power da* bj At*
This it the real division of classes that Mr Welt
is looking for, wage workers who se'l labor poms
and capitalists who buy it. LoboT in prodtctto
and capital iu appropriation; a class of prpdltcai
and a class of owners; a subordinate elaas sad*
ruling class; exploited and exploiter; property
'ess and property owning, proletarian tad *>,ur
geoisie,
IN DEFENCE OF CHARLIE 0B MEN
Some time sgo an appeal for funds was sent to
us by the O'Brien Defence OoflUttRte, Roetestefi
N. V.   The appeal stated thst funds were reostrw
a I    f'
to obtain a writ of habeas corpus for ( otnrsai
M. O'Brien, who was ordered deported '"'" tb<>
United States. We thereupon decided to <M,«,,> ,fl
O'Brien Defence Fund in tnttt columns, but. Sia«*
later advices informed us that O'Brien had oMtt>
«'d the writ, and had succeeded in nullifying Uw de-
portation warrant, we waited for further niforMi
ation.
Our readen have been informed that Comvuh'
O'Mrien was arrested in December, 1919, under th'
Criminal Anarchy Law of the IT. S., and that ot &*«
been on bail under the charge of havimr sold •
copy of the Manifesto of the Communis T*S *
Pnrty to a police informer. Under this law the po»
ally stated is 10 years in jail or $5,000 fine, or bol >•
O'Brien'h lawyer has been promised thtl *'iC WESTERN     CLARION
PAGE FIVE
itics as a man devoted to the cause
Who< ver   is  ac-
h0«rintf before the Lusk t omnuttee some
DDtaio »" f" w* ,
i -lofl tbis month, and moneys are required to
(Jill 11 * ,*S
expenses.
i      lt fecl that wc are required to elaborate
'Brien'8 qualil
,ij}ng clats emancipation.
tc(j with the history of the early day efforts
frig education to this end in Canada is sc
,,,,) with the story ol the pioneer work of
I , O'Brien, Some criticism is necessary how
on the tttitude of those who hold that the legal
[, ig oecesttHly a losing fight for the worker.
T. therefore t waste of time .effort and money.
Iconstantly teach that the political, legal, moral
religious relationships of mankind change cor
idingly with their underlying economic basis.
•],at Maintaining a relationship, each with the
L ajd all with the base, they each play a part
houUliiig the affairs of men. rteet, classes, etc.,
. |j,e course of time.
! ourOWn case, that is. in the case of those who
devoted to the education of our class, We com
;•, come ii-" contact with the law.   Under cer
circumstances we may  be disfranchised,  thu-
L < i.ur privilege in so far as it affects the pol
structure; in other circumstance,, we may be
is,«l in social life or excommunicated  in th'
fcpooi world, and while we may not experience
th grief over these happenings, contact with the
nstitutions of any country is a grave matter
In the ease of contact   with  the Criminal
the personal liberty of civil life that we en-
r    ,.i'ii in tlies.   days,  is threatened     If  we en-
i . dispute   or protest   on  any   charges,  on
nd« real or imagine*!, that the minions of the
chose tl any time to 'ay against us. we would
r< to 1"   easy victims under our masters' rule
building would have boom times.    In entering
te ind argument  on the charges laid against.
|.   enlist the support and itttcreti of our fellows.
,i then we come to the point of presenting the
; in the case, directly or indirectly, wc are
ol the training that department of man B
tier} activities that  a lawyer has.  to argue
use where it necessarily comet to, be decided
the courts   In O'Brien's case the following
toys have been received here. Further donations
j he sent to Louis   Stark.   .><»  St.   Paul   St..
■ehester,  N Y . or to K.   MacLeod.   P>1    render
••' K.i**.  Vancouver   B   C.    Further donations
I: be scknowltdged   W. htcQuoid. $1. R. Mac*
|1; II  Williams. $1; Blampin, $1. II. How.
)' $lj  I   Johnton* $1 ; Hanson. $1 ; Mrs   Streeter.
A Sabanaki, $1: Lst^rin, 60c. j •! Dckowaky, $11
Saury. BfJc; (Jbrosetti, $1 ; J. Shepherd, $1 :    1'.
•ta, rl, Johnson, $; Managos. $1 ; Mcl'rice. 50e.
Isrlic, &0o; Smith. Tl ; Ananymous,  iOc;  Brown.
Uroont, 25c; Lsthorre, $1; Reorta. i0c*j K. A.
,,s. lij Local Vancouver. No. 1. $25; A. Slave,
Total, $46.70,   (This is np to Bee. LOth.)
Things As They Are
'Wi
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TIIK happiness oi the world, and the true
prosperity of man in society, therefore the
real happiness of that society, lies in the complete realization of Socialist philosophy. Whoever regards existing conditions of life, and has a
glimmer of the nature and objective of political
society- and the numbers that are being compelled, through bitter experience, to examine those
conditions are being constantly increased by the
inevitable contractions of capitalist maturity —
knows that irj this society there is no possibility of
prosperity to any but the owning class, and but
scant happiness to any others. Human society has
grown into, and developed through, ever changing
tonus of slavery, perceiving neither their identity
of principle, nor their material necessity of form
and function. Hence, although crucified on this
necessity, and dimly conscious of his degradation,
man has expended his efforts for his real welfare,
vainl} tgaintt one or other detail,—always stubborn to alter, and valuless when achieved.
But out of the determinism of the world process
hat eona i consciousness of this principle, a consciousness clarified with development, kinetic with
necessity, as t climax of whieh the body politic
will lose its polity of class rule. This class rule,
although m appearance different is, nevertheless,
functionally the same as all ancient political socie
lies, holding a subjugated class in bondage by pre-
«isely the same methods.government—for the same
reason,—the exaction of tribute—based on the same
economic foundation—ownership of the means of
life   the one and ouly way mau can be enslaved.
This "political" means of obtaining a livelihood
in the ke\ to our exploitation. A ruling class in
society, of necessity owning the materials of pro
duetion, is master in. and of. that society, since a
master elaas predicates a subject class. That is
the meaning of capital. That is capital. Hut a
master class, .owning the materia! of production, by
erectly the same right of property controls the entire product of the productive machine. Hence
automatically, a steadily accumulating stream of
wealth flows to the master, a weightier burden of
degradation to the subjugated.
The commodity nature of capitalist production,—
production for sale—ultimately means the stifling
of all industry. Because, by the invention of mechanical appliances, and the involved displacement
of labor, there is an ever-increasing surplus to dispose of, on a steadily diminishing market. Free
competition between buyers and sellers eliminated
all unnecessary material from production, neeessit-
Bt»ng commodities exchanging at value, value being the socially necessary labor embodied in their
production. Machine production therefore, by pro-
gretstvely augmenting the producing capacity of
labor, progressively decreases its purchasing power.
\"o purchasing power, no market: no market, no
profit; no profit, no production, since, as stated.
production is entirely and absolutely for profit.
With this sioppage of industry, we disport ourselves
in the manifest delights of 'financial panics." while
our masters diligently seek for an outlet for their
goods, which our activity produced. That is the
owning class end of the business.
Hut we, too, alternatively, iutel'igent voters and
recalcitrant workers, have a commodity to sell. Ami
iu selling .OUT commodity we have the same "freedom" as our masters: viz.. freedom' of competition. Our commodity is labor power, subject to
the same law of value, determined in the same manner, as any other commodity — the socially
necessary labor involved i,n its production.
Or in common or garden English, the amount of
food, clothing and shelter requisite to maintain itself iu the realm of production. And just as the
competition of the capitalists among themselves for
profits compels them to exchange—sell—their merchandise at value, so the competition of the workers, for jobs, compels them to offer their one eom-
raody at its value. But the perfection of the too1*
of production SO enhanced the productive capacity of the Worker that, while he receives the full
market   value  of his Ubor power  (wages, to  buy
necessities wherewith to restore the energy con
sumed in the day's work) he does not receive the
full value of his productive power (surplus, which
is exported). This immense surplus which labor
creates, through the medium of machinery, belongs
by right of property to the owner of that machinery. This is where we are exploited. Here is the
fountain spring of master class profits; the yawning gulf of slave class poverty. Here, we discover
the mysterious and variegated tree of opportunity,
whence Sir William gathereth figs, and Henry, this*
ties.    And both are blindfolded.
Hefore the master can realize the profit contained in this abundance of creative toil, he must exchange it on the world market. Hut here the law
of value reacts, exactly limiting the 'purchasing
power of that market to its capacity. Consequently surplus increases until, at last, the glutted market compels the production machine to halt; and the
indigent feverishness of stagnation rcigneth instead
of the indigent feverishness of industry. Furthermore, to the greater misery of the slave, to bis infinitely greater humiliation—here is the fdfended cause
of war. Capitalist government meets capitalist gov.
ernment on the commercial field, competitively for
"place," "privilege," '4coneession,,, *'rights" "tariff favor," "spheres of interest," one and all squarely based on the economic necessity\of markets, obtainable by "diplomacy," 'taet, or "peeceful
penetration" if possible; by the weightier penetration of Krupps and Vickers', if not.
Since the hope of capitalism is profit, and since pro.
fit is only obtainable through exploitation, obviously
all endeavor to exalt human society, thst does not
abolish this exploitation, is futile. Classless society
is the hope of the world, yet we must jtossess our
souls in patience, until the mills of the world process
grind out the conditions of its advent. We cannot
thrust our ideal on the psychiatry of wealth accumulation; nor force dialectics on the illusory ideation
of interest. We can only preach to whosoever will
listen; and only those are disposed to listen who suffer from the necessities of the omnipotent machine.
The one great fundamental of capitalist society is
class ownership of the means of life. When the
growth of the system, which consecrates this ideal
of property has, by its inevitable expansion eon-
summeted its own dispossession, the truths that now
clamor for acceptance will find a fertile soil in the
great body of dispossessed, thrust out of the ruts of
custom; expedled from the havens of individualist
opportunity; fated to see their all swallowed up by
the sateless Moloch of monopoly.
It is for this reason there is no short cut to the
"golden age.'* The preeessional of the system itself must vanquish the confusions, hoary and hallowed, draping the ideal of property right in life's
requirements. That accomplished, the inexorable
facts of economic law will stand out, clear as the
summer sun. We. the workers, suffer from the
spoliation of capital. Obviously, therefore, we
must be the instrument, iu the logic of time, for its
overthrow. But to abolish requires wisdom; to act
knowledge. That is our part in the substantial of
evolution. While we are passionate with hope.
vibrant with enthusiasm, eager with the heroism of
an ideal, we must also be girt with understanding
staged on the invincible rock of material fact. There
can be no compromise with political parties, no dalliance with the reforms of the declassed, or the opportunist. The ghosts flitting among the crumbling
ruins of revisionist Utopias are arguments, eloquent
"as the tongues of angels," and it is for us to benefit from the tear-misted failures of the disappointing
past.
History speaks with unwavering voice, and the
lessons of the times have shown the unflinching nee.
essity of loyalty to our ideal—the civilized commune
—unyielding adherence to our basic principle—the
abolition of wages,—and witnesses with the fervor
of inspired truth, that whoever walks in the narrow
and precipitous way of historic materialism, must be
freed from all expediency, absolved from all prejudice, and speak with clear utterance from the calm
summits of unclouded reason. R. PAGE SIX
WESTERN     CLARION
Just a Few Definitions.
Editor's Nora.—In a letter accompanying the Following
article under the above title, Comrade MeXey, who is well
known to our readers expresses himself  (in part)  thus:
"About a year and a half aj;o, at the time when the
"Clarion'' was under the ban, 1 wrote a short article of
about six hundred words, that contained part of what is in
the present article .only much milder in tone, and sent it to
"The World," Oakland. Calif, (a near-Socialist paper, at
that time controlled by a group who afterwards became part
of the Communist Labor Party), with the request that it be
published and that some comment be made 00 it or di*-
CUSSioa asked for. There was no response; the article was
not published. Evidently my literary style was at fault; or
it was thought better not to have any discussion 00 smii a
subject 1 then wrote out another copy and sent it to 'The
Proletarian,'' Detroit, srtth the nunc request but 1 left
town soon after, and missed two or three Copies, so 1 do
not know whether they published it or not
"lt is difficult to educate the workers to understand their
class position or anything else, so long as the country i> full
of radical p*pef$ edited by fools freaks, humbugs and
hypocrites writing volumes  and  saying  nothing.
"The enclosed article is something in the nature oi a challenge to those freaks and humbugs to get down to bed rock,
and explain what they mean, and the circulation and influence of the "'Clarion" is wide enough so that they cannot
all very well ignore It Mo>t of them will, of course, but
there may be a few who, due to ignorance, or a sincere
desire to get to the bottom of the subject, may undertake to
discuss it. Let us hope so. 1 am also aware that some of
the conclusions arrived at may not meet with the approval
of some scientific Socialists. Very good; they have as
much right to their opinion as 1 have.''
It will be noted that in the article itself Comrade McXey
requests other "Clarion" writers to express themselves on
his  conclusions.   We  have  no objection  to that   (provided
they don't all do it at once).    In our opinion definitions, as
such, are the stated meanings of terms which stand to be
accepted or refused.   Acceptance means that thereupon tlie
properties (so to speak) of the term commonly accrptrd as
defined   may   come   under   discussion.   Refusal   means   that
these properties  cannot  be  discussed until  they are  recog,-
nized under a commonly accepted definition.   Wc are more
interested in the thing itself than in the definition of it. At
the same time it can do no harm to have the term* commonly
used defined and traced, for the purposes of common understanding.    Comrade  McN'ey's classification of certain  work
ing class symptoms incidental to strike conditions as recreative and Ipoftivc are not quite in keeping with tin  otherwise
seriously expressed context of his  article-    We publish t!u>
article  in  the hope that its various  fundamental  statements
may be examined by our readers-'to the end that the many-
elusive phrases commonly seen in Socialist and Labor paper*
relative to "action"  of  one  sort and  another  may  be dis-
CUSsed  and  that   thereupon   political   action  may  be   understood.    Since  we  are on  definitions  it  will  not DC  amiss to
direct  atten'ioi!   to   the  usefulness  of   any  word  or   phrase
in  tracing i:*  history or, more correctly, etymology, as  for
instance   the   word   economics.    A   study  of   the   roots  and
origin of words lends stimulus to the appreciation  of their
present  reference,  and  while  we are  not  anxious  that any
discussion   that   may   follow   from   this   article   should   exclusively follow that course, we would like to see avoidance
of arbitrary standards.   There is room for considerable discussion here, and \«-ry likely, as it arises, wc shall have a
word to say ourselves.
FOR some years past, it has been the privilege
of the workers of the world, from time to
time, to bt invited to apply their economic
power, to use economic action, direct action, mass
action, etc., in their efforts to emancipate themselves from waft slavery. We have also been
warned against baring anything to do with political action, parliamentary action, etc., and have been
advised to strike at the ballot box with an axe.
Those invitations have been issued by all manner
of persons calling themselves revolutionists, and
ranging all the way from stool pigeons up to univer.
sity professors. On the other hand, the more conservative and law-abiding radicals and labor lead
ers, warn us to have nothing to do with direct action, and advise us to be content with parliament
ary acton, and constitutional methods. Again,
there are those who Ml us that political and economic action, used together at the same time, is the
only solution of the problem, these being the two
wings of the same bird, and whereas if we use only
one at a time we will wobble around in a circle
and get nowhere, if we use both together we will
be able to fly along gracefully, and peacefully, to
the land of milk and honey. All of which advice
may be very good as far as it goes, but when we
consider that not one of those wind jammers has
ever seen fit to give a logical definition of the terms
they use. nor have made any attempt to class:fy
the subject discussed, it is all more or less confusing. Consequently we have decided tO offer a few
definitions for what they are worth, and Judging
by the general intelligence displayed by most of the
disputants, we feel perfectly qualified to deal with
the stlhject, there is always room for one more tool
in any discussion, and one mote fool should always
DC welcome in a fool's paradise, this is our main
excuse for ''horning in."
We will commence with t few dictionary delta
itions. and finish up with t few definitions of our
own.
Power  -Ability, capacity   strength, energy. Cm
ulty or energy of mind, rule or authority; capacity
for action."
Action    ' The function or operation of that which
acts; the doing of something     State of motion, ae
tivity.    Foret exerted by one hotly on another
Economics*—"The   science   that   investigates   the
conditions    ami    laws    affecting    the    production
distribution, and consumption of wealth, or the ma
terial  means of satisfying human desires."
Politics—"The science and art of government."
Government --"Act or pact of governing; cxer
eise of authority in regulating the action of some
thing; control; direction; rule."
Strike—This word, like many other Knglish
words, has several meanings. we are concerned herewith only one.
"A  strike, in the labor sense,  is a ttopptgt of
work by eommou agreement on the part of a body
of work -people for the purpose of obtaining Of re
stating a change in the conditions of employment.*'
It will  be grunted that  these definitions from an
ordinary dictionary are fairly correct, although we
might   elaborate  on  tOftte of them  a  little  from   I
Socialist   point  of view.    Therefore,  we  shall   pro
(•♦■ed with our definition of terms
Economic power, IS the power of man over nature
The  power of man  to  force  from  nature in  ever-
increasing quantity, all thing! necessary to his . \
istence.    In other words laltfir power.
Economic action, is economic poWi r tppiicd to
the natural resources for the pnfPOtt of producing
wealth.
A strike is not an application of economic power
A strike is a refusal to act.      Theoretically speak
in*?, when | grottp of workers are on Strike, they
stand motionless with their arms folded, until their
demands are  granted, or until  starvation  and  Unpolitical   power of the  State drives them  bark  to
work.    It is true, that in reality Wt do perform eer
tain acts when we are on stnkt, s .< h as eating our
meals when we have anything to eat, or throwing
a brick at  a scab occasionally, and  other playful
little acts of similar nature, but such acts cannot
properly be classified under the heading of either
economic  or political   action,  they  can  more  cor
rectly be classified under the heading of sport and
recreation     And as such have very little to do with
either  economics  or  polities.       And   furthermore.
the fact  that this refusal  to aetf  this stoppage of
the  production  of  profits,   temporarily*,   occasion*
tily brings results, in the shape of a few reforms.
is no excuse for calling it action
Politieal power is the power of man over man.
the power of government, coercion. The power used
by a class of parasites, to force a class of slaves to
product wealth, and yield it all up to their masters
Power used for the purpose of robbery aud exploitation. Cotttequently, the class that holds the po'
itical power, also controls all economic power and
action.
Politieal action, on the part of the capitalists, js
any action they consider necessary to maintain
their position as a ruling and exploiting class.
Political  action, on  the part of the Workers,   is
any action they may find  necessary to overthrow
the political power of the capitalist class.      To es
tablish a proletarian dictatorship, and maintain it,
until all danger of eoojiter.**evolutioi- i
until  all  tht  means of wealth  production
property  of the  capitalist   eltts
put
*M
;**
I Tine.i into the common propert) ol u>*	
operated In the interest of the whole p^nk J
it must Ih* remembered, that the Raptur*. 0[3
let] power by the workers, do matter *hetkJ?
majority!   or   B   minority,   (tori   ,.,,- ,    '
•ttntaneou! abolition of elatses,   \ •
We may make j- compulsory   toi
share of the work, but  WC must
. . rf P°«  'i\
-'"•   that   they   continue   to  do   it       p„r ,^  ,
psychology, and tht desire to beet ... .  ....
more, will persist for t long lime in the nim*. i
the  cooqnered   parasites      p.
On!) bt eliminated by a gradual pro,.,-,, , * ^
ation und education This may take a s„...J*
or two, and can only be tCCOmpltshed tsdern
Ietarian dictatorship.
Direct Action- If this term means aaytiuottjj
it un ans efficient action.    The easiest qsietat,i
net efficient, or the only way to sccomplss *gj
purpose, no matter what that put . Q|
applies to both political and economic kum tv
moat efficient, or the only poasibl eeoBomcti
tion. is direct action, teen though ii I reel nethti
must   be   used.     Likewise,   the   niOs!   , ,        >fj
only possible, political action, is ilao rj •. •,,-,.,
e*en though indirect methods must be  .-■ : fat
tins is understood, the term Aif • .   •
itself, has little or do meaning, it is saperl    u
- infusing ami nnnecetttry term    The >       s
tion \ery often advocated bj the <
l*ed  action, when  it  i* action si s
idiotic action, not direct setion.
lottfc l"  tlie position Of those Jaw §b»d I .'   ■	
declare themselves opposed to direct
fined above, for such » declaration      ■      H*
eltring themselves opposed to til i l
While we ar<- on the question of pos
tion.   Wt   might   mention   thai
nometitnes defined a* utht powei
ownership of economic wealth," ;
not fnwttigttt the sabjeel x,*r> tho
theory is i fallacy.   Owncrtbip is    ■ •       fl"
ired claim, tad the only power -
the political power that sustain* ii    If • "   "r
the ownership of tconomic weali    "■    - '
property, girt the owners. >■:    -
omte  a<i   inttgt «>\rr  those  who  ■■
workers, just so Jong as the Work) '
jonty ol  the people, recognise ai
claims and title tbeA-*, or so long   it tl
bold  the political  power to suet • ■ '
their ownership, which amounts to
because if the majority of the worfctn I :: :~
COgnite and respect those claim* ami nirht* '
petty,   the   i-SpitalisU   would   n<'t   *
power Tory long    bt thlt connection, we w«
if there  \\ any   real  power in OWm
ft.  that   tht Cttr   the  landowner*. SI
i-ts. ,nd not use it to maintain the •
rulers of Busaitf Thev owned everything w ■•
while the working data owned n ,kf
stances might  bt cited, but tin** \* enough !
pretest t   ^
Now we realize that this article U whs1
^^^~~~™™™™™™^     been *™
implies, and that  the last  word bat '      ''"'',. Vfj
on the subject bv anv means, there is enoagn
•      • ,.,r*i (is-
make a good general discussion, or
i        a?» woold *
ssions,   in  any  economic  tltsa    >%' .^
e to have the opinion of other "Clarion
1 .   .. i ting
hjCci    my    rim     llliinn,    in'  ,■
-----------     fJM      ■ -aj
to make a good general ditcusaion, or
diss'
IIK»     iif   inaiFtT   tur   i>ifiiii»hi   v*i   ,,,,.*>•        — - .
on the subject.     In the meantime, we   "
Waiting for SonteOBt to show thai • (.
er and  action,  is anything other  thai   l»D'
applied to the natural resources, for
producing wealth ,u>:
Waiting for someone to show thai ! ''   ""' '\ ■
-'bis? s"
and action is anything other than in ^
in   all   its   various   forms  and   nun'1'   f*t,( n   |
power used by a class of parasites to ''
slaves, of the fruit* of their toil.
(Continued  00 P"K''"  s WESTERN      CLARION
PAGE SEVEN
Materialist Conception of History
n
LESSON No. VI.
HEN   the   Matriarchal   institutions   prevailed,  women's  economic  status  was  su
promt, am* descent wafl Ui *-* female line.
pure,   which   was  developed   by   the   women
,!„. tribe cultivating the land surrounding the
nuts  while the men were hunting or herding, was
,;isis upon which slavery was built up.
i,,, fintt si^ns of a settled life appeared in the
aVjeultursl stage.   The women left behind, in need
, .i learned how to plant roots, ami agriculture
ls at  firs!  «  female occupation.
i\,    lD0  ,,.   tribes   wandered   about,   agriculture
;, secondary  pursuit.      When  the  tribe  gol
.,   ,.,<_ ni « fertile plain, agriculture became the
■neipal occupation.   Dp to this time private pro
irty consisted of the simple personal belongings,
jell were buried with the person at  death. The
i not onh   of private property  but  public  pi"
Ij   did  act  exist   before  the  agricultural  Stage,
ie Bra!  Itndownerthip was held iu common
\>  long  tS  women   folks   remained   behind   and
titivated the soil, the manufacture of household
basils was exclusively done by the women. YYher
ter the women materially assisted m the production
accessaries of life, as in the Marian [aland,
[... welt well treated and enjoyed a superior pos-
on to the women in Other parts where women did
^  contribute to the production of the  material
•* of life     Morgan points out that  the Iii
m cultivated  maize  and  potatoes.   They  dug
earth with I crude stick, or spades and hoe,
\       of bones ami shells attached  t«> ■ stick   The
I the cultivation was done by the women
I      the  men  went   hunting, and  «s  the  U8C ol  8
|ing  constitutes  OWnerthip   in   primitive   society.
irate property  was owned  bv   the  women, there*
>■•   inder these conditions women were equal, il
I iperiOr in the tribe, with female descent.
We loin  much about democracy today, ycl s
titer form of democracy prevailed in primitive
ones when women took equal part m the councils
the  tribe.    The  female  portion  ruled  the  com-
•aia!  houses     Morgan   says:   "A   man   who   was
ihiftittt to do his portion of providing siihsist
|t". 00 tiiHtterJiow many children or goods he had.
ight bt ordered to pick up and get out."
This condition exists in the Marian [aland in the
pith Pacific, which (Jcrmany bought from Prance
1894
A mail oan kill another man whom lie finds with
• Wife, hut dare not do her any il'. while the woman
in condemn him to any punishment for a similar
f'enee.   She assembles all the women in the neigh
Jfhood who, armed with lances get after the cub
|r"    In  Formosa   Island,   which   China  ceded   1"
Pptn in lsi>7, a daughter is regarded more highly
ita a son, because when married she brings her
Motnd home, who becomes one of the family and
!-P" to support the family.
•"'' pairing family became the standard of moi
'''>'  because  the   institution   of   private   property
pterted an important influence on the constitution
'"' family.   The complicated system of relation*
'"l)s growing out   of the  maternal   family   which
[tthered so large a nnmbtf Of individuals under 8
'""""•i 'lead, could only prevail previous to prints property.    As noon as the idea of private pro-
•'"s "lose, tht bond of relationship ceased to be
F Presented by a community of sentiment, and be-
f8tnc embodied in the economic relation of lured
.!;"'v '''lationship or succession.    Thus,  when  this
I "tution was firmly established, the maternal fam.
•  u'di its numerous hosts of relations became in
[ er«ble, since  it   necessitates  the  division  of the
r" nge among an enormous number of relations.
'''Hire  private  property  consequently   removed
e -nultiple nullifications of relationships growing
r   of collective property, and replaced them with
j"   '""pier system and a more restricted form of the
'illllllv
FOR BEGINNERS
M< Lellan. who devoted his whole life to the question i"Studies in Ancient Society") did not hesit-
!•<' to declare: "Every stage in the evolution of the
• ■•mily is determined by considerations of property."
• foperty is an expression of economic conditions.
Polygamy was permitted under this pairing family.
A man could have several wives but a woman could
only have one man. Thus the double standard of
morality was established which exists in society.today. Previously the sex relation had never been
considered vicious, but from this time it became
vicious because of the confusion it might cause in
the paternity of the offspring.
In the history of American tribal government before this, no death penalty was found to any crime.
but after the change of the line of descent from the
female to the male, at least one tribe inflicted the
death penalty on any woman who contracted a sex
:  'ation outside her marriage.
Rev. Samuel Gorman, a missionary among the
Pueblo Indians, says: "The lands were held in
C( mimm and the right of property belongs to the
female part of the family and descends to the
daughter."
As long as the pastoral stage lasted, women were
u tn equal position because of their economic
activities, cultivating fruits and roots around the
the camping grounds, although the movable property of the pastoral stage, being in the hands of
men who attended to the domesticated animals, is
believed to be the first influence to transfer the economic supremacy of the women to the men.
The scarcity of the name in the hunt in the western hemisphere and the need of cultivation as a
means of subsistence for the domesticated animals,
m the eastern hemisphere, through the scarcity of
nature's   growth   in   dry   seasons,   force   upon   the
human race a more regular employment on planting.
and agriculture became the principal occupation.
Il was Communism in land first, but with the itn-
m< use benefits derived from the land the change
of obtaining a living bj agriculture marked an increase in the density of population, and the introduction of private ownership iu land. This ownership of property gave man an influence and power.
and the product of his own labor, being not
enough to satisfy his ambitions, captives in tribal
wars became slaves, being more profitable cultivating the soil than using them as food. Cannibalism
became unmoral, man even enslaved his own wife
and family. Land being the source of wealth by
the application of slave labor, we can readily see why
land passed from being owned in common, to private ownership of the strongest men of the tribe.
Since the inauguration of private property history became a history of class struggles. The class
struggle is not an invention of the Socialist. It is
a tact whicii they discovered by a scientific analysis of human history. The class struggle has been
raging in human society thousands of years before
the Socialists discovered its historical function and
pointed it out. So did the Struggle for existence
between the various organic creatures before Darwin formulated his definition of it. The first enunciation of the class struggle was no more a gospel
of hatred than was the assertion of the struggle for
existence by Darwin. It was simply the statement
of a scientific fact in plain scientific terms. The
tirst Socialists to point out the class struggle did
so, only to show its historical function in human
development and declare their aim. as the abolition
of the class struggle. *
The pastoral stage is believed to have developed
as a result of the domestication of the animals.
Domestication originated from the hunter killing a
female and its young following the hunters to their
camp grounds, where they were brought up and
domesticated for meat and milk. There were no
slaves in the pastoral stage. Slaves would have
been detrimental to hunters and herdmen. therefore, captives being no advantage, they were killed
The pastoral stage has been traced in different
parts of the globe. The bible shows the pastoral
stage of the Jews, where wealth is measured by the
head of cattle a man owns. In Genesis, Abram was
very rich in cattle. Lot also had flocks and herds.
Abram said to Lot: 'Let no strife be between thee
and me; my herdsmen and thine herdsmen, for we
be brethren.'" When Caesar landed in Britain he
found the inhabitants in the pastoral stage, living
On milk and meats and dressed in skins. They had
wives in common, as many as 10 and 12, including
fathers, brothers and sons. Pastoral wealth had
the advantage over agricultural wealth that it could
be removed when a weak tribe was attacked by a
strong tribe. They could fold up their tents and
drive the sheep and cattle out of harm's way. When
the agricultural stage is reached, property or
wealth could not be ho disposed, because you could
not remove growing crops or stored up grain. Man
began building permanent homes under the settled
state of agriculture. It became more tempting for
neighboring tribes to war with their neighbors and
rob them of their agricultural wealth, yet on the
other hand it had the tendency of steeping the tribes
at home in peaceful occupation. Therefore the
growth of property and transference to men's children was the moving power for monogamy in marriage, to limit their numbers to actual progeny of
the married pair.
I have pointed out that slaves were detrimental
to a pastoral people who killed their captives. A.
.1. Butler, in 18%, said: "The Masi in East Arfica.
a shepherd tribe who subsist on herds of a fixed
number, kill all thier prisoners, but a neighboring
tribe (Wakamba) which follow agriculture, being
able to find use for slavey, do not kill them." Therefore morals are a reflection of tbe economic structure of society.
The medium of exchange under pastoral society
was cattle, under agriculture it wras various grains
and tobacco. So that we have another instance of
the economic condition reflecting itself in expressing the wealth of society and individuals. The
bible shows the agricultural stage in Samuel's
time: "And he will appoint them caption of thousands and will set them to ear the grouud and reap
his harvest, and he will take your fields and give
them to his servants."—Samuel viii., 12, 14.
"Thou shalt not remove thy neighbor's landmark."—Dent, xix., 14.
Job numbers among the wickedest of meu, he
who removes the landmark: "Cursed be he who removes his neighbor's landmark."
The agricultural period was reached in Britain by
the time of William of Normandy. In fact it was
during the three and a half centuries of Roman rule
that Englaud became agricultural. Agriculture and
private ownership of land was the beginning, lead-
ig up to geographical divisions of people and the
carrying on of barter between tribes on neutral
land between their boundaries. Therefore the first
land ownership was held in common (although capitalist apologists try to dispute it. which I will deal
with in our next lesson) developing to private ownership and slavery. 1 have endeavored to trace
human society and its development through the
changed methods of procuring a living, showing
the status of women on an equal footing in early
human development. Here women performed the
most important labor in early agriculture and acquired superior power in the councils of the tribe.
With the growth of productive labor through higher
developed tools, man performed the task alone, and
a further extensidH of man's productivity enabled
the conquerors of other tribes to institute slavery.
Woman's position became that of man's inferior,
economically depending on the support of man; she
lost all say in the councils of the new society. En-
irels says in "Landmarks of Scientific Socialism":
"In spite of all the contradictions and accusations
of heresy, the introduction of slavery at that time
was a great step forward. Instead of being mur-
(Continued on page 8.) PAGE EIGHT
WESTERN      CLARION
j
THE COMING WAR WITH AMERICA
(Continued from page ')
fall into the hands of the United States, as that
country now collects the custom revenue, and has
an armed force On the island."
Mr. Crowe points out the far-teeing statesmanship upon the part of the United States, is not satisfied with the control of the countries he has referred to, but they are carrying on a most persistent peaceful penetration into the very heart of tin
British West Indies, until today they have a stronger grip of the commerce of these British possessions
than Great Britain or Canada. He points out Jamaica has a population about e<|ual to the population
of all the other islands, receiving 7<» per cent, of all
her requirements from the United states, and her
principal exports practically controlled bv the
Statea 'The mighty octopus." the United Fruit
Company, has 8 firmer hold on the island tF.an.ever.
and a gentleman wrote to Mr. Crowe that they were
binding the growers up to contracts in such a way
that it will take some time for them to free themselves, adding: "Before things go worse, something
from without Jamaica should be done. Nor is it
too late, by any means, to right things."
"To bring about closer relations between Canada
and thn British West Indies, through commercial
treaties, is a political phrase threadbare of results.
If Canada does not take in the British West Indies.
if she does nor absorb them into the Dominion, the
United States will eventually do so.'"
'Crowe urges the need of this political union because "We are seeking markets for our surplus pro
ducts in Roumania Belgium, and other European
countries, facing keen competition, while we pass
by almost at our door, a market of 200,000 British
consumers.
"While we are holding aloof, the United States
are carrying on their propaganda, and their Trusts
are doing their utmost to create a prejudice against
Canada and Canadians, especially iu Jamaica."
He also says:"Commerce is not the only advantageous consideration in connection with a Canadian—West Indian Union. The strategic position of
these rich tropical possessions in the Carrihean 8et
may be of the utmost importance to Canada and the
Empire They lie in the pathway of our trade
routes to South America, and between the Panama
and Europe; Jamaica may become a Western Gibraltar, lying as it does, practically at the entrance
to the Panama (.'anal, the water borne highway to
British Columbia and the Orient."
When dealing with the suggestion of transfer to
the United States by Lord Rothermere. Howe says:
"It occurred to me that if such an unfortunate
transfer should take place, Jamaica might become
another Heligoland."
The London   'Times" dealing with this question
points out the advantages to be derived from the
Panama Canal, and says: "The opening of the Panama Canal has broken across the Isthmus, a new
highway  for sea  borne  traffic.    Its  effects  have
been, so far, obscured by the war.    They are certain nevertheless to be profound aud lasting.    Th**
most obvioua*of them, is the new importance which
they involve for the islands that lie in (he gulf over
against the Eastern outlet of the canal.    Our correspondent does not fail to make this point, and shows
that Germany had seen it, and had tried to insure
against it by securing the Danish West Indies. The
loss of this outpost facing the new highway between
the Atlantic and the Pacific is not the smallest part
of the price which Germany has paid for the ambitions  that   plunged  the  world  into  war.      Her
chance of raising a Gibraltar that would frown with
its battlements and its guns upon the eastern outlet
of the Panama Canal, hss gone  for  ever.      The
United States has bought the Danish West Indies,
a transaction little regarded Oi this country,—such
was the preoccupation of our people at the    me
ment when it was concluded, but likely to have the
most  important   influence  upon   the  international
relations and commercial developmett of the future."
"The proposal, in fact, has much to commend it
from the political and strategic as well as from the
commercial point of view."
This is the position of the commercial world to*
day after the great war for democracy, self-determination and war to cud war, but let me remind
my fellow-workers what Homer U-e says in bis
book, -The Day of the Saxon." p. 28: •'There can
be no retention of the British sovereignity, without
the repression of the territorial expansion of other
nations, a condition that must culminate in a war
one war if the Empire is destroyed—a aeries if it is
victorious."
This is the position, fellow workers. You must
either take over the means of production and produce for use. or face another bloody conflict with
your fellow workers of another country to create
a market for the disposal of the surplus wealth exploited from ydur own hide.
"Workers of^he world unite, you have nothing to
lose but your chains; you htve a world to gam.'"
(Marx).
If it would Interest the 'Clarion' readeie, I may
tell ymi of the purchase of the Danish West Indies
by the United States when the European nations
were too busy slaughtering one another to take
notice.
dust as I was going to mail this article. I lifted
the "Literary Digest" of 13th November, aud find
an article "Is the Entente 'Cracking'," and it starts
out: "ln name only the Entente still exists."
There are quotations from the French papers h*'
cause Britain renounces some rights of the treaty,
an action which creates a privilege for Britain to
the detriment of In r Allies iu her eommeure with
Germany. To give you the gist of the question discussed. I only need quote the press despatch of
October 27th: "The British Cabinet waives it*
right, under the Versai'Ies Treaty, to c#nfkeate
goods sent by German traders to England. This
action was taken, it is said, in order to facilitate
British trading with Germany."
It will be no surprise to Bt if the struggle with
America should arise, in which case France, according to my judgment, will bt lined up on the sul*-
of America P. T   L.
o :
JU8T A PEW DEFINITIONS
Continued from pajfe 6;'
Waiting for someone to show tha? a strike, a
grovp of workers standing motionless, with their
arms folded, is action of any  kind.
Waiting for someone to show that direet action,
is anything other than the most efficient, or the only
possible way. to accomplish any porpOta, no matter
whether economic or political.
Waiting for someone to show   that  there is any
power in ownership.    That  the title deeds to pro
petty, stocks, bonds, etc , are anything more than
' scraps of paper," unless they are legalized, and
sustained, by the political power of the State,
Now it is up to some of those hot air dispensers
to come forward and show that the definitions given
here are not correct, and give definitions of their
own that are correct. If they fail to do so. they
stand exposed in all their nakedness, as the four-
flushers, and humbugs that they are.
F. J. MeNKY
:o :-
MATERIALIST CONCEPTION OP HISTORY
Continued from page 7)
dered when taken prisoner as in the Greek world
or instead of being eaten as they would have been
at  a sfill earlier period."
The fact that property consisted of laud and
slaves, led tO the Waif of conquest. After the fall
of Home, and the rise of German power, land being
the principal means to exploit labor: feudalism and
serfdom appeared. Neither the production of slaves
or serfs Kavc women a chance to become an economic factor, and her social status remained low.
As trade and commerce gradually expanded with
machine production, *pid the factory system draw
ing the women into the whirl of economic affairs,
she  has  become  an   economic   factor  again.    Her
social statuM has improved and the law has granted
her rights she had not before, and tbe movement for
the emancipation of women entered upon the stage
Therefore it appears, if evolution is a series of cir
eles rising higher in a spiral form, where human
society  through   several   syHtems   of   production,
starting with a perfectly democratic organisation
bated on communism of porerti
sistencc, through a system of jU.JtHi
ownership of land with a State i,av'(1    ""N
and property culminating jn de^L* ^
I
feudalism* government, ariatrcrstw ,, i
-. . a'"l auto*
to a system of serfdom in agrii■l,|„,re
tents of guilds in  industry, with
*N it,
I
a*
tO the presant time of f,,,
other capitalistic features, with extend ,5
suffrage tn republics and limit*] mon**^
ing on to complete the eircle higher Xi^*
forms,     we     shall     have     a     ■  ,,,, ' 'M
'■■"'■   perfee* i
cratic organisation than the Brst  v.     ,.
being based on poverty will I,, >,,,,. j „,.   '^
duetion.     Instead of an ex«   •       .,, , „      t
governing people we will have an a.ltIUv   *
things, attending to the production     ,,.,!*
use instead of profit.    This h the bktoieJij
of the workers. V ,
Ntxt articlt: Proof of the common owntraw!
land, and the morals and lews ariong out of to
eat property relationa.
.O:
MANIFESTO
— of the -
SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
(Pifth Edition)
Ptr copy . 10 safe
Per 25 copies $2
Post Paid
ECONOMIC CAUSES
OF WAR
By PETER T   LECKIE
NOW READY
Preface by the author
133 PAGES
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Some records for Mm Hand   '! P'  *'
Jrsus   Christ   	
I)r.   A    Rolfman
Dr. Tanner 	
Dr   Srisconi
Slgnor Sued 	
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Slgnor   Mrrlate
Anfuste Chrlstensen
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