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Western Clarion Jun 1, 1921

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 ■ **mi atnB
ESTERN CLARION
AJ*mrnalof
BVBNT8
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
Nc. 644
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, JUNE 1, 1921
FIVB CENTS
The Scramble for Oil Among the Nations
,,,.,„,   vote—TIM following  tvrttcl-n  to    reprlnicd    from
i J   w      in«w Yorio. Mar lata. i»ai.   it stsssrlsss t>»*»
Mr. ft wrl«« o« »•" •rtlcl-wi lo b* prints In that periodic*!
M,\ ,v, . .., No War Wlh nnstond." Witlto t**«*r-» ts mn
! ILll ttara .nd th«r-» in Ukhm •rtlclM of the naiionaltot
CJ[ „f v ,« ih«*y c«wilHut*# n*»ortb«lM» • »*lt***>l*. tuldt. to
!^Ul •>•-■ *•«« of tho fmm«dMU» muaaa promptint inter-
^,V ,.,,:,.,, ll«t**Rt» WIU So -.-Jll to consul. I' T
SS - i. .mk t*«o»e. of War" for • «-«mi>rc*l.-nMv, i*up
ff.t,f BocUlUl viewpoint in tbto coniMcti-m S*e Llermuire
I'-iae t-tol
PETRI ILEUM, in its short and stormy life as
a commercial product, has had an extraocular*, effect on human relationship*-. First used
in btrnible lamps and stoves, and as a lubricant, il
drove thc whaling fleets of New Bedford and Nantucket to their last moorings. An age oi prospecting an I ivild speculation resulted in thc creation of
thc giant monopoly whose founder has been rewarded bv the largest fortune in thc world's history Thc
perfection ol thc gasoline engine, and thc consequent
development of thc automobile, thc motor truck, the
UKtor, and thc aeroplane have fostered a scries of
gnat industries which have gone far to transform
the life of peaceful communities, and are mdispens-
ib4« in war, Last of all has come thc use of heavy
oil u a fuel in ships, both under steam boilers and in
interna! combustion engines of ihe Diesel type. This
development, almost within thc last five years, now
causes danger to international harmony. As thc
niaachester Guardian" has said, "The queation of
|oil tends to overshadow all other international problems"
A vessel burning oil is far more efficient than one
burning coal for thc simple reason that a given
weight and bulk of oil will produce more heat than
thr same weight and bulk of coal. In warships thc
tdnntagca of oil arc so marked that both America
tad British navies will soon depend exclusively upon it Oil-burning destroyers enabled us to defeat
the German submarine campaign . Karl Curzon said
fmly that the Allied fleets floated to victory on a
**> oi oil " The Diesel motor ship is about 2%
tunes more efficient even than the oil-burning steam-
ship. If it were certain that oil would bc as plentiful and as cheap as coal, oil ships would drive coal
PaipB off the seas as surely within the next fit'tccn
}urs as -teamships drove sailing vessels off the best
tr*dc routes in the past fity. If, on thc other hand,
toeeoppl) of fuel oil is inadequate, those ships
which h.ivc access to it will have an enormous ad-
ttatage   vcr those which have not.
When this state of affairs began to bc apparent,
•bout thi time of thc beginning of the Great War.
* looked aa if the United States would bc enabled
therein to upset, if she wished, Britain's mastery of
[he seas. While hardly any oil is to be found in the
"iked Kingdom, over 60 per cent, of the world's
wPply has for years come from within our borders.
An'I it was Britain'! large and cheap supply of coal,
•ad her string of coaling stations around thc earth,
th»t had been one of the chief factors in ber control
o{ °eean shipping. Suddenly, by virtue of the indention of irw technical processes and an accident
111 Redistribution of natural resources, England saw
tilc very foundation of her merchant marine and her
nav>' about to slip away.    -
Alth«UlRh American oil fields arc the best devcl-
I°ped• thcy arc by no means thc only potential re-
-£**«■   More than one-half of the worlds rccov-
IJwui petroleum    lies in two great areas:   one in
| °«h America and  in South American countries
Ordering the Caribbean Sea, and thc other in Wcst-
* A»ia and Southeastern Europe lying about the
aucasus aa an axis.   These two fields arc of nearly
are also sizable deposits of oil on other trade routes
such as those in Borneo, India, Japan, and Argen-
British Government, on account of the needs of thc
navy, furnishing £2,000.000 of thc capital and retain-
cqual importance.   Strangely enough, they are not Mesopotamia.   Here the British group just before
far from the two great intcroceanic canals—Panama the war had received a concession from the Turkish
and Suez.   In two per cent of the world's area rests Government, a quarter of which they had to share
about 30 per cent, of thc world's future supply ol with the Deutsche Bank.   After the war, the Ger-
pctroieam- and about this two per cent pivot most man share was claimcd •>? Grcat Britain •» Part of
of the forces of international politics today. There   thc sP°ils of victory-     Francc' however' Put in a
claim for the German share also, and eventually received it, in exchange for -British control of the ex-
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^    pioitation of deposits in the French colonies.   This
....       ,   ,        ,       * arrangement, consummated in secret at San Remo,
\\ h.le wc were resting m thc knowledge of our   ceinented an AngIoFrench oil entente| ^d American
resources, foreign companies went energetically and interests find thcrnscives barred from the rich possi-
quietiy to work gaming control of the undeveloped biUties of Mesopotaraiaj as well ^ from a major^part
fields,   Thc Mexican Eagle Company, a British con- of the French markct.   Our State Department has
ecru, received large concessions in Mexico. The Shell protested on the ground that the open door must be
interests, another British group, invested heavily in maintained in mandatories.   Great Britain agrees
many parts of the world.   The Royal Dutch Com- in principle, but maintains that since her concession
pany, originally in appearance at least a Dutch con- antedates the war it must be recognized, open door
cern. was formed to exploit oil in the Dutch East or no open door.   A long diplomatic correspondence
Indies.     Behind it was the financial power of the has ensued.   The real issue is that British compan-
Rothschilds.   Later occurred a merger of the Royal ies have the oil, and that American interests want
Dutch and the Shell companies under British con- part of it.   For us whose chief interest is peace, the
tro!  and the Mexican Eagle Companv came under important thing to remember is that in this crucial
their wing.   The Anglo-Persian Company was form- controversy there is a substantial identity between
■ i   t«.u. :- p.„c;, ^nA th,. KMr Pact th-.   the British Government and British capital on the
ed to exploit fields in Persia and tne .Near cast, xne ; r
mmm*%%%%********mum   one hand, and between the American State Department and American oil interests on the other.
.i. .       .   ^   «.,. In his last annual report, Secretarf Lane wrote
ing control.   1 his company now has close affiha-   ^ ^ ^ ^^ ,-gg fof j ^.^ ^^ ^
tions with the Royal Dutch-Shell. This gigantic termined looking many years ahcad -, He recom.
aggregation of British oil interests, with its stJbsid- mended thrce *mmc<jiatc governmental policies, one
iaries, now owns or controls a large share of the oil of which was a refasa, tQ seI, oil to ^ yesse, undcr
deposits in California. Oklahoma. Louisiana, Mexico, foreign registry if its government discriminates
Trinidad. Venezuela. Rumania, Russia, Persia, against American ships or oil interests. President
Egypt, India, and the East Indies. Except in North Walter C. Teagle, of the Standard Oil Company of
America, most of its concessions are virtually so Xew Jersey, addressed these signicant sentences to
large as to exclude American companies from the the 1920 convention of the American Petroleum Inmost promising fields. stitute: "If foreign governments insist on pursuing
In the meantime experts of thc United States Geo- the policy of nationalizing oil lands and reserving
logical Survey came to disquieting conclusions. Per- subsoil rights to4>e held under government direc-
hans 40 per cent of thc petroleum originally in the tion; if they persist in attempting to keep all of their
en-und of the United States has already been ex- own petroleum deposits for their own future benefit,
hansted and if the present rate of* production con- Vhile relying upon the United States for a large share
dunes even without increase, our oil may be entire- of their present needs then, and in that event, this
lv Lie in from fifteen to twenty years. Domestic nation will have no a ternative but to take cogruz-
M , c« ^ni^iv that for the aneeof the attitude of foreign governments, and as
demand, moreover, has risen so rapid^tfcr the ^^ rf M^JSkm t0 ^^ fc
past two years we have had to import more o 1 than ^ ^ ^ ^ %q ^^ ^
we exported In 1920 the excess of oil imports over ^^ ^^ £ J ^ ^^
otports was nearly 100.000,000 barrels or over one- ^^ ^^ ^^ ^ ^^^^^^^
sixth of our entire consumption. And British inter- tf mpotlM nady ^ *mkgJtlm yj^*^ Stateg could
ests, in dose affiliation with the British^ 6°™™" undoubtedly cornnel a new allotment of foreign territory so as to give it a share of what other nations
are proposing to keep for thtanselves."
As if in response to these statements, Secretary
Daniels as one of his last official acts wrote a letter
to the chairman of the Senate Committee on Naval
Affairs, recommending   the pasage of a bill which
ment. now have exclusive control, according to Cap-
1-olev of thc United States Shipping Board, of
between & and 97 per cent, of the future visible sup
ply of the world.   A dramatic reversal indeed!
American interests quickly   went to work to re
store the balance.    But they have found their path ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
viv blocked.   The Department of State, in response would give the President power to impose an cm-
esolution of inquiry moved by Senator Gore, bargo on exports of oil from the United Statcs.whcn-
-        d that while the United States had always ever in his opinion the situation should warrant such
rt|0,t I'ned the "open door" to foreign investors and an act.   Although this measure is only one of the
main amen             ^^ ^ resources, other nations, "economic and financial weapons" which Mr. Teagle
pure tas      i                     exclusive concessions, had niust have had in mind, its application alone would
^Tiir oTheir resources against American be drastic,since it would forbid the British compan-
it j   tbe exclusive policy that causes the ws from exporting their own oil from their cxten-
tsf    r« the first Place. American oil    owners *ive properties in thc United States-an act which
tr0,   .       Itect their investments by   substituting our Government  would strongly resent if it were
m        I ,Z  t 1    o crties for those which are like- applied against us by any other nation.
new and fruitful ^tt^on<J   pJacC( the   United Statements about "nationalization" of oil are or-
e' 1° T  v and the pipping interests want to be dinarily understood to   apply to   Mexico,   and no
,   f\ future bunker supply without the possi- «'<>ubt thev do, in part.     But we must not forget
assured of a tuturt i*um«..  ■  ir;                      «- ..   . f.     n„arr**l ^v--- M.vir,-, «:i :- , »h»....Am-.^i
assure 	
bilitv of discrimination.
The chief area of dispute at present seems to be
that the quarrel over Mexican oil is a three-corned
(Continued on page 6)
i
■  BJ r AOT TWO
WIBTI1N     CLA1ION
Concerning Value
By H M. Bartholomew.
.
Article 7.—"Supply and Demand"
WE come, now, to a consideration of a theory
of Value which occupies, in thc popular
mind, a unique and prominent position. The theory of "Supply and Demand" is at once so simple
and the facts of every-day experience are in such
apparent accord with it- that this theory summarizes
the average man's knowledge concerning value
Lord Lauderdale, in his "Nature and Origin of
Pu6lic Wealth" (a book written over two centuries ago) states the case for "Supply and Demand"
in a clear and forcible fashion.    He tells us that.
"With respect to the variations in value of
which everything valuable is susceptible, if we
could suppose for a moment that any substance
possessed intrinsic and fixed value, so as to render an assumed quantity of it constantly, under
all circumstances, of equal value, then the degree of all things, ascertained by such a fixed
standard, would vary according to thc proportion betwixt  the quantity of them and thc de-
p mand, and every commodity  would of course
he subject to a variation from four different
circumstances "i—Ibid. p. 15).
He then goes on to analyse those "four different
circumstances" and finds that "we express the value
of any'Commodity" by the relation of "supply and
demand"
If we turn to a recent exponent of political economy Prof. Nicholson, we shall find him stating:
"The general law of demand may be stated:
As the price falls (other things remaining the
same) the quantity demanded increases, and,
conversely, as the price • rises, the quantity
demanded decreases.**
"Thc law of supply in its general form is the
exact counterpart of the law ot demand. As
the price rises (other things remaining the
same), the quantity offered for sale decreases,
and, conversely, as tlie price tails the quantity
offered increases."
"If we examine the law of demand and the
law of supply we arrive at the equation of demand and supply, which may be formally expressed: In any market the price will be so adjusted that the quantity demanded will be exactly equal to thc quantity offered at that price
Thc force by which the adjustment is made is
competition."—("Principles of Political Economy-" vol. 2, bk. 3, ch- 4.
A careful analysis of the above statement reveals
the fact that no mention is made of exchange-value.
One of the latest exponents of bourgeois economy
tells us that "price" is determined by the   relation
of supply to demand-   Since the searching analysis
of Marx, economists have been exceedingly careful
to differentiate between price and value—at least in
theory.   For instance a recent writer, J. A. Hobson,
says that: *
"So long as supply exceeds the demand, the
price falls, so long aa demand exceeds supply
the price riaea.    The market price ia at the
point where  supply ia equal to   demand" —
,     —"Science of   Wealth,"   p*   200.   (Emphasis
mine).
Nevertheless, all through this book* and many
others of a similar character, the words "value" and
, "price' 'are interchangeable, and are treated as synonymous. This is especially noticeable in the first
chapter where Hobson, on the same page first confines wealth to "marketable articles taken at their
market value" and then tells us that he is "reckoning wealth by market prices."—Ibid- p. 11.
This confusion of terminology docs not lend itself to clear thinking- When a prominent publicist
confuses "value' 'and "price" it is small wonder that
1 the average' man and woman considers that the
valne of any given commodity is determined by the
"relation of supply and demand."
In a previous article we saw that price is thc gold-
name, or the money name for value; that all prices
may rise or fall, but tbat all values cannot do so;
and that gold is a medium of exchange and a measure oi value. •  I
But let us examine this theory of "supply and
demand" a little closer. Is the exchange-value of
a commodity determined by supply in relation to demand' 9
Supply and demand is not an inherent property
ol a commodity It is not something contained in
a commodity, nor is it something in any way connected with its pro-kiction. In other words, the
properties of a commodity are in no way affected by
supply and demand. There is no "common something' 'embodied in a commodity which can be called ita supply and demand, for the very simple reason that no commodity contains* in itself, the conditions of its supply; and it doea not contain ita demand.
Moreover, if wc approach this question from another viewpoint we   shall find supply and   demand
function from opposite directions. When tho-supply
increases then exchange value falls, when thc supply
decreases then exchange value rises.     But suppose
that supply and demand arc normal, or cover each
other. In such conditions what determines thc value
of a commodity? If the "Vulagr economists" arc cor*
rcct in their reasoning then in such circumstances,
when supply and demand   balance each   other, the
value of a commodity would be nil. We know, however, that commodities always possess some value
in exchange, ami it follows   therefrom lhat    there
must bc something which   determines value when
iupply and demand balance each other. And it also
follows that if there i-- a "common something" which
determines   the   exchange-value  of   a   commodity
when supply and demand no longer function,   that
supply and demand cannot determine the exchange-
value.
**A'e must find this 'common something" contained in a commodity- and which is at once the source
and the measure of its value irrespective of the relations of supply and demand. We have seen, in our
previous analysis, that there can bc only one "common something"-— social, abstract labor
If, then, the exchange-value of a commodity is
determined and measured by thc quantum of social
human labor embodied in that commodity, it is simply puerile to point out that "supply and demand"
is the "common something" wherein may lie its
value.
Nor should* wc forget thc important fact, which is
illustrated by thousands of examples in modern production, that* the same commodity, under identical
conditions of supply and demand* will possess different values at different times, due to a change in
the conditions of production Indeed, practical experience as well as logical reasoning reduces thc theory of "supply and demand" concerning value to
absurdity.
In spite of these facts, however, theft: is a remarkable concensus of opinion that even, if supply and demand do not determine and measure exchangevaluc,
that supply and demand must have some influence
upon that value. But thc confusion to which this
consideration is due, is apparent, and not real. It
is due, as stated above, to a confusion of terms, to
the loose employment of "value" and "price" as synonyms- * V
We have already explained that value and price
are different and distinct categories. If we remember that distinction we shall at once realise how
great is thc mistake of those who persist in stating
that supply and demand influence value. Supply
and demand operate in the sphere of circulation; the
value of a commodity is determined in the sphere of
production, Thc competition between buyer and
seller in the sphere of commodity-circulstion influences the price. This price oscillates about the value
as its normal resting place, and to which it constantly gravitates Mill, despite his inveterate eclecticism and his self-contradictions, sees something of
this when he tells us that "cxchangevalue gravitates
towards "Cost of  Production.'   despg    •«**
turbations of value" due to "ittpp|J fan<1 Fl
yet: ^
"The condition of stable equiUbriamU*«
things exchange  for each other atxen&tj
their cost of production, or in the ttrpressal
we have used- when things arc at their 2
al Value. -"Principles oi Political Ecotw
bk. ."*, ch %, No. 2   (Emphasis Mills')
Thus, after many pages of   Kif-Ccuniiieai-.„
and self-contradiction, wc find Mill lutiagtiatd
uc is the "point of gravitation'1 round which
late* the price     lie argues iron; false premise* a
employs "value" and "price* as synonyms,  he*
serts and contradicts, but, in th< Ion-* runbetdal
that    there   is a "condition   ol     ,     cquilsM
when "Thing* are at their Katural VaUe"    f*|
"Natural Value-" which is the normal (aad'tiaall
condition   is determined by ..; ■•r'-.luct-**'
This favorite phrase need nol alai     us. for betel
us that:
"Tbe component elemci    <       ■ oi Pros*
tion have been set forth in the first par oftai
inquiry    The principal ol them, and so an
the principal as to be neatly the sole, we toot
to be labor.    What a thing costs to its prjebee
ia the labor expended m producing it—liri
bk 3, ch 4
And this*-    "wonderful*    tut.■'.•..>..;•.   after ~nj
pages «»f "scientific" outrages!    Ii   - wmtthaji
Mill to concede, however, thi;  supply and dean
do not regulate   "Natural Valm bene]
equivalent for exchange-value    bui thai    -as
is determined by "the labor exj ii proaia
it.*     Hut when he adds that "thi pertnrlntiaw
value" (by which he means tl e      > .     - :at
gravitate toward*, this   "Natural Value    tbrs
concession knocks the found.it:; - -    ' S
own elaborate theory of value and -:'.■■'ica those*!
■
ciplcs who gravely tell US that    value is detenU
ed by supply and demand "'
Ufcviag Mill and his "natural '° •*'"
peaceful silence, we find th.it ••.-.:■ • ■-*"'■*
fluencc tbe price of a commodity   thai tl - pan I
dilate* about the value a- its rcsttagail
That is why. when luppi) and tlemand cover at
other, price and value coincide I hil is «B) ■"
ent article-* under the same conditions oi sapf-ty*
demand exchange in an iufiniti nberofnW
each other. Finally, that is why a pven comno*
will, under the *ame conditions ol suppn u*
mand. have different prices if theft \ns be*
change in the methods of production
Despite tbe noisy vulgarity ol '
ists, the Marxian theory of valti
prima Neither "final utility* n<
mand" can upset thatetheory •
vulgarities we land in confusion
adopt conceptions of social pro|
in thc camp of thc capitalist
.till stands *
iopply ani <
r.dlowing tbeJ
. ,1 ire lend
.. uhrehl^'
, the other W
we relegate these Theories' I
o the museum «f!
quitics am) adopt the Marxian i   m      J
rind that our analysis of capital!-' ; roductionfl J
and fruitful, and that we art enabled ,oCxa,8?J
tendencies of th* existing social n1
insight ami a fuller knowledge.
Nol Supply aud demand cannol enter uV£j
of production and determine the exchange*
a commodity.     We know that that value»
mined and is measured by   the  quantum o^
human lahor, of which that commodity is tne
sal embodiment-,
Next article: "Summsry and Conclusion
MANIFESTO
— of the -
fOOIALMT PABTY OF CANAD*
(Fifth Idition)
Par copy 10 "nU
Far U eopiea ™
Post Paid '-■   -■■■»;-■■'■■
WESTERN     CLARION
PA9BTHBBB
Book Review
HU\ AND DEMOCRACY, by Predcr-
Howe.     B. **V. llcubsch, New York City,
rjg pp. with index.
tEVOL
ick C
Price $2.
past as well as present. Thc Order of Nature the- vate control, do unremittingly bend their thoughts
ory is a figment which I have no space at present to to that solution. And so, in degree of nearness to
discuss. Despite the author's animus against polit- realities, the thinking of intelligent workers on soc-
ical society, no fundamental reconstruction of society upon new bases can be looked for in his social
programme.   For, contained in it, is thc retention
,1IK publishing house of B, \Y. Heubsch con-
lmms t<> In- hospitable to the radical intelligentzia. 1 UW the term radical in the broad
conceived i" popular estimation, which
ether all those manifesting varying degrees
leiisc •'-
*l)l|>s '"!■■     ^m^*^*^*^*^*^*^*^ ^*^*^*^*^*^*^*^*^*^*^m
.conformity, from mildly protesting liberals to
Kiti'ii-
»lves Socialists.
The radical
le|] , ntzia to a man, are strong critics of-ilie pre-
wt imperialistic phase of capitalist development.
fcmopol) cntrol and sabotage of finance, industry
Ujd commerce, and control of the political state by
jonopolists and the directing of its powers into pre-
jtton .""I warlike policies, sets investigating
Bunds and accusing pens to work. The result is.
|),am. books containing much useful data, even if
[fieri served up with a misb mash of economic ami
ditical theory.
Revolution and   Democracy."   by    Frederic   C.
[owe, is the latest bool" of thi** kind to hand.    The
isthor according to publishers' announcement ha*-.
of private property in the means of production, the
very basis of political society, though ownership is
to carry confiscatory liabilities on all values produced over and above a just reward for enterprise: a
reward, which somehow, is to automatically establish itself in thc free play of competitive conditions
in industry. The confiscated surplus or differential
\ aiucs which accrue from thc monopoly control of
location, lands, mineral resources, timber stands, etc
ial problems has left that of the radical intelligentzia
far behind. ' \     "\
As in duty bound, I have taken exception to Dr.
Howe's political and economic theories, yet I must
praise and recommend his book for much valuable
and informative matter contained in it. The Marxian Socialist may well clarify and sharpen his own
ideas by studying his opponents theories, and, at the
same time, take the material facts and conditions,
the data, upon which Dr. Howe basis his attack on
are to be taxed, as economic rent, into the   social tms Iattcr monopolistic and imperialistic phase of
treasury to meet the needs of society.     Land and ca->itaIist development, and give to them a wider and
natural re-ources, which are not in use are also to deePer application than they were originally intend-
be taxed until the owners put them to use or forfeit ed for.    I give beneath the chapter titles to indicate
them to the  State, which  will hold them free for the subjects treated in the book:
access to all -to all with the necessary capital that       Labor, Coal, Food,   Circulation,   Land,   Credit,
is. For we are to have free credit—for "men of resource, ability and integrity." And so on and on in
close ecbcordanCe with the single tax programme
with which the reader may be more or less familiar
"Freedom, mental as well as economic, would," he
aays, "be the great gain from the change.   It would
ansa    ,-, ——       mi,   i ,     .-;„.* «r    react upon the mind of America.    It would enable
ring lb  last   httevn years, published a series of ■ ...
on constructive democracy : on what was be
ID
-1!one in different countries to control the power
privilege and divert the gains of civilization to
Hie masses ol the people 'v   As ior myself, speaking
% a proletarian, sorry the doing, methinksl     P-ut
•:  How< does not vice!    the social  problem from
s*ly proletarian level; ihe exploited masses of
, »plc   include, fot him. the    middle class   ol
mcr>. -.inall business and profesional callings,
esc peoj le sense a subordination in status and decrease ol social prestige, owing to loss ,,i economic
• •. since the order of free competition gave
raj to ihe older of special privilege and monopoly
Thc caste system is here in the t*. S A.
■reare told \» the jargon has it. stratification has
ki in h is the sentiments, the protests and social
ispirations of this class thai Dr Howe and the red-
cal intelligentzia cxpn-ss in particular, though they
roki   i general protest  and conceive that al! other
Isections oi tin* s.-oally    submerged would    benefit
equally from their proposed reforms  And so. though
Alien Capitalism, Opinion, Culture, Exploiters, The
<\-\te. Politics, Overhead, Feudalism, Civilization,
Sabotage, A Natural Society, Russia, Freedom, The
First Step, Free Communication, Free Credit, Industrial Democracy. C. S.
 :o:	
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.EDMONTON—Labor News Stand, 10228—101st St
NEW WESTMINSTER—News Stand, B. C. E. R.
Depot.
SEATTLE—Raymer's Old Book Store 1330 lst Ave
SAN FRANCISCO—Marxian   Educational   Club,
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^B      566 Fuhon Street,
competitive system.   What, I suspect, he does see   TORONTO—D. Goodman, Blind News Agent, cor.
in the latter is not the real life and economic condi- Queen and Chestnut Sts.
t.ons of that period, but thc   hypothetical, highly The American News Agency, 81 Queen St. W.
normalized competitive svstem of the classical econ-      The Theatrical Book Store, cor. Bay & Queen, W.
omists as elaborated in their works. In those works, The Leader Lane Book Store, Leader Lane and
the system of free competition reigns supreme, ^nd    VANCOUVER — Columbia News Stand, corner
Hastings and Columbia Sts.
John Green, Carrall Street
Wi Love, Hastings Street East
BUFFALO, N. Y.—Onward Book Store, 14 Chaun-
men to be home owners instead of tenants. Home
owner-, have always been free men. It is this that
lies back of the democracy of France. It is this
that explains the democracy of Denmark. It is this
that gave birth to the new Irish movement, just as
it is this thai has made Australia and New Zealand
th< democratic countries that they are." (Emphasis
mine >.
Truly distance in space, as well as time, lends enchantment to thc view. Dr. Howe looks as romantically upon peasant proprietorship and colonial life
as he does upon the early nineteenth century "free"
i
all who possess thriftiness. honesty and ability may-
have access to the means of production, the producer gets the full product of his toil, thc employer, in
forwarding his own interests, serves the interest of
ihe community, and the traders make an honest living by selling goods at prices determined by labor
cost, and so also serve the common good. This was
spoken of by the economists and publicists as the
"normal system of economic life." the "natural state
of man." And any advance or departure beyond
this working ideal must be pruned back at all haz
ar,ls; so it was conceived.     (See   Veblcn's   "Tbe   DETROIT EDUCATIONAL SOCIETY—25 Ade-
Vested Interests.")     It is a pruning back to that ]aide St. East, Detroit, Mich.
ideal of economic lore that Dr. Howe and his fellow House of Masses, Gratiot and St. Aubin.
nd. and in keeping intact the chief   FORT WILLIAM —  Stewart's Book Store, 612
Victoria Ave.
Fred E. Moore, 224 E. Mary St. (All "Clarion"
radicals have ■«■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■■.   •        *
essential of capitalism, the ownership by a section ot
the people of society's means of life—a privileged
el ,ss after all. The benefits of ownership, it is true,
arc to be limited by the regulatory control of the
community. But, time and time again in this
world's history, it has been shown that property interests gather around themselves    social prestige.
k .the profluct of a trained investigator who
i* also a lucid writer, contains a great deal ot much
led data-am? information as to the   groarth <»t
nopol) privileges and imperialisms, the proletarian will not find in it a thorough-going and devasta-
ting criticism of the fundamentals of capitalism.. It
il true that the geiieraischcme of social life and ac-
ttviij lodaj is shown as shaped by the economic in-
lerests of a privileged class, but middle class prcpos-
nssions appear to be  firmly held to.    The golden
ag« ol man's sojourn on earth is taken to be the ear-
lj days of the nineteenth cenjury. when an approach
'» equality of opportunity is presumed to have prevailed    To quote: "Fifty years ago there was   an
1-Pproeeh to equality of opportunity.     Competition
was the prevailing note in Industry.   Business was
organized in small units.     Men  worked willingly.
Values \wrc fixed by   production costs.      Nations
*«* largely  self-contained.    International  finance
*0 limited   to the settlement    of trade   balances                nd see
•were was equal access to the raw materials of the   opei
w,,rld     Imperialism was confined "to a few subject
countries.     Freedom was the   prevailing   note in
,r;"lc. in commerce, and in industry.    This was true
not only in America; it was also true of Great Brit-
ai»- Prance and Germany, as well."   Verily, that is
*« past strained throfrgh thc mesh of imagination;
*«» is history rationalized. 	
n fpite of much current sociological paraphernalia.   « K»   -     » ^^ q{ ^ radicals, however,
of Guild Socialism, co-operation, labor partnership,      1 he wneiu ^ ^ ^ ^ interests, will find little
* eSPI ** the working masses, and   with the
conditions of econ-
•   life whose full impact tne workers bear at first
* kUefa of the eighteenth century in an "Order   omic ii   . .   their minds new ways 0* think.
of N»tttte.«   This i9 evidenced both by his frequent   hand, aa b d to ■      ^
use °fWh terms as a "natural"   order of society,   ing and social id 	
n^te s laws," as applied to society, as well as.by   .turn -,- j— ^ {    ^ social ownership and
a ch™ --•- *' '--  "A ■*•*■«-■ Society»     t,K CSta       ononlic powcrs.,The workers' ideals are
cey Street'
CHICAGO—Walden Book   Shop,   307   Plymouth
Court
ROCHESTER   N. Y.—Proletarian Party, 580 St.
Paul Street
TACOMA—Raymer's Old Book Store, 1317 Pacific
Avenue
P. R. Haffer, 1151* Broadway.
literature on sale at Moore's).
HERE AiND NOW.
Following One Dollar each: O. J. Giarde, "Vap-
aus." W. S. Matthews, D. Kerr, Sid Earp, Wm. Ly-
all, K. Smith. E. M. Strachan, A. Shepherd, G. R.
8"8l« tax. socialization ol trans|H>rlation an.l means „™,„B ........
»' «".mu„ica,i„„, the economic and political theor-   support   "0^"*™chi»Smg c
"* Dr. Howe have as a philosophical h.-ckKro„nd   passing******  - • « •
lowers of persuasion, patronage and coersion, both    Ronald, A. Sumner, S. J. Craig, A. J. Turner, J. H.
J> .rct  whose corrupting and intimidating    Tripp. Mrs. A. Ross, \V. MacMillan. W. R. Lewon.
nflucnce have broken down all barriers to power* S. E. White. $2; Roy Reid, $1.50; Anyox Library,
Competition is the mother of monopoly as the his- $2; Geo. Brown. $3; E. Rhodes, 50c; F. Neale, $3;
tones of all past societies on a property basis illus- N> R. Singleton. $2; A. Rcnn, $2; J. J. Olson, $2; O.
♦rate      And in thc peaceful predation of the busi-   Johnson, $3.
^^ s     ---*-- 1       \bove, Clarion subscriptions received from 12th
to 26th May, inclusive—total, $38-
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outirrowth of business enterprise. What naive childlike optimism it is. that would voluntarily begin
u the great historic experiment I
well as by ition of private ownership of the means of life, and
,;nJPter, under the caption, "A Natural Society,"
J* he devotes to   contrasting the   principles of "J^jc^ ^* nature of   production,   to-
,uh ■ society with what   he calls the "artificial such, b cause                                          ^ ^^ ^
,)n"ciPles of all political societies that ever existed, gcther with the
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WB8TBBN     OLABION
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VANCOUVER, B. C, JUNE 1, 1921
S. O. S.!
THE Clarion call goes forth to direct attention
to its state of finances. The "Clarion" keeps
its head above water mainly by subscriptions,
and these have fallen off alarmingly in the past
month or two, so much so in fact that we are faced
with a difficulty in meeting printing costs. Look at
our "Here and Now" list in this issue, total subscription list of $38 since last issue, which represents about 31 per cent, of bare printing cost per
issue.
"Clarion" readers will clearly see from these remarks that our prevailing mood is optimistic. But
what is to be done to keep the paper going! Headers can help by finding new readers for us. And
Locals can help in the time of present need by looking up their account with us. We need the money
and we don't like to mention it but, as "Plebs" says
in similar circumstances "as usual it's important."
The many letters we receive are complimentary
to the "Clarion" and its work. It ploughed a lone
furrow in the educational field in this country in the
past during many years and its influence is felt and
recognized. But when we communicate this cheerful news to the printer we find it brings no discount
in the bill of costs. We want new readers and renewals from old readers. Look at the number on
your address label. If it is 845, your subscription
expiree with next issue. Please attend to it.
 :o:	
THE "SAFETY FIRST" COMMUNISTS.
"A toUl sbssnes ot pvmpccttve. an unprecedented looa«n#aa
of thou-fht and debility of interest, m fathomleM Philistinism.
*n unbounded cowardice of conception—these are ths chief
characteristics of the position taken up by ths 'centre'." —
O
(ZlnoYlev).
PEKING with the above quotation, a full
page article, intended to be a criticism of
the "Policy of the Socialist Party of Canada," appeared in "The Communist," volume 1, No.
1, May lst, 1921. The place of origin is not stated,
but the front page states "Published by authority
of the Third (Communist) International in Canada."
"Clarion" readers have already seen Comrade Harrington's review (see "Clarion," April lst) of "The
Communist Bulletin," "published by Canadian section of the United Communist Party of America."
So far as we know, the copy then reviewed (vol 1,
No. 1) of "The Communist Bulletin" represented
the first and last issue of the paper, under that name
anyway. The outstanding feature of "The Communist Bulletin" was a convenient ability in apro-
priating phrases originated for quite other purposes
by other people, and an unhappy defectiveness in arranging them suitably to fit their new and strange
setting. A self-imposed anonymity rendered this
literary swiping a safe procedure, and under cover
of hiding it was presumed, evidently, that as many
revolutionary phrases, brave words and heroic utterances might conveniently and safely be printed
as the page would hold.
But now, suffering a little from exposure no
doubt, "The Communist Bulletin" has stepped aside
and "The Communist" takes its place. "The Communist" claims authority for publication by the
Third. International in Canada. We have this to
aay concerning "The Communist" and the Third International, without prejudice to the latter,—if its
policies in Canada are really committed to thc care
of those responsible for this publication, then they
are committed to the care of a group of men who
are not familiar with thc present state of mind of
the workers of Canada, who do not know thc history of thc proletarian movement here nor its present measure of strength, and who cannot, in thc
safety of an obscure hiding-place, inspire confidence
in the working class in thc advocacy of boldly pronounced policies without evidence of responsibility.
Revolutionary policies for immediate use cannot'bc
promoted with the workers' confidence, having for
their watchword 'Safety First." And that is the
position ot these arm chair, war-like phrasemongers of "The Communist.''
Now let us briefly attend to their criticism of ourselves. In relation to the S. P. of C. the tactics of
"The Communist" arc quite in line with its predecessor, although Comrade Harrington docs not anywhere figure in the denunciation under its new appearance. Anybody who knows the history and
propaganda of thc S. P. of C. knows that thc following statement is untrue: "When this party (thc S-
P. of C) "did succeed in electing party members to
local provincial legislatures, they translated the
principles of Marxism inio waging a campaign for
thc exclusion of Asiatics from thc country." Thc
following statement, particularly that enclosed within the marks indicating quotation, presumably from
us, wc must leave to speak for itself. It represents
either a deliberate effort at {alsehood and misrepresentation or a clumsy attempt at editorship.
"The attitude of this party towards thc industrial struggles of the workers can lie correctly estimated when that peculiar 'theory*
known as 'the commodity struggle' is taken into consideration. In order that thc party
should not take part in thc struggles of thc
workers it was necessary to find some theoretical basis for their shrinking from actual struggle so the theoreticians discovered a new sociological law which says: 'The industrial struggles of thc workers are manifestations of the
commodity struggle, a struggle between buyers
and sellers of labor power. These struggles
are not part of the class struggle, because only those who are conscious of the existence of
a dass struggle can take part in it. Therefore, it is thc duty of all 'Marxians' to leave
thc industrial struggles of the workers severely
alone and concentrate upon the education of
thc workers to a recognition of thc class struggle which would enable them to elect a majority of Socialist Party members to thc House of
Commons, and thereby achieve emancipation
from capitalism.' Thus there grew up thc
conception of Marxism as being of a purely
educational character which has been thc policy of thc Socialist Party of Canada until today."
Now where did "The Communist" get thc idea of
palming this nonsense off as having originated in
our policies? And where did these inventive truth
seekers get it that wc "were blinded with thc idea
of a gradual, peaceful transition to Socialism by
means of the election of a majority of 'scientific
Socialists' to the House of Commons and the sub
sequent legislation of thc bourgeoisie out of existence." That statement concerning us constitutes
an item of news. But wc arc not given to future
fancies. "The Communist" is, as usual, so far as
we are concerned, in error. At election times wc
have always taken the position, as in our regular
propaganda, that we are using parliamentary institutions for Socialist propaganda purposes. Here is
where "The Communist" betrays a lack of knowledge of our propaganda and its history. They will
help to save our space, which we consider to bc of
some value to the workers of Canada, if they will
take the trouble to read our literature. Let us say
at once that wherever we find a workman who is
earnestly concerned over the interests of his elaas,
let him call himself a Communist or a Socialist, we
can cheerfully meet him on common ground for the
purposes of arriving at a common understanding
and for united effort.   But let us draw the attention
of "The Communist" to the apt quotation thev *
innocently selected from    "The Comm,.-,;.-.
festo": "The Communists disdain
wununist IjJ
^tttttttttttmuuuuuuuuuuunmaaaaaaaaaaamMMaMMMMMMMmm to conceal *K
views and aims. They openly declare thai 7
ends can be attained only by the forcible overth
of all existing social conditions." Now the* ?
pie admire that statement. They say u 5
Engels "sum up proudly" by declaring it "V*
and Engels said it. They endorse it. But wfa
they? Marx and Engels, wc take- it, wcre -*
proud when they signed their names to the -jJ
ment as when they wrote it. They had every"**
son to be. That was what was meant by tht'<-*
declaration Hut these people, while wtdottft*. 2
Marx and Engels wrote and signed, fail to uqZ
endorsation. They have chosen in this paragraph
thc very best quotation in all Marxian literature il
lustrative of their own nervous condition
Thc desire, we assume, among Communist- a far
Comtnunist unity. Thc general conteati of 'The
Communist." vol. 1, No 1, rather than making far
Communist unity in this country will tend to da-
rupt thc movement. If wc arc to have imenretaj
for us the policies of the Third International»t
prefer to have them outlined by our own rneataf 1
and comrades generally, whom we know through
contact with u* and through comm »n experleaai
Up to date, their courage has kept pace with the:
utterances. Evidence of einccritj .-a long wit
with the working<la*-s
— :o
THESES ON THE AGRARIAN QUESTION
WILL bE CONTINUED IN NEXT ISSUE
0
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l.ozov»ky).
.1—-Two Months Activity of thr Intenufioetl
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amt **pp*n ot, th* p-«a«apl** amt pt*vmmt •• >k' m
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tram tapttallat *ipia(tail*a by »k* *h*lt*t->* •' •■• „
•yum. matat *kt«k this atpl*Hls*t*s, •» «»• **" " ,-»
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traaafaraatis* at aapltallal stssarti* la »»• ■**"
»r*4ittia*  lata •aclallr **strall*4 aaaaomi* tattat. ^
Tk* Irrasraaaihla aaatUH af tafnat h*i»»« »»• "J" ,„
tat Ik* warmar asaaaaaHIp *apr*a**« H*»U ** * ,ln,,,
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Tkaralsra. v* eall all varkar* Is arfeali* *«4*r ,k* JJJ,
at tk* SaaUllal PaHy af Canada. wl»k Ik* obj«H •' * J „.
1st tk* paUiical mmwara, tar taa parp*** *t atWM •' „
f*reisff tka aaasasUa ptmaypmmm at Ik* vcrtm •'•*
follsws: '
1.   Tka truafers-atlas   M rapttly a* **•*•"' ■ *„
llallal pr*t*M7 la tka ****** *f »••"*' -".    ^j
(aataral raassnaa, taaaariat, s-lll*. rsilr*»*»*»*
lata aallattiva ajaasa af •r*4a*tl«a< ^
a.    Tha ai-flaalaallaa tat a*-aaa«Mi»»« •' {mt
tha warklaf alaaa . . _^
a.   Tk* aatahlUhaMst, aa -rsaaWr M rM,1>'Si
«s*Uas far sss Iaataa4 sf mrataatlaa tar ***** ■-.jr. j
WB8TERN     CLARION
PA***]**
Materialist Conception of History
FOR   BEGINNERS
Lesson  14.—The 1688 Revolution.
Till*, establishment of a commonwealth with a
republican form of government under Cromwell was too weak, and lasted only two years.
l,i i660Cbarles II. was recognised as king, but the
restoration waa only a truce. The Crown dared
not seriously insist upon the prerogatives whicii it
had previously exercised during the loth century.
When [antes II sought to defy the classes represented in parliament he was easily deposed, and the
royal office transferred to William of Orange, a son
of commercial Holland, under a constitutional settle-
ment which gave thc Commons supreme power in
legislation and taxation, and an effective control
over thc executive and judicial functions. It signified the political triumph oi thc bourgeoisie Traders-
brokers, hankers and speculators were carried into
power •
This triumph was effected without the aid of the
laboring classea of England. The king created joint
iti -. companies, and granted subsidies and privileges De Gibbin'says in "Industrial History of
England": 'Commercial wara oi Cromwell were
supported both by the religious views of the Puritan! and the desires of the merchants Holland became the dominant power after Spain was defeated.
illand had created a colonial empire in the East
Indies She took the great Spice Islands and Ceylon and established factories on both the east and
west coast of India. Amsterdam became the chief
entn and distribution port for Oriental goods for
Europe, with a large part of the world's carrying
trade " We saw the civil war in England was from
1642 to 1648, a struggle of the rising capitalist class
Note that the Navigation Act was passed in 1651,
three yean after the civil war. which was aimed at
tl.-- great carrying trade of thc Dutch. Here was
the new class expressing itself.
The following year, 1652, began the first colonial
war with the Dutch. Thc republican government
of England was weakened by the opposition of interests which began to show itself between the wealthy
bourgeoisie ami thc poorer classes. It only lasted
two years after Cromwell's death In U<**0 Charles
II. was recognized as king; he was inclined to bc
tyrannical, especially near the end of his reign,
under the influence of bis brother, who afterwards
became James II- England progressed during the
reign of Charles II. Manufactories of brass, glass,
lilk, hats and paper were established. The post
"Mice, set up during the Commonwealth, was advanced in this reign. Roads were greatly improved
and Btage-coach travelling commenced, with the
erection of toll gates, 1663. to improve roads for
transit. Tea. coffee and chocolate were tirst intro-
•hiced, and the Royal Society was established in
London for the cultivation of natural science, mathematics and other useful knowledge.
1 have said that the restoration of thc monarchy
WW only | truce. When Charles died (1685). his
brother James II. received the crown. When the
monarchy insisted upon enforcing his will James II.
WM easily deposed. William of Orange (a son of
commercial Holland) was invited to deliver thc nation from James II. He accepted the invitation and,
^Meeting a large force and fleet, landed in England
•n 1688. King James turned to the army and people
w"h all kinds of promises to remove every measure
rePUgnant to thc constitution, but the larger part
o{ the army went over to William, and James 11. fled
,0 France. The people declared the throne vacant
and agreed that the Catholic line of descent should
,)c excluded from thc government and placed in the
hanfJs of William of Orange. Instructed, however.
I,v o\e past, they secured the liberty of the nation
'Jgainst any future arbitrary acts by the "Bill of
•flits''
, lllis is what has been called by the English. "The
Glorious Revolution of 1688." It was a victory for
tne rising capitalist class. Some of the most important articles of the Bill of Rights are thc follow-
,ns*: (1) The king cannot suspend the laws or their
e*ecution;   (2) he cannot levy money without thc
consent of parliament; (3- a standing army cannot
be kept up in time of peace without the consent of
parliament; (4) the subjects have a right to petition
the crown; (5) elections and parliamentary debates
must be free and parliaments must be frequently assembled.
Thc revolution was accomplished, but James did
not yield without a struggle- Of this, Ireland was
the chief scene. Besieging Londonderry in vain, he
was signally defeated at the Boyne in 1690, and
hastily returned to France. Here again we see protestantism the religion of capitalism, as is found in
all the rising commercial and industrial centres of
Europe during the Reformation. Sir years after the
revolution, 1694, the Hank of England was established- and the Hank of Scotland. 1695.
The national debt was still too new for the government to increase it very much, and in 1694 Montague carried out a plan suggested by a Scotchman
named Patcrson. This was to borrow another million and a half and give the subscribers a charter,
creating them into a National Bank, which was to
do all money business for the government and get
interest on their money. This banking institution
has been a great success, as all government money-
passes through it. It keeps the bullion and masses
of gold and silver until they are made into coins; it
pays the interest on the national debt and lends
money to the government when it is wanted, and did
so during the great war when it had not the money
to lend. It has become an institution of bookkeeping
for the capitalist class. There were banks previous
to that, such as the Bank of Venice (1191-1797);
Bank of Genoa (1407-1797); Bank of Hamburg
(1619); Bank of Stockholm (1668-1754), and the
Bank ol Amsterdam (1609-1790). They were banks
of ileposit; payments in business transactions during the medieval period were made by means of coin,
but the inconvenience of handling and storing a
large number of coins, with the risk of loss through
over-valued or debased coins* and theft, led to the
establishment of these banks of deposit, where the
coins were valued and locked up and the title of same
transferred to the bank books. The modern banks,
however, have given an impetus to commerce, because thev can facilitate thc circulation of commod-
ities by creating credit, which circulates the same as
money. The moving of the Canadian wheat crops is
done in this way Again we see in the bank establishment, five years after thc revolution of 1688, an
expression of the new class (the capitalist). The
Tally money, whicii circulated for 600 years in England was made of wood of four inch diameter, with
the value represented by the different size of notches cut out of thc side.
There were 70*000,000 dollars in wooden tallies in
circulation when the Bank of England was established. The bank then enjoyed the privilege of circulating paper money for the tirst time in England,
but it was 1783 before thc tallies were abolished In
spite of this act their use was not totally abandoned
until 1826. Four years later heaps of them were
burned in the furnace of the House of Parliament,
whicii started a conflagration through a defective
chimney, which completely destroyed the buildings.
In 1697 when the capital of the Bank of England
was increased by a new subscription (of $5,000,000),
four million dollars of the stock was paid for with
wooden tallies at par. The merchant class, becoming wealthy, were now recognized as honorable. The
word monger, which means dealer comes from a
root which means to deceive, so commerce and
cheating seem to have been early united, and I am
afraid are pretty close connected even today. The
needs of enlarging comerce led to the organization
of the hanking institution. The lending of money
for profit in the Middle Ages was treated as a crime.
The trade in money was entirely in the hands of thc
Jews, who were long thc objects of persecution. The
trade in money was taken up in the 13th century by
the merchants of Lombardy and the south of France,
who began the business of remitting money on bills
of exchange and of making profits on loans. In spite
of much prejudice the Lombard "usurers," as they
were called, established- themselves in all the chief
commercial centres of Europe, and as the practical
utility of their business was found very great, they
finally overcame ancient prejudices* which led to the
earlier banking institution I have previously mentioned-
The more we study the period immediately before
and after the English revolution of 1688, the more
we see the new economic interests reflected in every
important act of England's political policy. The
commercial wars with Holland, 1664, over trade and
the capture of Xew Amsterdam, now New York; the
Navigation Act (which I have already dealt with),
passed 1651; the civil war 1612-1648, ending with
Cromwell becoming the dictator of the capitalists in
thc transition period; the East India Co* flourishing
and paying dividends at 300 per cent- in 1676; a
charter granted the Hudson's Bay Co., 1670. The
wool trade was placed in the hands of the Merchant
Adventurers, 1634. It included 4,000 merchants-
granted charters 1604 and 1617. The manufacturing
industry had grown to such an extent that the exportation of wool was forbidden in 1660 because
home industry required all the home grown wool,
and this act remained until 1825. The smelting of
iron with coal began 1621. The above gives us some
knowledge of the conditions preceding the revolution. Immediately after the revolution, as we have
seen, the inauguration of the Bank of England, 1694;
and the Bank of Scotland, 1695. A new and extended charter was granted to the East India Company- 1693. the beginning of the National Debt,
1693, and the restoration of the currency in 1696.
Up to the time of the revolution of 1688, the landowning class had been practically supreme in social
and political influence. From that time forward,
although they still held this high position, their influence was heavily counterbalanced by the mercantile class. The nation was divided into two part-
tics, Whig and Tory. The commercial and indus-'
trial section was becoming more prominent, and although the reverence for the position of the landed
class had not died out, the men who had gained their
wealth through commerce strove for a higher social
position by buying land in large quantities. Small
farmers failed, being unable to compete producing
under the old system of agriculture, the new system
involving an outlay they could not afford- Farming
on a large scale became necessary and this extinguished the smaller men; large enclosures were
made by the landed gentry, and large sections of
land were bought by the commercial class. De
Gibbin points out that in England trade made a gentleman, and the power whicii used to follow land
had gone over to money-
The union of Scotland and England in 1707 was
brought about through economic causes- The heavy
duties between the two countries, felt by Scotland
because she was a poor country ,obtained free trade
with England on condition she would give up her
separate parliament. Scotland had no second
chamber because she had not developed enough industrially to create a strong commercial class, therefore the landed class ruled supreme in politics with
a single chamber.
England engaged in further wars with France and
Spain, all of which had some commercial object in
viow. The "Family Compact" between the related
rulers of France and Spain, by which they agreed to
take away South American trade from England,
with a system of annoyance to English vessels trad-
irg in the South Seas (and the mutilation of Jen-
kins' ear), renewed war with France in 1739- The
Treaty of Utrecht after the French war of 1713 gave
England the right for 30 years to trade negro slaves
f Continued on page 6)
1
I
J--1
1
0& /AGE six
WESTERN     CLARION
MATFRIALIST CONCEPTION OF HISTOfcY THE SCRAMBLE FOR OIL AMONG THE
MAlb NATIONS.
two
(Continued from page 5)
to thc Spanish colonies. The Catalan people of
North-west Spain- who stood by England and her
allies, assured that their liberties would be protected, were left to the mercy of Spain and were oblig-
had 10 submit to Spain after a two years' struggle.
An instance of protecting small nations. This slave
trade and the opposition of Spain to the smuggling
carried on by English vessels in Spanish America,
and the desire of England to deprive Spain oi her
commerce with the Family Compact of King Louis
XV. of France and Philip V. oi Spain, was thc economic forces behind the war of 1739. France was extremely jealous of England's trade and colonics, and
urged Spain to gradually take England's trade away
irom the Spanish colonies. No one knew of the
compact at the lime (secret diplomacy), but it marked the beginning of the long struggle between England and France as to which should have the chief
trade and colonies of the world-
It is never hard to find an excuse for war when it
is desired. Spain quarrelled with England over the
smuggling of British vessels and the English vessel
going more than once a year, as stated under the
Treaty of Utrecht- This war merged into the war
of the Austrian Succession and the policy of the Balance of Power England was in no way then concerned about tbe Austrian question, but it gave her
an excuse to renew the war with France and Spain
against the commercial growth of these two countries. This also led to the Jacobite rising under
Prince Charlie, ln 1748 thc war ended with the
Treaty of Aixe-la-Chapelle. without any return the
historian says- except the million dollars worth of
treasure which Commodore Anson, who had been
sent to plunder the Spaniards, brought back after
sailing round the world. It also put an end to the
intrigue of the Stuarts and brought an increase of
tiritain's power on the seas
When the struggle of England and France died
out in one country it cropped up in another, "all over
trade." Trouble arose in India between the British
East India Company and the French East India
Company. The French were defeated by Robert
Cliye, a young clerk of thc company, who had been
sent out by bis parents because he was too wild to
control at home. The year that peace was signed in
India war broke out in Canada over a dispute between the fur traders as to who should have the
privilege of swindling the Indians. War broke out
afresh on the continent, and the French seized the
Island of Minorca, S. VV. of Spain, before war was
declared. Trouble arose again in India over a dispute between an Indian Prince and British traders.
The French were victorious everywhere Chesterfield (afterwards Lord Chatham) exclaimed: "Wc
are no longer a nation."
The army and navy were reorganized under Wm-
Pitt and England turned the scales, won Canada
at Quebec, and became the ruling power in India
under the Treaty of Paris, 1763- This was the period oi the Black Hole of Calcutta incident., With
the great commercial prosperity, and thc need of increased farming and woolgrowing the landed class
passed more Enclosure Acts, ta-king away more and
more of the common lands. Between the years 1710-
1760, 334*974 acres were enclosed, and from 1760 to
1843, 7,000,000 acres were enclosed. Thc workers'
condition, with all England's prosperity, had fallen
'so low that in 1495 a man could feed himself with
a greater stock of food with 15 weeks' labor on tha
farm than an artisan was able to obtain for a whole
year's labor in 1725.
We have now reached the stage where the worker,
being evicted from the land, becomes a proletarian,
and we are now entering the industrial re volution-
which will be our next lesson.
PETER T. LECKIE.
(Continued from page 1 )
one, and lhat intervention by the United States
would undoubtedly involve trouble with England
unless a previous arrangement should assure her of
what she might regard as an equitable share of the
sjx)ils.
Righteous argument will not cause either side to
give way. How little impression it makes may be
inferred from a pasage in the speech of Sir Charles
(•reenway. Bt...chairman of the Anglo-Persian Oil
Company, Ltd., to its la-t annual meeting. Speaking of |he controversy with the United States, Sir
Charles said: "T would like to ret'er to thc pathetic
account which was given recently in the press of the
enormous sacrifices which thc United States had
made in depleting itself—not without valuable consideration, be it remembercd--ot its reserves of oil
for the benefit of the rest of the world. This was
made the basis for claiming that American producers
are entitled to their share in future oilfields OUtSldc
of America as well as the enormous one*- in the United States and elsewhere which they already hold.
1 am now wondering when we shall see similar demands put forward by the Bolshevists in regard to
the oil supplied to other countries irom Baku during
the last 3d or 40 years and from the gold producers
in South Africa and even from our own colliery,
proprietors for the gold and coal of which they have
depleted themselves—for the welfare of the rest oi
the world!" < Laughter).
If there were a real League of Peace, its first business would be to internationalize the oil supply,
conserve it for the most vital uses like lubrication
and shipping, drastically limit ita consumption in
pleasure cars, and ration it among the peonies of thc
world according to need There being n<> possibility of such a league while the Anglo-Persian and
Standard Oil Companies continue to exist, no such
intelligent policy can be pursued Oi course, tbe
parties at interest may arrange things temporarily
by dividing the field. But there is danger of something else. If you have a navy, you must have oil.
If you have oil. you must have a bigger navy than
that of someone else who has the oil, so that he cannot refuse it to you. If you have a navy with lots oi
oil to protect, you must have a bigger navy than
someone else who has a navy without oil, so that he
cannot deprive your navy of oil thc moment war
breaks out. And then, if you haven't enough oil.
you must exert pressure through finance and commerce and shipping, and if you have more than
enough oil, you must keep ownership of the oil so
that you can sell it and so meet the pressure of'coni-
peting finance and commerce and shipping. So it
goes while one piece after another is brought into
play on thc great chess board, and someone may
rashly precipitate action by taking a pawn.
The problem of oil is, to bc sure, only a minor one
in thc course of the centuries; before many years are
gone petroleum may bc entirely exhausted, or may
be superseded by some other source of power such
as alcohol. Nevertheless, it constitutes a present
danger to the peace of the world, and wc might possibly witness the grotesque comedy of the human
race endangering its very existence in a quarrel for
jiosscssion of a fuel which has not been in use more
than sixty years and may not bc used sixty years
from now. Thc trouble over oil is a perfect symbol
of the trouble with thc whole present organization
of human relationships.
GEOGRAPHICAL FOOTNOTES TO CURRENT
HISTORY.
fourth** of the production of Germany It
and a half times as-large as the former production^
Austria-Hungary and double that of Rus>u and Bel
glum. With the exception of England, America and
the Klunish-Wcstphalian coal district, n ■<• C(.ua*-
only by France. And it is able to yield a much larg.
er quantity still, for the store oi coal m Upper Sil-
esia is greater than in thc Rhenish-\\'cstphaliancoal
district. In all probability it cannot, at the present
rate of consumption. be exhausted under one thous-
and years."
When in the middle of the 18th centur) Frederick
the Great defeated Austria and annexed Silesia to
Prussia, he set to work immediately to develop tie
smelting of iron, with the object of making Praam
independent of Sweden But it w.is coal, as (V
borne writes, "which in Germain caused changes ii
regional relations which were practically revolutionary. The coal-mining regions, like those of LW
Silesia, formerly barren and sparsely populated 80s
became the dynamic centres of aociet) " (If -*-,$
this economic development, in fact, which gave tat
deathblow, in Germany as in the United States, to
political separatism; since "it produced in each
country a regional specialization and .i regional interdependence"—-"division of labor" as between the
various districts making up the nation.)
C<»al made Silesia i very vitalkportton oi the sew
German  induatrial-milhary   Empin ,    -
made Lorraine another vital portion.   Vnd accordingly ?Mjth provinces became objects * .:-;•*•
lerest lo German1.'-, neighbors. Whet liter tht
Russian Revolution of l'i", thc emcrg< ofai independent Poland independent of the • ii,
though not of Allied capital—was assure' the Pnki
at once began to formulate Polish claims to Slew
— which had never been Polish since the 14th century. "Why." Osborne a*ks. "did the) never wane
the bone-* of a tingle Polish lancer I —
Stott of Upper Silesia during .fll the centuriei wl
Poland wa-* establishing and consolidating her Ea*
piref The answer is that Poland ucyei had the remotest idea of laying claim to u ao ng as it wi
suppoaed to be a poor and mainly barren conatiy
It is interesting to note, from the gCOgraphr/l
point of view, tbat the "natural" COtine*' ' - I•: SU-
esia -tn inland area -were with Germany. ••-*
outlets were via her mam watcr»*i>. the r-,t'
Oder,*** t.i the North Sea (through Prussia) aad
via Oder and Elbe to the North Sea Ud a****
ingly the industries of Eastern Germai • • 0*
built un on Stlcsian coal.
The tirsi draft oi the Peace Treat v   ice NewtBjUj, •
"Aftermath." page 12) gave IJppCf Silesia to Polaad
Hut m thc final version its fate was ml     Iq-^n-
on a plebiscite, which has just been taken    Wl*
ganda by the rival claimants has alrcad* le I to rising la various districts, and Dr. New!   in opiati
that "the final settlement is perhaps more likelyW
be on the basis of some kind of adjusti lent, HM
merely on a vote"   The Polish champiow areaW
to declare with some plausibility that "in I PP*1"*
esia the Poles are proletarians in revolt against Get*
man junkerdom. capitalism, oppression at
i exploit-
Upper Silesia.
AS in the case of Alsace-Lorraine, on Germany's western frontier, it is modern economic development which has given to Sileaia
on her eastern border, an immense importance.
"There are few places in thc world," declares Sidney
Osborne in "The Upper Silesian Question and Germany's Coal Problem" (Allen & Unwin, 12s. 6d.)*
"Where we find so many of the earth's treasures in
one and thc same spot and where at thc same time
the strata are so easily worked as in Upper Silesia.
Its coalbcds are among thc 'argest in thc world. At
the present time its coal production   amounts to a
in.in   juurv-i'i'MM,    v. .1 ) 'ii ■■ ii -hi .   "**■  .
ation." ('•Manchester Guardian Weekly," March .
1921.)    On the other hand, it is   significant tai
French capitalists have been ami are bus)     r
trating"  Upper Silesia;   and it is at least   op»
doubt whether these same Polish leaders W0UW    ,
courage a proletarian revolt against Fren< h caja
ism and junkerdom.   Whatever thc immediate
tiny of Upper Silesia, it is fairly clear that her P  <
letariat will still have their main Struggle '>•  r
,,. i k HORRABIN"
of them. jit'1
_«The Pleb*
•Thin l-ook If, in off-Mit. il«*rnv*in Clovi-mn.. i'' l'r']( ( jjj »
and ton-li- to n-foll n k<>oi1 «iu*«' !»>' 9**mt>*tm0ng I ^ , ,.„„.
vory full unit U*-*ftl! book of ntarmttCt <"> !•»• "   ' '"   )h.r)-
imi-M  much itiat-rlnl of |nt«r«»t to ee-ono*»i<-'I*0* '     lU)U-, of
••In 1912. 4H.&M.46K ton*,  or U !>•»' emtll ol    "      V(, ■■)
PniMie.    ("irpp^r hiim-i*." rerettn Ofttee H*no'*" ^
m.  or i* i-*»  *  k  So, -»'
        " Forel-cn Offlr.    «'; J*'^  .*
•••Nolo timi "It-tni-r SIImI*" moan* "SOWnwi
lilKlnf up Oie rivrr.
:o:-
CLARION MAINTENANCE FUND
H.J. L.,*2; K. Smith. $2; 0- R. Ron«W' '^''"
J. Turner. $1. . u-j,
Contributions to C. M. F. from 12th to w
inclusive-—total, $5.50. WESTERN     CLARION
PAQRSlvTBN
The S. P. of C. and the Third International
■Continued from last issue) mon endurance and struggle under age-long exploit- More and more thc workers are becoming conscious
CH M 1- now present statistics as to the rela- ation and oppression imposed by landed aristocrats inai  wage-labor is thc condition of economic slav-
Itjvc numerical standing of the various occupa- or capitalists.   And so they are withou tthe'strong, ^ as tnc capjtalist system manifest^ more clearly
tional groups-in Canada,  taken from the last deep rooted, rational class hatred and antagonisms that      fit cxtract*ng js its economic function- Under
ccnsu8 rcturns 119M >.   though somewhat belated a,ainst thc ruling dass in Canada, which exist and conditions, such as we are now un-
,,   will still serve for comparative purposes, as it l,aVe been handed down from generation to genera- ■■                                                                           .
*I ,"I;,,,  there has b*to material change ,n that tum in Rurop,    So <„ as polltical itfttgg,e 0n class Agoing, of some duration, we can expect 1 aps for-
respc( t     In the first group 1 have placed those occu- *ssut.s js conC(.rned, cxcc,)t for that arising out of ward, analogous to mutations of structural forms in
Lions in which the workers are generally regard- ^ WiliIiipa, driVa. t-lc experience  of the people organic life, to the new social concepts ahaVideals of      t
,.,'l -.-, mosl susceptible to Socialist ideas, ami in the -^ ^ cliaractcrll.st;.    Another matter worth con- Communism
5-e-eend, those regarded as least so. sidering is, a*, to whether the "call of the last Creat ,,ut thcrc ^ nol, in mv opinion, promise of an im-
Total population. 7.204^8. u ^ {q ^ dcnizens of thc old setllcd c0--imuni. ^^ rcvolutionary skuation in this country. We
Most Susceptible* u     0* Xorth  America and Europe had a selective                                          ^            rpvo1,,tinn wc have
m. u' ,                 ,    r-.                    „^«i« ;« that must bear in mind that the social revolution we nave
Manufacture                                . 4M..W. cif-xt. analogous to thc Darwinian principle, in that                                                                             ^y-
Mines                                             Wu7 generally, onlv the stronger individualistic temper- in prospect is not a peasant revolt or a revolution
Building trades            .      -     • 24*.i01 ai)K.nts insptr,.(| to -get on in the world," broke the purely political in character.   A preliminary to the
Lumbering      -            4f^*4 home tits and responded to the call-    And finally. Communist organization of society is the uprooting
Transportation ~ 217,544 tJic wor*{fng cjass aiong with other sectionsvof the Qt t,K> jnstjtution 0{ private property in the means
, a-7*^ population, are very generally affetted by the gamb- rf ^. ^ %        {-      of an institution that has been
T",a'        ""-        Z ** PrC(lat°? i,SyChf0g*;' 1 ?llanthem ainn"     *e verv foundation of all hitherto existing civiliz-
Least Susceptible- Mtatc speculator.     In short, taking them all in all, . ,
Uur(. ...t.tr.V- ,1,, masses of the population in Canada are a very ation- and which is .consequently, deep-rooted   in
Rshjng *& Hunting 34312 thoroughly •'hourgedisfied" people of the peculiarly social habits and loyalties.     And that purpose re-
Trade and merchandising 283087 reactionary American kind. quires something more than a revolutionary mood
Domestic service 2M/12                  l'ur tlie sake oi comparison, without which just to carrv it tnrough an,i maintain it.    I am convinc-
Ci> il and municipal govern- estimates can not he formed. I recommend readers ^ ^ ^^  ^ understand and accept the Com-
■*■«»                  - *&! '" *■*■ 10 chapter two of "Left Wing C«££*-» ^^       .^ arc „ , fractional minority in Can.
Profewiowl 1-*;'"1" on 'One ol the IV.nopa Conditions of the &*«»               > ^ ^              g ^ ^^      they
, ,.7;^ oI ,!u' BoiAeviW in which I cn.n Im-fl* *«nbe- . cem of ,hose
T0!" •-;V' '^^"'"''""^'."''^^''"LThfconsfde"     shown   as following gainfu! occupation,   We, as
ToUi both pom ---: W vol»«00»ry agitation in Russia which he considers submerged in a mass of reaction
** ,"'"k"; *£££ -* »-"* "1C SUC,"5S,    ',       , ttaT'htori"      »<> *« -ovemen. is still in its propaganda stage.
fm*Xt *"**" ; , ;,    ,,, I s    "' •" 'l,"s,™"'S ",e Cul,"ral "      ? „ ,     Therefore. toJielp on. in collusion with the imper-
Clerieal employmeota « Include. *»*tf>   « -^   The lack of such disciplinary experience    n    e A  P disintcgration of bour.
,,l  .,. elerfe-l- are n„, notueal > -u-cept, I „K. ^^ o(   Canada sh„uW   be matter    for   -°      ' ^ in the minds of the workers:    -
" M '" 'l"»"-'7l ^* t   Tl o , I   *-«**•    '» Mra';tt'i,a, '"S Tl Tarn bean     * l'™paga.c the concept of the Cass s.rugg.e- and
..,,„„! ,r„„p.      I. vv,    b- uo.K .1 ■ «c« I owiiing dass ar        ,„ ,h hand,cap.        11^ ^^^ mmc       Commun_
group numbers over ha f a ""•;";'*   ^   ,„„ the, have no such diif.cu.ty of attaining a sold- ^      ^J^           ^^
,„d thai agr.cul.urc alone abm.      .|u.l» -   "•                     ^ iaten!st   a|ld class co„sc,ousness.   as    he ^
,,„      ,,, m**a^*t*»k*t^  ™^n     „ork,rs.   0lvlK.rship of wealth and .he mam   .la- ^^^ of thc Cana(lian situation. ,
, „ for an estimate o. ^*^^J^nWl, ,   Son oi wealth for personal gain results m a habit of 1                                                 ^
*• "V" ' ° 'Tr.ir^r ni.lv       servat.ve   in   unquestioning respect for te^|»^« ^ ^ ^ ,o ^ ^ situatio„
";*"'" "•aC"7' '     '  j r            e    folk of   New   property: the, breed- what is lor convemen descrm- ^   ^^        ^^^ 9])^ ^
the   ub-alogical sense) laruur iimui    ,l"*-                                               .    irot)crtv instinct, which is a pow-
,;rui^,ck and Nova Scoi.a. the Catholic peasantry Uo. kiui nasih, no, rty P- ^ ^ fu„ dlscrct powers to deal
ofQuebec the capitalist farmers and Orange peas- erful and ^r.P^u^™ COmmon defence with-it And. as acceptance o the terms of affiba-
sntryolOnt^ On the western prairtes the scousness and ^^^ institution. tion would deprive us of full discretionary powers.
larmers are technologically much more up-to-date. ,ain„ ^^^JJg P-pertv in- « « ^erefore against affiliation
end because of that and other tactors, are more open For reasons *f^^™£* Z\ all' the '^ader! Decision on this matter, one way or the
minded to currents of new ideas. But they are p^ stllK.t IS 0U the alert ^^^f^^ , other, does not entail a declaration ot Communist
lessed of thfc aronglv individualistic ami shitty inMrl-*ne.its^oi ottense and deknsc wun ^.^ ^ sclf.critica, Scc that your decision is
frontier spirit, and though by virtue oi it some ait (lonmumt >oCiai ^*«^~ ■^^_ ™^. not merely an emotional, compensation, or that it is
often ol radical tendencies, these latter are still ol tiomng as ,htf need is felt. Though »ntJnd"^ ° l°n not the result solely of bookish and human con-
dubioua standing to the Communist programmes ^ mvscl- U) a wtyty of the- social s.tua ton i ^^ ^^ ^ cxc]usWc circlcs of the revolution-
Tin- western farmers, as a class, are a type whose ^.^ * ]UUSt call attent,on to external »«"^» ^ nioYCnlcnt, Thc niethod of reasoning in Marx-
habits of thought do not run on the soeialuod lines ^ ^n powerfully condition its development. ^ ^ ^ obfeetlva method! Study facts, things,
of the industrial proletariat                                             There is the nearness of the reactionary and power- ^^.^                                  c   STEPHENSON.
As for the industrial proletariat of the ot.es and    ^ ^-Wow repnblk tO^lC south of us.    As an  ^	
tl- lumbering and  mining camp-, the acluevemen t<) ^ ^ lHnucm-c there arc the favor-
Of solidarity is for them, in Canada, a vastly more           ^.^^^^^ ^ gcm>ral world developments* w*    _^^
dtfficull matter than in older countries.     I he i*        ^ ^ J)urposo of analv,is I have presented the ^^ ^^ ^ ^^ ^ ^^   ^  ^ mj|r_
p- titive conditions of employment lure are ennan        CMadil|| situation M in . "state of rest.   However, ^      . ^ ^^        rf ^^ ^^ and
hy the constant drifting into and out of their ran        ^ ^^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ ^ Canadian worU1. 1 he 4      ^  «      ^^ ., ^ ^^ ^ ^ ^ crow<| bc
ol aage arorttara who follow aaasonal occuj aii»      ^^ technology ls here to stay, and more and ^ t^-.    • ^ follmvinR fi^ures were ^vefl in
and of   struggling  farmers-   fishermen ana    ^_     ^^ .^^^ .^ tnattcr.of.fact discipline on all sec- ovi(lencc ))cfore tho Coa] Commission of the annual
Bmall-acale semi-indcpeiident producers         ^^         ^^ q{ ^ ^^^ onforcrnK habits of life in con- ^^ recciv0(1 in royalties and wayleaves by seven
tion there is a constant stream of hopetUI em 8                          ^.^ ^^ qcw ways am, ^ of getting a rf ^ principal rovalty owners:-
ol various natioii.ilif.es Who meet Wltn a c                    livini? and thus inculcating correspondingly mater- Marquis of Bute - £115,772
Hon, as new competitors in procuring amI i    ^           * ^.^ o{ thQught jn evcn ^ mQSt backward Ur(, Tredegar     83.827
emplovmcnt, from the Canadian and  onus                ' ...,u.s of social life.   There thus proceeds an irre- Dnkc of Northumberland    66,000
wage-workere,   That, and   diversity ol   wnguagc,              ^^ ^ ^^ ^^ ^ ^.^ marking the Duke q{ Hatnilton _ 100,000
ways and manners, all tend to create mutual W pi      si               destruction of those   institutional   con- Ear! 0f Durham   -38,000
'    ion and reserve, which do not conduce to reu<.          t    <. ^^ ^.^ o{ thought and standards of Karl of Ellesnierc  .-....-   26,000
sion                                                         ,  ,         .      C0,ir,' ,'t conventions of law   and   custom, meta- Earl of Dunravcn  ••*-.    64,370
Other reasons (or the backwardness ot -he pro le-   W^.*^ * ..„ivinc.. rights, .„ 0, wl,ose -                                                     —-
-arian movement in Canada arc the tijM I'M *   PW JJ ^    h ^ lK.rd.Hkc habit of   col, • Total  _ i49j,%9
eal and historical conditions.   Canada is a eon.para-   vi      > ^      ^ ^ ^ ^.^ ^^ ,h(, work_ , thjnk wc shml|(1 appca, t0 thc Iabor r.arly. the
lively new and thinly settled country, a country ol    °rn   •          Vilhoul ql,estion the present order of r. 1.. p.. and the Churches (all denominations)   to
long distance, between centres of population which     r       •     P                        and (o         „ ,0>.a, M1D.   ^ k.   spccial pray„ ,     „,   inversion o
is condition no, conducive to maturity aud cole,   rtung. «*W»             measurcd             .„ idcas   ^ ^      and Phi„p a„d Arthur m.gh
,vc*css of political life and thought.   Us population   po t.    n t                  haniCmI facts 0, in<,ustrv, the   had off.   Arthur, as you know, is president of   h.
is, comptttcly. on.y a lately assembled co.h-c.on   J^j^lte, w„ich ^ (rom machine pr0.   ■nrotherhood." and ^££™'g. *"°
oi p,.„p,e ol mixed racial and national sock, vd>   ««£«£, (|,(. „,„,, of lhc peop,, int0 , critical   be asked to assist- The Socahst.   Glasgow,
out common historical experience.     lnc *°™   B   .,.,„„„,, ,OWards all phases of the social organua*ion -        - ■' ■
masses are not spiritually welded together by com-   a"""dl
1      ' » . PAGE BIGHT
WK8TKBN     CLABION
st-
Treaties, Trades and Strikes
THE dictation of treaties, has always been in
the will of the conqueror. They are the red
seal authority on the transfer of property
right- And since they are (in some form) the resultant of force, by force alone is thc guarantee
made good- Hence they contain conflicting elements of reaction and contradiction, which, growing with social progress either render them void, or
shatter them with a new application of the strong
arm. *     *
But although force may dictate treaties it cannot execute them. That is entirely dependent on
the economic development of society. If the demands of the treaty accord with that development
they can and will be fulfilled If not they cannot be.
And if they cannot be, they are indicative of the decline of the dictating power. For as treaties are of
ruling class origin, and their demands are in ruling
class interests, the non-satisfaction of such interest
carries with it the evidence of its social futility,—
the evidence of the ripened antagonisms between
class interests and social necessity-
Why?? Because treaties are the expression of
trade interests. They "endow" certain nationals
with certain "rights." They "confer" particular
"privileges." They are the legal emphasis of the
"right of might" to exploit certain territories They
are the demarcation of the only boundary lines that
capital Recognizes—and it recognizes them only so
I long as it has to. Indeed, it can do no other. Commercialism and its merciless competition is the outstanding characteristic of civilization, and the impress of gain is stamped deep on every charter that
it wins. "Success" is the ideal of bourgeois Philistines—and it is measured in terms of profit. So, if
the treaty term violate the material facts of social
conditions; if its objective—trade—cannot bc realized, it proves that the initial interest of development has changed to its inevitable opposite, and has
deadlocked further progress.
For trade is not a pastime- It is the prime mo-
tivity of capitalist society; its chief activity On
trade has it grown and waxed fat, and on trade only
can it subsist. Its necessities force it continually
outwards. It cannot centre on itself* because its
aim can be realized only beyond itself. To thrive it
must expand; to expand it must dispossess, and to
dispossess is to enslave. Mutual or opposing interests are the attraction or repulsion of nations as of
individuals- These interests are thc keys to history, determining and explaining conflict and alliance, giving impulse and direction to development,
and in the broad sweep of progress, marring and
distorting the original detail of both.
Thus we find Tory Britain aligned against revolutionary France Later, we have a bourgeois Britain, allied with a feudal Germany against Napoleon
—that "bloody menace' 'to freedom, i.e., freedom of
British trade expansion. At another time we see
Britain, France, and the "unspeakable" Turk united
against Czarist Russia-—thc new menace to India,
Constantinople and French finance We see the
feudal landlord and bourgeois industry divided in the
American civil war—for the freedom of the slaves,
British and American ships "demonstrate" in Oriental harbors for the "right" of the "open door,"
that is, the "right" of western trade to eastern markets and resources. Now, the dapper little Jap has
clothed himself in the gentlemanly attire of civilization and "demonstrates" on his own account;
while the "Anglo-Saxon" kinsmen, Britain and
America, under the stern compulsion of Imperialism
have undertaken the heavy burden of Prussian militarism, and arc busily setting the board for—oh—
the safeguarding of "our democracy."
Still, although the fundamental principles of development remain the same, the political "topography" is constantly changing. The ever-developing interests of capitalist trade in ever widening
spheres of action, induces an ever-varying feature
of detail. The treaties of Berlin and Vienna, the
pacts of London and Pekin, although in essence
identical are diverse in aspect from the modern
treaties of Versailles, Serves,   and other   "agree
ments'* of the great war In the former the day of
Imperialism was at its dawning; in thc latter, setting- Then the Aladdinss cave of the world market lay open to the plunderer; now thc magic formula is confounded. The economics of "win the war*'
has changed to the economics of "win the peace."
And the necessities which compel the direction of
the latter involves all society more ami more in thc
grim, confused, desperations of the former, in thc
tragedies and consequences of a social system*
strong in its decline, yet helpless in the tightening
coils of doom.
The Allies have demonstrated that their victory
is barren.—because the s|>oils cannot be collected.
Hut for them that collection is imperative Yet the
more desperate, insistent, and forcible they become,
thc more do their own economic burdens suffocate
them, the more are they entangled in financial contradictions. Like the victim of thc quicksands, the
more they struggle the more certainly are they engulfed If the vanquished must pay. then must the
industry of thc victors suffer. If British trade may
not deal with countries of low exchange, then must
thc conquerors bc penalized-—and the "enemy" be
less able to meet his liability. And if they do so
trade, cheap competition will react on the plug "to
Rome." will curtail his "rights" and "liberties," limit
his standards of life and living, and by wiping out
purchasing poorer will wipe out production. Tbe
penalty of victory is not new trade and luscious profit, but fresh war and revolution
ln addition, there is Bolshevism and its trade
agreements, the latest of which, with Persia and Afghanistan* strike a new blow at Imperialism. For
by its renunciation of Czarist "concessions." conditionally that no third party shall acquire them, Bolshevist Russia draws those nations into thc current
of its trade influences, and at the same time limits
thc world mart for world empire. And although
political conditions have compelled a considerable
alteration in thc immediate course of Bolshevism, it
is steadfast in its fundamental aim. Forced by its
dire need to capitalist trade, it has yielded to the
principles of trade, but in yielding, by tbat much it
has forced western capitalism to accept thc limitations of Bolshevist trade relations.
But capital cannot admit limitations. On the contrary* it requires the completest freedom of expansion- Checked, the more industry is thrown out of
gear, the market becomes disorganized, production
falls off and trade depression, wide and deep, settles over that great mis-called democracy, capital
Thus wc come to thc misery, suffering and destitution of today. To the high costs of war "prosperity," to the wage depreciation of peace stagnation and its corrollary of strikes and unemployment
that shake society to its tpttering foundations in thc
grip of the colossal and unrestrainable forces of developed capitalism. ,
The industrial troubles of the moment as yet little in themselves, arc pregnant omens of change.
Coal in Britain and steel in America are dominant
industries; what happens to them is a forecast of
future events. In normal times wage cutting (to
some extent) and trade drives could result in lower
costs and increasing sales; today, with stupendous
debts, low exchanges and shrinking markets, thc
probability is less production Hence wc may, with
every confidence, expect the situation to grow worse.
Since thc main cause of our troubles is capitalist
production for profit, the sole remedy is the negation of that cause While capitalist society continues, our efforts must pivot on its ethic of gain. Wc
must remain thc pawns of its forces. It cannot be
reformed, it must bc abolished. Class law and
social prosperity are antagonistic; profit and freedom cannot exist together; business and fraternity
are antitheses- If commerce draws peoples together it is only in thc temporary bonds of piratical association. A new interest compels a new alliance—
and a new war. Commerce is ever disruptive.
Throughout the ages wherever it has held sway it
has brought the shadows of death. From the Attic
tribes to the remotest   east, from the   Levant   to
Peru, it has bedraggled society with blood shed it in thc "mists of tears," scourged st wfth
ity and corruption, and left behind it a desolate"1^'
of smoking ruins and bleaching bones '»
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