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Western Clarion Jul 1, 1921

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 1
WESTERN CLARION
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
mSTOBY
BOOMOlHaB
PRaXOBOPBT
jvc. &46
Twice a Month
\ WOH'YER. B. C. JULY 1, 1921
FIVE CENTS
Imperialism
BY thc most superficial view oi history WC IC1
running through it a succession oi states ex-
erastng their supremacy over   neighboring
oeopjes     In succession We sec the imperial movements ol  Babylon, oi Egypt, of   Assyria, the great
..     •   Mexander oi Macedon, tin-    Roman cm*
...,' lasting m all its ramifications to thc ninth cen-
...   reiki "i it persisting in the Holy Roman em-
'•„ and oiher struggles for sectional hegemony in
Ear,;,   and alongside of this development the great
expansive movements in Asia resulting in Chinese.
• , hamctan and Russian empires; later an attempt
j, b)   France. England and Spain following the
great maritime discoveries of the 15th century The
failure oi these attempts until the development oi
-ajntahs! production made possible the struggle on
, ■ pan oi «he European powers far colonies, pro-
rtorstCS, etc., in the latter part of the nineteenth
ctntury culminating as it did in the establishment
,... capftarism in the tar ends of the earth, and the beginning of new imperial movements   by I   S. and
lapan
Imperialism Exists Only in Claaa Society.
v\ hen the domestication of animals and agricui-
tun ftrsi made slavery possible, tbe basis ior imperial.^ was laid-.-imperialism as it was in the begin-
ma--. va rwjva. and only can be. the e*tctwKM* ol the
field oi rohi-erv. bv tbe robbed tor thc bene* of the
robber, This defines ,t in the rough; but the eater* of imperialism changes with the manner in
ehich the rohbefy is perpetrated   In ancient tunes
• consisted onlv in organized slave-hunting ami
(Jibuti gathering expeditions Feudalism, proud-
ag thl OWndahip of land as the basis ol exploit a
tion converted it into valiant squabbles between tne
princes over their territory and earth-bound serfs
- (oi kmgs might come and kings might go. but tne
Berd Stayed there forever. The profitable commerce
,nd piracv in the Indies and Americas led to a temporary rebirth of imperial polky. But the consequent influa of wealth into Europe assisted the perfection Of handicraft methods and the acceleration
■ I the ominous industrial revolution, with the result
that imperial policies were for the time dropped Derails- ihe new teebnque of production and that mow
thorough of all methods of robbery, the capitalts
system .enabled tbe ruling class to rob far more
safely el home than abroad, and moreover, more pro-
Hehly. Yet this very cessation of imperialism.
rrith its concomitant intensification of exploitation
ia the European countries, laid the foundation tor
.. u«.  **r   in its     uiagni-
an imperialism outstripping oj  tar, m* •
tade, m its horrors, in its historic significance. evi .
sroilar achievement of the past
The •Ideals" of Imperisllsm.
Pcrhepa before starting a scientific ^fflm*^
into modern imperialisin it is worth while to
away some of the idealist rubbish that  has    0 .
scattered over   it.    The   imperialists   of all stai»
have their idealists who convert  the materia 1 inu
csts thev defend into religious, unquestionableiideais
and prate, not of profitable   robbery, but 01     w
manifest destiny of nations."     Thus at s receni
Lambeth conference of thc sky-pilots of    B"ta n.
when the question of birth-control was brought up,
il was decided that it should not be discussed since
'i "is the manifest destiny of the  British   race to
people the earth."   Similar manifest destinies exist
'rife for other peoples make Cod a poor mathematician.   Moreover there are no nations left to own .
fcetirty or any thing else- only states ruling pwy-
Kbt peoples and hybrid races, but no nations, none
of these   "ethnological entities"   with which   tne
League of Nations   tri«*s to busy    itself.      Similar
ilaims of  the idealists that certain peoples inherit
thc \ tkinj4 spirit, of the spirit of democracy, or any
S>irii whatever that provides a satisfactory shibboleth, maj  he similarly disposed of. for   since none
have any claim all have equal claims to them- Oc-
casio ally the idealistic   have to adapt their meta-
phy&kji to electioneering purposes.     Imperialism,
limy say. is a policy adapted to meet  the material
needs of the great  mass of the people.      "Come,
come.'' they say. "ye little John Bullets, multiply
even as father   Abraham and the far   ends of the
earth, under the good old Union Jackass, shall feed
■you ami your sons and your flocks, and the  green
earth shall   spread her    bosom tor your   nourishment,"    But it is not so, for the little John Bullets
are at thc far end of the earth awaiting their turns
81 Uu- soup kitchen.    The idealists have one straw
left    They say it all   proceeds from humanitarian
motives; we must educate, civilize   the     backward
peoples.    Neither does this  fit the facts.    India is
no new colony of Britain's, and here is a summary
oi Imperialism in it.    It has brought a people accustomed tO agriculture to work 12 and 16 hours in the
textile factories for an average wage (in 1915) of 75
cents a week.    The iniantile death rate in Calcutta
in 1 *> 15 wa* 540 -per thousand- »» 1916, 675 per thousand     In 1911  for 18 millions barely able  to read
and write there were 2*M millions who could neither
read nor write.      While there were  in 1911 in all
India only oT4 persons engaged in secular education
tiiere were 2.7t1> getting their living by "religious
instruction."    ln Egypt in 1917 only 69 per thousand were literate.    Lunacharsky  has demonstrated
that illiteracy can be eliminated   far more   readily
than that     The humanitarianism of imperialist policy must bc a deep, a hidden thing, for it is very far
from being evident.    Amritzar. the Congo atrocities,
the marvellous development of the North American
Indians, cannot be   explained on the grounds   the
idealists furnish, so we shall have to proceed to our
own materialist analysis.
Exploitation, a^bftt. Accumulation, Expansion
As materialists we would expect  the British enr
A> '"       i     on.the way in which thc   British
r ",• rrf u ,..r ■» *•nor,h ,hc popu,ation
, ,M into Sc,.,s wh. ha'e an.l Scots wha ha en
,,   ,,, <on,h the division is <**ctly the same.     To
. oo pt.r cent, ol the population is land-
:p:;;:.M.e .--•'--'-">• ,nvrcd;?"•
.'.j™ „n . have ».y.hinB .« »a. ./'<"■ >" "^
~     I,,vr more kicks than our liquid two per cent.
5-ferrr.rs*^
•«5SS£sas*:,s,ss
with thc mar\eiioi h
r tdw.ro?su    'Ina,,:,!';.,, the n,as,er
,„ fcinvest to product more p-onts.   A"-*
;:;; e h.,«a.io'n 0. ** *** w-** **
;    tpo , -heir profits, in .he lorn, ot steel ra, ,
;       o the backward peoples in  exchange ,or con-
s    The ejtport of goods hecon.es the export
°r      f,l     nl capital ,s not so much a thing aS ,.
I   r tlitul -or the   ownership, ami   use o, a
m      s„ ihe   production of surplus   value by the
t       ,    he mother country results in the pro-
r,       .fanJZ tot conditions for the workers of
''"'T In tr      In 19» of thc £12.000,000 of Brit-
rCitX  -ed "n South American railways, »
*?  had gone in the shape of rails ,etc, Mann-
Krri'inthe V. K , and again, of the total Brit-
ish capital in the East India Railway in 1857, 2-3rds
was actually spent in England, and only l-3rd in
India—for food, wages, etc. All export of capital
must either be a reinvestment of interest ^derived
from outside sources or an excess of exports over
imports.
"Absentee Investment."
Due to the organization of modern investment it
is not necessary lor the   individual capitalist   who
wants to rob thc workers at the ends of the earth
to send a shipment of steel rails or electric motors.
Let us watch the actual process.   On some peace"
ful day back in normalcy. 1*>13 (normalcy means the
conditions that beget war) take a look at Lombard
Street. London, at the Bourse of Paris and Berlin.
There will be investments in every country on the
face of the earth, with no real hindrance to, where
the capitalist shall invest, yet in those days of normalcy, we could make a fairly safe bet on   seeing
John Bull buy railway securities in either some part
of the British empire or South America, on seeing   \f
the Frenchman buy in some foreign    government
loan, or the German investing in Balkan or Mesopotamia securities    The capitalists' one interest is
to get profits; so why this national specialization oi
investment in an apparent  freedom of investment?
It is because this "economic tap-r6xyt of imperialism" is essentially political.    The export of capital
might be called "absentet investment."   It is really
a feature of modern times.     About the earliest re-
•
corded instance is when Henry V. of France in 1403
borrowed 1.000 marks from the merchants of Genoa,
allowing them to retain the duties on certain goods.
This sort of business has increased, until we find in
November, 1920. U. S. bad owing to her by foreign
countries the sum of $9,450,551,005.61.
Ownership is Based Upon Force.
To bring things to a rock-bottom basis, ownership
is based upon force.   With the beginnings of for-
egn commerce, the bogey of the merchant was the
pirate—he  might by force  acquire the merchant's
right of ownership      Early absentee investments
had to offer high rates of interest to induce the capitalists to risk losing, by force, both principle and
interest.     ln all society the owning class is the ruling class: they rule in order to retain and increase.
their property.    At   home they have their police
and   their soldiers to protect their property rights.
When the master class of a nation acquire property
rights abroad, tin1 security remains as it always was,
force.      The   British navy was   built—not to give
slum children pleasure trips—but to   protect    the
■■3.5lX).O0O.O0O    British    capitalists    had    invested
abroad.    It being the function of the'state to direct
this force, the   political nature of  absentee investment should be quite clear, and likewise clear the
national    specialization of   investment,    and    the
League of Damnations, the alliances, the sphere of
influence, the. sectional hegemonies and all tbe rest
of the paraphernalia of imperialist states.
The forces of the state work not only to retain,
but also to acquire property rights by force. To,
what extent this is the function of an imperialist
state is evident from their budgets. Take tbe budgets tor the peaceful year of 1909:
Military
Revenue Expenditure
Germany  £324,263,900 £89,249,700
■ Russia  ..... ....! 252.634,100 ,06,056,000
France  158,337,000 111,095,100
United Kingdom  181,716,000 96,083,000
(Continued on page 4) ■*> ■
PAGE TWO
vY ESTER N      C L A R I 0 N"
Materialist Conception of History
AMERICAN REVOLUTION
Lesson 16.
THE Revolution was a result of the restrictions
•>f American trade placed upon the American
.apitalist by the home government. All commerce was to be carried on in British ships. The
Americans were not allowed to manufacture goods
which were manufactured in Britain. Tobacco, ait*
ton and wool, could be sold to England only, and
all imports must be bought from Britain and carried
in British ships. Even the provinces were prohibited from celling goods such as woollens, ironware.
hats. etc.. to one another. In Maine, trees over two
feet in diameter were to be saved for the Royal Navy.
The American capitalist was prepared to maintain
that he had the first right to exploit American labor
and resources. Now we see through all the bombastic oratory and glamour of the 4th of July; the
real origin of Independence and Revolution was
economic and materialistic The tea incident in
Boston harbor is taught as an exalted act of patriotism to the American schoolboy England's policy
of compelling the colonies to purchase everything
from her. and putting on heavy tariffs made smuggling a»profitable and prosperous trade. One fourth
of those who signed the Declaration of Independence were well known to be smugglers and contra-
harul traders-
*■"""-**-*• government tax on tea made smuggling of
tea nrofitable. but when the East Indian Company,
the legitimate tea traders, had accumulated 17 million pounds of unsaleable tea in their warehouses
and still other cargoes lying in their ships in Boston
harbor, they persuaded the home government to remit the tea tax in order to dispose of this accumulation of tea in Boston. This tea became cheaper to the
consumer than the smugglers' tea. therefore the
smugglers, disguised as Indians, raided Boston harbour and dumped this tea into the water to elimin*
ate the competition of the Indian Tea Company. The
stamp duty passed by the home government added
fuel to the seething revolt. England also tried to
confine the colonists to the seaboard strip of land.
The great George Washington, a government
official surveyor, illegally surveyed land outside of
the royal grant, A man who was a traitor to
his country, liable to be shot if the revolution had
not succeeded, has been honored by officials of England during the Great War by placing wreaths on
the grave of this rebel. The people were not united. We find workers and farmers opposed to paying the debts that the sea coast merchants and planters had forced upon them during the war They
rose in rebellion in Massachusetts under Daniel
Shays in support of the idea that the property of the
States had been protected from confiscation by the
joint exertions of all. and therefore ought to be the
common property of all. Under these conditions
the capitalists began to exert themselves. Their
delegates to Annapolis and later to Philadelphia
•were brought together Tn response to the demands
of the busness men of the country, not to form an
ideal government, but to formulate a practical plan
to meet the needs of business. The landed class
wanted to become the Senate, but they finally struck
a bargain between tariffs and slaves. A. McElls-
worth, of Connecticut, said: "Let us not intermeddle; as population increases, poor laborers will be
so plentiful as to render slaves useless." While one
John Adams declared:' It is of no consequence by
what name you call your people, whether by that of
freemen or slaves. In some countries the laboring
poor men are called freemen, in others they are called slaves, but the difference is imaginary only.
What matter it, whether a landlord employing tan
men on his farm, gives them annually as much as
wilt buy the' neceeearies of life or gives them necessaries at abort handf"
When the constitution was formulated by a group
FOR   BEGINNERS
of wage and chattel slaw owners, whicii many people think today was adopted by a majority of the
population, there were not more than 120.000 men
ew***led to vote out of a population of 4.000,000.
Kvc. these had not the right to vote direct, but by
choosing tlelegates to the convention. The first
draft of the Declaration of Independence had I
clause whicii was to restrain tlie buying ami selling
of slaves on the market, but it was dropped out before the Declaration was finally adopted, because it
was detrimental to the landed class of the south
Therefore this Declaration, which declares all men
to be created free and equal, had dropped out of it
the condemnation of the trade in human beings.
The Napoleonic *\vars in Kurope gave America
Opportunity to monopolize the merchant marine
trade: the commercial and financial class of New
York ami New- England were therefore enabled to
dominate the government. But by 1816 the rise of
the manufacturing class had been able to sufficiently carry a protective tariff. The south favored this
tariff, believing it would create a market at home for
cotton and build up manufactures in the south. New-
England, led by David Webster, opposed the tariff
and the higher one of 1824, because New England's
interests were mainly commercial, and thc tariff
acted as a restriction on the carrying trade; by 1825
these conditions were reversed. New England mer
chants had become manufacturers ami Webster was
now leading a movement for more protection. The
south discovered that Europe was her best market
in cotton and she desired free trade to obtain cheap
manufactures and food to feed and clothe her slaves
If they could establish frt*e trade, it would ensure
the American market to foreign manufacturers and
secure the foreign market for her cotton It would
curtail home manufacture in the north and force a
larger number of the people into agricultural pursuits, multiply the growth and decrease the price of
foodstuffs to feed the slaves, and enable them to
product- cotton cheaper, to monopolize the world's
market for cotton and build up a navy and commerce that would make America rulers of the sea
During colonial times, tin- English merchants
found one of tin main sources of income was the
tra<ling in slaves to the colonists. We saw in a previous lesson that thc foundation ami rise of industrial England was largely due to this monopoly As
soon as slave running became profitable, the slave
breeding stati> began to object tnwfurthcT importation of slaves, but the slave trad^ccm *-d support
from Massachusetts and Connecticut, because they
manufactured rum. whicii was taken to Africa and
exchanged for slaves. It was from this trade that the
Puritan fathers received a large portion of their
Wealth. Peter Fanncn was one of those traders and
the Fannell Hall, "the cradle of liberty." was built
from the profits of the smuggling of mm and capturing slaves. Slaves began to ry»e in price because
of the demand for them in the cotton and sugar industries, sometimes as high as 4,000 dollars being
paid. Think of it, you wage slaves, when a carload
of wage slaves nowadays is not worth 50 cents.
This rise in price of slaves brought thc viewpoint
of their expensiveness. The labor of clearing land,
ditching and hewing forests was done by tbe Irish,
who travelled around under contractors. Thc landlords thought they were dear, but consoled themselves because it cost them nothing although they
died, and it was better using Irishmen than the good
field slaves on work of so severe employment. By
this time it began to dawn on the ruling class that
slave labor was more expensive than free labor.
The "London Economist," 1853, said: "Slaves arc
costly instruments of production- A slave population hampers its owners in many ways, and there is
some reason to -believe that thc low price at which
' slave-raised products is sold is the consequence of
the necessity of its owner to sell in order to main-
tain his people.   The responsibility of the owner of
tree labor is at an end when he has paid th(. COy .
anted wages, and his greater advantages in th*    %
s - -•• tat ope-*1
market, is exemplified in that there .-re more.',-
tunes made by the employers of free labor than bv
-dave labor" The millionaire, are the eropfcj^,
of free labor, and were not found tmoogst tbe nan
owners. The small profits of th.- slau- (jVSnfr.
could not compete with the larger profits -rum *a«*
labor unless they could control the govcrntnent
Therefore a .struggle went on between the emplov-
ers of free laborers and the slave owners, whichcai-
minated in tbe Ci-.il War, which ere mil deal v.-h
when wc come up to the pcrod of I860
John Wesley maintained an appearance of frwsi-
ship to the Revolution, but on returning to ba^aai
stded with the English government, and hi, prejeh-
( r- in the States refused to take the oath to the Republic    France joined the colonies as.«in>: Britais
and Spain joined  France in seising Gibraltar Russia Sweden and Denmark entered an armed BCStni
ity to prevent    their ships betnj*   search*.] y, mj*
Troop* were taken from Ireland to tight tho color.-
ics. and as France  threatened thc invasion ■■: Ireland, the Irish raised  a voluntary armj chjcflj af
Protestant*- to protect Ireland     This force incrStT
ed  to 100,000 men     With such an army, the bat
so long oppressed by restrictions on their trade,
lowed the example of the Americans that thev hai
the right to export whatever good* thev  lestred »
other countries    The home government, asrtnei
<»ti every side, complied with a Bill in ITtDgiiriag US
Irish the right to export wool ,tnd glass, snd another
BUI two years later repealed the law which gave the
English parliament power over a:n  Bills ptSStdty
the Irish parliament       (I will deal with the Iris-*
**o
question in a future lesson, i The English gorer*
ment began to arrange peace with America, rranft*
ami Spain, which wa*- not an easj matter i- Spaa
claimed Gibraltar France claimed Bengal* »'•• ■
these places being very valuable ?<> Britain Fortes-
Stety for England Admiral Rodney met the Freadi
fleet going to seize Jamaica, which he Utterly de
feated. and raised the seige of Gibraltar I lf*
months later. Then* victories gave England to*
honorable uvac*- vou hear so much sbout •"'
Treat) of Versailles, 178,1. was signed giving SpSU
Florida and Minorca; England kept Gibraltar, and
France received nothing. England getting Caste*
\o\a Scotia and Newfoundland. The United M*tc*
received their independence.
Just as we saw thc reflection of the rising capitalist class immediately after the English RevolstS*
of 1688, in  Banking Acts, etc, so we tod that although    the   colonics were    founded on   charter*
granted to trading companies, commercial corpora
tions were little known in America till after the He-
volution.     In  1781 was chartered   thc first bat*
the N'orth American in Philadelphia, and about the
same time began tbe turnpike road, canals. \&*
ance and manufacturing companies      lo V •
Federal Government chartered the Bank oi the
ited States.   Therefore we sec the expression 0
reflection of the new   economic conditions   «
brought about the American Revolution.   It*-*  '
iatcly following the American Revolution came »
French Revolution, another   product of the  n
economic conditions, wherein the old   ImWH"°
were out of harmony with the new mode of pro
tion and exchange. ,
We will take up the   French Revoution W o
next lesson. ^.-rtf
PETBR T. I.ECKIB W E S T ER N      CLARION
PAGE THREE
Book Review
•iy,K CRISIS IN Rl'SSIA.-By Arthur Kan-omc-
201 pp. Publishers, IV VV. Huebsch, New York
City-
1 THINK, iu this review of Arthur Ransome's latest book 00 Russia, "The Crisis in Russia,   it
will not bc out of place to say something on the
pcrsonaljt) of the author, so that readers may have
confidence in bis fitness to be an impartial and open
minded observer of the internal    affairs of   Soviet
Russia- as having himself a. minimum of conviction
on social theory, and of being concerned solely with
presenting the uncolored facts of the Russian sin*.
ation.   EHogenea, seeking for an honest man. had an
rasj task compared to the task of finding a detached.
onpartisan mind today on thc    Russian   question.
Beginning with the proletarian revolution in 1917,
tbe   Russian   question   developed   characteristics
which proved capable of arousing the most intense
and contradictory feelings uf repugnance ami hostil-
:■ on thc «>m- hand, ami on the other.    -    matin
and approval. A reasoned consideration oi       -sian
,  clopmcnl has played but small part in arwusing
those feelings.    Mainly, society has been stirred to
it* depths and  split into hostile   factions, because
Russia, striking at the institutional foundations of
• pn sent social order, has quickened into passton-
at< activity, instinctive loyalties, mental attitudes or
.   its oi thought, laid down by ages <>\ organized
social life in which the property institution and the
nristenci oi ruling and subject classes have been the
'.    inant and all pervading features     All that conflict oi '-pinion is unavoidable in tin nature oi things
when the world i> in the throes of new birth.     ln
such circumstances it is the fate ol most men to have
that minds forced into  the rigid  mold of political
•.( tion, either in favor of the old order, or of thc
< m order a-borning,
Ransom* appears to a gnat extent to have escaped 'iich I iale ; for. even though n-<t a believer in
Co"i!uuuism. he still retains ihe generous spirit to
sympathise with human endeavors to throw ofi age
i ng oppressions, as well as historical insight to re'
COgnizi such an endeavor in the purblind Strivings
i the underlying populations iff the world today.
For the part of unbiassed observer, from what I
gath-;. Ransome's life has been cast in favoring conditions Well educated on broad cultural lines, a
traveller, mainly ior the purpose of observation and
Study of folk life, especially in the Russia of pre-war
days, and a writer of l>ook* on folk lore and other
jSnbjecti of literary and historical interest remote
'r,,m the rancours of current political life. Those
who desire to know the truth of the situation in
Russia, as it existed during the latter part of 1919
ind the first lew months of 1920, whan Ransomc
•taa in Russia as sj>ecial correspondent for the "Manchester Guardian'1 for the second time since the Bol-
aHl Viki attained power, will find in his book thc most
objective account wc are likely to see presented to
•he "inside world.    •
In his introduction to live book under review, the
author states that the problem in Russia, as he sees
"'• il not a struggle between rival political parties.
"l'i ns detached from politics, mainly a struggle for
civilization against ruin, a struggle against the decay
1 civilization, to which city life gives character, and
reversion to the fragmentary social life of a village
barbarism1    If, he says in effect, his book has a bias.
1,1 arises from that conception.    Moreover, if Russia
goes hack that way ,bc sees great danger iff tlie rest
"' Civilization being dragged down with her. lt is
s<>. he says, that it is now recognized in Russia, hy
both the Communists and their opponents as well as
by those who arc indifferent to all social and political
'"eoriea, but who are chiefly concerned that Russia
snail get back from  sheer starvation on to its feet
again economically.    Disputes now arc chiefly over
ways and means of increasing productivity and obtaining and distributing the necessities of modem
civilized, life.    In a former book, "Russia in 1919,"
Raneome stated modestly that be knew nothing of
fconomlce.     Regarding this later book, 1 can say
ln -hat case, at least so far as the economics of in-
'•"'strial production arc concerned, that he has made
ha*te to learn.
Son
givi
some
After reading "The Crisis in Russia" any reader
Can say to himself, "Surely, in all history, no administration has had such stubborn problems and complicated un-idcal conditions as a test of their programme and their abilities as have had the Communists in Russia since they took over the reins of
power in November, 1917.    The first chapter, entitled -Shortage of Things,' 'and the second "Shortage
of Men," show clearly    that with  the   opening, in
1914, of thc gnat war therebegan an avalanche'like
decline of the economic life of Russia, which gath-
ercd momentum that even the Communists, with all
their realistic grasp of Russia's problem, backed by
unity of purpose and    ferocious energy  and   zeal,
could not stay for a considerable time after they had
seized political power.      Even at the  time of preparing his hook for the press, so desperate did Ran-
som< conceive the economic situation in  Russia to
be, that for him the outcome seemed doubtful; nev-
ertbjelnss, he still  remained certain that if Russia
was I., be saved from complete and utter ruin, the
Communists were the only body  of men with the
ncci •-■ ry energy and vision to accomplish the task-
rief extracts here   follow, though they will
'y   slight indication of tlie quality of    Ran-
obscrvations, or of the task of the Soviet administration, or of how its foreign and domestic policies have been determined by the inexorable facts
of Russia's needs—needs that are of the most primitive and essential kind.
He sa\s: -Russia produced (before the war) practically no manufactured goods (70 per cent, of her
machine n she. received from abroad), but great
• uantities of food. The blockade isolated her. By
tin blockade 1 do not mean merely the childish
stupidity committed hy ourselves, but the blockade.
Steadily increasing in strictness, which began in
August. 19H ... The war. even while for Russia
not nominal) a blockade, was so actually. The use
of tonnage was perforce restricted to the transport
of the necessariejp Of war .... things wrich do not
tend to improve a country economically, but rather
thc reverse. .. .
The war meant that Russia's ordinary imports
practically ceased. It meant a strain on Russia.
comparable to that which would have been put on
England if the German submarine campaign had
succeeded iti putting an end to our imports of food
from the Americas. From the moment of the De"
deration of War, Russia was in the position of one
'holding out.' of a city standing a seige without a
water supply, for her ini]X>rts were so necessary to
her ccononiy that they may justly be considered as
■ sscntial irrigation. . . • .
• .... a huge percentage of the clothes and the
tools and the engines and the wagons and the rails
came from abroad, and even those factories in Russia which were capable of producing, such things
were, m many essentials, themselves dependent upon imports. Russian towns began to be hungry in
1915, In the autumn of 1916 the peasants were
burying their bread instead of bringing it to market. . In 1**17 came the upheaval of the revolution.
in 1918 peace, hut for Russia civil war and the continuance of the blockade. By July, 1919, the rarity
of manufacture was such that it was possible two
hundred miles south of Moscow to obtain ten eggs
for a box of matches. . . •
•■.... Thc most vital of all questions in a country ot huge distances must necessarily bc that of
transport. It is no exaggeration to say that only
by fantastic efforts was Russian transport able to
s',ve its face ami cover its worst deficiences even before the war began. ... Russian transport (during
the war) went from bad to worse, making inevitable
a creeping paralysis of Russian economic life during
the latter already acute stages of which the revolutionaries succeeded to the disease that had crippled
their precursors	
•|„ 1914 Russia had in all 20,057 locomotives . . .
0f that number over 5,000 were more than twenty
years old   over 2,000 more   than thirty   years old,
1 500 more than forty years old and 157 had passed
heir fiftieth birthday - Of   the whole 20,000, only
working order in January, 1920, in spite of thc utmost efforts to keep up the supply. Lathes and oth*
er machinery have become worn out, while the
Whites have deliberately wrecked many factories.
The combined effect of ruined transport and the six
years of blockade on RuVsian life in town and country is graphically described at length by Ransome.
But I have already, I fear, over-reached the limits
of my space, and so will conclude by giving the chapter headings of a book which I recommend as a very
readable, single-minded and capable study of Russia's internal problem of reconstruction.
Gontents: Introduction, The Shortage of Things,
The Shortage of Men, The Comunist Dictatorship,
A Conference at Jaraslavl, The Trade Unions, The
Propaganda Trains, Saturdayings, Industrial Conscription. What the Communists are Trying to do
in Russia, Rykov on Economic Plans and on the
Transformation of the Communist Party, Non-
Partyism, Possibilities. C. S.
:o
THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL
The Third Congress of the Communist International will be held in Moscow,   June of this year.
The agenda reads as follows:—
1—Report of the  Executive.
2—The world economic crisis and the new tasks
of the Communist International.
3—Tactics of the International during the revolution.
A—Transition period—partial actions and the final
revolutionary struggle.
5—Campaign against the Yellow Trade Union International.
6—The Red Trade Union International and the
Communist International.
7—Internal structure and methods of Communist
Parties.
8—Internal structure of the Communist International and its relation to affiliated bodies.
9—Eastern question-
10—The Italian Socialist Party and the Communist International. (Appeal of the I. S. P. against the
E. C. decision).
11—The German Communist Labor Party and International. * (Appeal of the United German C. P.
against the E. C- decision).
12—Women's movement.
13—Young Communist movement.
14_Election of the E. C. and fixing of its headquarters. v
15—Various business. ,
:o
7tJ08 were under ten  years of age.   That was six
yScrion through wear and tear and captured in
J, United in there being only 3<X59   engines in
Communism
and
Christianism
Analyzed and contrasted from the Marxian
and Darwinian points of view. By William
Montgomery-Brown, D.D The writer, a Bishop
of the Episcopal Church, smites supernatural-
ism in religion and capitalism in politics.
Comments: "One of the most extraordinary
and annihilating books I have ever read. It
will shake the country." "I call it a sermon.
The text is astounding:—Banish the gods from
the sky and capitalism fro mthe earth." "It
came like a meteor across a dark sky Snd it
held me tight." "Bishop Brown is the reincarnation of Thomas Paine 'and his book is the
modern Age of Reason." "It will do a wonderful work in this the greatest crisis in all history." "A remarkable book by a remarkable
man of intense interest to all."
Published in October, 1920. Fiftieth thousand now ready, 233 pages; cloth, $100; paper,
25 cents or six copies $1.00; postpaid (Canada
5 copies for $1.)
Send M. (). (United States rate).
The Bradford-Brown Educational Co., Inc.,
Publishers, 102 South Union Street, Galion,
Ohio or from
SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
401 Pender Street E.. Vancouver, B. C.
"' ■ "■ '■"■'■'«*■     •» i »   «*^"Xm*xmM****ma-mmtma PAGE FOUR
VV E S T K R N     C L A K 1 0 N
w
i'V
Western Clarion
A JomtA of History, loonomlct, FSUnwpfcr.
*u*4 Currant BrraM.
Pvbliiked twie* a noitk by th« Socialist Party of
Otnada 401 Ptadar Straat Eaat, Vaaeoavar, B. 0.
PSaaa Highlaad SSSS
Iditor .. ^ Bwaa Mael-aed
~~~ guba**ription:
Canada, 20 issues - -  11.00
Foreign,  16 issues  —  $1.00
If tats aaabar la aa jot addraaa labal jmmr
■easertj-liaa  azpirat   wiU  aaat  iaaaa.   Baaaw
promptly.
847
*        VANCOUVER. B, C. IULV 1. 1921
HERE AND NOW.
Our "Immediate Demands."
HERE AND NOW—this time-worn 'Clarion'
headline indicates our programne of immediate demands—Subscriptions—and they can't come too
quickly. These figures below indicate the measure of response to our frantic gestures in last issue
From which it will be seen that we shall have to
gesture more comprehensively or be counted in
with yesterday's 7.000 years. Either that or put on
the garment of hope and go out looking for "Clarion" credit—with double magnifying eye-glasses
and little faith.
These are hard times and the work of working
class education must not be halted. Next time you
hear someone asking what's the best thing to read
for a beginner, introduce him to the "Clarion," and
to our programme of immediate demands—subscriptions.   We need them.
Following One Dollar each—M. Goudie, J. Gandy,
C- MacDonald. Geo. Silk, P. Wallgren. Walter Wilson, C. Fraser. Harry Grand, O. Erickson. A. Morton, C. Sievewright. Sam Bush, J. Bright well, Sid
Earp, E. Oliver C. Woolings. J. G Smith. A. M.
Davis, G. S. Morris, A. Cameron. J. Crockett, E.
Gillett. "Geordie."
Following Two Dollars each—Harry Judd, C. VV.
Springford. Frank Cassidy. P Floyd. G. E. Mills. A.
E. Faulkner. Alex. Miller. VV. Mill.
I. Moon, $4; W. H. Harriman, S5; VV. F. Rampe,
tOc; |. Dennis. S4; Alex. Wood (New Zealand).
$2/5. "
Above, subs, received from 14th to 27th June, in-
clushe—total. $55.35.
He say>-he has met several ex-S P. of C men, all
of whom are doing good work there mostly organizational and   educational- and the last  named
he says is badly needed.    No word of his return.
* *    *
Cbcal (Vancouver) No 1 has transferred its
Sunday evening meetings from the Empress to the
Columbia Theatre. East Sunday was the first at
the Columbia, where Comrade Kavanagh addressed a crowded house. Vancouver readers please
note.    Every Sunday at 8 p.HI . at the Columbia.
* *    »
Bishop VV. Montgomery Brown (who is an old
time "Clarion" reader) writes in appreciative terms
and offers 1.000 copies of his book "Christianism and
Communism." to be sold for tbe Clarion Maintenance Fund. We have accepted the offer, and refer
our readers to the advertisement of the book,
aea
The job printers strike is still on, and the shop
where the "Clarion" press work has been done is
affected. East issue was run in a small union press
room which involved hand folding, ami so was a
day late. This issue goes to press a day or two
ahead on that account.
:o:-
C. M. O'BRIEN DEFENCE FUND
Previously acknowledged. $105.85; J   W. (per v.
W. $.), $2.50; total to 27th June, $108-15
*o ■-
IMPERIALISM.
:o
CLARION MAINTENANCE FUND
O. Larson, $3 Mrs. Griffiths. 50c; J. G. Smith,
$1; John Macintosh, $5; J. J. MacDonald. $5; "B.
L.J," $2.
Above, C. M. F. contributions from 14th to 27th
June, inclusive—total. $16.50.
 :o:	
SECRETARIAL NOTES.
"The farming situation is very uncertain, the
drop in prices has given a severe jolt to most of the
hayseeds. There is very little new land being
brought into cultivation this year. Wages are
about one half of what they were last year, retrenchment is the pasword among the hayseeds. You
meet an optimist once in a while who looks to thc
future for the good times, or at least a change for
the best. The general outlook is bad, the banks
holding tight, changing managers with instructions
to collect from headquarters"
Writing thus from Winborne, Alberta, Comrade
D. MacPherson indicates the bleak outlook as being
good. Now that they're changing bank managers
—if they ever send the Vancouver manager down
there 1
a    a    a
Writing from London, Eng., Comrade Lestor
(May 30) says Gribble is in Croyden, running a class
in economics. Charlie himself is giving what he
calls "the straight dope" to the unemployed. Many
arrests have been made among the Communists in
England, and Lestor says "I considered it my duty
to jump on the platform as soon as this happened."
(Continued from page I t
This is eclipsed when after a war to end war' the
United States spends one j-er cent of its revenue on
education, three pec cent on administration expenses, three per cent, on reconstruction' and 93
per cent, on war. Perhaps the nine billions owing
her has something to do with it Of course, thc
state only use force to acquire property rights when
they cannot do so more cheaply without force.
The United States.
The position of the U. S. is very significant It
illustrates how imperialism works out to a logical
impossibility. First, like all other developing countries, she imported finished products in excess of her
export of raw material; today sin- exports finished
products in excess of her imports of raw material
in 1920, U. S. exported about three billions more
than she imported. Of exports 34 per cent was
crude material, and 66 jx-r cent, manufactured products; of imports 66 per cent Crude material and
34 percent, manufactured products" She has even
evolved her school of iui|H-rialist idealists who prate
of her ''manifest destiny.'' Perhaps thc expansion
of the original states, her influence in Mexico, her
interests in Cuba and the Phillipines, her Monroe
doctrine are nothing more serious than a mantle of
destiny that has fallen from Spain upon the shoulders of young America. Perhaps when her navy is
finished and her nine billion still uncollected sin-
will show an activity in Europe that will reallv bc
af u *>
nothing more than fulfilling lur manifest destiny in
restoring once more in Europe the "glory that was
Spain," she has already had considerable experience at the Inquisition. Rut then- there's another
"perhaps" coining—perhaps the wage slaves may
prevent this inconceivable horror The economist
would search for more material motives for her activities. Her desire for an influence in Mexico
might bc explained by the existence of much needed
oil wells there, and by the fact that up to 1910 she
had invested in Mexico $650,000,000 and yet that in
1910 the value of these investments was $2,000,000,-
000.
Tbe history of American industrial development
is illustrative of the nature of imperialism. First a
recipient of foreign capital; then by the development
of her own country, buying out these foreign securities. Thus the approximate foreign holdings in
1896 were 45 per cent., in 1905 10 per cent. Next,
her period for the export of capital—between 1896
and 1900 it is estimated $100,000,000 of U. S. capital
was invested in Canadian mining, industrial, lumber
and railroad stocks. Ry 1911 it is reckoned this
amount had increased to $226,800,000. And according to the "Mining and Engineering Record," today
Americana control 9$pti cent of th, mini
ests o| Canada. 100 per cent  of the pulp and .
investments of Western Canada. 75 -HT tt . pip"r
lumber industry,  and 75 per cent  of the (Ukl .
Her other investments are by n„ ,m.ans tmu,
is the great credit,,, nation oi th* world tod,, 1
has shown foresight in her investments,  Taki v
greatest previous  attempt   towards empire - W
Panama Canal.   By causing the lecessioa oTp?
ama from Columbia she secure.) the rights to h
a canal that shortens the Asiatic trade routes in:
hem-fit and in  her benefit alone.      It make. V L
hama and Sydney nearer to Men York than to L v.
erpOOl and Antwerp, and does not shorten thr -.-
tance from any    point in Australia.   Japan or the
Pacific Islands to any  European port.M   l   § Sn'*
it to force her   supremacy in the   COmmetce of*fc
WOtid.    The canal is well fortified and guarde-j wi
U. S  troops
This course   of backward countries toward- ta*
pire is not being run by I*. S alone    Her* are thru
such typical Countries chosen at random  ti^ures br
1918:
Argentina—
Imports .          i I942S H3
Exports          1.  .. !: "01.13)
Borneo-—
Imports -.       ">>\X;i
Exports ,     .. Ij019/J9e
India—
- S. rupcei I6-U5.4! MS
244j»452l?
imports
Exports
Similar figures apply to other "backward 0
tries imperialism has bean termed the "»
static of capitalism", it works m a gradual)} est*
rowing circle where "the movement becomes njore
and more a spiral ami must come to av, cod flfctet
movement of planets, by collision with the eefiOt"
The Worker's View of History.
We stud*. imperialism, not because at ire
ested in our mastejff welfare, hut because •  n*ta>
It-rested tn the historic mission ol OUI     ISS
apparent that there is but one    "manifest   '•"'•■•
for the imperialist states    and   that is to g   '
scrap heap.     Bat there is a verj mai I 11  •"'"'
for the international working class    ai I thai il •
kick   those states there     Only by one world *&
gigantic struggle of the proletariat tooverthl
states that rob and rule us. only b>    1 ttingop*-
their itead our own proletarian dictatorship CAO0
put an end to the hell that imperialism il   •■* -
Ireland. India, Congo. Egypt. Mexico, the i
mes; only thus can we safeguard OUI class fnxntw
horrors of a new war so terrible that the WcOoMelt
of 1»14 18 shall seem tame    beside it      Bvefl  ;he
bourgeois   Robert   Service knows  that, *-lc[1 nf
makes a wounded soldier say to In- mother:
It's coming soon    and soon,     mother, it-   !,t-ir"
every day, 4
When only men who work and sweat   will n"st
word to say ; .
Whan all who earn their honest bread in every III
and soil .
Will claim tbe Brotherhood of Man, the Comfa**
ship of Toil; ^
When w*e. the Workers, all demand : ' V\ hat are
fighting for?' .,,,
Then, then will end that stupid crime, that uc
madness war." ,,. f
F. W. - •
MANIFESTO
-ef the-
•00XALHT PAITY OF CANADA
(Fifth Idltioa)
Par 0jfj 10 oaay
Far M senses *
Font Paid \
WESTERN      CLARION
PAGE FIVE
The Roots of Reformism
v"l  -iNATION is always the surest and best
■ethod of attack. The key to history   which
us is   also    a   key    to    current
E'mc
Marx gave ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
to    history    in    the    making.      And
remember,  cannot  be  dislodged suc-
until    after   they     have    been    clearly
\   problem   well   worth   our    attention
Win   has Britain been a stronghold of Rcvis-
\\ b) is Fabianism so great a power in the
fficia! Uboi Movement?    Why the persistans- of
Reformisml      What are the real reasons why  the
fciddle-clase intellectuals-Duhrings still needing an
Engclsl—are taking service in the ranks of Labor?
yh\ should the Second International   find it- last
home in London?    Here is a problem which cannot
e settled by under- or over-estimating the personal
Urilitv or industry of individuals .or by imputing low
notives—of career-bunting or altruism—to
|)ro!»lems
,vi!   root
icssfull)
ocated
loiiisin
them.    For a while even the thinking minority of us
wage-slaves accepted, and propagated Fabian ideas.
We did not detect incipient Imperialism in "Clar-
mmmwmmmu ion" (**)propaganda
x Turning to the reflex in economics,  we find that
It is only necessary to state some of the main points    cven so acute a thinker as "G. B. S." failed to resist
about the   Socialism" most widely adopted in  Brit-    the new theory of value favored by capitalists when
am to show not only how it differed from the earlier    once they had retired from active participation in
Socialism, but also from those later ideas which, in    industry.    In the days of Smith and Ricardo things
. ,     ,'     .  ,    were otherwise; then it was easier to recognize the
the garh ot Industrial Lmonism. Syndicalism   and    .'.'-.«. . : .-«.• . - w -
basis ot the exchange of commodities as being labor
.•Guild Socialism have since made their appearance _then the landjord was the blood-sucker who grew
here and elsewhere.    Competition was the evil. N'a-    richer QUt of the -diminishing returns" of industry.
tionalization of land, mines, milk and everything
else of importance was the panacea. The class-
strug^U was glossed over or rejected. Later still,
from the chief theorist of the I. L. P.—biologically
trained—came the idea that society was an organism. The State was the people. This once accept"
ed, compulsory arbitration and the demand for increased production must •'biologically" follow   The    and has moreover shown th
o:
high i
iv particular person.
The tirst point obvious to the historical materialist
lis that Socialism it a product of capitalism.    And it
reassure timid souls, who bewail the splitting
[of their particular propagandist group whenever any
new phase of Socialism comes to the front, to know-
that there ha\ c been considerable changes in the content oi N-cialism     Socialism has always been changing as capitalism itself has developed.     And these
[changes, observe, have not come as some "unfolding
of the human mind," but have been produced by the
very earthboond  development of capitalism      The
So ialisrtl which is the result of modern capitalism
must Ih- a very different thing to the  "Socialism" of
a century ago.
We can ignore here the period before the productive forces made modern capitalism possihle. In the
decs) of ancient civilization the Christian communi
den could only institute a communism of consumption because industry   was still  in the petty handicraft and household stage.    W. W. Craik recently
well put thc contrast between then and now by say-
ing that  Christianity and its leader came from the
carpenter's bench, but that modern Socialism
and :ts followers come from the large-scale    steam
joinery.    PlatO'S earlier Republic was certainly  far
enough sWay from ergatocraiy.     Th** Utopia that
More pictured—-which he could   "rather wish than
D0p< for"    was something to he brought about for
aad not  by the people.    Like    the    Humanists, oi
who::! More was the chief English representative.
B Hellers, ami later still Robert Owen, appealed
to the rich and educated classes ior support for their
mes, There was no distinct working-class movement to which they could look.     Uneducated, de
paded, and later stunned by the coining of the machine, the workers seemed helpless   to help   them*
"elves    It was to mark the difference between this
nod of Socialism, which even in the fighting days of
wc ■'.   \. C. "deprecated a militant class-war attitude,   that the section of progressives then busy giving clarity and precision to their own views, called
themselves (\----mn- !>»•  md in the   "Communist
M
■
Fabians, who largely supplied the other   Socialists
with ideas to supplement their ethical, religious, and
democratic appeals, visualized society from the point
of view of the consumer.    In economics, tlie Labor
Theory of Value, whicii showed value   determined
in production, was put on one side for the theories
of "the accredited British professors," who now based value upon thc psychological state of mind of the
consumer.    No longer was there to be any Chartist
attempt to "rush" the governing class, no   "'sacred
month" nor genteel strike.     The capitalists themselves were to be "permeated."   Whitehall  was to
U* stormed by Fabians in rubber-soled shoes, armed
with    Blue   Books,   who   would afterwards set up
State Departments for carrying on industry. There
was no place for mass   action   on the part of the
workers in this scheme.
While the theoretical basis of what today is again
being recognized as workers' Socialism (6r Communism » was being reduced to rigid orthodoxy by
the S. D. F. sect.i*) Fabianism won increasing support
The tragedy is that many Fabians—and followers
-r-worked hard for what yets really afterjeft only a
super-capitalism. Reiorsns, instead of besag used
as spring-boards, were made an end in tberueelve.
In the needs of large-static' production,then, we
find the root of Reformism- *JJ*Bt large-scale production has also created a claaSrConscioUs proletariat
oletariat how to organize on a larger and larger scale. TJw great change
can—and must— now be achieved by the people, and
not merely for them. Marxian education will prevent us proletarians ever being d*spei|fed again, by
giving us a clear understanding of the imminent
social change which Reformism can no longer prevent. SPAJvTACUS,
Ml   —"The Plebs.*'
(•) See letters from Enj**els to *>****-**■, quoted  In revi«-r of
J. F.  H." of Peases -Hi-rtory ot ttm TaMan Soclef -fPteba,
July. 1»1«.) &'■
••* The Clarion"   • Lor-Sm). «Stt*d fey Boot. BUktckrori.
lb
■ T-
Note—Comrade Keeling has been appointed by
the Alberta P E. C t($ecreUry A. B. Shaafc Box
785, Edmonton)%& write notes
: then* activities for
publication. Letters of this kind are always welcome, and the example might   well be followed by
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^   locals throughout tne. country.   It should be noted
Let us now endeavor to explain the origin of    that notes need no£fe over-lengthv. and should be
Fabian ideas, and to show how the. development ot
the powers of production brought a change in the
social relations ami in turn produced a new outlook.
In the tirst place, large-scale production found it
necessary to grant certain reforms Unfortunately
(from the point of view of the capitalist) capitalism
cannot feed the workers as fast as their appetite
grows Inevitably, and increasingly, the workers
tend to develop the spirit which Mr. Dooley inculcated when he observed. "Don't ask for rights, lake
tlTiin     An" don't let any wan giv thim to ye.     A
ri.-ht that is handed to ye f'r nawthin' has sometlun ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
he mat ter wid it."   The capitalist can only give re-    the \ oungstown district, left there on May 31st, and
tonus by foregoing so™** oi nis Profits-   bopingT to    ts now somewhere  around Seal, and reports being
make up for them by a more intensive exploitation    kept busy with meetings almost every night.     He
of thc contented worker.    (Hence "scientific man-    hopes to be in Edmonton by July lst, when he will
•• 0(0 \    However .the majority of the cap-    speak at a picnic we are holding on that date.     On
tal'sta can't give fast enough; which means that the    his way up here we are arranging meetings at Cas-
orket has to get reforms for himself, tor. Red Willow. Stealer. Donelda,   and   Meeting
U Now no Socialist  propaganda, making dozens of    Creek.
ml     -   serve the same street, is keener on remov*        Comrade Frost has intimated a desire to form a
i     thTwaste of competition than the Trust.    Big    local at Castor, and the business will be attended to
nZ    H     '        vcrv effectually    with   competition    by Comrade Cassidy.
From several districts we have received requests
points that it
lediate future
province con-
               .  	
written and dealt witfi on separate sheets from those
containing general correspondence, literature orders,
etc.)
Edmonton. June 12, 1921
a
For this last month or so the farmer comrades
have been too busy to pay much attention to propaganda, nevertheless the propaganda work is still going on, and promises greater activity in the immediate future.
Comrade Cassidy who for some time has been in
Business deal
themselves Commurists, and in tbe    Communist «"■ >        undertakings for the most part aid rather From several districts we have recei
Manifesto of 1848   expressed their scorn   for the wLumcipa             ^ enterprise.   A good tram service for speakers, but from such   diverse [
Utopians,   though   recognizing   the   utility of their th*n-!^U" J^j^gg assist the local factory.    The will be impossible to comply in the imm
critique ol capitalism.     At present the words look ami -^"P       ^ ^{ necessity to the modern capit- Correspondence from all parts of the r.
■ikelj again to develop the same associations. I'*'**1               ^eneflts from its use much \nore than tain requests for literature and questions pertaining
The Chartist Movement was neither Socialist nor ahst, an            ^ ^    ^ coniparues are not above to tne Third International.
Communist, though it received sympathy and help the wagc-wi          ^^j, ma<je at the public expense. A sv-go-es*.ion has come from Calgary local that a
from  both quarters.    Fcargus O'Connor definitely benefiting trot                         ents for "collective en- correspondence circle should be established between
f«pttdiated Communism     A working-class still sut-
ot    locals and individuals, with the object of   keeping
were inherent in tlie new   condition
production. Thegrowth o t« jgi^ _^ ^ ^    wouldbe very useful if it could be done; as it is at
directive and   supervisory    prcsent. it is onlv the P.E.C. that knows much about
doings ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
Id. under the circumstances, be too much work
door, turning to the other, returning   again to the   anorne I~W4^™ lav^rs of the middle class.    for the P. E. C. to advise all   how the work is pro-
-lioration brought   proletariat.    IMJ0* ^j ^^ ^^ ^^    ^^ elsewhere. The P. E. C. has been working
Bering from the social convulsions occasioned by the teipnse   ^'""J^. o{ the hig machine, and the thc organization  more intimately in touch.     This
Industrial Revolution could not be expected to see Pr'Hlucl^1;        * .    ,onc can use "                                *
the way to a new society.    Poatgate ("Revolution big c^^l^   directive    sJ
P  1(H) vividly pictures the English working-class impersonal, *            ^ ^ ^ ^ captains of industry the doings   of the   movement as a whole,   and it}
a* "a helpless prisoner, knocking hopelssly at one wncUOns                 {     ionaj ciaSs-the black-coated wour     ^^™
door, turning to the other, returning   again to the and the growing pro                      m      t_ .
first, and all in vain."     The amel
especially those
benefit from mil     . K)l,™
  1       „, C1. (rr.,nt a boon to the wage worker,   lt tie    a  - r    .  - -      -  . .,        ., j .
the Oaurtistagitation. and despite the a^oc-ation    are ^not so gwW^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^   ^^^ ^ tht ^? and h|f problems, ^nd^
general theoretVcal Understanding of the case against    between^beingJ^J^j^^ ^c^   ^"~dc8 for their opinions and advice.   Up till now
capitalism until the 'eighties.     (Britain's   lead   in    plo>r
"•vorld domination was then being challenged; Amer-    just
>ca am
race).
about by trade   prosperity in the'fifties   took the especially ^TT^^ti^r^ ^^c»if»fcaa    on a plan for some time whereby we might establish
^^^^" mmmmm ■ th- sails of beneht trom mini".**-***- r
t- nnt en p-reat a boon to the wage worker,   lt he
rS-S TJX 5^- S them he finds m* mm**.
'**, against between being robbed by a.P^^00^aakePrtl™ttecl^V
capitalism untU^e"'eighties.    "(Britain's   lead   in ptojr-r. B"1*^*^ \^J^%» vxpjje* ol   m'tieVesponse has made made. ^J***1**"
-j   . ._~>.    ,,.>..,,.»..._,  .-- — mmmmm   . .    r        mii!iicii)al enterprise.    -. »«---•.v .■-- •— v... .. , - --■ "...   .   ^a^^m        • i
Wind of hunger and desperation out of the sails of benefit from m       v ^^    {. ^ & ^^ propaganda policy which has its special
the Oaartist agitation, and despite the  association are not so g ca ^^^ ication t0 the -armer and his prob ems and a
of the Junta with the 1864 International ,we find no ^^^^ed by a public or a private em- circular has been drafted   and sent to the   farmer
"" * iU" -"" ,aa,nS Dlovcr out it needed experience to make that clear, comr.
■C and Germany   wer. catching   np to her in ihe «^°>'"^^j°indcmniti« are ruinous- to matter. S. R KEELING.
'
-i* PAGE SIX
VV E S T B R N      C I A P. I 0 NT
1
/ -*******\aa*i^i
The S. P. of C. and thc Third Internationa)
led on, neither bv
T
ed by tht most omnipotent necessity, to escape thc    im'nt «'»mld be benefited by the lUppreai 10n ***
AGAINST AFFILIATION
(Continued from last issue).
hE bulk of the argument for affiliation rests    Unendurable conflict   engendered b)  the  developed
on the unsubstantial arias of   sentiment and    forces of production against their old political her-
idealist assumption. It is quietly assumed that    itage.
i\ lours" oi   "leaders," but urg-    **•    1 oft-times ask myself the que*
nent would b
pecch?      There arc a f
a central executive can exercise effective author*
ity without the previous welding of conflicting elements by conditioning circumstances; that wc can
create an international as easily as a "waffler"
makes hot cakes; that we -;an organize the proletariat to C%|er; that a*s;vt||| capitalist class has organ-
ihould we.—a series of
:r good history nor good
the cavalier insousciance
eiation as
thought and
most bitter
three or four
dire
;.
pitalist class from organiz-
ernational" that the bulk of
t, while such haphazard asso-
*exie|pl is not only not the product of
deration, but is the result  of the
e   of political competition. The
Ibwers have been forced, through
sullen .reluctant, and suspic-
the temporary safety of their
•f a co-operation whose dissen-
t; whose conflicting inter
whose futility is in-
fu! conditions of suf-
ninrld has ever seen.
madkit in itself; that
Ojfauch an incoher-
rests there can
Because the
a   is not in the
"**
tbe workess. and for
y are not the dom-
>ts paramount. They
capital—and with
necessity
Sous co-operati
privilege and inti
siona^are all too
ests are beyond
denbly reacted i*f
fering and
And the fu
out of su|li ai	
ent    ongtomeratfon
comajno solution \d
tjeep-seated eau»e'|jj|
field of its vision. #fj
It is precisely tha
precisely the same r
inant class, nor are
are dragged along at the 	
their faces turned to the rearatthat—forced through
the highways and bye-waysw*capitalist interest;
compelled to find in capitalist   lapansion their su-
premest good; to   purchase their |>altry   existence
with their freedom. They cannotajjfon the initiative
they are politically inert: they are tilthc wrong end
of the gun. and there they are likeljnlo linger, until
necessity compels them to take an active hand.in the
further unfolding of this fugitive   drama of social
evolution.   They are exponents of ''national interests," because, at thc spreading table of empire they
find satisfaction of their primal wants.   Thus they
are, alternately, job-worshippers and head hunters—
it matters not which.   They will build or sink, rear
or destroy, make booze or bread, baypnets or blankets, poison gass or jeans, with equal skill and equal
zeal.   What matters the end,   They have the incentive—of necessity.   They will follow every Jack-o'-
lantern that flits through the political   wilderness,
every   cul-de-sac   baited   with   the   right colored
shrimp, in thm weary pilgrimage for better conditions. The straight road of revolution they cannot
go:   they   must... go   by   the circuitous   route   of
Utopian    reform.      It    is    the    destiny     of    in
dividualist   philosophy.       Therefore   the   workers
will   not   form   into    an     international    because
their     capitalist    masters     have   devised    some
sort      of      inharmonious  international    arrangement.     On the contrary, the steady   pressure of
world economics, which drove the leading capitalist groups into imperialist conclaves, and holds them
there in spite of divergent interests, in the slowly
dawning fear of proletarian victory, will also compel the proletariat, first to follow on the trail of their
masters, will drive them,'and    hammer them   into
comparative unanimity, and then faced with want
and extremity, finding the palliatives of their masters in vain, and seeing the devices and institutions
of the once proud rulers, crumbling away   in   the
This may be "'mechanical philosophy." Well, let
it. Revolutions are not made nor Internationals
created to our order. They come, both of them,
spontaneously, nnbindered and onhastened, out of
the growing contradictions of  da*--* society.     All
we can do is to prepare for the coining change, to be
ready to grasp and turn to cur advantage,    what
ever Opportunity may offer, out Of the rapidly moving wrack of -K'ial upheaval     To go before that,—
we cannot.
We have not yet intend the throes of Revolution When we do. we will probably not like it
JBut. like it or not. it is o<-tiling. ' And we would do
well in all seriousness, to take the measure of Untiling we advocate] knowing that at no distant date
we wili be called upon to Support our advocacy
with our actions. I ne present task of the revolutionary i-i to understand the revolution, so that the
awakened and aroused proletariat may not bring
down Upon itaelf the bloody wrath of precipitate action, tt. ROSS
I*) Note.— Hen. for instance, ts a quotation from
an advocate of affiliation :
"The proletariat of Russia, -mt*lc handed,
crushed Czarism. Imocked to thv ground it-
bourgcoesic and began to realize their future
plans. Then the international bourgeoisie    . .
began to throw a loop around the new
Russia.     They would have -meetdid in choking her .had it not been  for the international
proletariat who   raised their strong   hands oi
toil, and challenged.   .    .   Hand*- off Russia '
That is simply not true.    Briefly, what happened
was*that the Russian people   -mostly peasantry),
weary of war demanded land, bread, and peace The
rising bourgeoisie under Kercn>ky. promised this—
but could    nol   fulfill the   promise       And just   as
Czarism fell before the tirst pea-ant demand so the
struggling bourgeoisie lell^ under tbe second.    And
the peasant  people secured their   demand*- -imply
because they knew what they wanted and were united in that demand.    The "realization of^»lans" had
little or no place in the affair.      Neither was it tbe
proletariat who   challenged. Hands off  Russia" It
was, on the contrary. Liberal bourgeoisie and Manchester free traders etc., etc., who, finding their bus*
    01  IM.
a^m^m^m^m^m^_ cw good hoys-to,( ■
around here who an-putting out excellent
ganda.    I  was considering Unking mv-Jf   **
the'S. PorS LP. just for the
UP wit*
live, but the former are SO putrid that one Jf2
go near them without reporting to thc health,.*!*
the S. I
riot  line
P. a
re surprisingly cJoea to tht md|U-
Ihe article by De Leon, "The FbA
I tab.' ,s typical of them, so I cannot etc m J !
enter their ranks     The Proletarian Party aait
local In re,   I have written to them for their U-l
festo ami programme   if there it i lack of Scd2
propaganda there is certainly not ., lack oi "SoriZ
organizations,*1 eg, s. i\ of A , S l. p. | \\ <v
W. I I U . Comiiiiini-t (right and left), lri-*"*-Aaer
iean Labor League. Worker-" Educational Scceb
all Marxists, and all -wrapping each other h'-.u
wtldertng. Then, of course, therr il the P.nndicitti
New York Central Labor Council, and thi heath*-]
and one factions of the A F of L,all of whi Irani
bad a slice taken off their wages \ lew brad***-]
rirouaand »re unemployable and not a word *t»
heard, not a funeral note" Ii a mast n***tonftt
the unemployed is called a few hundred -how ap If
a fob is advertised a few thousand -'amor for *u-
JOHH !•' IIAGUIM
Vote     Comrade  Maguire,   previous (0 goinr to
New York, was for several yeari secretary ef At
P  E  C Alberta
o:
The special courts set up by the SocUbDeSMOnit
president of Germany, Ebert, to try the Obanae*
i*ts involved in tbe March imurrrrtion* have <**»•
lenced
252 prisoners to 'w-J year*' hard Sa^r
6
254 yrar- impritOOtnes)
6
hard lahor for life.
2
death
—-"Communism And ChrUt
 :o:	
RUSSIAN FOREIGN TRADE
An Interview With Kriwin
Baffin, May .*> —Kras*in. who --topped ior iisul
lime on the journey through  Berlin had ■*       ,:
-ation with a representative of "Novij Mir ^t»
course of which  he said: The greatest ih^nrjWI
with which Russia has to conhfid ar<- tbOK oi inei
and transport    However, in *pit- of the mniCSiiw
Of the  conditions of the worker- thr prodUCUM <*
the lionet/. Basin is showing a "trad;- nirr-*av I
mess operations confounded by imperialist wars and    ,',,. mat,rr 0* concessions a co-operation oi   *jaO>
ambitions, started the crusade of "trade with Russia," to save themselves and their privilege of exploitation. Sections of reformist labor joined (subsequently) in the chase. Hut what an ineffective
protest it was, how limited its field of action, and
what a pitiful spectacle of proletarian misunder
standing and impotence. And even yet, trade wi*.h
Russia is not clearly established, nor the blockade
lifted. Truth to tell, the very arguments adduced
in favor of affiliation are the weightiest evidence
against it. , R.
Next Issue: Article by VV. A. Pritchard
1        *:	
A LETTER FROM NEW YORK.
New York City,
16th June, 1921
Dear Comrade,—Just a line to say hello, and to
keep in touch with you My few months' stay here
among thc great structures and rushing multitude
has made some very deep impressions, which alter a
few of my opinions. I really thought there was
some semblance of a revolutionary moment in the
principal city of this continent, but, alas, such is not
*hc case.
Thc S. P. oi A. seem to hold the front position, quantities. Europe and American
pnp of productive and social forces, unable longer    but thcy do receive somc opposition.   Their "milky the reconstruction of Russian econonm
to function in their ancient form,— they will take    wav'» Lee, Germer. Dalton, Jaeger et al., are truly easary for the reconstruction of the tco
their first sure step to the social commonwealth. petifbourgeois reformer types.   Much  worse than ih*. ui„riH ***** *n thi. m-nund thev   vvool<
given no naptha conccsion*. We wish to p**0Ji
Can capital would be desirable So •-'' "f '!,rt
■*easioni ia the flonetz Basin for wbidi Genets,
fttfedisll- French and Engliih group- hav*J ifl«t*
est. We have also received enquirnM M rttat
and Swedish parties who represent -imericasi«<r
<-sts regarding concessions for a ttnmbei 01 ;-"
in Sil*eria. .
For aotne unknown reason. VaaderHp hai J" *
voured to avoid an interview with m<    5° ur   ((i
know he wished to bring a power oi Bttornej
him after his return to Moscow a* erell ai > ar
sum to be deposited as security so that the pr
inarv contract whicii bad l*een concludad ai
1    1    ia"** no' '"
COUld enter into force.     Apparently ne l*«-      ^
the jHHition to fulfill   these condition-   and B
In regard to thc decree over de contmllei
it has had as a result the complete conrideiif'l^
peasantry in the Soviet governmont.     1 M*-Bfl(
which met the wishes of the workinu l^P'lla    ^
Russia has proven the living strength ol I,( '
P°W<'r" h   n> » lH*'!
Concerning ex|H>rt, Russia would not '"       ^
ition to export   for a long time    >< • ul ",N    t(at
would cr;1sl
- 'ife i>ne,
life ol
norm*
bo OO*
m*********************m *"*'*•*'w w ****    amawm     vni     -»-»•■•* ■• •**■ **m''~~T******maaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaam     t
Revolution is the last exit.    Because it can only    I expected.     Hundreds of  open air meetings arc    pHM to grant credits to Rhssia.      lt |C '
be achieved in the interests of society, as a whole,    held weekly by the S. P. of A., S. L. P., Common-   Utopian to speak of a loan.    Naturally K<
petifbourgeois reformer types.   Much  worse than    the world and on this ground they
Hundreds of  open air meetings are    pHM to grant credits to Rhssia.
jc no '-""•
tutsla ^uld
u-c •vihv.vu  -       - -   —     ,, -,    .V J ******** mm      Utopian 10 speaK oi a loan.    i*«" * ntrty
by a community whose further existence is at stake,    ists (under other names) and an army of free lane-    guarantee the loan with its whole state proj WESTERN     CLARION
PAGE SEVEN
poverty* Its Cause and Cure
THE AGRARIAN QUESTION.
jjjg existence of poverty, being generally felt.
9 Generally admitted.      Various 'causes'' are
issigned for its continued existence, such as
i   nnemoloyment, gambling,   laziness, and ex-
L   -ranee.   The first three of those reasons we dis-
a"'"\-.li.-rlv being effects and not causes, and the
[tter two require no comment
(Thesis Adopted by the Second Congress of the
Communist International, Moscow, August, 1920)
(Continued from last issue)
In those places, however, where the relics of the
feudal system still prevail the landlord's privileges
give rise to special forms of   exploitation, such as
money like water. And yet he won't raise our wages oik- cent, i A stubborn sort of mule, the "boss")
Whs i-this?   Thusly.    Everything in his capitalist
system of society is produced as a commodity, i.e., "serfdom" and the system of giving half of the pro-
for -ale. and the market price of commodities is reg- '•"<-<- to the landlord   when    a part of the soil be-
•    nn cornmcnt  ma***************a*a***********m        ***** by lupply and demand.     A big supplv and lon*s to the large estates
iter two require no vWUnwni*                                                     .      u.                                    a     rr j In countries where large landholdings a e insig-
i    ,.,,.<tion remains, wbv are we poor, \\ bv   no demand, less price, and vice*versa.   But the labor      .„ , ... m _        . t   ^«
But the question rru-a---., «-.               ■                                               v nificant in number, while a great number of small
© universal?     Why, in spite of almost    p,,wer of the workers is also a commodity; its price tenants   are   in   search   of (and,   therer.tht>   dis-
ntinuow toil, year in and year   out, cannot    we    rcf,u*atecl in tlle ^anic manner, by   supply and de- fnoution    of     the   la     •<***™**----    ■****
-ntnand anything more than tbe barest necessities    ^^    ;\-th-re i- all the time a-greater supply of sure   means   of   winnin
{]ilV.   Nocr to speak of comforts or    luxuries                                    ^ ^        exercise,   the price, revoution,   while   the   p
U in a whisper    ^rfJ^€J5^^   w^ge. of that labo. power is low, and tbe inertia of estates  can   be   of
brief[apace, starvation, gaunt and utter, taccs us         s                          r» (    h
U»«VI      I .... ft .«!!       .....I • »-    ~..—    «.».-..»,..•«..    I...1.1       -l.-.f   .in.'A   ♦ «-.   »ha       limit   r\t
spite of a "thrift*' tbat   turns life into gall   and
***** ,       „   .      »    oi    me   towns.      The   first
it- mm economic hold- that price to the   limit ot ... ,
task  ot   the   proletarian
necessity.     That necessity is the market   price ot    .        .. ^,.    _    t^
those commodities
tormwood, in spite of the mose desperate pinching
hat Bumbs us with our owii impotence, and kindles
l0Ur | ,art- a consuming fire of commingling rage.
Un and bitternesa. And this in the midst of
Li-dance, with flaunting, wanton luxury on every
land.   Why ia it*
Sock*)' i- an organization whose will, law, or sen-
iment i- supreme. ********************************************************************************************     .   .	
111(io .dual but a unit, an atom in th* organization    quired to maintain it. At anv rate, where the la
-k— n{   crwi«-iv willv-nillv    is        But it labor power receives its market price, how - ..   ^	
m] becoming a member oi   socict> wiii\ nuij. ^   _ ^ __ ^^   _ ^    __ •-,•_,.._„    ts being distributed, thsjg|
*mmmmmmmmmmmaaaaaaaammmmmmaam m£ vlctory-    The proletariat
requisite to support life,   food, temporary decline of productu,
clothing and  shelter.     The master therefore does for the success of the revolutit
not. and can not. determine wages at all    It is the ading the middle peasantry to'
economic determination flowing from the competi- attitude, and by gaining the supf.
 ^| , .     . , . ,   .   ,, if not the whole, of    the small
-wtu-i whosi- will law or sen-    tive commoditv svstem ot production, which holds ,     . . .  ,
ization wnose win, iaw, .    / r lasting maintenance ot the   pr
Socially therefore, man is not    the price oi wages in balance with the necessities re- f *d
re a
the
large
ioning
iportant
* a last-
with  a
as it makes
by persu-
a neutral
a large part,
ry,  can the   f
power  be f..
too
hM-omine a iminun  *"    ^...v.,   .-       . -
S to live hi* life under the particular form does it come that the master has commodities to sell ,     riat must ^
ZZL ha, assumed, agreeably with its institu- at all ?   The worker produces all. and has nothing to, ^ ^            ^g
l" In ronformitv with its social concepts If sell but labor power.    \ et he cannot buy back what
tie large oi
the agri<
111
cont	
off tbe
"*-f ■■■«.
If just at flfcst
immediate cocltis
absolutely necessi
ment or iftiernnlen
the counjer-revoluti
the wh6le rural po
in proportion to its
towns, but in the
ally strive to take
class, of all tho
learning, organi
i.«*iW(B*k.'
-mx^m.
^^^becoml
also the banish-
^^   ners as leaders of
relentless oppressors of
the   proletarian state,
Nidation   hot only in the
as well, must systematic-
ttage of all the forces of this
possess valuable experience,
them
k,Ani. snii       conimiii'i'  "»" ■* * ""'•—• --- ■^■^■^■^■^■^■^■^■^■^■^■^■^■h        --• • ed into state pr
tV,cr--o,hcrw.se.'Socialsen.imcn. will   over-    he Has produced    Why Ita.     Because emc-ency in    unMi d
I,, .'. "ta in hi, vani:v. ami will bit-* 1"- ito*\- ,.roduct,on and the in.roduct.on of power driven ma- ^^ o{
Ce e»de.voc oa .be ten»e frame of it,   -conomie chtoery UK****, the   ,.rodue..ve eapact.v ot   labor    ^^
, ,• „     Ml .,( u« l>ecin the -trngj-k of life power immensely.   Also, since the capitalist class JT
K£T   w™Ked 1^    I-   Womn, us -o the own the materia, and machinery oi production, no.
. „  human achievement, hut anon the only d*-s tins ownership allow the master to set the
»"""'",,",, "'     'T.L star   a, daw,, and the terms under which the workers toil, but it also gives
fblStfSR ma't-r ^'h- up bald „, owning eU* .be proper,- r,gh. to all th, the
|F.,'.       7       .,    ;m.,^.„-.lr.„,,t of voutb worker produces through the medium of that ma-
m\ clear -'»" • be    1-^ •!«-J,*g « have C.inerv.   The worker, working eigh. or ten hours
In ,l„- .-->'''■•« ^'J**'(      wh,.rc tho,c ,.lih   * ma„,r clMS   necessity shall decide), pro-
^,„,Ured we find a M^    con BUO* ^ ^^ ^^ ^ ^^^j^ than
top n-ce-sary to .he sus. nam   o w^ ^ ^^^ labor ^^ whjch pr0.
ed -nd con United      a   tf™^^, „T mus,   ,luctH, them.   The value of a commodity is the soc-
«....,„! obuln a portion ol .hose nece ^ ^ .(    ^ ^ q(
'"' ■  "        0;fn"5,hcm"t.     n   " "     o work ,    Lr power. Ibereiore. ,s the va.ue con.ained in the
«o, „,,  o and for   1, m.   I o   u 1 "^^     ^ ^ fc . e    {ood   ^^
""•"■'"" ""J      I    1       «:«  iMt as it   and shelter.   Bn. .be value of the total product ,s
t ';?' CJV",y   , , a   to he Cive    . sodi . and not    ,r.,u-r ,l,nn .be value of !abor power.   Hence the
:.; "^isUpitaton Sn-* a* — «""ritionprtic,"• ,b;:,s u-*-■*-««•*«• ^^«>™^■»***•
1 ,, e   ,*, !through more or less esci.ing ad-    ,|„ ,„arke, priM of commodities to the «lue level 0 ^ subdued ^ re3istance Qf ^
M. and lo, exemplars we »«•"'.'     .££" ,„ ^ „, ^^    A, « have shown, this value.
Un. laugh, errant, „l I.bo       " '-     '       „ {or g     ,„-, „,an „,, vMue o( itt produce, it is topos-
h,5l, place, and bonor-lik^rth.  **  '    J           vn haok „u. surplu5 it ha5 created a„d
..sun-e-^r .be modern Rockcf*       . v          „, ,he   nands of th     ,„as,er
m„,a„u- and en.erprise.     »»**^ _^          J,V] |ho incri.„ins difficulty of .be master
romtnee   of finding a master .- a 00   \ jn wMd| (<) dispose   , the    r
***** .1 1 . living at home..*aw»t« man..        ^ oauclion „ (or profit, tl,e ack of
truding upon tbe larger interest ot mc   k»*-«* l -^ i^i^i^i^i^i^i^-- —   —
  ibility.   and must use
(under special c**mtrol of the most reliable Commun*
ist workers') to;Organize large agriculture on Socialist principles.
7.—The victory of Socialism over capitalism, the
consolidation of Socialism, will be definitely estab-
e level of    il*hed at the time when the proletarian state power,
price of    a^ter nav,n£ finally subdued all resistance of thc exploiters and secured for itself a complete and  absolute submission, will reorganize the whole industry on  the base of wholesale collective production
and a new technical basis (founded on the electrification of agriculture).     This alone wHl   afford a
possibility of such a radical help in the technical and
the social sense, accorded by the town to the backward and dispersed country, that this help will create tlu. material base for an enormous increase of
machine to    t'H* productivity of agriculture and general farming
"uu-uK uiiim ui-r  kikvi  ....v.-. - --            - ^^^^_                       „ii-i,*ic the industrial     maciune to ...' .mmm\*\\*******\          ii   -               u     *^«,x   *t
*"   ,                   .      -,i, rtlirnottv little annoyances those markets,   compels xne hmmm    - Work. and will incite the small tarmers by force ot
tor whom we work, with our pcti> i»*w ■                                          ,i. .,„; I t .n" nlentv the producers ol that ""'*' " .                   ***        i     ii   ,kt.-4.
*******            --*- •"-*"■■■     -* -*d m the uii.i-t oi l i-nix         , „vnmnlr nnd tor their own beneht. to change to large
    example and for their own benefit, to change to large
^^SrKiWSr-S*    '^SSE-U-* and con.ro, ? *. m^or   "igSfetSt- distric, a real pos-
tt-   i .. -.     .^.....>..t   reality ot the   therefrom, is tne cause oi puvw v« .    tu0 tir^t olace that all Communist Parties mcui-
£sr*-£fE£ skm «f -» r •";• ^Se^r^nnX -1 «hc w^ p^ - ^3
t      »   u^««. a vatnie pre-    ,.< control and proaucuw w»     *- ....       t    M th-» neeessitv of sacrifice on its part, and tlie reaa-
geolsie: and the consolidation ot the proletanat is
based on its ability to organize and to lead the working and exploited masses, and on the vanguard being readv for the greatest sacrifices and for heroism.
In*the second place a possibility of success requires
that the laboring and most exploited masses in the
Idening interests proceeding   irom uu. -•"-.      -;-*.-:       :a0itaHst svstem. thorough and utter, is
status in life bring the question of money Into    e   tion ^^^ ;alvation.   Only by the abol-
W-front of our new condition,   f^09^^   [^ of profit can the leTrosy of^U^^ay   ~ ^ —^g^       immediate and   ^at im-
feunt and sorin. of money is wages.     Now .Mli- ht»i *ht^l ^.^^ffSK^    prov nentof their position caused by the victory of
lecesslties can freedom dower us with the ma-   proxemem oi f j #       _,_-._
of our new condition
and spring of .motley is wages
are wages' ^^^^^^__
Wages is the market price of our labor power, our
ability and energy
which the master
want that price
«nough for our needs.     wny m>v.      -.-- . oroeregs
-akes lots of money, rides about in his motor sum-   £m   of nrog «^
«»-"S at thc coast;   entertains lavishly;   (not   tne    neig 	
workers), owns houses; buys costly things; spends
:o WGE El CUT
\\   K S T K R N      C I. A  K 1 0 K
W
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THE AGRARIAN QUESTION
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(Continued irom page 7)
and education for the revolutionar** struggle of the
agrarian laboring masses placed by capitalism in
conditions of particular oppression, dispersion, and
often a medieval dependence, require from the Com-
munist Parties a special care ior tho strike movement in the rural districts. It requires an enforced
support tnd wide development of mass strikes of
the agrarian proletarians and ball proletarians. The
experience of the Russian revolutions of 1906 and
1°17. confirmed tnd enlarged now by the experience
ui Germany and other advanced countries, shows
ihat onlv the development of mass strike Mruggle
(under certain conditions the small peasants are tltO
to be drawn into these strikes) will shake the Inactivity oi the country population, arouse m them a
■ lass consciousness tnd the consciousness of the
necessity of clas> organization m the exploited masses in the country, and show them the obvious practical use of their joining the town workers. From
this standpoint the promotion of Unions ol Agricultural WOrkers and the co-operation of Communis?-
in the land and forest workers organizations are of
ureat importance     The Comtmmist*. must likewise
support the cooperative organisations  formed by
the exploited agricultural population cloSCJJ connected with thc revolutionary labor movement. A
vigorous agitation is likewise to be earned on among
the small peasants
The Congress of the Communist International denounces as traitors those Socialists   unfortunately
there are such not only in the yellow Second In-
ternatii-nal. but also among the three most important European parties which have left the Second Internationa!—who are not only indifferent toward
the strike struggle in the rural districts, but who oppose it (as does Kautsky | on tbe ground     that tt
might cause a falling-off of the production of foodstuffs.   No programmes and no solemn declarations
have any \alue if thc fact is not in evidence, testified by actual 'beds, that the Communists and tbe
labor leaders know how to put SOOVC all the devel
opulent of the proletarian revolution And its victory,
and are ready to make thc Utmost sacrfice for the
sake of this victory. Unless this is a fact, there is
no is^ue. no escape from starvation, dissolution and
new imperialistic wars
The Communist Parties must make all effort- possible to Mart as noon as possible setting up Soviets
in the country, and these Soviets nuiM be chiefly
compo-M of hired laborers and half-proletarian*.
< mly in connection with the mass strike struggle of
the most oppressed class will the Soviets be able to
-ervc fully their ends, and become sufficiently firm
to dominate (and later to include in their rank*-) the
small peasants. But if the strike struggle is not yet
developed, and thc ability to organize the agrarian
proletariat is weak because of the strong oppression
of the landowners and the landed peasants, and also
because of thc want of support from thc industrial
workers and their unions, the organization of the
Soviets in the rural districts will require a long pre"
paration by means of creating small Communist centres: of intensive propaganda expounding in a most
popular form the demands of thc Communists and
illustrating the reasons of these demands by specially convincing cases of exploitation-, by systematic excursions of industral workers into the country,
etc.
The End.
PLATFORM
Socialist Party 0f
Cansda
VV,.    th*   .HkH-t-Ui---   |*»n>   ,„ (<UM|iU
taHC«  lO, -.ml oit-Mx-rt Of   t*t, j,ru.. Mat ami     '"' 4"i*1'
< r |*t- r-f-foli-iu-nary   working clamt ''""K-v-t-a,
iMtmsr. -M-i-llMi   to rtoiuroi    r-r».-,rr.».
!■•*.«!
»f*!lh        Th,* ,.nr«rn« MOOOn*   *^om „    "'.T  **
■ *--it*ii--t -mmt0ap or o,* -mid, oi „. „-.., '
WStattoatJ the prodoou at lo** b**-*, t0 ,,'„
'i'M
'   '■ "vm-
"   ■ " "     ' .     *A   **k~  _
I'll
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P"* MM*i
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[-r-r-d-ict   of  l4*.l*or '**
TtO eosttalM  **r-*Amam «!*->« to tho .-»;.■.«,„ „ „
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* - r»-».«i:.*   ntfoxmtiro of  mitx--)   »!»,!   |lt*gm*-|||
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