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Western Clarion May 16, 1920

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A Journal of
,mber 819
Official Organ of
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, MAY 16th, 1920
Rebellious Mexico
MEXICAN rebellion El nothing unique.   When
a new one looms on the horizon it ia given but
a passing notice.    The rule is rebellion; tho
■ption peace.   Those belligerent outbreaks, how-
as- not due to an innate desire on the part of
[xican peons to *»!>*! 1 blood.     They are sponsored.
I',}, and abetted by tho civilised, Christian capital-
of other land.
Bad llcxico nothing to contribute to the interests
International capital her family feuds, and bandit
apadea, would h** strictly considered her own af-
Th< rival factions could eliminate each other
|?h impunity, and no voice of protest would disturb
recreation! from the north of the Rio Grande.
. Mexico, to use a biblical phrase, ia "neither bar-
u nor unfruitful."   Her scarcely exploited natural
ourcefl arc richest of any in the Western hemis-
i.r>    Approximately one-third of the world's sil-
|r mpply in obtained from the mines of Mexico. Her
bearing uvea have attracted the attention of fi-
|ncia! intereatl from even- capitalized section of the
In agriculture, cattle raising,   coffee  and
fgu plantations, and timber r»>souree*. Mexico of-
a splendid opportunity to the anxious investors
peaceful" countries.
[With the*- advantages to her credit, we can little
tinder that her domestic affair* nave Wn a subject
■"iisidcrable interest in the financial centres of
|i> and other nations for some time.    The destrue-
•t praclivHiea of rival bandit e!i(jues who even go
far. at time*;, as to lose all respect and reverence
pleered property rights; the wanton extravagance
government offieials, and their ruthless methods
levying and collecting taxes; the methods of termini resorted to. which inevitably result in scar
Itr tho wits ou|   of   foreigners   residing   in   their
last, ind who arc not accustomed to seeing, or
Ming about, anything of a sanguinary nature in
for borne land; njuv rrtn,»(j forth the righteous in-
lenatn.n of :,'•(  eountries whose  ruling class  has
[pita] to invest.
jwhal tne world wants right now. we are told, is
H Ud raw material.    Mexico possesses both.   She
ppies j) somewhat analogous position in America
*oal Russia does in Kurope.    We do not require
optional memories to bring to mind the attempts
">e allies, both Teutonic and Entente, to secure
jsfongle-bold on the natural resources of Russia
pptte the commendable interest they evinced in
' teak, the results can scarcely he regarded as
Hirely sntinfiietory.    Here, again, on this side, is
K,t ter treasure-house of all those requisites eaten-
p1 M the proper development of industry and eom-
In addition, the situation is much brighter
f m.K U) ,,H> f»''t that the Mexican people have not
Rued tl„ Bolihevft standard of defending them-
ttere, then, is a  golden  opportunity  that
]IKt hl' taken advantage nf„
' or<Jer to pave the way for the triumphal march
C0QqueHng capital, some good and sufficient rea-
ito M "">"iifaeture<l to warrant an intrusion
rCilh    (il" Urrrnrv-    Tho "disorder" method is
Ll!|, '"l ,lu> ,,,,0Rl)0Rt and best  solution   to  this
*tist th     ^ sl,,fi('ient bandit groups do not already
»l itHl' V '"n ^ m,rtu,0(' bv Britiih nnd American
te     ■    '" "">' quantity desired.   The industrial
lalif d°' ,ll0S° tW° cn,iKh,('imi n«t»°»s ort> wp,]
fnt ° \ NUpl,ly Hl,.v deficiency in fighting equip*
N«t alone on the battle scarred areas of
I'snce and u i  •       .
til-*    • lffuun hnve they demonstrated their
1    J •" « martial direction but, right at home
pong thoii.
"" own populations, they have provided
"'"pies <\f . -ii*
01 military resource and strategy.
In the .Mexican oilfields controlled by the Cow-
dray Pearson interests the benign influence of bandit warriors has long been appreciated. As the
Rockefeller interests provided and maintained a
standing army of their own in the Colorado and
Montana labor disturbances of a few years past, that
was supplemented rather than replaced by government troops, so do we find in Mexico the British oil
magnates employing mercenary bands to protect
their property, and prevent the forces of the Carran-
sa government from entering the oil districts over
which these companies have assumed complete
When sufficient disorder results from such experiments, and especially when foreign lives and property are jeopardized, the reasons for intervention
are obvious to all. It would not be in keeping with
British and American "honor" to permit, ferocious
bandits to pillage the property and molest the lives
of innocent people. The old biblical injunction
about— whosoever pokcth thee on the right jaw, adjust thy eh in for a swat on the left jaw also—is all
right for ordinary individual matters, but becomes
automatically obsolete in the case of Mexican peons
making faces at members of Anglo-Saxon stock.
One of the really touching episodes in the present
Mexican rei*>l!ron islhe pstefnal spfrft displayed by
British and American capitalists. Whatever differences of opinion may . have heretofore prevailed
among the members of those two camps, and. for
that matter, still prevail on other issues, when it
comes to Mexcian intervention all other quarrels are
forgotten and forgiven, while complete unanimity
exists in regard to the necessity of "helping Mexico
to help herself." On this point, too. we are presented with the beautiful spectacle of old antagonists in the newspaper field like the Los Angelos
"Times" and "Examiner." amorously espousing a
common cause. The fact that Hearst and the heirs
of Otis are each possessors of landed estates in
Mexico, appraised at several millions of dollars, has,
we hasten to assure our readers, nothing whatever
to do with the mutual devotion so recently displayed
The greal stumbling-block in the way of peace
and progress is the Carranza Government. The
place in the Sun formerly craved by the Ilohenzol-
lern dynasty is now aspired to by General Carranza.
Diaz, the perpetual president, is lauded to the skies
as tt greal statesman and patriot who sought amie-
ab'e relations with all foreign governments while
promoting the interests of llis people at home. Nor
can we greatly wonder at this eulogistic outburst
when we consider that practically every concession
awarded to foreign capital can be traced to its Origin in the Diaz regime, Here. also, we find the
genesis of those individual fortunes of the ncarst
and Otis variety.
That barbarous Mexico and her Christian neigh*
bora will become involved in war at a not far distant date is not at all unlikely. If war is averted
it is only because of the fact that British and American captains of industry have secured through
threats and diplomacy what would have been their
prize through military channels. The proposition
is that Mexieo'oontains minerals, oil, foodstuffs, and
other things that the world market demands. The
Mexican methods of production, just like the South
African methods at the end of the past century, are
too crude and antique to place those requisites with
sufficient rapidity where they are required. Britain and America possess the proper machinery for
this kind of work.   Having in many eases reached
the limit of investment at home they must either
expand or decay. Foreign investment is imperative. But not all foreign lands are suitable fields
for exploitation. Russia and Mexico are the two-
Cathays or Eldorados that magnetize capital. The
former is impossible. Her people have adopted a
stubborn, mulish attitude of wanting to socialize the
means of production, and prevent altruistic parasites
from other sections to inflict their brand of democracy and culture.   Mexico must be the goat
That neither Britain nor the TJ. S. are imbued
with anything other than plain, unvarnished, mercenary motives is a fact known to every student.
They cannot prevent the Socialist from understanding their game. History is too profuse with examples of other periods to allow us to ignore the
conditions of the present.
As for the old cry of cruelties and atrocities on
women and children, and the terrible oppression of
the workers by an autocratic government, they will
soon again be in evidence. But, while we fully realise that class society prevails on the south of the
Rio Grande, just as on the north, we are still cognizant of the fact that labor is exploited in a much
greater degree in the United States than in Mexico.
The eight-hour day, for which the I. W. W. and
kindred oegaoiaalions have been, clamoring for almost two decades, is embodied in the Mexican constitution of 1917. Such a law does not exist in any
state in the United States. The measures relating
to child labor, so consistently advocated by the S.
P. of A. ever since its inception, are, in Mexico, a
part of the law of the land. Advanced legislation
in regard to woman's' status during the periods of
parturition and lactation has been placed on the
statute books, together with the enactment that
the same compensation shall be paid for the same
work without regard to sex or nationality.
The adoption of these reforms, however, have not
abolished capitalism in Mexico, any more than the
nostrums brought forward by pseudo-revolutionary
organizations would have such an effect in America.
These cannot be a part of the Socialist program.
Our knowledge of class society leads us to the conclusion that it cannot be reformed. It must be
abolished. J. A. McD.
With a diabolical refinement the Capitalist Governments permit the circulation of all possible lies
about Soviet Russia, but withhold from the public
the Soviet Government's wireless messages which
contain a refutation of them. One lie recently started from Warsaw and widely quoted in the British
press was to the effect that the Bolsheviks are preparing to attack Poland. The following reply by
the Russian wireless was, however, withheld by
the British authorities:—
"Warsaw wireless reports state daily that the
Soviet Government is planning a spring offensive
against Poland. As proof of the truth of this report, it is stated#that Trotsky has been appointed
Minister of Railways, Polivanoff. the Czarist minister, has be.en made Minister of War, and that the
Czarist General, Brussiloff, has been appointed Commander-in-Chief. It is further asserted that with
the same end in view the Workers' and Soldiers'
Councils have been abolished and that a twelve hour
day has been introduced. All these allegations are
absolutely untrue. Trotsky is not Minister of Railways, but remains People's Commissary for War.
Neither Polivanoff nor Brussiloff occupies any public post. The allegation that Soviet Russia is planning an offensive at the very moment that her armies are being turned, one by one, into Labor Armies,
is simply stupid. The Soviet government has never
even considered the question of jettisoning the
Workers' and Soldiers' Councils, and a twelve hour
day has never been decreed." PAGE TWO
The Science of Socialism
Article No. 7. *
In order to complete our analysis of the existing
social order, and to appreciate to the full the task
of future statecraft, it is essential that we examine
the trend of social evolution today.
My last article revealed the necessity of close
analysis of the economic structure of society, and
traced the evolution of human society from ancient
society to modern capitalism. It is now our task to
Submit modern capitalism to the searching rays of
economic determinism, to ascertain the trend of the
economic structure of modern society.
The change from Feudalism to modern Capitalism
was an industrial revolution. As we have seen, the
advent of machine production spelt the doom of individual production. Instead of the individual
craftsman* working with his own tools on his own
raw material in his own home, we have large factories, elaborate machinery and vast masses of workers under one roof and one management. In other
words, the change from Feudalism to modern Capitalism was the painful evolution of society from individual production to social production. But although Capitalism brought social production, it
maintained the old concept of individual ownership
of the essentials of wealth production, so that this
contradiction between socialised production and individualist possession manifests itself, as Engels
ably states, as "the antagonism of proletariat and
This antagonism between workers and capitalists
resulting from the individual possession of the machinery of wealth production, prepares tbe deathbed of modern Capitalism. Just aa Capitalism was
born in the death throes of Feudalism, so Socialism
will come from the womb of decadent Capitalism.
Everywhere can we find ample evidence to jnstfiy
this assertion.
We saw. in a previous article, that the tremendous
economic gull between the House of Have and the
House of Havenot  is the inevitable result of the
private ownership of the machinery of wealth production.    The individual ownership of that machinery compels the wage-earners to hand over to the
possessing classes a very considerable portion of the
wealth which they produce.   Surplus-value, created
by the workers and appropriated by the capitalist
class, is the means whereby the capitalist class live
and have their being.
Let us examine this socialised production and
capitalist appropriation a little more closely.
The worker works for eight hours, but for the
greater part of that time he is laboring for the especial benefit of the capitalist class. He produces,
that is, a greater quantum of wealth than he receives
in wages. All that he produces, over and above hia
wages, is divided among the capitalist class aa rent,
interest and profit. In other words, the working
class produces more than it consumes.
In Feudal society practically the whole of this
Surplus-value was consumed by the class which appropriated it. This is not so today. A very considerable proportion of this Surplus-value is era-
ployed by the capitalist class to form new capital.
There is a gradual and steady accumulation of capital, and, de facto, a greater and greater production
of use-values, or commodities.
The inexorable law of capitalism ia accumulation
of capital, increase in output of wealth. But the
consuming power of the workers is less than its productive power, so that we find the wheels of modern industry checked and even stopped by an over-
supply of goods,which cannot be sold by the possessing class at a profit. Since the year 1825 these "industrial crises" have visited modern society at
fairly regular intervals and with greater misery and
By H. M. Bartholomew.
suffering  with  each   industrial   depression.      Says
"In these crimes, the contradiction between socialised production and capitalist appropriation ends is :» violent explosion. The circulation of commodities is, for the time being
stopped. Money, the means of circulation, becomes •* !"»<1-
rance to circulation. All the laws of production ami circulation of commodities arc turned upside down The economic
collision has reached its apogee The mod* of txdkmgt II
in rebellion against the mode of production
These industrial crises whicii sprang from the
antagonism between socialized production and individual appropriation prepare the way tor other
and still greater crises. During the financial panic
and general industrial chaos which such a panic
brings in its train, the principle of •'natural selection" is operative. It is the survival of the fittest
in the realm of industrial warfare. The strongest
and most powerful industrial and financial concerns
are able to weather the storm at the expense of their
smaller and less powerful antagonists. In other
words, the crises which spring from tbe individual
appropriation of the social production of wealth,
result in still greater accumulations of capital in
still further increasing the economic gulf between
capitalist and wage-slave.
The economic antagonisms of modern society are
stil! further increased by the absolute necessity of
new and larger markets. The tendency of modern
capital to accumulate at the expense of the power of
consumption of the mass of the people, force* the
capitalist to search for markets abroad. At first
this was no very difieult task Africa, Asia and
parts of South America offered him a new and a
vast market for his constantly increasing supp'y
of commodities. But capitalistic methods of pro-
duetion. seeking new and greater markets for its
over-plus of capital, cannot forever continue its
mad race The time comes when the capitalist system of production has established itself all over the
world, when tne difference between the capitalist's
variable ami his constant capital becomes, acute
Overproduction has become chronic; the struggle
tor markets becomes more intense; industrial crises
follow each other with greater rapidity -larger and
more powerful combinations of capital crush under
their iron heel the smaller and weaker organizations.
Trusts. Combines, Price-rings and Kartells--these
are the inevitable result of capitalist accumulation
The capitalist olaes are forced to recognize the
economic futility of industrial competition and the
economic advantages of combination. These finane.
ial and commercial combinations grow in magnitude
and in power, and the capitalists who preside over
these cosmopolitan combinations take to themselves
powers wbirh no Feudal king possessed.
The Trust is the last refuge of demoralized Cap-
itaiisrn. as it is the finest example of socialized pro
duetion. [n such a combination the problem of the
social production of wealth has been completely
solved, and the highest plane of economic evolution
heretofore has been  reached.
Hut we must not forget that if the Trust is the
last word of economic evolution upon social production it is certainly the last word upon industrial monarchy. The Trust is the best example of
Capitalism of the inexorable antagonism between
socialized production and individual appropriation.
Feudalism gave place to Capitalism, and as the
result, individual production made way for social
production. So do we find that Capitalism gives
place to Socialism and u the result social production and, indivdnal appropriation make way for
social production and social ownership.
Let us hear what Karl Marx has to say upon this
all-important phase of scientific Socialism. He saya:
"That which i$ now to be expropriated is no longer the
laborer working for himself, but the capitalist exploiting
many laborers This expropriation is accomplished by the
action of the immanent laws of capitalistic production itself,
by the centralisation of capital. One capitalist always kills
many.   Hand in band with this centralization or this ex
propriation ol the many capitalists \,y .),, ,fw
.m ever extending scale, the eo-operauvi    :
process, the conscjotti technical application
ethodical   cultivation   ol   the   sod.   tii.   ,       „      y*
cant ot prodtihon by their use as the mean y) j_ij*
Combined,   vHiall/ed   U!*>r.   the  rut,  .       ,.. ,,• ,
|i).->   in   the   world market,   this.   tlie   intenutj bl (L
ol the capitalistic regime   Along with thr •   i.N'ariirAjs-,
nig number of the magnates oi capita] .Jj
jw.lis, ;iii advantages ol this procett ■   ••..•    ..v
the truui Ol mi*rr>, opprcssi-.u. slaves, rJegradttj . .
ation; but with this t.*. grows the revolt of the wyrbiKt
., class always locreaiinf ia numbers, w
organised by the ver\ mechanism ol the . ItalLf
production  itself*   The  monopoly >>;  capita      -., *
■rtfer upon the mode of production, which hs< *|rafaX
flourished along with, tad under it.   Centi *|
means ol production and sociaSsstioii •   '.'■ - •ils-«j|
a pom! where thev become irvomrwtd.'f w;t}; rhrr •jsaLI
integument     Tbis   integument   I*   t.tif' • o4|
of capitalist private property  sound*     The ftpi pnaxigj
The Trust or Society—that is the choice stick fc>|
before us. On the one hand tu« class nwt»ra»»jj
the machinery of wealth production for the pgl
poet of elate jw>**e*sion of snrplnt-value: afcl
other hand the social ownership and soei»' •■■.•—\\
of tbat machinery for the well-benu? of ali
Th»- antagonism inherent in modern &| *i.a|
speeds the day of economic emancipation ban
trial eriaea, world want, financial panics, iiimmti
capitalist combination* they spoil thf dcK!: rf
capitalist appropriation More and more d-**'J»
State encroach upon the powers ■■' capitalist Ssu
land'ord. In many ease*, the S\n\p has deeasltj
essential to assume the ownership > '" fjtm\ * MfN
lies. And there are not wanting those peopiem
sec in this State ownership of industry I '^^|
It cannot be too often proclaim* I '    " "• aam
ist Commonwealth doe* not con*!-? of Stall NM
ami oj>erated factories and mines    Cspitslsa tm
true, forces on more and more the tratis!'<>rr.4::::^|
the vast  means of production into State props*.
but those State owned industries can, by Mdnmj
of the imagination, be called Socialised Ind iwa|
Bnl it does show the way to aceomplisl " i rfm*\
tion.    it   gives the  worker* political power, Hfl
ablea the mass of the people to direct and l*™*'*|
government of the State, and it trill bi the DH•'-'1
in social evolution when the irorkeni      •'.•••*#*
unite, throw off th«- chains of economic M•'■■' :'
and turn  those Trust* and State-owned ilW *H|
into Socialized means of the production and exchtf« |
of wealth.
In   other   words,   Socialism   ia   the   huton*
sequence of modem Capitalism.
Next article. "The Soul of Man and Social^
The "Western Clarion" is on sale it:
VV. tott, Hastings St. P., Vancouver. B C
Columbia News Stand, cor. Hastings and Qdv&
Streets, Vancouver.
John Green, Carall Street, Vancouver
News Stand, B. C. & R. Depot. New Westminster
Alexander News Stand, 204 Eighth Avcenue *
Calgary, Alta.
S. Feigleman, 421 St. Lawrence Bldg., KontiW
n   i 04   R    MO"'
I* Herman and Baranowaki, 12 Ontario st  r"
treal, Que.
Onward Book Stoie, 196 Gold St., Buffalo N-  •
Raymer's  Old  Book  Store,   1330 Pir^ Aven
Seattle, Wash -.
Viking Book Store, 264 Bay Street. Port Arthur.
Raymer's Old Book Store,  1317 Pacini A*
Taeoma, Wash.
D. Goodman, Blind News Agent, Queen and
nut Streets* Toronto, Ont ^ y
Labor Lyceum, 580 8t. Paul Street, Rochester, . WESTERN  CLARION
Economic Causes of War
Article No. 4.
tjY did Russia go into the Great War?     For
.,,. purpose of an extension to the Mediteran-
,,,n and the aequiaition of Constantinople. In
1'iU, (1  Russian  Dr.  Mitrofaroff, said: "The
fc,8joti southward is for Russia a historical, poli-
;t!l,i economic necessity, and the foreign power
,.i; standi in the way is an enemy power.    .    .   .
n briefly*and preciaely, everywhere and at every
ihroughoul the Levant Russia has been and is
ling, in trying to solve her moat vital prob-
the Rastern question, the resistance of Oer-
j\. acting cither alone or as the ally of Austria.
L    [J ... become quite clear to the Russians that
Everything remains as it is the road to Constanti-
lle wil have to be carried through Berlin,"
I hi  3rd, 1914, in tbe "London Times" we
this:     There are signs  that   Russia  has dotie
\ sive strategy,   The inereaaed guns in the
ArrrJy Corps, the growing efficiency of the
the improvements  made  or planned  in
itlways arc. again, matters which cannot
• of account   These things are well calcu
rd to make the Oermana anxious."    All previous
ah policy in the Past was opposed to the Rus-
L    ,   ,.,.>;,,,|  „f Constantinople       The Crimean
fought to prevent tbis Russian expansion.
'Daily Chronicle" war book says- ''Tt was in
■I >;   interests at that time to resist the natural
r   ' n  of Russia for an outlet to the Mediterra-
Russian ports a1! being frozen up during
■ uter months Constantinople would bav. been
a!! year port for the shipment of their atrrieul-
rodnets,    Russia fought Turkey on behalf of
tsscred  Christians  in  1878-79. and li  that
joe we * id a duel of platitudes between the politi*
rtiei of England     The following extract from
eCarthj s "History of our own Times," illustrates
■ - ■ lation •
0'« Istone: "Be just and fear not ''
Be&eonsfield: "No sentiment,"
The public conscience." said one. ''the interests
Britain.*1 said the other    "The Crimes of Tur-
one cry: "The ambitions of Russia"    the
her erv
The position of Turkey was precarious, and when
Miia h<%ded for Constantinople Britain sent a
eet np the Dardanelles and cheeked her. Miliu-
"tt. the Russian Foreign Secretary of March. 1916.
ho hud declared himself against the neutralization
fthe Dardanelles, said: "The timely realization of
11 !>(,nl of the Berlin-Baghdad movement helped
natian diplomacy to attain agreement among the
&•« last April (1915^ regarding the disposal of
h0 Straits."
Rnssil   purchased    Austria's   neutrality   in  'the
D*o.Tnrlosh war by recognizing Austria's right to
» indefinite occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
J1111'' territory Serbia desired      Previous to 1908
Msia had only used Serbia as a pawn to keep Aus-
,^a qaiet      In 1908 Austria annexed Bosnia and
er*egovina, this move being approved of by Rna-
W exchange for a promise of Austria's diplomatic
^rport when the question of the Straits was raised.
a view to the abrogation of sundry European
,      Prohibiting the access of Russian warships
thj 10       * Sca'   0winff to Austria failing to keep
'* promise RnS8ift turned and used Serbia as a tool
ifte 'er* ^UHR'B having her designs frustrated
"r we Crimean and Rusao-Turkish wars started
^Pnnd Eastward to the Pacific Ocean.   She be-
"'no netivA *    v
l'*0l oi ,n omi nn(^ Manchuria, nnd between
fron ' American commerce suffered considerably
1      Russian competition.   Russia occupied New-
lished 1%1' dttrin« the Bo*or «P"sing. and estab-
ft1n.Ii a meBSUr<% «f m«itarv control over Man-
in the same year the Chinese Eastern Rail-
p,1PSJ?N oncn*d under Russian control Russia
rates, 0MCy by discrimination  of railway
8'W(nyPr,in*,rad* tJlrou»h tho Port of Da,nv and
* fourteen steamers, and   by   advancing
large sums to Chinese merchants (to purchase Russian goods) through the Russo-Chines* Bank. The
same bank established a commercial bank to sell
Russian oils and sugar. At th s time, when foreigners were excluded from the interior. Russian subjects were to be met everywhere, building flour
mills, developing mines and selling Russian goods.
Because of Russian oil being imported free from tax
American sales of kerosene at. Newchang fell from
3472,000 gallons in 1901 to 603.180 gallons in 19J32.
and American flour was almost driven from the
Chinese market. Russia obtained Port Arthur when
Russia, France and Germany stepped in after the
•lapanese-Chine.se war and told Japan to keep her
hands off the spoils.
Tion. again, Russian economic interests lay also
in the vast timber limits of Korea. In 1903 the
Royal Timber Company, in which the Tsar was well
represented, scooped np millions of profits in the
Vain River valley. This led to the Russo-Japanese
war. when the pagan Japanese were financed by
good Christian Americans to slay their Russian
Christian1 brethren. After the Japs had defeated
Russia, Japan retained control of the railway 1 have
mentioned, the financial system of Manchuria, with
a certain amount of control over the currency, and
established a strong banking system. After the
restoration of peace, American trade in Manchuria
seemed to have a clear field The subsidized Russian lines to Port Arthur and Dalny had disappeared
and the disorganized conditions of the country had
caused the Russian flour mills to close so that American flour became in greater demand than ever before. American kerosene was in full control of the
Eastern market Since 1908 and 1909. however, the
American trade* has again' fallen off because Japan
controls the railway and to a certain extent the fi-
nancial system and diverts trade by discriminating
rates just as Russia had done. (I will give the
reader more details when dealing with Japan"':
This curtailment of Russian policy in the East
brought her back again to expansion southwards,
toward Persia and the Mediterranean Sea'.
The policy toward Persia brought about its di-
vision with Britain in 1907 against the wishes of the
Persians. The "Daily News." January 11th. 1912.
said: "On the nist August, 1907. Sir Ed. Grey made
a solemn covenant in which this country and Russia mutually engaged to respect the integrity and independence of Persia. What has Sir Ed. Grey done
to keep the pledge be made in our name? He has
defended Russia's action in seizing North Persia:
he has insisted in Persia putting her finances under
the charge of the bitterest enemy in that country
of British enterprise. What does he intend to do*
Two things- -to seize Southern Persia and so complete the annihilation of Persia's integrity and independence and to help build a railway across Persia
which will connect Russia with India. Sir Ed.
C.rev's record in Persia is to have undone the work
of more than a century of British statesmanship.''
. . "Why has Sir Ed. Grey chosen this disastrous course? Nobody dares to suggest that he or
anybody in England believes that the annihilation
of Persia or the dismemberment of China are good
in themselves. They are universally confessed to
be disasters; but it is suggested by Sir Edward's
scant following that they are part of a greater good.
What is that greater good? The key to Sir Ed.
Grey's policy is the fatal antagonism to Germany.
. . . The time has come to state with a clearness
which cannot be mistaken that Sir Ed. Grey as
Foreign Secretary is impossible."
The secret treaty with Russia during the war
gave her full power in Northern Persia and Constantinople. Britain was to acquire the neutral zone of
Persia. (I hope to deal in more detail with Persia
in another article). All the Liberal papers of any
standing in England were opposed to Grey's policy
and even hinted he was bringing on an European
Armageddon. If we read the British "White
Papers" of the Great War, we find in No. 17 a
report from Buchanan, Ambassador at St. Petersburg: "Russia could not allow Austria to crush
Servia and become a dominant power., in the
Balkans, and if she feels sure of the help of
France she will face all risks of a war." The powder was ready for the match, and that Russia's attitude was the match is the conclusion I have arrived at through a study of the British White
Papers. Again, Sir Auckland Geddes, speaking on
the Man Power Bill, January 15th, 1918, in the
British Commons, said: 'It is right that the country
should realize what the events in Russia mean to
those nations which came into the war as a result
of Russia's action in 1914." (Poor Belgium). And
in the report of an interview with Baron Rosen, late
Russian Ambassador to the United States of America, the "Manchester Guardian*" February 27th,
1918. says: "As one who saw the inside of the Tsar
diplomacy. I knew the war was coming as far back
as 1912. Behind the curtain of Russian secret diplomacy T saw that war was being made inevitable
by the rising tide of revolution from below. A
clique of Ministers round the Tsar's court knew that
their only hop*- to stave off the revolution was by
setting the armies marching."
A war to "defend small nations": and yet, "John
Bull's" poster in July, 1914, had written in large
letters: "To Hell with Servia." and Sir Ed. Grey
in the British White Papers. July 24th, 1914. No. 6,
said "Direct British interest in Servia was nil, and
a war on behalf of that country would never be
sanctioned by the British public."
1     .     i .111. .. ■ p a 11 ■   ■ i
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Western Clarion
A Journal  of  History,  Economics,   Philosophy,
and Current Events.
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Published twice a month by thu Socialist Party of
Canada. 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver. B. C.
Phone Highland 8583.
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VANCOUVER, B. C, MAY 16th. 1920
FOR the past year, all eyes have been focusscd
on Russia. Bolshevism has been the all-
absorbing topic, and the movements, virility, progress and stability of its Soviet Government have
been—and are—the key to the main activities of
the Great Powers. The dilatory conferences, the
vacillating policies, the blundering diplomacy of
allied councils, have been but the reflex of the varying, yet continually successful struggle of Bolshevik
Russia for proletarian supremacy. And the end is
not yet. nor is triumph secure—completely. But
the fie'd has been prepared, the conditions evolved
out of which alone can that triumph come. With
that fundamental and essential task accomplished,
the portals of the West have been opened to the
new saga of the Dominant East.
The economic extremity and social confusion of
the world are the inevitable result of capitalist production. The war has aggravated the situation.
Still, the war was but the medium through which
the prime cause acted, is itself, indeed, the necessary result of that production. Were the war the
cause of social destitution and suffering, with its
cessation society would soon right itself. But it
isn't and society does not right itself—and cannot,
for the main cause remains unaltered.
Without the foreign market, capital cannot exist;
to gain that market was the war fought.    Now that
the war has been fought, and without winning the
market, capitalist society is in trouble and desperation. Industrial stagnation, with all its concomitant
detail, lies dark as midnight upon a world prostrate
in the stranglehold of capital.     For five fat and
luscious years, the war market tickled the palate of
profit.    But it also co-ordinated production in complete social co-operation, directed and controlled by
monopoly.    With the war market collapsed, and the
peace market a financial hope, social organization in
terms of social co-operation, finds its further movement barred by this monopoly ring, and the panic-
fraught effort of this financial power to maintain its
commercial dominion and extend its orgy of accumulation, results in and explains the kaleidoscopic
changes and vacillations of international politics.
Capital suffered defeat in this first triumph of
Sovietism. Foiled in its attempt to control rich
Russia by force, it adopted the infamous "cordon
sanitaire," endeavored to maintain its supremacy
by isolating Russia from the. world. But the East
was the only open sesame of the social forces of developed capital. Without the East those productive
forces, demanding expansion, could not he exercised.
There was the one source of supplies to stay the
march of industrial stagnation, and social destitution Of war despoi'ed Europe; the one place in the
Sun where exploitation might have been carried on
for yet a little longer. But the blockade closed the
door in the face of opportunity. By isolating the
EaslJ, Western stagnation was intensified; American
finance and exchange became impossible; the Allies
of war became rivals in the new alignment of commerce—the very end and purpose of the Allies was
definitely blocked by their own blockade.
Now comes the inevitable result, and Germany—
first of the Western nations—has started on the toil
some steep of social regeneration. The social reconstruction* of profit, of watchful waiting tor opportunity, of class privilege and interest, begins at last
to yield to the pressure of social necessity. And
that necessity must succeed; and on the rising flood
Of that.necessity will come the victory of proletariat, philosophy. Willing workers arc aplenty,
means and material of production are abundant, con
Burners a mighty multitude, and monopoly, like
the flaming sword of Eden, stands between them and
the maintenance of life, both individual ami social
Before such a combination, no privilege or class, or
profit can long survive.
The capitalist press informs us that the latest
offspring Of statecraft is a royalist bid for supremacy. Haply it may. But the function of the capit-
a'iet press is to dissemble the news, and it fulfill the
function with an efficiency uncanny in its versatile
cunning and duplicity. We know how it handled
Soviet Russia: the Great War; Democracy; Iter-
national Labor. We know how it handles every situation in which the producers arc vitally concerned.
We know further, that the conditions of Central
Europe are conditions of revolution, not of reform,
conditions where society and its necessities must
take precedence over dynasties ami privilege. It is
significant that the industrial regions are in revolt,
that Republican troops are lighting, not royalists.
but Spartaeans. and that the shouting is loud on
every subject, but the subject that lies nearest to the
heart of capital — the suppression of the working
The buffoonery, the sophistry, the frenzy of the
ostrich press, is evidence of frustrated interest, the
consternation of an effete ruling class, gazing on the
strange writing on the wall. Without Russia, and
without Germany capita'ist civilization ia doomed,
and with Russia, and with Germany, comes revolt!
tion. R
resolution for consultation, enquiries, and
conference to be summoned by tin grist, s22
Party to draw up the basis of another I,,u7„
meantime called the Fourth was adopted,
."•29 votes.
This desire to occupy a half way Sooitli
is characteristic of 1.L.I*. nuraerj politic*,
leaving the wreck of the Second Lnte
ORDINARILY, we manifest but a plating inter
est when we read of rising prices, and the cer
fain inconvenience that obtains in the intervening
period until readjustment takes place of prices relative to that of the commodity imrnediafe'y affected.    But we are now shocked into a more than pass
?ng degree of interest by the skylarking antics of
the price of news-print which, in Vancouver, since
our last issue has stepped up from GUc to 10c per
pound, with the promise of a stride forward to 14
cents as soon as our rather shaky financial struc-
ture betrays evidence of ability to withstand another application.
A recent court decision decreed that since newsprint is not a "domestic" commodity, government
regulations concerning prices do not apply to it
The immediate affect of this is a wider market and
I consequent greater demand, and Canadian paper
manufacturers are free again to sell piper wherever
they can. The price of news-print in Seattle today
is 16 lent! per pound, and the effect of the sudden
rise has proven disastrous to the life and well-being
Of many V. S. publications which, among intelligent
men and women anyhow, never will he missed. The
immediate effect upon nj is that we must increase
our foreign rate..which is now 16 issues instead of
20 for one do'lar. Our foreign subscribers will
kindly take notice.
The conclusion of peace has allowed European
publishers a free hand to attempt output upon a
pre-war basis, but while the consumption of paper
supply has nearly reached the volume then used,
the sources of supply of raw materia! have not all
been available to the present market .
The largest timber port in the world is Riga, on
the Baltic Sea, which has practically been a dead
pott since 1914. Those markets for paper which
were formerly supplied from the forests of the Baltic
are now eating into supplies from other sources,
and the effect of the blockade on Russia is felt
wherever the printed page is read.
M herj
and at |
have followed the lead 01 most ot the parties of C
tril ami Western Knrope, who, like theiastlni
experiencing  internal  discontent  and a I'D-,^
uncertainty in the matter of policy. Tli»- iaemjlwl
class -consciousness and education aim.in,. ••,. ._,.-'
ers within organization* such II the I  I, i> vi, I
is not  class-conscious as u  body. muBt Qeeeaaii
lead  to  these  vacillating policies  and uj ;„   '
evidence of disagreement exists critbin their cm
ranks as is shown by the vote recorded, tad still
no doubt finds a parallel among the other puM
with whom they hope to confer, there rorelrn
result no unity or common understanding
Sonic surprise has been occasioned the I* ,t
Labor Party by the refusal of Winnipeg I,. .'■•
the s. iv of c. to cooperate with them m tat Mu-
itoba Provincial Klection* to }*» conducted tanm
uier The D L. P. evidently doCl not yet cadr
stand that WI do not stand for the rel
stitution   under  capitalism    not   even t: L
code <bir letivities have always been directed*
wards the complete overthrow ol capitaltt ■(
to that end We ha\e cone- ntrated our atteoti • •••
the education of our feMowmen who are eagajaj
in wealth production an.d who art- exploited ia '.m
iiro<ess. Our educational policy is based rotitrj)
Upon an explanation of" the historical process!
mans development, and of the aituation ia vl I •
finds himself today, so that he mil understand ::<
eventa with "huh he is Lmmediitelj connected nl
the Underlying eauaei of their being. No :>,iru«
organization which devotes itself to "hat ;' **■
aiden to be the proper readjustment of *'■ ttl
enda of capitalist entanglements cin have I'liiea
with us. Sometime* it is very hard to dbtinfad
the difference between the right wing of labor, al!
the left wing of the bwrgeoisu The !>
Labor Party occupies what is to na tn tininh
• *   •
Wi   are asked  by   Loeai Southern to pul   •   "'
amounts received towards the Socialist Ii■••■•
ing fund* there.    Further donations will D0l '-"
fused, as some work is accessary lo fit ish      i "
i ready been done.
• •   •
An enqnirj ta to hand from Blairm       *   ';
where the comrades propose organising 1 local. ■
that educational work may be carried <n statically.
• •    •
Our Here and Now column is greater is i
this issue thau last,  hut  we are losing ground t
individual subscriptions. Comrades arc requested"
see tbat renewala in their district* are lecursd D»
trift lists will be supplied on request
• •    •
The prid of news print  means the high •  •
living to the Western Clarion.   Other psptrs. <
ifalist. labor and near Socialist, earn  uiipi'tur-i '
advertising matter that  usually is a> great ■ :
ance as it is an eyesore go the reader, besidei taxiai
his patience  in  exploring tin   columns    We
been able to maintain the Clarion without the
sion of these irritating blotches, let us continue I
so maintain it.
• a    •
A facetious wag suggests that the price "'   '""
print is accounted for by tbe inflation of paperra
BY a vote of 529 to 144, the I & P. Conference at
Glasgow resolved to withdraw from the Second International (Geneva), and at the same time
rejected a motion to affiliate with the Third International  (Moscow), by 472 votes against 206.   A
1 .      V
Following, one dollar each - T. Wight, •'
Shiole, d. Fraser. A. J Kivi. G. M. Blttett, < r
Gale. J. Harrington, J. Turnbull, R. Morris, JB**
Bvani, T. Ilanwell. Alex. Shepherd. J. E. PJW*.
Harris Bennett, F. II. dames, A fieopold, K W'
J. J. Albers. .1. Smith, M. Gordon. 8. & vV!""'7.
Grinder,  R.  F.  Mackenzie, H. Schwartz. 1'  An'
bald, M. Goodie. .
Fol'owing. two dollars each Morgan Caaenj *
A. HoD., doc Johnson, J. R. Wilkinson. Win I1"1*'
Alf Emery.
Following, $l.f>0 caeh—S. Lowerv, R. Siin,l"ir h
A. Walker. ,   ,
Following, four dollars each—T. Peary, F; 7
Connett, J. F. Maguire, R. Inglis. B, E. Pol"**
$C; N. Booth, $5; II. C. Mitche'l. $2.50; Mrs KjtaW
*o», t8j J. .f. MacDonald, $5; W. Breese, fi.J
McKwan, 50 eents; A. K. Faulkner, $8, Total '
April to 10th May, inclusive, $90.50.
Co-operative Societies and Revolution
TllK  Co-operative  movement  is a creation of
petty bourgeois ideology.    It is an attempt by
!    ,tj0n8 of the working Hass to mitigate some of the
rili of Copitlliim »N th*y affect themselves, by entering into the fields of capitalist manufacture and
trsding on their own account.
C„ operative trading is«-apitalist trading, though
|.riM number of small shareholders are involved,
,„| both share capital and dividends are limited,
Cooperative trading, like all capitalist trading.
,M a corrupting tendency, and creates in the work-
tn , ngaged in it I bourgeois psychology and the em-
plovers' spirit. Hence, it is not uncommon even to
find cases of gross sweating by co-operative societies.
and the general conditions of co-operative employees
differ Hi tie from those of employees in similar pri-
rate firms As Co-operative trading is carried on
within the capitalist system, and Cooperatives are
competed by their customers to sell at the market
rate, they could not remain solvent if they were to
r-i!M the conditions of their employees much above
the general capitalist standard. As a matter of fact,
«rheti profits beyond the assigned limit for dividend
arc mail--, the) are usually devoted, not to increasing
wages, but to reducing prices, or extending the scope
of the enterprise
The corrupting influence of co operative Capitalism is shown by the fact that co-operative employes hive found it necessary to band themselves together in a specia' organization of their own, be-
cause the  ordinary   trade  unions  an*  reluctant  to
prejg eo operative committees to grant trade union
conditions* to   their   employees        The   lockout   of
tetoben   of  the   Amalgamated   Union  of  Co-op* r-
ative Employed  by the Co-operatives last  year is
i striking instance of the kinship between capitals'  and  Co-operative   trading.    Cooperative  societies of producers,  in  which  all  the employees are
■sers in the enterprise ami take an equal share
s profits, avoid many of the objectionable char-
cteristica of Capitalism, which an* inevitably ac-
qutred when the enterprise is owned by consumers
ami shareholders who do not work in it. but arc
the employ) rs of tin* producers Nevertheless,
even the producers' co-operatives cannot avoid be
Dg modified  h\   their capitalist   environment, ami
QS| inevitably conform very largely to its condition!     Moreover, Cooperative trading by  produc
ers has a tendency to separate these producers from
the mass of the proletariat, and to obscure their
realization of the class struggle.
As the basis of co-operative trading and manufacture is capitalist, the co-operative societies tend
to oppose the proletarian revolution. In Russia,
the Co-operative Societies took up an attitude of
bitter opposition to the Soviet power, and allowed
themselves to be (Used for eounter-revolujtionary
ends by all sections of the bourgeoisie. When
the Co-operative Hank was the only non-Soviet
bank remaining, it allowed itself to become a bulwark of counter-revolutionary forces. The Soviet
Government has striven to bring about the absorb-
tion of the co-eperatives into the general machinery of the Co-operative State, and to strip them
of their power for evil.
The Allied Government! recognized the counter-
revo'utionary tendency of the co-operatives when
they offered to allow trading through them, and
not through the Soviet Government. The representatives of the Russian co-operatives in London are
hostile to the Soviets. The intention of the Allies
was to re-estab'ish private trading in Russia, and to
bolster up the power of the co-operatives in opposition to the Soviets.
British co-operatives possess extensive productive
and distributive machinery. If a clash should arise
between Capitalism and a reformist Labor Government, the co-operatives would probably use their
machinery in support of the Labor Government But
the Co operatives would either act against, or. at
the least, hold a'oof from a Proletarian Revolution.
until that Revolution had certainly conquered the
power of State, when the Co-optratives might possibly offer their services to the revolutionary power
in order to stave off their own extinction.
In a Communist society, the co-operatives, as they
now exist, could have no more than a temporary
place: all their shareholding dividend and private
trading apparatus must be swept away. The productive and distributive industries in which the cooperatives are concerned, must be carried on on the
same 'ines as other Socialised industries. The workers in the industries now under the eo-operatives
must have, under Communism, the same workers'
control that applies to workers in other industries.
Workers' Dreadnought (London 1. April 17. 1920.
The Old Story
AFTER a "fair and impartial frial.'* before an
upright judge, and an open-minded jury of
equals," eight men have been declared not only
■•Cking in respect to the majesty of law. but guilty
"' conspiracy to overthrow the order and authority
"! 'l'1 existing regime. Which came apon us neither with jolt nor surprise. In this charming age of
capitalist demoency how could tbe resu't be otherwise 1
The chief lesson of the affair is the old. obi lesson
°« the social ignorance of the slave of his slavery.
11 >- this ignorance that is the fouutainhead of gov-
''"mental power, and its ethic of privilege, and
While that Ignorance remain! it is in vain that in
dividual! "kick against the pricks." Social life
'"'"l"ions foster social discontent, thrust that dis-
Wntenl more cogently upon the social consciousness.
"*t, al the same time wreak heavy vengeance upon
Whoever gives voice to that discontent, ami preaches
,hp Orueade of the inevitable revolution.
"o he ipokemman for the proletariat is a doubt-
"I honor - and a certain risk.    None the less, while
■noiety is herded in slavery there will be spokesmen;
While life's necessities are  frustrated nud denied.
, w mus* be spokesmen.    For with the passage of
toe, chaos, deprivation mul devastation mUlt curl
' 0,,I><T am] duiker iu slave society, and for the pre
Nation of its very existence, society must move.
"nist »«t, must take the onward step.    Hut the on-
!"    s,t'l> »N ^evolution, since no society can progress
W chaos to peace   without  substituting a  new
,0(      0,'der, and no autocracy, however strong, no
*, however drastic, and no force however power-
•cw obviate its certainty*
But this movement is not caused, nor is it brought
about by individuals or by organizations. Nor is it
hindered by them It comes to pass because of the
forceful necessities generated by the mode of production within society itself. Man and his organizations are but the reflex of those social forces, the
media through which they react on society. These
forces are the wider and aggregated products of
BOCil) evolution, and arc quite unaffected by human
legislation, regardless of class nnd its desires. Still
this does not detract in any way from the worth and
work of those who blaze the trail. .Rather does it
enhance their prestige, since knowing the conditions
of social change, they are yet great enough and virile enough to face the powers arrayed against them.
cognisant of the struggle ahead, and the uncertainty
of the movemenl behind.
Nevertheless, the social change cannot come until
the social potentialities of the system have been
completely developed. The world is now being in-
teniively combed over for capitalist opportunities,
and this combing process will help to stay the final
collapse of capitalism. While the productive forces
can supply society with semi-necessities, it would
seem that society can continue to exist, even amidst
appalling misery and destitution.
Both bourgeoisie and proletariat are driven along,
they know not whither, by forces they do not comprehend. It is this misunderstanding, this impot-
ency of reasoning power, when confronted with
social sentiment, that enables the powers of reaction
to ride rough shod over the forces of progress,—
that permits repression to triumph over freedom,
that  darkens the councils of proletarian interest.
WE have heard much latei| regarding the female
question. The bourgeois press in every civilised country is exceedingly generous in bestowing
bouquets on the f^i: <-ex and the part they have
played in the war. Whole columns have been taken
up eulogizing he. heroism as a Red Cross nurse, and
what is more vital to the capitalist, her ability to
take man's place in fudmfry. In England, some
years previous to the outbreak of the little altercation between German;. ,nnd England^ there was
quite a movement among a certain section of the
female element, well known as suffragettes, advocating votes for women Many were the tactics
these fanatics pursued, «nd many were the amusing
scenes that occur ed whoa th*»v came in contact with
the myrmidons o! the law. FnOer the martial leadership of the astute Mrs. Pankhurst and her amaz-
onic progeny, they met defeat aft< r defeat. At this
period, they were much of a nuisance to the master
class, and the press w.th its staff of crawling lickspittle artist,. ever ready to pander to the needs of
the ma Vrs, reviled them on every occasion. Woman's plf.ee was in the home,, nursing kids and frying
mush for their gent1' and loving husbands, to whdm
they belonged. Tnen came the quarrel; the suffragettes immediately buried the hatchet and like
the good petit-bourgeois they are, they formed patriotic societies, wfr-baby homes, etc., in order to
help win the war. They stumped the country, delivering speeches to the crowds of assembled workers, telling them to n>hf for their country. In the
course of time, as the man-power becran to be depleted, and the replenishing of gun fodder began to
assume an a.'.: lit.g aspect, they pointed out how
the girl could c her bit for the empire by following out the doet.'ne of old Jehovah to his chosen
flock by being fhutfnl end multiplying.
But this wasn't all that woman could do. Men
being more urgent'y required elsewhare to do their
masters' bidding, woman, was needed to take hi*
place as a producer, thereby releasing the lucky co-
unlucky male member (wbiebe'er you will), in oi !er
that he could prove the ' tth or otherwise of that
old adage: "One Englishman is worth a half-dozen
Germans,"' not to mention the uncountable number
of Frenchmen, etc. | Proletarians of other countries.
please note).
And now we hear that woman has proven herself.
No longer i%the home her r>}<\<••>, no a''*"' She is ev°-.i
better than her previous lord and master was at the
job. and therefore she mus' stay. What al! the
ranting and tearing of the imbecile suffragettes
could not accomplish, teononvje conditions nave
brought forth in full blossorv Woman has been
emancipated from the hove' and few pots and pans
she called home. She is necessary today in the process of commodity production, i\nd she's got the vote.
All hail to freedom!   But is she free?   Far from it.
Instead of now relying npon the husband's wages
to keep the house going lie is obliged to compete
with him on the slave market.
The socialist has nothing to fear from the admission of women into industry on such a scale as it
bids fair to assume. We have been reviled long
enough with wanting to break up the home, yet me-
thinks there is very little home left even now for the
Capitalism stands condemned. It is hoist by its
own petard. The bonds of private ownership are
cracking. They must and will burst asunder.. Soc-
ia'ism will triumph and Marx will be vindicated of
all the vile calumnies heaped upon him by vermin
who never could no- never will be able to understand him. So we invite both men and women to
pull for the shore, for the harbor lights are shining
brightly, and only on reaching its,shores will woman
as we'l as man, be emancipated from the greatest
blight in history—-wage-slavery.. .[. C.
and- clouds the social transition with the storming
fury of class conflict. By experience alone—ami
that slowly—do we learn, and the social vision, and
social sentiment of freedom will only come with the
impending reconstruction of the social forces of production Through chaos and confusion we are now
heading for that reconstruction, and from the ashen
plains of dire recessity will spring the new organization of social sanity. R.
Feudal Institutions
IN my last article to the "Clarion" dealing with
the events occurring during man's early career
we saw that the chief agents responsible for the
overthrow of primitive communism were the discovery of agriculture, the domestication of animals and
the inauguration of human slavery. The settling
down to town life organized on a political basis
brought into play other forces necessary to control
the antagonisms created by the free development
of private property. The State as a power of coercion had to be installed to keep the lower orders in
their proper place. When the old order of things
had disappeared and the new machinery of law set
in motion. Greek and Roman institutions grew and
developed, raising the people to still greater efforts
and higher achievements. The flocks and herds of
domesticated animals were brought in close proximity to the town, to be fed on tame grasses and raised
to a higher standard of perfection. The demand
of the people to meet their increased desires accelerated the movements of the slave owners. The principal means of production at this period being that
of Chattel slavery, the burden of-maintaining the
city populace fell principally upon the slave. The
products of slave labor were produced in large quantities, enriching the property owners beyond the
power of their imagination. The leisure time provided by the institution of Chattel slavery presented
the opportunity for the study of art. science and
philosophy, and the rather inquisitive nature of the
Greek led him to indulge in the effort to solve the
riddle of the universe. Greece was the cradle of
crude philosophy and science, but the products of
the Greek mind only lasted so long as outside interference of military prowess kept without her Athenian walls. The Roman Patrician is more in harmony with the desire for power and the accumulation of riches. Tlie leisure time of the ruling class
of Rome was given more to the building up of a
large army and a military State. The perfection
of a military machine, with the desire for the seizure
of more territory, moved the Roman rulers with
their armies towards Greece when they succeeded
in annexing the classical home of the ancient world.
The conquerors carried back to Rome the products
of Greek art and many of the Greek philosophers.
The success of Roman arms enriched the empire,
quickening the pace for greater ambitions for wider
fields to establish a market for the huge rnaAs of
products produced  by slaves.    The Roman  provinces, flooded with Chattel slaves captured in war
were highly productive, producing large volumes of
luxuries that swelled the Patrician purse, thus creating a band of drunken Epicures indulging in every
possible vice to satisfy their strange desires. Princes
of note, armed with knives and daggers are recorded
to have visited the fields of slave owners, murdering slaves  for the mere pleasure of killing.    In
the event of injury a freeman or slave had no redress, but the offenders being of the higher orders
escaped with impunity.     Roman Judges gave no
quarter to those of inferior rank when brought before the court for disobedience.   Roman law, not
unlike modern capitalist law, was a conspiracy of
the rich against the poor.   Violent eruptions developed within, owing to the degradation of the rich
and the oppression of slaves; this with other inequalities among the civil population, plunged the
Roman world into a period of retrogression.     So
unbearable were the  conditions   forced  upon  the
slaves, that open revolt threatened to engulf rich
and poor alike.
During the Roman conquest peoples from many
quarters of the globe were brought under Roman
subjection, and following the success of Roman arms,
commerce and industry were developed, bettering
the condition of the conquered peoples in many
cases, but the flourishing period of Roman arms
reached its zenith when her producing class were
reduced to poverty. The wealth necessary to maintain a huge army taxed the farming class, bleeding
them almost to death, driving them in desperation
to abandon the land and flock into the cities, thus
creating the necessity for the state to plunder the
granaries of the conquered estates to feed her starving citizens. The great highways of commerce ami
industrial progress now show signs of decay. Mar
kefs for slave products begin to flounder, shaking
the slave institutions to their very foundation. The
owners of large estates were in many instances com
polled to free their slaves. The release of the downtrodden, despised and rejected human automatons
revived the idea of th* lost communities. A revival
of the virtues of communism gripped the I rains of
men that now begin to strive for the destruction of
the advanced stage of human progress, to return to
the old period of barbarism We have instances of
men in this modern age preaching the destruction of
the machine to return to the old lystem of petty
competition and handicraft production. Conflict
raged between the forces of progress and the forces
of reaction which ended tn the extermination of millions of blind and reactionary communis* s. The
reigns of Claudius. Calagula. and Nero were blotted
with the blood of the-victims of I bunch of fakir
disciples, leading the people along the pathway of
retrogression. Pliny, after th" wholesale murder
of ancient working people, looked with compassion
upon the motherless and fatherless children running
hither and thither, naked and bleeding, homeless
ami starving. A strong feeling of remorse crept
over the guilty conscience, and Pliny, in order to
save the children, erected the first charitable institution in human history, an institution that has been
a curse to human society ever since its inauguration
From now on  the Roman Empire withered  and
crumpled.    The endless struggle int'Tna'ly. and the
continuous movement of arms to combat the invn
sion of the barbarians of the  North, brought  the
Empire to ruin.
When the Roman slave-masters were relieved
from the obligation of caring for their slave*, th" responsibility of maintaining the freemen rested with
the individual receiving his or her liberty. In many
eases the liberated slave remained on the estate of
his old master, paying so much for the use of the
land, thus fertilizing the nucleus of the Feudal
social system that must follow the system of Chattel
The invasion of Italy began in the year 406 by the
Goths, and by the year 476. the Northern barbarian
tribes in gr^at numbers rushed down upon Rome
and completely overcame the tottering Empire,
when General Odoecer was proclaimed King of the
old capital.
The chiefs of the Germanic tribes were made I/and
Barons: then again the land wa* subdivided by the
new lords among other successful warriors, but the
rank and file of the people were freemen, serfs, and
slaves performing duties similar to those in use during Chattel slavery.
From the village communities of Britain evolved
the Feudal system, hut by a different process from
that of Central Europe. Those early communities
had their chiefs, but like the other members they
were under the dictatorship of the village council
of deacons. As those ancient communities were subject to invasion from other neighboring tribes, the
need arose for the erection of a castle with a high
tower built on the most conspicuous spot near the
village. This castle was enclosed in a huge enclosure protected by water and a draw bridge. The
chief and his family were placed in the castle to he
on the watch from the tower and warn the villagers
of an approaching danger. The new residence demanded additional duties which necessitated a
change in the old custom of selecting the chief annually, consequently from this point the chief held
his position for life. The leisure time acquired was
given to study by the chief when all the cunning
of priestcraft and trickery of every description was
applied for self aggrandizement. After the Roman
invasion the village chiefs and Roman officials cun-
ningly devised schemes that deceived th* „ft
ers in making the chief s position hereditary
later date, with his hereditary position, the a!
seized the castle with ita enclosures and all 1UV
tifications in perpetuity.   .
The chiefs  being clothed in the role 0f }\
Lords appointed their king when titles ofowaanb
were granted to the successful manipulate wi
again   the  land   would   lie  divided  <Ui,| ,„}„]-, .
among tin  bravest of warriors
Feudalism now  begins its cane,- mr\^ a p     , (
set of institutions, religious and political, (}jfffri
in degree from thoae adapted   to  the r/atea <
Chattel slavery .
GBO r.\Tti\
£(T)ROGRRSfi   the advancement
i.'     V
moral, mental and materia] as at  bited h
history,"     Bncyc   Americano
There is oo question in anyone's mind thai -
hai progressed greatly during the past fen •   H
and year*      This rapid progress, m the las!   .   ■ ...
is largely due to a certain section ol -     I   i ■ ..
ing   leisure        Of  course   this   doe*   not   '•
pan that "leisure" alone ts the mam factor   Then
other factor! which wc have to tike fatoeai
tj leration    Before the days of slaver}  •:■
race progressed eery slowly comparatively apeak
There are certain Individuals who claim tail
there was no progreaa during the days «' pr a tru
COmmuniim The invention of the b ' ■'■ I •*" T
the discovery of fire, the invention of the <*an<y
and other epoch -making invention* should %t BtJ
Helent to convince those sceptics       ]',	
remembered that according to most aothoril   -
human race existed under primitive eonuaumsa f*
over 100,000 yean;.    Comparing that with the tea
thousand year* of <«'avery, wi notteA a huge differ
That difference h due a« stated bof< re *   the
preacsce of a leisure class.    When man i« COi
fo   devote   his   entire   time   towards   satkfyinf. l*
wants, he bus very little tim< to devote to the Kl
arte, to analysing effieeta, and searching for eaatai
Time is the room of human deveJopHN I '     (Men
With the advent of slavery, a certain * I
society was able to live without working and
had a considerable amount of leisure     Some
bers of the ruling c'a** devoted their time to »:
others to debauchery, while a few l-usi-il thettWelWI
with Art. Music, Science, etc
Prof. Odin, of Sofia, in « rather eofflprehenarn
work published many years ago prove.] beyond *
shadow of doubt that 96 per cent, of the |*niueeiOl
the pa«it few hundred years were possess. <| bjf '•"'
ruling class The remaining r> per cent were eitW
proteges of the wealthy class, or those who* w°f
rnphics were unknown. lie also showed that pre*
tically all men of genius possessed a thorough aa*
eation.    How many workers ever see the inside of»
university 1
After proving that practically al! the scientists of
the ages were recruited from the ruling elia*. *r0'
Odin asks the following question, which be il,inat>
to answer:
"What is the cause of this extraordinary sup'^
ity. the more remarkable because rich young uW
having absolutely no need to think of the mono*
are only too much inclined to idleness or to km J
of activity directly opposed to labors of the »hw
The answer to his question   can   he   found
Veblen's "Theory of the Leisure Class."   0*****
nately Vehlen hails from Boston, and to the %!**%*
worker his hooks are more or less mssscs of n>rtn'
ingless words.    Either Vehlen must realize that '
will have to lisc simple language if he desires
books to be read by the working class, or the w°r
ing clasR will only by a comprehensive etody °* •
English language, he able to understand nil boo *
The future alone vjill tell.    ITere is the paaiag* ,bfl
made Vehlen famous.
(Continued on page 7)
From My Notebook
Local (Winnipeg), Mo. 3
By H. M. Bartholomew.
I   ,,ti,e that Cleineneeau told the Secretary of the
i   <:<tiera' Confederation of Labor the other
A that :—
«Mind your aspirations legitimate,    in 17K0 an unworthy
I     wi3 wrecked   Today, the middle classes have shewn
i ,   ineaotble of rising to the level demanded by the
am     The  moment  hat come  for you  to follow tn  due
ritt   •   accetion.*'
\n,l that Lord Northcliffe told an American in-
,,.,, ,,.:.S1 r that :-~-
•^   ii,,  result ol my observation*, I am convinced that the
rkinfi men wili eventually control the Government, and by
will demand a changed Engtaod, in England that
, as much a surprise to the present owners of capital as
.,. .. •■, to tht prtteni owntn of land"
These statementa are true.    A change is rapidly
,omjng    Capitalim) will give place to the Social
Commonwealth.   The predictions of Marx and En-
,.,\ based upon a scientific analysis of the existing
,.„„,,„„;,  order are proving true.   The seats of the
mighty are trembling
• •   •
T!i«s change «'an come, however, only when the
present owners of capital" and the "present own-
en of land" eeaae to be the possessors of the essen-
tiali of wealth production.    I wonder if that ia the
surprise" of which the Newspaper King speaks?
• •    •
Did you read the report of the Supreme Council
nn the present economic situation?    It  lies before
It I write these lines.    I am informed that the
Supreme Council il composed of the supreme minds
the world, and when I picked up this report I did
n with due respect Hut I might have saved my-
lelf the trouble.
The Supreme Council tells us that:—
Sinct 1913 v;r;-,rr.»! wholesale prices have advanced 1J0 per
the United Statrv, 170 |x-r rent   in <ir<.tt  Britain, and
0 pel        '   in  France.  Italy and  Belgium "
A little further they gravely inform us:
"Kxcrtnvf  profit  makme. koo*Ti  »* profitrfrinp. has  re-
rORI  the  svatiilv of  Ko«xJs," .
Hear me What*a wonderful discovery' Eighteen
monthi iias this Supreme Council been inv. stigating.
and they gravely inform us that there have been extensive profits. They will be telling us. after a
s*l He, that high prices arc due to high profits.    Hut.
1 " yet, not yet!
• •    •
The Supreme Supines recommend that \
only the Government! of each country, but all thote
Rfragvd in the ta*k of production, ihould encourage better
• '. irnproyed  rnachineiy  and   the elimination of  nro-
• •.,... _. ••
1   ' .: ivernmenl mould at once consider means for argil Upon its nationals, in every rank of life, the vital BCCCS-
nippfesstng extravagance,"
I'ear reader, if I had been one of the Supreme
1 OUncil myself, and had been paid a high salary for
the purpose of fathering nonsense upon you. I am
Hire I could not have hit upon anything so inde-
Kribably silly »s the above.
• •    •
In the flrat place we are to produce more, use better machinery, work longer hours of labor, eliminate
waste we muat produce more wealth. When more
health is produced we shall all be richer nnd better.
,{'d wait a moment. Shall we? If we work our-
»«-vcs thin, if we pile wealth mountain high, have
*e any guarantee that all thia wealth will not be
Averted into the pocketa of the poaaeaaora of land
an<l capital?
*   course   we   shall   "eliminate   profiteering."
*"<** is only one way to do that—by displacing
Capitaliam by Socialism.   And until we so do, it
jitters Mtle whether we produce much or little—
10 great mass of the people will be poor.
• •    •
ut did you notice that we are not merely to pro-
ft'2 mW*' )m wo aro t0 eon8"™* l*88'   Ts not tn*t
m° fthn,"K piece of economic nonsenseT    It reminds
^ °   that learned profeaapr who wrote a learned
Use to prove that industrial crises are due to
■Potion the aunt
„ !Ui * mav &• that thia Supreme piece of Wisdom
WO Supreme for me I   The high intricacies of the
om'<* of the Supreme Council at Paris may be a
little too much for my small brain! Because I would
like to know, if we are all to produce more and consume less, who is going to enjoy the ever-growing
surplus of wealth?
• •   •
Turning from the Supreme Stupidity of the Supreme Council to a little book written by Prof.
Goode, entitled "Bolshevism at Work," I read a
charming picture of the summer seat of the late
Grand Duke Sergius, outside Moscow, which has
been turned by the Soviet into a home of rest for the
workers of the city.
"Where formerly were two people, waited on by an army
of servant-, were now ISO people of all kinds enjoying a well-
caraed rest, famous professors, and chauffeurs, high officials
and children. Soviet workmen and women, and the chairman of the co-operative machine for all Russia.
"Tlie only title heard wa< "tovarishtch"—comrade—no mat-
ter to whoa it applied, and this, though it strikes queerly
at f*r-t, ends by making its own appeal—it is so useful and
all-emltracing And a moment's thought of the use formerly
made of the vast green fields between river bank and forest
opposite the terrace front of the house—Sergius used to send
for s..lditrs. who had to march the 35 versts from Moscow to
parade here and relieve his boredom—with the cheerfulness
and joy around me. made me glad to have such a day with
others in one of the homes ot rest of the Soviet Republic."
• •     •
I read that the total war debt of the world
amounts to $160,000,000,000. Truly is the downfall
of Capitalism at hand.
George Armstrong,   E. J. Johns,   W. A. Pritchard,
E. B. Russell
Campaign funds are needed. Collection Cards can
be secured from, and donations made to:
P.O. Box 1762
Winnipeg, Manitoba-
Socialist Party of
(Continued from page 6)
"The ulterior norm to which appeal is taken is
the instinct of workmanship, which is an instinct
more fundamental, of more ancient prescription than
the propensity to predatory emulation. The latter
is but a special development of the instinct of workmanship, a variant, relatively late and ephemeral
in spite of its great absolute antiquity. The emulative predatory impulse or the instinct of sportsmanship, as it might well be called—is essentially
unstable in comparison with the primordial instinct
of workmanship out of which it has been developed
and differentiated."
What Veblen is trying to show is that inactivity
is painful. The pain resulting from inactivity is
called ennui. "While want is the scourge of the
lower class, ennui is the scourge of the upper class
and all the hope that is held out for the future is a
choice between the torments of hell and the ennui
of heaven." (Schopenhauer). The instinct of
workmanship, if it be no other form than fear of
the hell of ennui, is the great and unremitting spur
that drives and goads all men to action.
The fact that the great majority of the men of
renown are members of the ruling class has been
used to disparage the intelligence of the working
class. Is this phenomenon due to a biological difference between the classes?   Assuredly not-
Prof. Odin shows that in order to be a man of
renown, it is necessary to possess a thorough education. A thorough education is out of reach of the
erreat mass of workers. Immediately after birth, the
child of the worker labors under a heavy handicap.
The failure of the worker to assimilate achievement
is due to his economic position in society. Society
has never and nowhere been so organized as to transmit the knowledge of the past to more than a minute
f-action of its members.
"It was shown that about eleven times as many talented
persons belong to the wealthy or well-to-do classes as to the
poor or laboring classes, although the latter are about five
times as numerous as the former. The chances "of success
for the same degree of talent are fifty-five for the former
elan to one of the latter. The extremes of course are
very much greater and for absolute poverty or uninterrupted
long hours the chance if success is necessarily zero no matter how great may be the native talent or genius. Indigence
is an effective bar to achievement. On the other hand, the
recourses of society may be enormously increased by abol
ishing poverty, by reducing the hours of labor, and by making all its members comfortable and secure in their economic
relations. Any sacrifice that society might make in seeur
inir these ends would be many times repaid by the actual
contributions that the few really talented among the hundreds of thousands thus benefited would make to the social
welfare. For talent is distributed all through the great mass
in the same proportion as it exists in the much smaller well
to do wealthy class and tbe only reason why the latter contribute more is because their economic condition affords
then opportunity,"
Lecter C  Ward (Applied Sociology), p. 228.
We therefore see that the real barrier to progress
is the division of society into classes.   Society can-
  not    make   any   real   progress   until   classes   are
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy and JOHN TYLER.
Current Events.	
Official Organ of the Socialist Party of Canada
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Name         Central Collection Agency: J. Law, Secretary, De-
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We. th* Kociaii.t Part/ of Oenada, affirm oar allegiance to, and
mpport   of.   ;!:<•   pnoctp'.i*   and   programme   of  tat   revolutionary
• ■'ri.-f   cIsm
' »> ■ «,:■'' A to natural resources, produces all wealth. Tho
t'.r*»rr,t <<-■>,-. >m.r irstem it based upon capitalist ownership of tho
meant of production, cooteqaentlr. all tht product* of labor ho-
Ur.f  to  tho rapiuhtt dot*.    Tht capitalist  ia, thtrtfort,  matter;
thr worker a tltre.
fv> ;.■!{ at the rtpiulut rU»t rrmtint in possession of tht reins
ct £»i'rr,!tifi.! sll the powers of tbe State will be used to protect
t.r,.i defrnd Ot property rights in tbe means ot wealth production
»:■. I   >to  control of the  product  of labor.
The rspitshft trttetn civet to the capitalitt an eeer swelling
Mretra at profit*, snd lo ihe worker, sn ererincressinf measure of
niterr snd drgrsdstion.
The intercut of tht workinf clots lies in setting itself free from
rapltallsl eiploitstton br the abolition of the wage system, under
which ih.« eiploitstion. si tbe point of production, is cloaked. To
tccoroptifh thit necessitates tbe transformation of cspitalist property in Ihe raesns of wealth production into socially controlled
economic   forces.
The UmpmiMt conflict of interest between the capitalist and
he worker MMflMfttf expresses itself as a strufflt for political On-
prcmscy     This it th* CUsss Slrugfle
Therefore, we call til workers to orgtnite under tbe banner of
Ihe Hoclslitl taltl ot Csnsda, with tht object of eonqutrinj Ut
political power*, for the purpose of setting ap and enforcing tht
IIIHWtl pr,.gramme of the working clsss. oa follows:
The trsntformstion, at rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property in *he means of wealth production (natural
retources, factories, mills, railroodo, etc.) into oolite-
tiee means of production.
Tht orgsniration and management of Industry by lbs
working clsta.
The estobtishmtat/as speedily as possibtt, of production for use instead of production for profit.
Reading and Reading
OF the mass of reading matter that comes before
the individual with an enquiring turn of
mind, none is so co'dly and dispassionately scientific
as the work of socialistic writers.
The truth and logic contained therein immediately stamps it as the product of courageous minds.
These articles, stories, etc., shine from out the
conglomerate mass of piffle with which the reading public is literally swamped, as the dazzling rays
of a powerful searchlight pierce the encircling
Their brilliance penetrates and bites deep into
the hungry brain of the nauseated seeker after
knowledge. The world was never more in need
of these socialistic teachings than it is today, and
to thosej who are in search of truth, the writings of
these advanced thinkers come as cool water to a
thirsty, tired traveller.
They not only point out the vicious iniquities of
the present state of society, but with the weapon of
truth give the intelligent reader the key wherewith
to unlock the door ef his own mind, to enable him to
find the remedy for the many i'ls from which he as
an individual, and the rest of the world in general
are suffering.
It is undoubtedly correct to state that the average worker will not have truth thrust upon him.
A dollar for a sweepstake can be more easily extracted from the -average Worker than a dollar for
a subscription to a journal of scientific socialism.
He cannot be blamed for this: the thoroughness
with which the hirelings of capitalism have done
their work is only too apparent.
Blame, however, can be attached to those intellectual prostitutes who sell their principle and
ability by writing the wretched drivel with which
the average worker is regaled. Under the capitalist system, no intelligent person will deny that
might dictates right, for under the calm scientific
analysis of a socialist, present day conditions prove
the truth of that statement.
Socialists have been and are being persecuted
and ridiculed by the very people they seek to benefit, but they are not discouraged. They know that
ultimately, conditions will force people to recognize the trutfi of what they write. They are always
ready and willing to point out the path along which
the earnest seeker after knowledge must travel.
Based on science the writings of socialists fully explain the cause of the present intolerable state of
existence, and by the same token prepare the reader
lor the vast changes which will undoubtedly COtne
about  in the future.
What is of more importance than explaining the
cause of our misery? Socialist writers give us the
remedy. Their literatim', pregnant with indisputable truths is placed before a suspicion! and poisoned public many of whom have very limited education, which prevents them from viewing with an
unbiassed mind the many unpleasant truths brought
before them. Though bitter the medicine must be
Man's nature is such that he would much rather
be caressed than told his faults, hence his natural
dislike to the paper that tells him just what a fool
he is.    Truth to the majority is never pleasant
In the field of politics the average ruin has hitherto been too lazy to think He preferred to allow
bis newspaper to think for him, contenting himself
with being praised and jetted, and tina'ly enmeshed in the tangle in which he now rinds himself.
Hitherto, the power of the capitalist press has
scarcely been challenged. By first pandering to
the wishes of the masses, the press has been able
to create a weapon which it now uses to their disadvantage .ami instead of having representative
government they have a government controlled by
a few big monopolies who in turn control the press
It is this state of affairs which socialist writers
have the courage to expose To adhere strictly to
socialist teachings requires a high standard of
courage, for very few writers have the moral
strength to withstand the economic pressure
brought to bear upon them.
Socialistic journalism attracts only the very cream
of the writing profession, which fact aceounts for
the extremely high quality of the work, and the
consequent small quantity. Socialist literature
and periodicals are the oases in the deserts of ignorance, prejudice and corruption. Read them for
education. Q  p
Reconstruction in Russia
The bourgeois and Social-Demoerati' press never
tire of enlarging upon the economic ruin of Russia.
It would be foolish to assert that, after six years of
war, the blockade, the sabotage by the Intelluctuals
and the passive resistance of the peasants, the interna' economy of Russia could be in a flourishing
condition. But it is necessary to inquire whether
the crisis is past and Russia is already on the road
to reconstruction, or whether the ruin—as her en-
mies maintain—proceeds apace. It would be a sufficient answer to these charges to point out that a
Stale rushing headlong to ruin cannot have great
victorious armies from one end of the country to the
other, and this after more than two years' existence! This would of itself he sufficient to prove
that production cannot be in such a parlous state as
the enemies of the Revolution would have us believe.
But we desire to call attention to the following data
just arrived from Russia as further proof of the
economic soundness of the Soviet Republic.
Tho Iron Industry.
The organization of the iron industry of the Urals,
with its obsolete methods is being feverishly tackled.
Two works are engaged in turning out rails—both
narrow and wide gauge—besides nails, wires, telegraph materia', etc. In the repair works at the
same place ten to fifteen locomotives and 500 to 600
wagons are repaired every month.
By the re-conquest of the Urals, Russia possesses
almost a monopoly of platinum products. Two factories are engaged on this work. The workers, technical experts and engineers of Soviet Russia have
brought production in this field to the highest point
of efficiency in Europe. Soviet Russia can produce
platinum for all technical, medical and scientific
The introduction of the "Communist Saturday"
in places in which railway works are situated has
produced splendid results.   From May 1st to June
1st. 1919, the output of locomotives rose by 4.1 per
cent.    The entire number of locomotiv.s under re
pair or awaiting repair on  May  1st  was 52.5 per
cent, ami on dune 1st only 46.6 per cent.
Th»- Baltic factory repaired two locomotives and
252 wagone, thereby carrying out 100 per cent, of
its programme while the factory engaged in pre
paring signals aeeomplished 37 per cent. Equally
^ood results were obtained in the repair of ships and
river-go.'ig vessels.
Agricultural Machinery.
In Saratov, a new factory has been opened for
the   manufacture  of  agricultural  machinery.    The
monthly  output   of  this  establishment   is   113,000
Many more machines were supplied to the peas
ants in the year HH8-19 than in the preceding one.
There were delivered 107,141 parts f*r ploughs,
171,868 harrows. 1,420 sowing machines, 470,000
scythes, 3,563 reaping machines, 2,438 winnowing
machines etc. The output was more than double
that of the previous year. The Commission recently appointed by the government expects to have in
the near future 1,000,000 mowing-machines for sale.
We could add much more data of a similar nature, hut sufficient has been said to show that there
is no sign here of progressive decay. The facts
point to hard and succesful work carried out under
great difficulties.
—Socialist Information Research Bureau (Scotland), 1% St. Vincent Street, Glasgow, March 15,
Smithers SocalistjHall
The following donations have been receiv
wards the building fund:—Chas. Neil, $2> EdL*
nedy, $22; Jas. Carson, $20; Jas. Kotow $10 i£
Yoke l*>ng. $10; S. Carlson, $10; .John Wanda.' 2?
A. MeKenzie, $10; A. P. McCabe. $6; Axle V d
son, $6; Tom Mace. $5; S. Neshudin, $5- RrJ^J
Ur. $5; W. S. II .. $5; ,J. M., $5; S. E . ft'. E Ne!
jjCi; .1. afeCoiah, $5; Lars Anderson, $5  ,| g v J1
Phil McGettegan, $5; H. Fotherby, $5. j)av<> JJJ
$5; P, Richardson, $5; Jock Aldrieh $5 Fred u '
$2; R. F   Albu. $2-; I). B. ami J. M.. $4. H Jng
(Jus Syoho, $2; Andy Mi-Naught. *1 ; j,   K.||-"ti
Geo. Smith. $1; H   Ponder, 50c; I). K. IfooreS'
Shorty Davitt. $5; Fred Collins. $1 ; VY ,f  s  $] £
Axle Peterson, $5; Martin Dabi. $2; John Lanea
$1.75; R. Duff. $2; Frank Conway. $S; C-r, wr;Jl
$5; H. C. Mutch. $5; Peppercorn, $5; S. QriersmtJ
Guy Farrow. $5; Pat McOettigan. $5; Mark WW
$2; John Vi.k. $.">; Dan hfeLood, $5; Otto Ui2
berg, $5; Chris. $1.
Collections by Chas. Neil, Tie Camps.—A p»j
coner, 110; II. o Johneon, $5; H. J, Johneon.tSjj
K. Hughe*. $5; o. Nelson. $5; John McGettigai .'■
doe Fisher. $2; B Hanson. $2; Roht. Berg $2* L I
McKay. $1.50; A W. Hutchinson, fl .! K Trea
Way, * 1: W. Bennett. $1: Mike O'Neil. $1: C.Lima
II. 11 Kindest, $1; B, Frson. $1; K. CHion, $1 j
Mclb.nal, $1; Claude \Vtl*on. $1. A Friend, $1*1
Wick, $1; Urs Brun. $1 j II. .1. Dares, $] ; V. Law
$1; K. G. Hardy, $1 ; Dehnar Cassidy. *], JM 0r»
kevich. $1; E. Brattan, $1 ; John F.rieks„r.. $] Ax.
Somher, $1 ; K. Nelson. $1 ; F <J Olaen, $1; \\ y
Dualberg, $1; V Lundgren, $1; W. Wo^OOUSt, $1.
C VaulberK, $1, August 0|»on, $1; Bid llawl-vj]
Victor Carlsou. $1; Oscar Frausen. $1. John Dajca,
$1    Andrew I^rson. $1 ; Pete Lingva'l. $1
There is quite a little work to be don. in ardsrtl
complete the building, and further, donation nut
be sent to R. C. Mutch. Smithers. B  C.
Only WOridngOMB and women make life poifibat
but in sjute of much talk almut their Ltiefolnea to
■oeiety, they don't inspire much reaped   faded
one of the worst name* in the language is, hj its or
• gin. a word that meant a workingman- a VH.
LAIN! Consult a dictionary and yon «tll find a
villain means < although the word is spelled, rfitebl
a forced !a*l»orer attached to an estate, a •**:. a beni
man. a peasant and. lastly, a KNAVK r 8C0UN
DRKL. Of course, villeinage takes us back>tl thl
rlays of tbe Feudal System.
But why ehottld a word that once limply mete'.
.» serf or forced laborer, now have cum,, to ai^an *
person WOO is base, vile, wicked, depraved and melts'
The answer is easy! As a vi'lain was depressed
down to the position of the Brutes, no more educated
than they ami. like them just one of the fixture!01
the land he naturally developed so man) repolaw*
vices that  it  was not  possible to think of • vil'am.
without thinking of hie repulsive eliaracteriatiei h
course of time the personal qualities iwamped a"
recollection of the man's working duties; thea be
hold,  its new  meaning    a  scoundrel'
The modem wnrkingmau.   feared, bated kept in
ignorance and looked 0O with contempt. ha> DC boh
come into his own than had his ancestor, the Serl
But history shows bow c'ass after class rOSC to pOWtt
At one period the kings, like the ,x Kaiser and '''■■'
late Ca> r- of Buaaia, were abeoiute; then tne Mobility
'•lipped then- wings; next, the Capitalist < flass, *&•
ire the elaas in power today, got on top, and hlVi N
inismmaged affairs ami abused then- power that the
next  .lass, the Working Class, is everywhere 111 P*
volt and preparing to assume management
Says a famous Socialist writer "By degrees :h,,r'v
rim out of the dcapiied, maltreated, degraw
Working class a historic power before which ta«
powers that be have begun to tremble Thus, I New
Philosophy, a class that grows daily in nnmhers.
in compactness, in consciousness of its mission, i"
intelligence, and into an economic necessity." **
there is no class below the Working class, they eU
only rise to power when they put an end to nil eCOj'
rOtnic classes and make the whole nation one work
"ig-class. That is the MISSION of the WORKING-
CLASS of which the author speaks, for th< ire « *fl
noble task, in freeing themselves, to Uov the whole
human race from the Brutish struggle for hue oece*
Mriea. Already wealth is socially produced W
great factory.group« ol workers, it is also th«Jr
mission to complete the process bv socialiltng '"''
J. Fraeor, $1; R. Gooding, $15 J. Purnell, $1 s 0.
M. Barrett, $1; H. C. Mitchell, $1; Sympathiser, 20c;
A. E. Faulkner, $2. Total, 27th April to 10th May.
inclusive, $7.20.
Donationa to the Manitoba Provincial Election
Campaign Fund of Local (Winnipeg) No. 3, may w
wnt to E. MacUod, Secretary, Dominion Execute
Committee, 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, J.«-
from whom collection cards may alio be obtained


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