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Western Clarion Mar 15, 1922

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A Journal of
Official Organ of
Twice a Month
A Kentucky Yankee in the
Middle Ages
THE State of Kentucky, besides being famous
for the production of family feuds, negro folksongs, rye whisky, race horses and labor
troubles has added to its list a now famous bill, introduced in the Legislature to bar the teaching of
evolution in any tax-supporting educational institution of that State. The bill failed of passage by one
This has attracted wide attention ahd has evoked
considerable controversy centred mainly upon. Darwinism, which Mr. Bryan (himself a product of
Kentucky), regards as a worthless atheistic guess.
Mr. Bryan is the gentleman known to most of us
as the long winded-runner up for the office of President. Perhaps, had he "made it," it would have
proved (as was suggested when Maj .-Gen. Leonard
Wood was mentioned as a nominee) the truth of the
popular American superstition that "anybody can
be president." Anyway, free silver and grape-juice
having lost their popular glamour, Mr. Bryan appoints himself defender of the faith, with appropriate denominational impartiality.   Thus:
"We stamp upon our coins 'In God We Trust*; we administer to witneses an. oath in which God's name ap-
peare; our President takes his oath ot office upon the
Bible. Is it fanatical to suggest that public taxes should
not be employed for the purpose of undermining the nation's God? When we defend the Mosaic account of man's
creation and contend that man has no brute blood in him,
but was made in God's image by separate act and placed
on earth to carry out a divine decree, we are defending the
God of the Jews as well as the God of the Gentiles; the
God of the Catholics as well as tine God of the Protestants.
We believe that faith in a Supreme Being is essential to
civilization as well as to religion and that abandonment of
God means ruin to the world and chaos to society.
"Let those believers in 'the tree man' come down out of
the trees and meet the issue. Let them defend the teaching of agnosticism or atheism if they dare. If they deny
that the natural tendency of Darwinism is to lead many to
a denial of God, let them frankly point out the portions of
the Bible which they regard as consistent with Darwinism, or evolution applied to man. They weaken faith in
God, discourage prayer, raise doubt es to a future life,
reduce Christ to the stature of a man, and make the Bible
a 'scrap of paper.' As religion i3 the only basis of
morals, it is time for Christians to protect religion from its
most insidious enemy."
Mr. Bryan toured the State in support of the bill
already mentioned and in opposition to what he
supposes to be "Darwinism." Even at that, the
.trouble is not exactly Darwinism, but rather that it
leads to a disbelief in God and the bankruptcy of religion. This, is on a level with the mentality of? Mr.
Voliva, head of the Christian Apostolic Church, to
whom the stars are "points of light, that is all.
They are not worlds, they are not suns. So-called
science is a lot of silly rot, and so is so-called medical science and all the rest of their so-called sciences." According to this Christian romancer the sky
is a solid dome with edges resting "on the wall of
ice which surrounds the flat world.   .   .   .    "
The believers in "the tree man" have "dared"
to come down and meet the issue. Mr.Bryan haa
been writing in the New York "Times" in opposition to any teaching in the public schools that leads
to irreltgion; but irreligion or not, along comes Prof-
H. P. Osborne (lately Director. Museum Natural His
tory, N. Y.) who. writing in "Science: "New York,
"The mode of origin of species was practically discovered by a little-known German paleontologist by the name
of Waagen in 1869, but, like the great discovery of Mendel
in heredity, this truth has been long in making its way,
even among biologists. Waagen's observations that spec-
vies do not originate by chance or by accident, as Darwin
at one time supposed, but through a continuous and well-
ordered process, has since been confirmed by an overwhelming volume of testimony, so that we are now able to
assemble and place in order line after line of animals in
their true evolutionary succession, extending, in the case
of what I have called the edition de luxe of the horses,
over millions of years. These facts are so well known)
and make up such an army of evidence, that they form the
chief foundation of the statement that evolution has long
since passed out of the domain of hypothesis and theory, to
which Mr. Bryan refers, into the domain of natural law.
"Evolution takes its place with the gravitation law of
Newton. It should be taught in our schools simply as Nature speaks to us about it, and entirely separated from the
opinions, materialistic or theistic, whlcb have clustered
about It.
It would not be true to say that the evolution ot man
rests upon evidence as complete as that of the horse, for
example, because we have only traced man's ancestors
baok for a period of 400,000 years, as geologic time was
conservatively estimated in 1893 by Secretary Weloott of
the Smithsonian Institution, Washington; whereas, we
have traced the horse back for a period of 3,000,000 years,
according to similar estimates of geologic time.
The very recent discovery of Tertiary man, living long
before the Ice Age, certainly capable of walking in an
erect position, having a hand and a foot fashioned like
our own, also a brain of sufficient intelligence to fashion
many different kinds of implements, to make a fire, to
make flint tools which may have been used for the dress-
of hides ea clothing, constitutes the mos,t convincing answer to Mr, Bryan's call for more evidence. This Foxhall
man, found near Ipswich, England, tends to remove man
still further from the great lines which led to the man
apes, the chimpanzee, the orang, the gorilla and the gibbon-
This is not guess-work, this is fact. In this instance again
truth is stranger than hypothesis or speculation.
Nearer to us tn the Piltdown man, found not far from
75 miles to the southwest of Ipswich, England; still nearer
in geologic time is the Heidelberg man, found on the
Neckar River; still nearer is the Neanderthal man, whom
we know all about—his frame, his head form, his Industries, his ceremonial burial of the dead, also evidence of
his belief in a future existence; nearer still is the Cro-
Magnon man, who lived about 30,000 years ago, our equal
if not superior in intelligence. This chain of human ancestors was totally unknown to Darwin. He could not
have even dreamed of such a flood of proof and truth. It
is a dramatic circumstance that Darwin had within his
reach the head of the Neanderthal man without realizing
that it constituted the "missing link" between man and
the lower order. All this evidence is today within reach
of every schoolboy. It is all at the service of Mr. Bryan.
It will, we are convinced, satisfactorily answer in the negative, his question: "Is it not more rational to believe in
the creation of man by separate act of God than to believe
in evolution without a particle of evidence?"
Prof. Conklin, dealing with the idea that the
teachings of science must again suffer "an inquisition   ...   at the bar of theology," says:
Scientific investigators and productive scholar^ in almost every field have long since accepted evolution in the
broadest sense as an established fact. Science now deals
with the evolution of the elements, of the stars and solar
system, of the earth, of life upon the earth, of various
types and species of plants and animals, of the body, mind
and society of man, of science, art. government, education
and religion.   In the light of this great generalization all
sciences, and especially those which have to do with
living things, have made more progress in the last half
century than in all the previous centuries of human history.
*       *       o       o       a
In the face of all these facts, Mr. Bryan and his kind
hurl their medieval theology. It would be amusing it it
were not so pathetic and disheartening to see these modern
defenders of the faith beating their gongs and firing their
giant firecrackers against the ramparts of science.
This writer says: "no intelligent person now believes that the earth was made just 5,246 years ago
and in six literal days." But Mr. Bryan evidently
believes that, or pretends to believe it. He must
have a hard opinion of Lord Rayleigh, who, at a
session of the British Association for the advancement of Science, held recently in Edinburgh, declared his opinion that the oldest of the earth's rocks
were 925 million years of age and the earth's* crust
probably 6,000 million years.
Mr. Bryan will need something more than grape
juice to keep up his spirits if he intends to maintain
the effort to fool the American youth of citizenship
age. We guess that to be the trouble anyway.
Bryan works at "being a politician" and he has to
keep on making audiences for himself. It's not
"the truth of the matter" that counts, really, but
what it leads to.
In this particular matter it leads to disbelief in
God and that will never do, for "Religion is the
opium of the People." Which means to say that the
master class, through their puppets and intellectual
strap-hangers of Bryan's stripe use religion and all
its influences to stifle working class understanding.
REPORTS from Genoa already indicate that
Russia occupies the centre of the stage, with
Germany next in order. Great Britain appears to be the most interested party. Chicherin
has called for political recognition of the Soviet
Republic which, of course, he knew would not be
immediately forthcoming, but it brings the conditions of the Allies on recognition at once to the front.
Some of these are reported as:
Article 1 declares that the soviet government
should accept the financial obligations of its predecessors, namely the imperial Russian government
and the provisional government. This includes
obligations to foreign powers and their nationals.
Article 2 provides for recognition by the soviet
of the financial engagements of all Russian authorities, provincial or local, and also all public utility
enterprises contracted with other powers or peoples.
Article 3 declares that the soviet should assume
responsibility for all damages suffered by foreigners
in consequence of the acts or negligence of the soviet
or its predecessors.
Article 4 says that the responsibilities mentioned
in the preceding articles will be fixed by the commission on the Russian debt, and by mixed arbitration tribunals to be created.
Article 5 declares that, all debts, responsibilities
and obligations between foreign governments and
the Russian government since August 1, 1914, shall
be considered as entirely effaced by the payment of
sums to be fixed in a future accord.
(Continued on page 4) w
The Origin of the World
By R. McMillan.
"Sir Isaac Newton discovered the law of gravitation." You will be told so at school, and'you will
read so in books, and you will come to believe so at
last; and I daresay it is true. But what you want
to know is what is gravitation? We take everything
for granted, and people tell us things and we accept them as true, and our teachers think they have
taugljt us; but they have not! We fail to understand not only the big words, but the small ones and
thc ones that our teachers think are very simple.
We are told that "Newton discovered the law
of gravitation," and we believe it; but what is
gravitation? When a horse slips in the street and
falls down, it is drav n to earth by the law of gravitation. When your fingers slip, the cup in your
hand falls to the ground and is smashed, in answer
to the call of gravitation When you throw a ball
up into the air it soon comes back to earth, because
gravitation pulls it. But what is gravitation? It
is the pull which exists in all solid bodies; it is the
force of the universe; it is the mystery of the universe.
T. think I had better explain to you now that
science explains nothing. Between ourselves, I
think that very few explanations ever explain anything. Science never explains any thing, but it
arranges things. That is all. Nobody in the world
can explain anything, and one of our greatest philosophers (Herbert Spencer' has declared that "the
simplest phenomena, in their ultimate essence, are
unknowable," which means not only that the simplest things cannot be explained, but that they are
unexplainable—which, after all, is just what I
have been saying.
After having had everything "explained" to
you all your life, it is very difficult to understand
that nothing is certain, and that no explanation explains anything. But if you are going to learn about
the origin of the world, you have got to learn the
limitations of your own mind.
I can explain to you how my watch goes, can
I not? I have wound two watches up every night
for years. I often wonder at their marvellous mechanism, which keeps time with the sun, year after
year. You know how a watch is worked, do you
not? It contains a spring; and every night I twist
that spring up, and the watch keeps untwisting
the spring all night and all the next day. So
the wheels keep moving, and the wheels move with
the sun; and I know at any instant, from the position
of the hands, where the sun is. That is "time."
If there was no sun, there would be no more time.
Next night the spring is nearly unwound, and I
have to twist it up again: and I. have to twist it up
every night of my life, or the watch will stop. That
is simple, is it not? The watch is driven by force.
I put thc force into it when I wind it up every
night. That is a simple "explanation," but it has
not been explained what "force" is. What is
""force"? What is gravitation? What is law?
What is electricity? What is anything? I know
what all those things are only so far as I see what
they do, and nobody knows any more about them.
Some people could tell you a great deal—far more
than I can—ajoout how they work; but what they
are in their final essence nobody knows. Law is incomprehensible. ' Force, matter, electricity, time,
space, motion, are all incomprehensible.
We see the law forever at work, but there is a
curious thing about force. My watch goes by force,
and T apply the force every night; but if I die I
will have no "force" to put into the watches, and
they will stop, unless somebody else puts the force
into them. Where did my force come from? Prom
what I ate! And where did the eatables get the
force from ? From the sun! So. if the sun ceased to
shine, all the force in the world would cease to be.
But where does the sun get the force from? From
other suns! But where do they get it from? Ah!
Now we have to come to a big question. There is
force in the universe beyond all human comprehension, and if you spend your force you lose it, but
something else gets it. 1 put so much of my force
into the watch every night, but there is no less
force in the world, because the watch spring has
the force that I spent.
A man may spend all his force hoisting stones
up on to the top of a tall building. J.f he lets one
fall and it strikes a man, it will kill him. That is,
the force that was invested in the lifted stone will
kill the man; and the stones that are lying so quietly
on top of the building are full of the same deadly
force; gravitation. But what is gravitation? I
do not know; but there it is! The man who hoisted
the stones to the top of the building put all his
"force" into the stones when he overcame the action of gravitation and raised them to. the roof; and
that "force" is still in the stones. And the law of
gravitation keeps the world in its place, and the
sun in its place, and all the planets in their places.
When you see a star falling, or a comet rushing, or a
baby tumbling down the steps, they are all acting in
obedience to the "law" whatever that is. Law is
not anything, really, except what always happens.
Water always rolls down a hill, and fire always
burns, so we say it is "law" that they should do so;
but it means only that the same effects follow the
same causes all the time. What Newton discovered
about the year 1700 was the law that governs this
force. Other people had discovered the force of
gravitation. Kepler, the great astronomer, talked
about it before Newton - but what Sir Isaac Newton
discovered was the "law" of the force, the rate at
which all bodies fall. And that was perhaps the
greatest discovery any man ever made. No wonder
that our poets have dreamed about it, and no wonder
that one of them wrote:—
The very law that moulds a tear,
And bids it trickle from its source,
That law preserves the earth a sphere,
And guides the planets in their course.
Newton was a great mathematician, and he asked
himself what kept the moon going round the earth
all the time so regularly? If this law of gravitation
was correct by which an apple fell from a tree always at the same rate, the*n the" moon ought to fall
round the earth at a certain rate and make the
journey in a certain time. He tried to work it out,
but it came out wrong, and he put the figures away
disappointed. But later on a man made a measurement of the earth by measuring a part of the circle,
and that altered the figures that Newton had to
work on. He got out the old figures, and began on
them again. He saw that his proposed law was coming out right, and he grew so nervous and excited
that he broke down, and had to get another mathematician to finish his work. And behold! The moon
obeys the law of gravitation and falls rounds the
earth in twenty-eight days; and the earth obeys the
law and falls round the sun in 365 days; and the
sun obeys the law and falls round somewhere else
at the rate of thirteen miles a second. All the universe is filled with law. The earth is so true to the
law of its nature that it alters only one second in
168,000 years. If you waited to see it alter an hour,
it would take six thousand million years! How
slowly the law works. And yet I believe that "once
upon a time" the moon was very close to the earth,
and we and the? moon revolved much faster, and
the day was"only about three hours long. But that
was a very, very long time ago.
What a wonderful world we live in, and what a
momentous discovery Sir Isaac Newton made; but
how very few people,, even today, understand the
nature of his discovery! The sun, moon, planets,
comets, stars—everything, everywhere, everywhen—
are under law ■ and so are we, as well as the suns and
Today I noticed the grass beginning to grow in
a half-dried waterhole; and the green shoots all
over the mud made me think that the grass was full
of intelligence, and had only waited for the water to
dry up. It wan living under law! When there is a
cry of "fire" in the theatre the people are filled
with panic and rush to death, ns unreasonable as
beasts. They also are acting up to thc law of their
natures, poor souls, as unreasoning as the grass.
All things in the universal are under law.
REGINALD McKENNA, a leading financier of
Great Britain and one time ChancclLr of tne
Exchequer, recently toured this continent
giving lectures here and there on international finance, with special reference to after-the-war problems, reparations, inter-allied dents and so lor;h
He made suggestions that the I1. S. should agree
with Great Britain to cancel all war clejts and start
out with a clean sheet. lie had rather a cold reception in Chicago where they have been making a
.'critical and somewhat uniriendly survey of the
territorial extension oi! Great Britain's imperialistic
back yard.
This is illustrated by these  pointed  remarks
made by the "Chicago Tribune."
"There is nothing to pay back with, he Says,"except goods to be man, "actnreed by the debtor nations. Neither tlie United States nor Great Britain
wants to be flooded with foreign goods for such payments while their own people are idlp. The money
loaned is spent "and there is nothing material now
to show for it." Those are depressing statements,
and are near enough the truth to be convincing.
But they are generalities.   Let us be specific
Has Great Britain "nothing to show" for the
4,277,000,000 dollars advanced to her by the United
States to help win the war? She has, in addition to
relief from German naval and merchant marine competition, the majority.of Togoland and Kamerun,
East Africa, with a territory of 224,830 square miles,
a market for 3,000^000 dollars worth of British goods
annually and ft production for export, worth over
4,000,000 dollars annually. She has, together with
France, some 500,000 square miles of new territory
in South-West Africa, with a market for 4.500,000
dollars worth of British goods and a production of
nearly 7,000,000 dollars goods for export. She has
extended her rule in Mesopotamia over 143,000 additional square miles of territory with incalculable
natural resources, and active Inlying power of 46,-
961,000 dollars worth of British goods a vf ar, and a
production for export of 28,000.000 dollars. She has
included under her rule Palestine and part of Arabia, with 100.000 square miles of territory and annual imports of more than 16,000,000 dollars and
exports of 3,000.000 dollars a year. In the Pacific
she has taken over Nauru, with its valuable deposits
of phosphates and its great central wireless station;
the Solomon Islands, with about 3500 square miles
of territory and valuable trading concessions; West
Samoa, with an annual demand for 1,000,000 dollars
worth of British goods and an export production of
2,000,000 dollars. German New Guinea, with almost
double the imports and exports of West Samoa And
all these islands arc incalculably more valuable as
defensive outposts of Australasia than as economic
Then, when Mr. MeKenna says there is "nothing
material to show" for the war debts we must take
issue with him. Britain alone has more than 1,000,-
000 square miles of additional territory, rich in mineral and other natural resources, and in part highly
valuable for stategic purposes, to show for what"the
United States loaned her and otherwise assisted her
in the war.
In view of these facts it does not seem improper
to suggest to Great Britain that if she is unable to
pay in cash what she nwes us she mi<?ht turn over
to us the islands nf the British West Indies, including the Bahamas, the Bermudas, the Leeward and
the Windward Tslands. Barbados. Jamaica, and Trinidad. Altogether they have hardly more than one-
tenth the area of the new territory acquired by Breat
Britain through the war. Lying on the east and
south-east coasts of the United States, they are not
vital to any of the s:reat British trade routes. They
are not a vast source of income to Great Britain.
Thev are valuable to us largely for strategic and defensive nurnoses. partHilarlv in defence of nur
Panama Canal route.   Their strategic value to Brit-
* (Continued on page 6)
--_-« • 1 tt-\ sive as it is, makes but a single item of the nation's
Current Topics ' the European    **»•* „   ,
\JU11V/UL        A   *^^*vu       wx**^    *-»**** wj^^-v-*** wh^  reparations have  acted as, a   boomerang
f-r^                 1                                                  - against British trade the effect of them on France is
J^ {jv*n P* | -Q different in many respects, which we will deal with
*^ in our next issue.   But the point which I Avant the
j reader to see is the stupendous ignorance of our
x            ARTICLE IL—By ROBERT KIRK rulers and the still greater density of the mass who
,.        ....      ,,, aaft ,1Q +nna place in their hands the destinies of peoples, and the.
SLAVES and free men, as well as patricians, o         Lignite-111,880413 tons. ^^ ^^ ]jy ^^ gtateg_
Ancient Rome, Carthage, Babylon, Persia, and       Uke-^,,11 *,038 tons do        understand>
Athens shared in and enjoyed the spoils of the        l'ri-1uettes.-Coal--4,938,l»0 tons.
plundering expeditions of their royal masters. But        lngnite-24,273, 480 tons.  :q:
not so with the wage-slaves of today, though the     <.And for the year 192i the output was:— MINERS' STRIKE FEATURES.
mai-nitudeof the looting from present wars is great-        pit coal—-136,210,088 tons.       '
er now than was ever possible in those early civiliz-       Lignite—123,011,250 tons. / / rf^OTAL number of Miners, estimated at up-
ations    Middle Europe was just as surely sacked at        Coke-27,921,341 tons. ■ **    1    ward of 700,000.   Of these the union claims
the Conference ot Versailles as Carthage was by       Briquettes—Coal—5,G8S,167 tons. -*    560,000, divided into  1-25,000 bituminous
Roman legions.   But the wage-slaves of the Allied        Lignite—28.243,017" and  135,000  anthracite.    Union  figures  place  the
countries never were so poor as after the looting.        Thig immetlse output takes care of the demand for number of non-union miners at about 125,000, but
And the reason for this lies in the fact that the spoi-     coal wnich a European market calls for, and which operators' estimates are up to 200,000.   The union
of war is stamped with thc hallmark of capitalism    British merchants formerly supplied.    No wonder claims 100,000 non-union miners will join the strike;
—commodities, which are ior sale.                           .'    the British Labor Party submitted a report of con- the operators claim comparatively few will do so.
Tl     ound sum. oE 50V- billion dollars, to be paid    ditions-in the coal areas o±rBritain to Lloyd George, "Total Number of Mines:    Approximately 10,-
•   h'ifr early installments, over a period of 42 years,    before    that    marvellous    "peacemaker"    visited . 300, about 10,000 of them bituminous and 300-odd
•Uth   'mount demanded by the Reparations Commis-    Cannes,    The following is taken from the memoran- anthracite.   Of the bituminous, some 2,500 have been
is    e ^ written large on the faces    dum prepared by the British Miners' Federation: shut down for some time.   Of the remaining 7,500
si on     oatisiaciion  Mas   «iihvu iu.±0~ *     ±             «                                                                                                              #        ,  ,-      .            .■ ■ . > nnn -...ill
t   '    r   •    1 patriots   workers all, when 1,600,000 "The export of British coal to Russia during bituminous the union claims that at least b,UUU win
of most go     p          ,                t0'insure payments the eleven months ended November 30, 1913, be sbut dawn by the strike, as about 1,500, it is
Allied troops crossed the Rhine to in        H ^                            and              eleven monthg                                                                          ^        an
of these claims from Germany.    Doubts existeo ended Noyemb      mi  1264(J0 t        or a net estimai -u, die
the nrinds of manv bourgeoise economists, and some reduction 0f five and a half million tons in thl™lte mmers ave **mom**li'                        .
were  expressed,  concerning  the  capacity  of  Ger- eleven months.                                                              '.'Total Area Affected:   Bituminous-Mining diw-
manv's economic resources to stand the strain these "Exports to Germany for the eleven months tricts of western Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and
'   tions would make upon them. None, however* ended 30th November, 1913, amounted to 8,- Illinois, known as the  central competitive  field;
i      .  fnv h  moment whether the amount of 300,000 tons, as against 659,000 tons in the w   tVirginia, the main non-union field; Maryland,
™:;;;:i::i:\:;;::;:::l,«..Mr,o./3,«nonao1-   m^;i^s^^K*^- ^^^^^^^^^
lars)  was within the  physical ability of German „Th(, amount of coal exported to France    sas, Oklahoma, lexas, Colorado,  Utah, Wyoming
•orkers to produce over and above the needs of the Irom this C0Untry (Britain) during the eleven    Montana, North Dakota, Washington and the tour
n onle    Or    if  they  could  produce  this months ended the 30th November, 1913, was    Canadian   provinces    of    Alberta,    Saskatchewan,
Tv of snrnlu's wealth what effect the delivery H'6-^*™? t011S' a"d ior+thef T ^f °f ^f British Columbia and Nova Scotia.   Anthraeite-
quantity ot sin plus \\ can u, w mil r 5,161,000tons, or a net reduction of over 6,- _ A.   .    .          ,.„,„„, pOT1T,Hvlvflnia
would have on industrial conditions outside of Ger- ^    ^ ^ •    ^ „ ^!r^%SLi  west
many This represents a loss in the export coal trade of "Chief "Theater of War   :   West Virginia, west-
If navments are to be made, then German goods lQ]fy million  tong(  and acC0unts for ,50,000 mine era Pennsylvania and Kansas, the former two Delist have a preference in the markets of the world, wor"kers in the South Wales coal fields being out^f cause of the large number of non-union miners and
in nvoov to import the essential materials for the a Job> subsisting on "doles" paid from German re- the latter because of the Industrial Court law.
ntl„ntion of the reproductive process. parations.   While the few who are working four "Total Available  Coal Supply Above  Ground:
While compliance with these terms would entail shifts per week are watching the painful operation Estimated at about 63,000,000 tons of bituminous,
constat employment for all German workers; the of their masters cutting prices in an attempt to re- or a normal supply for nearly nine weeks, and 8,000,-
nnnlication of every known device, for increasing eover the continental market, and at the same time 000 tons of anthracite, or a supply oi from six to
' nrodu'tivity and the strictest economy of industrial feeHng the results o( a cut iu wages, w]lich brings seven weeks.   The bituminous operators claim the;
volition and administration, in order to extract them as near to starvation as those who are unem- can mainain a non-union production of from 3,500.
hSH^tlues to pay the' Allied claim, And ployed. 000 to more than 5,000,000 tons-7,000,000 * the
tl '<- is nreciselv what has happened in Germany, to .<The effect of the Spa Coal Agreement has normal weekly consumption—and that no sliortag'
C       t of trade throughout the world.   The been to damage materially the prospects of should be felt within at least four months.    1 lithe detriment         <               Taimai-v 1921 was 4.5; trade recovery in the exporting districts of this union c)aims non-production will be much less thai
percentage oi ^^J^^Jf^ in' Qetober, ooiintry      Under the agreement, Germany is ^ ^               supply -, not equi(.
n June it had been reduced to J.u, wiiue iuv compelled to export to the Allied countries 22,- •         '                *    ... ■„-.-.   w}11 f^i th„
1921   unemployment, so far as organized workers 000,000 tons of coal per annum.   This coal finds ably distributed and that the public will leel tl.
•io-™' ftoncemed  had disappeared. its way into Belgium, France and Italy, and in "pinch" within six weeks.
v        tt    l-'for ll»n0 reached the total of 69 1-3 consequence of the character of the Treaty, no *   "Bituminous Miners' Chief Demands:   Contimu:
Export trac e           .-                 thousaI*a millions, cash transaction takes place between the receiv- ti      of the present wage of $7.50 a day, maintoi
milliard marks (a milliard *s atiu« countries  ^ ^ Q           Government The .       [h^oK      ^ aud -11Mtitutioil of -j ,
corresponding to an American    billion  ), with im respective  Governments, however,  in selling -'net oi tu emu         *                   ,
norts   for the same  year,  totalling 98.1 milliard th/coal to 003a8Hmers in their countries charge n***™ day and five-day week, held b> the mm    ,
larks    But in 1921   for the last eight months of them the current prices in their country to be the same as the" eight-hour day under ground.
l    '       '     n-ts reached the sum of 70 1-3 milliard "But if they are unable to dispose of it at "Bituminous Operators' Chief Demands:    Xev. ■
the year, exp        _                  *                      milliard borne, they reexport it to other countries and d         tl,     n,rUiiod t0 meet lh(> mincrs.    Hov
i:1,:";';:::.::XZL»***** T   «^rz ^"iJSM ■ -•>• ^ rcm of a"p"" ° ■ *-'
in the amount of shipping whicii calls for it at the gold SQ pheap-v iu the eountries referred to, 0 western Pennsylvania mines
three chief ports of the country. that British coal has to be sold at a price be-       "Anthracite Miners' Chief Demands:    Increa
"                               v      f      sols           Gross tonnage low cost in order to find any kind of market at 0f 20 per cent, for contract workers, and $1 a di y
Hamburg—  No.oi yes    .                • *'   alli and oniy the better classes of British coal *     fl     workers, on the contention that most of
^    S 4 587 333 « able ^JTO ^T^&^a^hcS them now earn less than *6.00 a day; also institution
iq90                4>g80 o%oot,ooo large quantities   of   coal  coming   into   these
A"wp~"            ^ countries under the Reparation Clauses. of the check-oft system.
Antwerp                                 ^ 12,980,147                 "The German Government is  given  credit "Anthracite Operators'Demands   Revision of t
1921   :  _'o lo'858'926 for the coal so exported as a set-off against the wage scale downward, on the contention this is nccs-
J?2£ '•  ' "t" reparation payable by her, but the price at cai.v to reduce the price of coal.
Boterdam- 10874,629 which it is credited to her is the actua nnc*e at ,; Mine                              ..,.
1921   M'u"y ' '   --- which similar classes of coal are sold in Gen- v''1-     ,    " .,    .       , ■          ..       .      .  1 ■■■
199o 5,951 ,   7,609,777 many> plus the freightage to the frontier. When tors want the strike in order to- sell coal at inflate J
''Tn on'eindustrv alone which includes the by-pro- these prices are expressed in the rate of ex-    prices and raise prices again when a shortage '&*>
in one mciufu.v «       , ch        of ^ receivmg countries, they are con-       lop8   and that tbey are seeking to destroy th ■
ducts, we have an interesting ^^WJ*T^ siderably below any price at which British ex-      ^ m. ^^ ^ Thfi bitumill0US opc n
above all else one of f^J^^^^tZ ' ^'^ «* "* ^ *      ** * ^^ Pr°P°S1"    tors are charged with contract-breaking in refusin
British coal trade out of the European marKet. lue tion." k.
prolific outnut of German coal, coke and coal bri- T.n this statement of facts, quoted above, there is to meet the miners.
Sf is seen in the following figures taken from ample evidence showing how one industry of Eng-       <' Chief Charges of the Operators -  That the mine,
thp "Economic Review"  (London), February 17, land has been affected by the Treaty of Versailles, arc unreasonable in wanting to maintain their - r<
•    " go But this is bv no means the only industry or country sent wages or get increases with wage deflations
"   "Germ.nv's eoal output for the year 1920 was: that has been economically crippled by the terms of other lines  of industry  going on."-(New Yorl
Pit coal—131.340.797 tons. reparations.   For the coal trade of Germany, exten- Tribune.
• r"
Western Clarion
▲ i
tt Bator?, Boonomlca, TMlCMtf kf,
aad Current Brents.
FabMahe* twit* a nonth by th* Socialist Party of
Canada, P. 0. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
[ ait O. P. O. aa a nammpatfax.    .
Bgtor ■..,.■■. ■■■..,.■-..
Oaaada, 10 itrnsss	
VaraifB, 11 iaraai	
Bwen If aeLaod
 &_ $1.00
 I.  $1.00
If thla awnber ia aa jtm addreaa label year
■abtarlpitioB  expiree  wtth  aazt iaaue.   Beaew
NOW that Mr. Lloyd George has, by the aid
of a certain deftness which he possesses in
appropriating to his own speechmaking use
the arguments of others, secured his coveted vote of
confidence, the Genoa conference goes forward.
There was at first some doubt as to whether the conference would convene at all, for, after Cannes
French chauvinism bristled at the impossible idea
of meeting representatives from Germany and Russia on an equal footing. Germany must not be given
any chance to argue further about the reparations
terms, and Russia must first recognise the debt!
America declined (in a polite note) to attend, at the
same time sending in a tidy bill of expense for patrolling the Rhineland.
The "Genoa Idea" as at first embraced by the
liberally minded was that all hands would get together and devise ways and means to work for a
solution of common problems: to facilitate the interchange of goods- open up credit, reduce administrative expense, employ labor,—all to be done of
course without disturbing competition and private
enterprise and ownership as the established order of
things. In short, the "Genoa Idea*' was peaceful
production and profit making. But the French jackals have the reparations bone, even if there is little
meat on it, and they wilL not give it up. Not until
the British Prime Minister publicly announced that
Russia must recognize the Czarist debts and that no
question would be entered at the Conference as to
German responsibility for war damages, would
France agree to attend. Those guarantees have
been made and the Conference is now under way.
Mr. Lloyd George seems quite at home in "shaking
hands with murderers,'' and nobody seems to be very
much perturbed.
The first session has passed, with a little diplomatic excitement as to the numerical proportion of
representation on committees alloted to the various
countries, together with some fireworks, mainly
about restrictions on discussion of such like subjects
as disarmament. In this, first blood (if there be any
blood in diploma) is to the credit of Chicherin,
who adroitly proposes disarmament all round, much
to the discomfiture of everyone. Of course, he is
"out of order," and knows it, but reparations and
armed forces are subjects that will govern the decisions of the conference, whether they are discussed
or not.
We suspect that the new international consortium
with headquarters in London, whereby the rehabilitation of Russia under the supervision of German
industrial skill and systematic organization will be
credited to Germany through the reparations account, will form the background of the British programme. Time alone, however, can give this confirmation.
AFTER all the bluster of the new leadership;
self-appointed to lead the workers hither and
thither, in and out, the result to date of the
order to return to the international unions and "bore
from within" has not met with an enthusiastic response. Officials in the international organizations
are up in arms.   "Forewarned is forearmed," they
say, and they have been discussing the new programmes with alarm, as engineered by competitors
who threaten to encroach on their preserves. The
"Western Labor News" (Winnipeg) has given much
space recently to discussions in labor ranks of the
hopes: expressed by the new leaders, from which we
gather that they do not take kindly to the '' boring
from within" idea. So too the "Canadian Congress
Journal," which, incidentally, betrays an easy aptitude for building up a history, of Socialist organizations in Canada to suit itself. The "Journal" shuts
the door with a bang and locks and bolts it in the
face of the new leadership, whieh evidently will have
to wait a little before the operation of "boring from
Avithin" actively commences. With apologies to Gilbert's Major General we offer the following:
Now we cannot help but mention when we see what you're
That when "boring from  within" you're really "boring
from without";
All your Constitutions, Programmes, all your speeches thus
result in
What to Leaders of ambition is decidedly insultin'.
forced to endure the company of those whiskey
drinkers who don't like working from daylight to
Those thousands of poverty stricken farmers of the
Canadian prairie are now to have some added company in their misery and, while Sir Clifford and the
Duke may differ on points, they will both agree
that, -whatever happens, the world, including Canada, must he made Safe for Democracy.
WHILE the Duke of Devonshire {late Governor-General of Canada) and other enthusiastic exporters of British surplus population have been making glowing speeches in the Canadian Club, London, about the men Canada needs, Sir
Clifford Sifton has been making speeches in Toronto about, the men Canada wants.
The Duke is an enthusiastic Imperialist and
thinks Canada could do with some thousands more
men, British born and bred. Sir Clifford used to
be Minister of the Interior, and knows all about imj-
migration. He therefore has some bright ideas of
his own on the subject. (See "MacLean's Magazine,"
April 1, 1922).
"There is talk, also, about, getting a large
number of people from the manufacturing
towns of England and Scotland. We do not
want mechanics from the Clyde—riotous, turbulent, and with an insatiable appetite for
Sir Clifford wants none of these, and the South
of England also does not, generally speaking, produce the men he approves of as Canadian immigrants.   They will not do.   They do not measure up
to "The Quality Standard" of Canada's needs.
This is the quality standard.
'' When I speak of quality Ii have in mind, I
think, something that is quite different from
what is in the mind of the average writer or
speaker upon the question of immigration. 1
think a stalwart peasant in a sheep-skin coat,
born on the soil, whose forefathers have been
farmers for ten; generations, with a stout wife
and a half-dozen children is good quality. A
Trades Union artisan who will not work more
than eight hours a day and will not work that
long if he can help it, will not work on a farm
at all and has to be fed by the public when
work is slack is, in my judgment, quantity and
very bad quality. I am indifferent as to whether or not he is British born. It matters not
what his nationality is; such men are not wanted in Canada, and the more of them we get the
more trouble we shall have."
Sir Clifford concedes there are a few "quality"
men to be found in the north of England and Scotland, but, in the main:
"In Norway,  Sweden,  Denmark, Belgium,
Bohemia, Hungary and Galicia there are luu>
dreds of thousands of hardy peasants, men of
the type above described, farmers for ten or
fifteen generations, who are anxious to leave
Europe and start life under better conditions
in a new country.   These men are workers.
They have been bred for generations to work
from daylight to dark.   They have never done
anything else and they never expect to do anything else.   We have some hundreds of thousands of them in Canada now, and they are
among our most useful and productive people."
This, then, is the "quality" needed for Canada.
It matters not what their nationality may be. Not
even a dreaded "Hun" would be turned back nowadays, if he had the sheepskin coat, the large family
and the capacity for work from daylight to dark
without hope of doing anything else.
Not that we're kicking at all!   Not a bit of it!
We're just sympathizing with the Duke, who is thus
* (Continued from page 1)
The Russians, of course, will have a contra account. Their bill of expense will include the exl-
penses met in repelling armed invasion, allied coun-
ter-revolutionar}- propaganda, loss suffered through
the blocade; besides this there will follow argument
over the present political complexion of the treaties
of the Czar's government as now affecting Russia,
excluded by the terms of the peace treaty of Versailles.
If they ever get as far as this, Article 4 (personel)
will be unusually interesting.
Here's the very thing. Just what we've been
looking for—envy, emulation and jealously over
"prominence" in Here and Now. Not that such a
spirit could be condoned in any other walk of life,
but in Here and Now all hands will agree that it's
positively ethical.   Perpend!
'' Noticing the enviable prominence accorded the
remarks of some sub-renewers to "Clarion," my attention was stirred to gain the same by sending
along my widow's mite. But then there's two
things: First, I'm not a widow, and second, in view
of the claims on me , $2.60 is not a "mite." However, please renew my sub. and send along (registered) 25 copies "Slave of the Farm."
Thus our old friend "Progress" claims the attention of the community in Dauphin, Man.,
where he intends to leave a copy of "Slave of the
Farm'' when he goes calling.
Talking about farms, here's a word from rural
life in Alberta:
'.' It may be of interest to you to know what condition the average farmer is in in this district.
They are living on relief administered by the Alberta Provincial Government. Relief clothing comes
from the Red Cross; feed for their stock, seed and a
little food also from the Government, which constitutes a first charge on this year's crop.
The average farmer is hopelessly in debt; he has
not paid interest during the past three or four years.
In spite of their conditions it is uphill work to get
them to consider our position and read literature.
Co-operation and what they understand by economics,
they will talk willingly enough, but Socialism! They
are afraid of the word and are suspicious of all explanations. At the same time they are afraid to
have us meet their spokesmen in public debate, for
we are able to analyse conditions and make a more
comprehensive survey than they are. Anyway,
education is the need, so give us more of it."
Seems like that fellow with the sheepskin coat, his
wife and six kids will have to bring an enduring
lunch with them when they pass the immigration
turn-stile attended by Sir Clifford Sifton.
But here, we set ont to make a howl about the
need for subs. Best thing after all is to let the
figures tell their own story:
Following $1 each: H. Jameson, Wm. Pasch, O.
Peterson, A. Lellman, Dick Burge, D. Hearn, J. R.
MacDonald, P. Wallgren, Fred Wood.
II. W. Speed, $3; Mrs. O. Craig,$3; N. P. Soren- \
sen, $2.50; J. H. Moon, $2; Miss Roy, $2; C. R. Morrison^ : P. T. Leckie,$2; E. Tallon, $2.
Above Clarion subscriptions received from lst to
12th April, inclusive, total $30.50.
Sub rustling contest winners: (1) W. Hoare;
(2) II. W. Speed; (3) W. Erwin.
J. R. MacDonald, $4; Local, Ottawa (per P. T. L.),
$6; "J. H. B."$4.
"C. M. F." Contributions received from lst to
12th April inclusive, total, $14. WESTERN     CLARION
FAG* FtVfe
Economics for Workers
CLAUSE 13 of the Peace Treaty is devoted
to labor. We are told that labor is no longer
to be looked upon as a commodity.
This no doubt was throwing a sop to the trade
unionists in general who refuse to be treated as a
commodity, much against their wishes.
This commodity (labor power) however is the
most significant commodity on the capitalist market,
i.e., the brain and muscle power of the workers, who
have no other means of existence but the sale of
their labor power to some master for a stipulated
sum. What the laborer sells is not his labor but his
labor power vested in his body. The laborer's body
is the storage tank of his only marketable commodity.
This commodity labor power is bought by the capitalist for the purpose of being consumed by him.
The capitalist buys it at its market price, as he
does all other commodities, and consumes it by
putting it to work for his own benefit.
All other commodities are passive during consumption ; labor power is active. They are either
consumed individually as are food, clothing, shelter,
luxuries, or productively as are raw materials, machinery, or labor power.
When consumed individually, the commodities
pass entirely out of existence and with them passes
their value. When consumed productively their
value is transferred into the finished product, into
which their substance passes or in the production of
which their own substance wears away e,g., machinery.
But labor power has one quality, by which it
differs from all other commodities. When it is consumed by the capitalist it does not merely produce
other commodities, but reproduces itself. A part
of its product passes into the hands of the capitalist,
is taken to the market and sold, aird the money received for it is used to buy new raw materials, machinery, labor power and pay thc individual expenses
of the capitalist.
That portion which is spent for the purchase of
labor power passes into the hands of the laborer
and is used by the laborer for the reproduction and
conservation of bis labor power. The laborer buys
with his wages the necessaries of life, builds up
new labor power, and offers it again to the same or
some other capitalist for renewed productive consumption. (In his earlier works Marx did not make
the distinction between labor and labor power. In
his "Poverty of Philosophy," and "Wage labor and
Capital" it had the same double meaning which it
has in classic economy. But in his great work
"Capital" Marx made the distinction clear and used
it as his basis of surplus value). Let us see Iioav
labor power functions in capitalist production.
The productive consumption of labor power in
the factory, transforms the raw material and machinery whieh have their exchange value (through the
labor embodied in their production), transferred
into the finished commodity. All these materials,
raw material, machinery, etc., form the constant
capital of the capitalist. But this raw material, and
machinery of itself is unproductive. It cannot either
produce commodities or reproduce itself. It cannot
create new values, it lies inert, until the labor power
of the worker touches it with its creative force. In
order to secure tbis labor power, the capitalist has
to pay out wages to the laborer. The amount paid
in wages represents the value of his labor power, in
other words wages represent on the average what it
costs to buy the necessaries of life to produce his
energy labor power, to maintain the standard of
life and bring up his children to take his place when
he dies off, under the prevailing conditions of any
country or period of capitalism.
It is only the labor power of the laborer that can
conserve and transfer the value of the raw material
and machinery into the finished product. The laborer through the application of his labor power
creates new value. The value of the machinery and
raw material is transferred and this constant capital
reappears in the finished product. This is value
which already existed before the laborer touched
the elements of production. They have simply
changed form. Formerly the value existed in the
raw material; now they exist in the finished product. But we saw in our first lesson that the capitalist does not care to merely reproduce his constant
capital; he is concerned about gettirtg a surplus
value. He buys labor power to create new values.
These new values are created by the laborer applying his labor power. Labor power reproduces not
only its OAvn value but also a surplus value.
The aim of capitalism is not use values bvit surplus values. Surplus value is unpaid labor. Surplus value is produced because of the fact that the
capitalist buys the use of labor power for a specified
time, 8, 9, or 10 hours a day, whatever the case may
be, and pays in return the value of labor power. Sur.
plus value is that part of wealth which is produced
after the value of labor power has been produced
i.e., the difference between value of the means ol
production and labor power together and the value
of the finished product.
Wages cannot rise as high as the total value
produced under capitalism, because we have seen
that the capitalist enters business solely to realize a
surplus value. Wages appear on the surface to the
worker as being fully paid or as the value of their
labor, but they are really the value of the commodity labor power, i.e., the value of the means
of subsistence under the prevailing conditions in
any given country, and this value (labor power)
varies when tbe means of subsistence vary.
The movement spreading all over the capitalist
countries today to reduce wages, with the falling
of prices as the excuse for the reduction, is proof.
The New York Tribune's business summary, referring particularly to thc garment manufacturing industry, says: "Although manufacturers are loath
to discuss the subject, the feeling is spreading abroad
that the next commodity to come down in price
will be labor. Manufacturers still consider labor
to b.e a commodity although certain high court dealings have been made to the contrary. Through the
country there is a determined stand being made for
the open shop, which it is felt will increase the efficiency of the individual worker."
In the Boston "New Bureau" Ave read: "State
Commissioner Cole of Public Works, speaking before the Massachusetts Chamber of Commerce thus
describes the increasing willingness of labor to do
a full day's labor:
" 'Today 1 say to a workman (said an Italian
foreman) you take that pick and dig or I'll smash
your bead. Before- when told to work the laborer
replied 'you shut up or I'll smash your head.'"
(Lit. Digest Nov. 30, 1020).
Some capitalists have a grasp of the worker's
Avaires being his subsistence,
• Mr. II. N. Barnes, director and general manager
of a large departmental store, writing in the "Drapers Record." Feb. 1st 1918, said: "After all, the
real crux of the matter is, the altered value of money.
The exchange value of services is much the same as
in pre-war days. "A wage earner turns out a
Aveek's work in exchange for a weeks provisions, etc.
The face value of the money he receives is of no consequence, it may be fifty or it may be five pounds but
if it is only exchangeable for his weeks sustenance
nothing really matters." That is a good illustration of Avages.
In the "Literary Digest''? of Nov. 13th 1920, a\c
have this: "Lahor is beginning to underbid, and
while Ave insist that labor is not a commodity and
that every man and woman who works in an organisation is heart of the human stuff, a little competition is a wholesome thing."
Pro. Ely in "Evolution of Industrial Society,
says: "The value of a day's Avage cannot be represented in money. That is what the political ecom-
ist calls nominal wage. The wage must be determined by considering thc prices which the laborer
has to pay for the necessaries of life."
Labor no longer to be looked at as a commodity!
The peace treaty might as Avell have said that a
street car Avas no longer to be looked upon as a
street car.
Because the chattel slave Avas bought, and there
was no money Avage, it seemed as if none of his
labor Avas paid.
Because the serf worked for the lord of the
manor part of the time, it seemed as if he was partly
Because the Avage slave gets wages for his labor
power it seems if he is fully paid, but he only
gets his maintenance vor, as Marx puts it (Vol. Ill,
p. 626 "Capital"). "The worker supplies himself
Avith necessaries in order to maintain his labor power, just as coal and water are supplied to the steam
engine and oil to its wheels."
Pro. Ely says: "The array of facts gathered
from all countries confirms the conclusion that the
standard of life determines the wages."
The world over, Ave find when it becomes ne&-'
essary for the wife or the wife and children to work
in factories, it very soon becomes necessary for
them to do so to support the family. Professor E.
W. Bemis has called attention to the fact that in
the textile industries of Rhode Island and Eastern
Connecticut Avhere the Avomen and children work,
"the earnings of the entire family are no greater
than in those trades where only the men Avork."
In the textile towns of England and Scotland
the same conditions exist. If Ave could change the
climatic conditions of Canada and live on rice we
would soon have rice wages. Tell me where living
is high and I will tell you where Avages are high; or
Avhere living is low, there wages are Ioav.
Let me give a few facts in support of the above
statement. Rogers tells us during the 20 years
of 1800-1820 in London, wages 'were higher than
country Avages, but then both were'on the margin of
existence. In a book, "A Criticism of Socialism in
Ncav Zealand," the Avriter gives a list of wages in
Denver, U.S.A., and New Zealand, Avith the prices
of necessaries of life, house rents, etc., and concludes
that wages are loAver in NeAv Zealand than in Denver, while living is higher in Denver. The only diff- .
erence is that there is not the AAude gulf between
mechanic's AArages and the laborers' Avages in New -
Zealand as in Denver; this being a result of Australia's distance from the Old Country; unskilled
labor Avas unable to pay the steamship passage,
where America had a superabundance of unskilled
labor Avith its European emigrants.
Gerber, "High Cost of Living" Ncav York Book
Co. 1915, (Avhich is a book of confusion) gives us
one very good illustration of Avages: "Thus the
Chinese workman's Avages are regulated by his necessities and are extremely Ioav. He gets 10 to 12
cents a day, with food 5 to 6 cents a day. Com*
pared with their purchasing power it will be found
that it is about the same as the purchasing poAver of
the Avages received by an American worker.
"For instance, the cost at a night inn is one
cent in China; the same class of inn in America
costs 25 cents. American laborers' Avages at $1.50 a
day gives 6 night' lodging. The Chinaman can secure from 5 to 12 nights with his day's pay. Examine the various items, and, Avith few exceptions,
there is a striking similarity betAveen the purchasing
poAver of a day's wage in each country, although the
money difference received amounts to from 25 to 40 ,.(■ -* ■ -
times more for American Avages than the Chinese
Avorkmen receive."
A book Ihavc, entitled "The Bargain Theory of
Wages," says: "The figures substantiate the theory,
that Avages are higher in the Western States where
living is relatively higher. The excess of city wages
over those of the country is due chiefly to the ex-
- cess in living expenses."
The folloAving table is given of 160 toAvns of over
20,000 population.
Average yearly Avage in dollars:
Men.       Women.   Children.
Town         $567   '"    $391 $159
U. S. A  408 276 141
Country    401 239 120
"Women," he says, "are mostly personal upkeeps, while men have dependents and therefor need
more Avages." If you read Engels' "Conditions of
tbe Working Class in England," you will find the
reason the Irish were disliked when they emigrated
to England was because their potato standard of
living was detrimental to the English laborer as the
Irish cut him out of work, competing for lower
A book entitled "Labor," published in 1882
says: "Natural wages are such as will reproduce
labor, . . Labor is property and its value is determined by the cost of its reproduction." If we
call the above "labor-power" it is a good Marxian
0 \
Thorold Rogers, in •his "Politiaal Economy,"
pp. 65 and 178'says: "The food of a laborer has a
powerful influence over that part of the rate of
wages Which is relative to his maintenance. If his
customary food is costly, his wages will be proportionate.   .   .
"In England the staple food of the laborer has
been wheat; in Scotland it is generally oatmeal: in
Ireland it was, in great degree, is still, potatoes; in
many parts of Europe rye or barley. That part
of the rate of wages Avhich is devoted to^the personal subsistence of the laborer will be-determined
on the average, by the cost of that on which he principally subsists,"
"Five or six centuries ago the wages in Ireland
Avere as high as those in England. The substitution
of the potato for oatmeal reduced their Avages in
In other Avords Rogers means in England the
laborer had Avheat wages, in Scotland oatmeal wages,
and in Ireland potato Avages. Any one who knoAVs
the old country concludes that is Avhat Scotch
"thrift" attained, i.e., loAver Avages in Scotland than
in England, or,, a Ioav standard of living.
If Ave look at the total Avealth of any country it
runs 4 to f> times Avhat is paid in wages. Taking
four times as an average it means the average wages
is one fourth.
To illustrate, let us assume an 8 hours day of toil.
The value of labor power Avould be reproduced in
2 hours. The Avorkers do not put on their coat and
go home. Oh no! They have bargained to sell labor-
poAver for 8 hours. The other 6 hours then, is unpaid
labor, or surplus value.
Here is the secret surplus value, discovered by
Karl Marx, which the classic economists failed to
explain. The reason was because the classic economists never were able to differentiate betAveen
labor and labor-power. Their value of labor Avas
really the value of labor-power as. it exists in the
personality of the laborer, which is as different from
its function, lahorfas a machine is from the work
it performs. I.abor-poAver must not be confused with
Labor is the realization of labor-power and its result embodied in tbe commodity produced, when
labor-poAver is consumed. Labor is the act of consuming labor-poAver, the capitalist realizing its use
The capitalist receives the product of your labor,
paying in return for its use the value of your labor-
power ; in other Avords, your means of substence, or
slave's portion.
In "Capital," Marx says "Skilled labor counts
only as simple, intensified, or rather as multiplied,
simple labor, that in the creation of a surplus value
it does not in the least matter, Avhether the labor
appropriated by the capitalist bc simple, unskilled,
of average quality, or more complicated, skilled
labor. The labor of a higher and more complicated
character than average labor is the expenditure of
labor poAver of a more costly kind; labor-power that
has cost more time and labor and Which therefor has
a higher value than unskilled or simple labor."
This reminds me of a discussion J bad with a
plasterer when he was very emphatic that his strong-
trade union organisation was responsible for his
high Avages. It so happened that at that time the
laborers had' just as good a trade union, so I, put
the question; "If your trade union gives you the
high Avages, why have the labours 20 cents an hornless, Avhen their union is as strongly organised?"
He replied: "It would not be fair, because Ave serve
an apprenticeship." 1 answered: "Under your <)Wn
argument it would be fair," and then I endeavored
to explain it as a higher labor-power value. If
labor took too long to reproduce its labor-power
Aralue, there would be no rich people because there
would be no surplus.
There Avere no millionaires to speak of a century
ago, because the worker labored the most of his time
reproducing his OAvn maintenance. Some may say
that is the result of capital (machinery).
That is true in a sense, but labor produces the
'machine, and labor, Ave have seen, is the only factor
in production which reproduces not only the value
of labor-poAver but a surplus, Avhile tlie value of
machinery and raw material is only transferred or
transformed into the finished commodity. This we
see when Ave come to deal Avith profits or, as Marx
puts it, mystified surplus value. Money Avages arc
so mystifying to the worker that he believes be is
fully paid, and yet it is because he is the cheapest
slave, that chattel slavery Avas abandoned.
In 174.1 David Hume AA'rotc: "From the experience of our planters, slavery is as little advantageous to the master as to the slave, Avhere hired servants can be procured. A man is obliged to feed
and clothe his slave, and he does no more for his
servant. The price of the first purchase is therefor,
a loss to him, not to mention that the fear of punishment will never draw so much labor from a slave
as the dread of being turned off and not getting
another service, Avill from a free man.."
John Adams in U. S. A. Congress, 1776, said:
"It was of no consequence by what name you called
your people, whether by that of a free man or of
slaves. That in some countries the laboring man
Avas called a free man, in other countries they were
called slaves. But the difference Avas only imaginary. What mattered it Avhether a landlord, emplov-
ing ten laborers on his farm, gives them annually as
much as will buy the necessaries of life, or gives
them those necessities at short hand." •
James Ellsworth, a member of the convention to
formulate a constitution for the Republic, held at
Philadelphia 1787, said: "As population groAVS poor
laborers will become so plentiful as to make slaves
Adam Smith wrote: "Though the wear and tear
of a free servant be generally at the expense of his
master it generally costs him much less than that of
a slave. The fund destined for refunding or repairing a slave is commonly managed by the master,
but is performed by the freeman himself. It appears, accordingly, that the Avork done by a freeman comes cheaper in the end than that of a slave."
In "The Evolution of Industry in the United
States," by Carroll D. Wright, 1895, the author
says Dr. Franklin wrote an essay Whieh pointed out
-that the labor of slaves here in America can never
be as cheap as the labor of the free Avorking men of
On page 151 is a table I copied and enlarged on
cloth to hang in the class room, which is a very tell-
;n<t, concrete fact as to Why slave labor Avas dear.
I use many charts, because it is then easier for thc
class to grasp than by using only abstract illustrations.
If it is possible, Mr. Editor, print it in the "Clarion" as follows:
"Capital necessary to grow cotton; with slave
and with free labor."
Free.       Slave.
100 acres land at 420 an acre  $2,000     $2,000
Value of cattle, horses and farming •
tools     2,000       2,000
Food, clothing of farmer free labor,
horses, cattle, feed     1,000        	
Food  clothing,  farmer slave,  food
horses and cattle, doctors bills
for slaves  !        1,000
Ten slaves value $.1,500 each       15,000
Wages of free labor      1,000        	
Total  investments   $6,000   $20,000
( We see that free labor means to the capitalist a
'saving of $14,000, or the freedom to use this to exploit more wage slaves.   •
We saw in our history lessons that Engels said:
"Slavery was a great step forward from killing
their captives." Lester Ward says: 'Hoav did man
learn to Avork; did the needs of existence teach him
self denial ? to tone down his wild unsettled nature
and discipline bis mind and body to toil? "Not at
all" "It i.s safe to say if left to these influences, man
would never have learned to labor. It required some
other influence far more imperative and coercive,
in a word, nothing short of slavery could ever have
accomplished this. This Avas the social mission of
human slavery, to convert mere activity into true
Yet Ave hear today you cannot change human
In conclusion of the discussion of this lesson let
me point out that there are three values in connection with labor-power,
1st exchange value, Avhich is the maintenance of
the laborer.
2nd Tts use value to the capitalist.
3rd That Labor-poAver is not only a source of
value but reproduces a- surplus value, the production of which is due, as Ave have seen, to labor-power
being utilised beyond the time necessary to reproduce its OAvn value. .
Remember. Labor is labor-power in action, and
that its action is extended beyond the time of reproducing iaobr-poWer's value, the food, clothing,
and shelter of the Avorkers, or, in other words, maintenance, which is called Avages.
This extended time is surplus labor, which creates
surplus value, or, in other Avords, Rent, Interest and
Next Lesson: Wa^es; Relative, Nominal and Real.
(Continued from page 2)
aiu is entirely against the United States. No military base on any of them could be used against any
important nation but the United States. No military or naval base on any of them could be used1 by
the United States against England.
Why, then, should England decline, to assign
them to us in part payment of her debt incurred in
obtaining ten times their area of new land in other
sections of the Avorld? The situation is remindful
of the story of thc monkey witli hand trapped in the
jar, because he would not open his fist to drop the
mils inside the jar which be had seized."
We haven't heard yet what Mr. MeKenna said
in reply to this, but no doubt it's all contained in
bis dictionary of swear words.
Socialist Party of Canada
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
April 16th   W. A. Pritchard
April 23rd   T. O'Connor
April 30th   J. D. Harrington
126--2nd Street West.
April 16th  C. Stephenson
April 23rd   R. Kirk
April 30th   S. Earp
All meetings at 8 p.m.
Questions. Discussion.
Book Review
York, The Marx Institute.   268 pp.
IN the entire field of proletarian thought there is
no more interesting phenomenon than that perversity AA'hich induces the most shameless reformers to claim Marx as their father and their God. It
would not surprise us to find his name chanted in the
Litany, or included in the*convocation of the saints.
The book before us has a foreword by the publishers which does not mince matters,—"The perversions and misconceptions of the misinterpreters
of Marx—the Kautskys, the Plechanoffs and the
Hillquits—gave birth only to .the cowardice of the
Second International."
It is someAA'hat disconcerting to find the first sentence of the book announce that tho "coAvardice"
of an entire class should bc attributed to a feAV men.
Particularly Avhen the first tAvo were, ten years
at least before the outbreak of Avar, in the forefront
of revolutionary activity, (see Lenin's "Left Wing
Communism," and " Lessons of tbe Russian Revolution") and, further, that Trotsky has particularized
the reasons for the failure of the Avorking class to
hinder, much less prevent, the cataclysm—("The
Bolsheviki and World Peace," pages 172-182, of
Avhi"h Ave take but a feAV sentences): "It would
be futile to seek these causes in the mistakes of individuals, in the narroAvness of the leaders and
party committees. They must be sought in the conditions of the epoch in which the Socialist International first came into being and developed."
"Comrade Waton," the publishers tell us, "has
in this book rendered an inestimable service to the
Socialist movement by crystallizing the differences
between revolutionary Socialism and the opportunism of the Second International." We cannot too
highly commend the considerateness which prompted a policy contrary to the practice of our school
book problems, by getting the solution at the,beginning instead of the end of the book. To us it is a
SAVord and buckle, as Ave pass through the valley
of the shadow of Bergson, Jesus, Kant, and Spinoza.
The introduction and the first chapter serve as
a test—if the reader survives—the rest is simple.
It is a teleological interpretation of life. Life uses
the earth and particularly uses man to express itself.
Dr. Waton's estimation of our intelligence is
more modest than our own, and this may be of great
value, because Ave do often, to our harm, overlook
the most obvious fact - but surely it is superfluous to
inform us that "in order to live and multiply their
kind, living things must have the means of life."
(p. 21.)
However, betAveen life and thc means of life a
struggle arises. Life increases faster than the means
of life. - • Professor Huxley,'' we read,'' tells us that
if a protozoa—a mere miscroscopic creature—be
given the opportunity to increase and multiply according to its capacity and tendency and a like opportunity be given to its progeny, in the course of
six months the aggregate mass of their bodies would
equal in size the mass of the earth—so infinitely
great is their poAver and tendency to increase and
multiply." Bnt this is nothing to the "power and
tendency" of some people to "increase and multiply" words needlessly. And Avhile Huxley viewed
"the ravages of the terrible monster over-multiplication as the greatest of all riddles, we can say, as
he says of the philosophers, why should our souls
be greatly vexed! Thc majesty of the fact is on our
side and the elemental forces of nature are Avorking
for us.
The fact is, neither the prolific protozoa nor the
slow breeding elephant, which Darwin instances as
capable of covering the world, Avill do so. Nor does
life increase faster than the means of life, except in
a schoolroom lesson, to impress the unsophisticated
with the tremendous fecundity of nature. All life
is the means of life to some other life form. Thus
the limit is set to overpopulation, for practicable
purposes at any rate.
Excuse all this "Life" because thc book before
us carries the Word in almost every line, for the
first feAV chapters.
* And such sentences as this appear page after
page: "Life transcends not only the means of life,
but also the living beings themselves." At last,
breaking loose from tbis whirlpool of transcending
life our author scolds Avith vigor those avIio charge
1 Socialists with irreligioii—"Can these impudent
blasphemers and conceited faols charge the Socialists With being irreligious' Does it lie in their
mouths to charge the Socialists with the desire to
dethrone God, repudiate religion?" etc.
But, as Dr. Waton says, "more of this anon."
In the meanwhile we are told ere avc discuss
idealism, that "We must distinguish between the
moral nature of man, that is, between his capacity
and desire to attain an ideal, and the object of that
ideal. This Avill reveal to us the significant fact,
that, though striving after an ideal is not materialistic, the object of an ideal is ahvays a material
reality. This Avill requite consideration." We
should say so. But the present reviewer is not
"game" for that consideration, so let us proceed
to Marx, (page 44) "Therefor human history can bc
understood and rationality interpreted only When
••read in the light of the history of human efforts to
acquire the means of life—and in this manner Marx
interpreted the past'history of the human race and
in accordance With tbis interpretation he formulated
tho future development and history of the human
race. And to understand this interpretation is the
task before us." Following this Ave have the famous passage from the Preface to the "Critique."
It is someAvhat remarkable that anyone should
have read that Preface and conceive that the history
of man can be read in "the lfght of the history of
human efforts to acquire the means of life." It is
the means whereby he produces his sustenance to
which Marx attaches so much importance.
HoAvever, nothing daunted, Dr. Waton proceeds
to go to the root, of the matter, so in order to understand Marx Ave must start Avith Herbert Spencer.
Hardly are we introduced to tbe synthetic philosopher, AA'hen Kant invades the chamber, and argument ensues as to Iioav Ave acquire knowledge; after
much juggling Avith tbe terms a priori and a posteriori, Ave are told Kant Avas right and Spencer Avas
Spencer maintains all knowledge is the result of
experience, but after tAventy pages, almost half a
thousand Words of chinwagging, between Spencer
and Kant, avc find they are both wrong. "That both
views are fundamentally wrong and false, Ave shall
adequately show later on. For, the present avc must
proceed Avith the immediate task before us—to find
an adequate theory of knowledge" (page 78.)
There now! It reminds us of the stage Irishman's''direction: "Do you see yon church? Well,
you turn south from there, walk a mile till you
come to the riven and if you follow the river a mile
east you won't find the place you're looking for!"
Having escaped from Spencer and Kant, no not
quite, page 7;"). avc find they are both right and both
wrohg, but if we take Avhat is right from each we
would have a philosophy Avhich would be the philosophy of Marx. This ••would be a tremendous and
indispensable task." Fortunately, such philosophy
was already formulated hy no less competent a man
than Spinoza. The next step, therefore, is to consider Spinoza's philosophy.
"Spinoza contemplates the universe as the manifestation^)!' Cod—a being infinite in attributes each
of Avhich manifests itself in infinite modes."
Thus Ave arrive at an understanding of knowledge. Hoav" Ask of the winds that I)1oav, etc. Or—
read the book. We must however understand
Spinoza (page 104). We have tried, and the pains
Ave have suffered we are loth to inflict upon the readers of our Family Journal. But Ave are hoav within
sight of Marx, so, courage! Quoting from "Capital," "Poverty of Philosophy" and "Feuerbach,"
Dr. Waton places before us Views which he considers as pVoof that Marx and Engels regarded man
as an active agent, influencing his environment, and
not the poor creature that many so called Marxists
would have him appear. The remarkable feature is
that Engels' words are actually quoted Avhich prove
exactly the opposite to that which Dr. Waton tries
to prove—"But on the one hand we have seen in
history that the results of many individual Avills
produce effects, for the most pai't quite other than
wished for—often in fact the very opposite—their
motives of action, likeAA'ise, are "only of subordinate
significance Avith regard to universal results."
This is the fact, that mankind always achieves
something other than he strives for. And the explanation of that fact is to be found in thc Marxian
philosophy,, that it is not man's consciousness that
determines his existence, but bis existence that determines his consciousness. Dr. Watson considers
this too abstract and comprehensive to be grasped
readily, and this is the reason for the current misinterpretation of tbe theory of Marx. So to make it
(piite simple Ave are treated to a fanciful and poetic -
description of Marx and his family life, and this
family life of Marx is then compared to Nature.
As Marx treats his family and friends so Nature
treats mankind. Nature iioav takes the place of life,
and appears in every line. Some of this is to say
the least peculiar—"Nature is not a perfect blank,
upon which man can write What he pleases. Nature
has a character of her oavii—-a character AA'hich
springs from her nature. And. in thc material action betAveen man and Nature, man must reckon
Avith this character of Nature. Man therefore can
use Nature for his purposes only as Nature can be
used; in accordance with her Avays and in accordance With the duration of time. It is for this reason
that We call Marx's philosophy, the historical,materialism: It is the philosophy that takes cognizance
of the historical order of Nature."
Thus do Ave simplify Marx!
We have yet a few more doors to pass through
ere Ave arrive at tbe Master's Feet. Schopenhauer
and his "Avill to live" for one, so '' will *' takes the
place of Nature and again Ave refuse to drag ourselves over the barrens of idealism in the name of
Marx. But behold, look whom we have here,
Jesus Christ; actually our Lord and Savior, He
comes to elucidate the Class Struggle. "It is easier
for a rope to go through the eye or a needle than
for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom of God."
Therefore the propetyless alone can achieve the revolution. We Won't quarrel Avith that, nor quibble
about the "rope."
Something of greater interest awaits us. The
proletariat are the bearers of virtue, and only Avith,
them .can it come.
"Take the case of the JeAvs and Judaism," mentally the equal, morally the superior of all nations.
If you doubt it ye gentiles, bring forward your
Moses, Jesus, Spinoza and Marx. "No matter Avhat
one may think about religion generally, he Avill have
to admit—that Judaism is the most rational, the
most humane, and the most free from superstition,
than any religion that the human race produced.
Only Judaism and among Jcavs could bring out a
Jesus and a St. Paul." (page 169-70).
Here avc have a fine desregard for grainmcr and
historical fact that bespeaks genius. However, all
these things are so "because both the Jews and
Judaism were born out of the revolution of the
Jewish proletarians against their masters." We
have nol heard of this revolution, but then Ave are
past quarreling Avith past or future history as laid
doAvn by Dr. Waton, past or future tense either.
Neither Avill avc quarrel with his opinion that no
matter Iioav one hates religion "nevertheless everyone cannot help perceive that Christianity is an ideal
religion embodying a sublime conception of the universal brotherhood of man—a religion which can
realize itself only in a state of Communism."
Tavo hundred pages of this kind of stuff in a
book dealing with The Philosophy of Marx, makes
us long for the day—
"When the worm shall have writhed its last, and its
last brother worm will have fled
From the dead fossil skull that is left in the rocks of
an earth that ls dead."
The remaining fifty pages or so are devoted to
proving that misery is decreasing, that the historic
function of capitalism is not to concentrate wealth
(Continued on page 8) WESTERN      CLARION
Analyzed and contrasted from the Marxian and
Darwinian points of view. By Bishop William Montgomery Brown. D.D. Its bold recommendations:
Banish the Gods from the Skies and Capitalists from
the Earth and make the World safe for Industrial
Seventy-fifth thousand now ready. Pp. 224.
Cloth edition, De Luxe, $1.00.   This whole edition of
2,000 copies is a Christmas gift to the sufferers by-
famine in Russia.   Every copy sold means a whole
dollar to them and much education to the buyer.
New  paper  edition,  25,000  copies,  artistic  design,
Publishers, 102 South  Union Street, Gallon, Ohio.
Or from
P. 0. Box 710, Vancouver, B. 0.
very beautiful, one copy 25 cents, six, $1.00.
"It will do a wonderful work in this the greatest
crisis tn all history."—Truth.
Party of
W«, the Socialist Party of Canada affirm ottx ailap-
lance to, and support of th* prineiplea and profi-amm*
of trho revolutionary working olaa*.
Labor, applied to natural reoouro-ta, produces all
wealth. The present eoonomlo system ls based apon
capitalist ownership of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to th* capitalist olass. Tbe capitalist la therefor*, master; ths
worker a slava
So long ss the capitalist class remains In possession
of th* reins of fovorumon/t all th* powers of th* Stat*
will be used to protect and'defend Its property rights la
th* means of wealth production and Ms control of the
product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist aa ever-
swelUng stream of profits, snd to the worker, aa ever-
Increasing measure of misery and degradation.
The interest of the working olass llu tn setting itself
fre* from capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the
wage system, under whloh this exploitation, at th* point
of production, ls cloaked. To accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property la the
means of wealth production Into soolally oo-atrolled eeonomie forces.
The Irrepressible conflict of Interest b*twe*a the *ap-
ttalist and th* worker n*e*ssarlly *xpr*ss*s itself ss a
struggle for political supremacy. This Is the Class
Therefore we call upon all workers to organise under
the banner of the Socialist Party of Canada, with the
object of conquering the political powers for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the eeonomie programme of the working olass, as follows:
1—The transformation, as rapidly as possible,
of capitalist property In th* means of
wealth production (natural resouroes, factor-
torles, mUls, railroads, *te.)< Into collective
means of production.
I—The organisation and management of Industry
by ths working clasa
t—Th* establishment, as speedily as possible, of
production for use Instead of production for
profit. *
(This is as handy a way as any to send your subs.)
Western Clarion, P. 0. Box, 710.
Vancouver, B. C.
Official organ of the S. P. of C.   Published twice
a month.
Subscriptions: Canada, 20 issues, $1; Foreign:
16 issues $1.
(Continued from page 7)
into feAver hands, but to dissolve private property,—
and god knoAvsi AArhat else. Economic determinism,
crude materialism and such monstrous doctrines are
duly castigated. But here and there Ave find an
elegant "bull": "As this leads, as it were, into a
blind alley, the working class will have to cut the
Gordian knot, rise against the master class, over-
throAv its power, and abolish the basis for classes and
class struggles." (p. 240) j or "The &>n of Man, the
proletariat, who, unlike the foxes that have holes
and the birds that have nests, has nowhere to lay
his head, will, spite of all opposition and difficulty,
attain to the right hand of power and Avill rise to
the clouds of heaven and enjoy economic security
and supreme happiness." (p 267).
These are excellent and in a world of conferences
and programms Avithout end Ave cannot have too
many of them. The book is a credit to tbe printer.
Clear print, good paper, few typographical errors,
tastily bound in red, with gold title-piece.
' May we hope, in the future, to see the Marx Institute devote so much excellence to a worthier
Literature Price List
Enclosed find
Send "Western Clarion' 'to
THE explanation of the secret diplomacy, armament outlay, militarist preparation, Avanton
aggresion, and heroic defence, AA'hich fill the
bloody and costly calendar of the last tAventy years
of 'human history, and which have culminated in this
world-wide shambles is, to the writer's mind, to be
found in the Avor kings of the capitalist system of
production, and in the conflicting ambitions and desperate fears of the governing and possessive classes
of all the belligerent nations. The war is not an
event apart, a thing in itself, a sudden irruption of
intangible forces, but a more intense development of
the competitive struggle, waged by States essentially capitalist in their composition and outlook, by
syndicates of national capitalist economies which
now contend for markets with diplomacy instead of
advertisement, expeditionary forces and invading
hordes, instead of commercial travellers and selling
agencies, with the bayonets and hand grenades of
militarised workers instead of the picks and mandrils of the soldiers of profit.
The capitalists of the different countries have conquered their home markets and gone forth to exploit
other lands. T'hey have encountered each other on
the world market and, gradually abandoning their
attitude of laissez-faire, have become imperialists,
protectionists, militarists, and sought to recruit their
several state systems to obtain for them concessions
for trade and investment, spheres of influence and
protectorates. Capitalist-dominated states, like
capitalist companies, have formed- "cartels" and
syndicates the more vigorously to prosecute their
business, to monopolise reserves of cheap raw material, and to engage in cut-throat competition. In pursuit of cheapness and profit they have augmented
their output, increased their available capital, and
jostled each other on the borders of civilisation.
Their very political institutions, their laws; their
ideas reflect their capitalist nature. Their armaments are but the channels through which they hurl
at one another the maximum output of their machine
production. Their armed forces are but specialised
and departmentalised sections of their wage and
salary-earning proletariats, equipped with tools of
destruction, and serving the automatic machines and
heavy engines of frantic competition with the munitions of countless workshops. The capitalist economics are all of a piece, and their polities are but
their organized will-power, modified according to
the standard of their development, the clearness of
their vision, and tho solidarity of the various interests within their governing class.
The Rivals.—A plot to kill Trotzky has just been
discovered. Tt is said that the ringleader was told
that he must not do it, as Trotzky was already two
assassinations ahead of Lenine, and jealousy would
be caused.—Punch (London).
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