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Western Clarion Sep 1, 1920

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 ESTERN CLARION
I Journal of
CUBBENT
EVENTS
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
hnber
826
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, SEPTBMBBB 1. 1920.
Religion and Labor
HISTORY
EC0N0MI08
PHILOSOPHY
FIVE CENTS
congress wa« Mid some months ago to eon-
vUi«jr   thfl  attitude   of   the   rising   power  of
,,„.,■ io Religion, iit which various notabilities of
,,.; zious. Labor and political world took part.
, as hardly to be expected, we suppose, that
(,  rar»ous religion* sect! should not make an at-
I., "nobble" the Labor Party.   By religion,
I      sect* i aturaliy  understand the Christian rein iu aome form or shape.   Now, if by religion
al an ideal aim of social life and conduct, 1
far from ignoring the need for the formulation
such an ideal us concerns Socialism—regarded
the goal of the Labor movement   But the at
[np; ol Christian sects and tentimentaliata to pour
I   •- « nine of po'itieal-eeonoum- and social Btriv-
\       , the old Christian !»oitl«*s of individualistic
luhsaviug   is   another - matter   altogether.      The
Sews " remarked on this point not long
thai ■ many persons1' deemed that the power of
^bor :!:!!si evolve its own religioua ideal, apart from
aneous influence.   That such is the tru<
the matter 1 regard an incontestable.    And
r bold that   it  is the duty of Socialists to
iard the movement from beeoming Infected with
hai 1 r«gard ai the false idealism of the Christian
iith in all its forms.
The time has come. 1 think, to speak out clearly
'   i issue.    The Christian faith and its professors
e loth to regard Ihemaelvea as beaten. Driven
ii th'ir clerical ami dogmatic positions of yore.
I are takiug their stand on the ground of ethics
pi bfro worship. It is surely important, harmless
Is this attenuated form if the Christian religion may
ppear t.» many, to oppose it equally with the dog-
stic forma now beginning to '"pale their ineffectual I re," if we are to clear our minds of cant La-
generally, and more especially the (Socialist
pi hss to work its own religious, in the sense of
slistie,  salvation altogether apart   from  old
}   boleth*  .»nt of its own innermost soul, ami all
srpmg upon superannuated catchwords and pre*
Rid if« derived from bourgeola religions sentiment
;":  inevitable  hindrance  to  thi* process of self-
!'• eloptoent.
"he tendency of certain speeches at  the Confer-
jnce of Religion and Labor referred to, undoubtedly
"'Qts in the above direction, whether we regard
"•!l "s subtle devices of the enemy, of evil intent,
merely as the expression of the washy senti-
pntaliam of narrow, if honest, minds.
*
'' OS tirst of all take the somewhat stale dentin-
5,R-»ons of "materialism" which play so consider a part in some of the speeches in question,
'materialism" is an ambiguous word, and of
llu 'act the partisans of current religion are not
,,nv to take advantage.
Materialism"  may'either mean  low  or sordid
J""K 8a opposed to higher idealistic ami nltruistic
ea   lllo»ey grubbing, profiteering, the sinking of
e mi"i'in soul i«i mere selfish gratification, or the
,s"iN>| gain--or it may mean a philosophical hia-
»'"v 01 the world, intrinsically opposed to the the-
"Opcal outlook on the said world.    Now these two
nanings of the word "materialism" have nothing
Never in  common  with   each  other.    The  one
r*n<M for n mode of life and conduct the other for
,fiopy of the universe.    Hut it is the trick of the
P   Hr Christian controversialist to mix up these
By E. Belfort Bax in "Justice."
two meanings of "materialism," and thus to keep
the term swimming in vagueness, so that they may
appeal first to one sense in which it is used, and
then to the other. If hard-pressed they will perhaps trot out the time-honored but knpudent falsehood that the one leads to the other.
hi other words, they will imply that the materialist Communard of Paris in 1871, who, as he expressed it. sacrificed his life on tbe barricade for
"human solidarity," or the partisan of Russian freedom of the late nineteenth century, the Kropotkins.
the Bourtzeffs, equally materialistic in their theory
of the world, were sordid creatures of low aims compared with the lordly squire of high degree who is
a pillar of the Church of England, or the Nonconformist manufacturer or shopkeeper who may he
heard Singing Christian hymns at, his local Nonconformist tabernacle. Every impartial man with any
knowledge of history must recognize the fact that
while <-;" course you may have men of high aims and
unselfish conduct on both sides, yet if there is any
difference it is in favor of those who hold the materialist ie theory of the universe. For humane instincts and devotion to social well-being, the ''re-
iurious" nun; has proportionately, with all his belief in Divine Providence, not shown up favorably
as against the frank and outspoken ""materialist."
There is another point which the hypnotism of
tradition has engraved on the mind of men, and
which in the interests of truth and the expulsion of
cant from our midst it is time to call attention to.
It is th- notion of perfection ascribed to the figure
portrayed in the Gospels as that of the founder of
Christianity. We may here leave out of account
the controversies now raging concerning the historical reality of the figure itself. I am coutent to
take tin* character as portrayed—it matters not
whether it he wholly mythical, partly mythical, or
what not—and to challenge those who dilate on
its unsurpassed beauty and excellence to give a
reason for their ecstatic lucubrations on the subject.
We have here to do with two things, the teaching
ami the life as professedly recorded. As regards
the first it is a common-place now among scholars
that there is not a single principle or precept contained in the Gospels that had not been previously
enunciated hy either Buddhists. Confucians. Par-
sees. Jewish Rabbis, or Greek thinkers—in short,
that the much belauded moral teaching of the Gospels is a crude mass of plagarmm from beginning
to end. Now 1 must confess personally to having
an old-fashioned prejudice against the appropriation without acknowledgment of the thoughts of
other men. ami to those who are guilty of it. and I
imagine there may be others who, when the facts are
placed before them, will share my view .
We come then to the lift1—i.e., the character as
portrayed, whether real or fictitious. Now. I ask.
apart from the hypnotism of convention and tradition, whether anyone reading the New Testament
candidly can truthfully say that, in the isolated
and somewhat thin delineations of a personality
there depicted, he can discover any superlative excellence placing it (say) above the best of his contemporaries. "Justice" is not the place to discuss
this matter in detail. It is sufficient here, for my
purpose, to leave the matter in the hands of any
honest investigator.
I can only say for myself that I can find persons
who have worked in our own Socialist movement,
who have never boasted that they were "meek and
lowly of heart." or pressed upon public attention
their difficulties in obtaining a night's lodgings,
whom I can personally admire much more than the
belauded Gospel figure. This may be, after all, a
matter of taste, but my. object in introducing the
subject here is to urge upon the Labor and Socialist
movement that it should clear its ideal of this particular "taste," which seems to me so strongly to
savour of cant. Their ideal has, "au fond," no
more to do with the Gospel teaching than it has
with the Buddhist scriptures or the cult of Mithras.
Let us hope that Socialism will not rest content to
harp back upon the stale formulae of "creeds outworn." but will work out its own conception of
man's place as a social being in the universe.
Soviet Russia Medical
Relief Committee
Editor's   Note.—We  are  asked to  publish  the  following
financial statement.   Dr. Wm. Mendelson writes to say that
many of our reader* have contributed to this fund.
TREASURERS   FINANCIAL   REPORT   STATEMENT,
JUNE,  1920.
August, 2nd, 1920.
Receipts.
Contributions    $3,684.91
Mass Meeting Detroit, Tune 20th     1,000.00
l
* $4,684.01
Expenditure.   I
Printing   and   advertising     $     56.00
Clerical   Help         115.00
Postage,  Stationery and miscellaneous         158.62
Medical   Supplies       2,500-00
$2329.62
; « ■	
TREASURERS FINANCIAL STATEMENT, JULY, 1920
Receipts.
Contributions     $2,777 J6
Mass   Meeting.   Phila.   Comm.         500.00
Mass  Meeting,  Wash.  Comm       80.00
Mass Meeting and collections, Vancouver, B-C       104.60
N. Y. Esthonian sub-comm        104.20
N.   Y.   Lithuanian   sub-comm        70.00
Phils,   Comm.        300.00
Detroit   Comm.          500.00
$4,436.16
Expendtures.
Expenses Phita ami Wash, meetings   $    95.00
Collection   Canadian  Cheques          16.35
Clerical   help          75-00
Postage, Statouoty and Miscellaneous        193.07
Medical   Supplies      3,500.21
$3379.63
Balance    $       556.53
SUMMARIZED   STATEMENT.   APRIL  TO  JULY,
INCLUSIVE.
Receipts.
April.   $42417:    May,   $1,014-57;    June,   $4,684.01;   July,
$4,436.16— $11,459 81.
Expenditure.
April,   $126.26;    May,    $1,770.01;   June,    $2329.62;    July.
$3370ft3- $8,614.52.   ($7,000.21   for   medical   supplies).
August 1st. balance on hand, $2,845.29. :I
PAGE TWO
WESTERN     CLARION
'■f-A
& "s -'
Article No. 2.
IN the "Political History of England,'" by Hunt
and Poole, we are told that "If financial and
military problems alone had been troubling the
realm in 1381, there would have been no outbreak
of rebellion, despite of all the irritation caused hy
the circuits of the Commissonera of the poll tax.
This hypothesis stems reasonable. The problems
of finance and war were the concern of the ruling
classes alone. Whatever 'differences of opinion
might exist in regard to the methods of administering propertied affairs could certainly be adjttstsed
without precipitating a rebellion of such a magnitude, and fraught with such terrible possibilities.
But there were other problems. The whole social
system was in a strained condition. The aftermath
of the great plague was replete with changes. The
relations existing between lord and serf could no
longer be similar to those prevailing i*i the days of
the Normans and Pmntagi nets. Industry, too. had
developed considerably and merchant guilds and
craft guilds had become but the shadow of what
they once had been. The day of the journeyman
and master was rapidly approaching. The wool
which formerly was shipped to Flanders to be woven into cloth ami re-shipped to England, was now,
to a large degree, prepared and manufactured at
home. Commerce had gradually penetrated the
more important sections of Europe and the Orient,
and was now a matter to be reckoned with.
In such unsettled conditions a social upheaval
would naturally he expected ami the short-sighted
action of tho.^e in charge of governmental affairs
materially hastened the impending catastrophe. The
resentment against the poll tax. and the methods
resorted to by the commissioners and collectors.
were an incentive for the villein to launch his premeditated attack on the landlord : for the unchartered townsmen to try grips with the Abbott: and
for the ruined tradesman to make a last desperate
effort to evict the Flemish supplanter
The spontaneous outburst in >o many shires and
towns, and among the members of so many different departments of activity, is sufficient proof of the
unsatisfactory nature of the social base. On June
10th. 1381, the storm hurst. The rural laborers were
the first to rise in insurrection, and they marched
to the citadel of master class power—London. East
and West the same tale is told by the chroniclers of
the time. Large masses of peasants rose in arms
demanding that all grievances be speedily redressed,
Tyler, who in all probability had seen service in
foreign wars, and who was apparently a man of outstanding ability, took his place at the head of the
men of Kent. They liberated Hall from Maidstone
gaol together with several others whom they considered to be unjustly imprisoned. Their military
equipment was not up to the standard even of those
days, but the intense enthusiasm prevailing prohibited a comparison between contending forces. In
marching on London, Blackheath and Southwark
were occupied, and a knight of the realm. Sir John
Stanley, was forced to communicate their terms to
the king.
The fact that they were able to cross th" bridge
and  enter  London proves  conclusively that even
the rulers themselves within the city were far from
unanimous in the desire to crush the movement and
murder the leaders.   Only a case of divided counsels
could make possible such an entry as the rebels
effected.    A great struggle between the victualling
guilds and the clothing guilds had been in existence for many years in London, and the wealthy on
the side of the victuallers considered it to be in their
interests to asr.ist the insurgents.    They had no particular love for the peasants and artizans, or the
cause  they   represented,   but  polkioal   expediency
directed their actions.   Three aldermen of London
were indicted for the part they played in the insurrection,  and  at York,  Winchester,  and  other
towns, there were similar results.
The advent of the peasant army in London was
considered the propitious moment for the incensed
art u
the
sans and unskilled workers of the city to open
vials of tht ir wrath on the hated Flemings, They
hail long been unpopular.both with the merchant and
manufacturing classes, whom they were forcing out
Of business by their up-to-date and efficient methods
on the industrial field, and by the workers, whom
they managed to exploit to a greater degree. Many
of the Flemish merchants were dragged from the
churches, and their places of business, and sum
luarily dispensed with.
ln the ranks of the dominant ruling powers of
London, consternation and confusion reigned, Thej
had no time to deliberate. They must SOl and set
quickly. A large and exasperated mob was in their
midst, and there was no telling what atrocious
Crimes they were about to commit. Proissart, whose
title was obtained from the crown, and who could al
ways be depended upon to be the willing too! ot
his benefactors, in explaining the actions of the
rebels says: '-Thus these ungracious people demeaned themselves like people enraged so that day
they did much sorrow in London."    No doubt they
did.   But sorrow soon made way for anger, and
anger for action.
The heads of the city, the lords, ami the rich bur«
gesses called a quick conference. Some of them
were in favor of attacking th< rebels at night while
at their rest and asleep. It was thought that after
their early successes the majority would be drunk,
and could be murdered with case     The heroism and
gallantry of the British ruling clsss was manifested
even at  that  date.    Were  it  not  for the  tact   that
the residue of the commons might rise in revolt they
would likely  have counselled the  king to attempt
a  massacre     To quote  ProissSTt  again:   'The good
men could have done this with eve, for they had
in  their houses their servants  ready  iu  harness
That the liver led lackeys, who attend  to the per
sons! wants of their masters, are never to be de
{•ended upon to assist in the struggles of the nidus
trial workers is one of the unmistakab'e lessons of
history.    Their isolation from the remainder of the
proletariat; their close intimacy with their employ-
• rs, whose favors are essential to their success; make
of the menial I practically hopeless slave both phy-
sialfy and mentally.
However, the chances of lo/wess attending such i
venture as tha» contemplated looked none too bright.
A safer method must be sought. Instead of a mur
dermis asssault, a conference wa* arranged with the
rebellious peasants.   After carefully reviewing the
grounds for revolt, it was decided upon by the king
and his conns* Hers that all matters in dispute should
be rectified a once. Richard SOnssnted to serfdom
being abolished all over the reairn; thai al' feudal
services shOUid disappear; and that all holders in
villeinage should become free tenants paying rent
of 4d. per acre, per year, to the lord.
In addition to these drastic changes, others of a
minor nature were also effected. All restrictions on
buying and selling were to lie eliminated, and market monopolies of all favored places were declared
abolished These latter concessions would seem to
indicate that other sections of the community out
sifle the peasantry had axes to grind, and deemed
that the propc time and place to present their de.
mands. A general amnesty was also conceded for
all irregularities committed during the rising.
The king ordained more than thirty clerks to
transfer to paper the conclusions of the conference,
and letter patents, sealed with the kings seal were
delivered to the embattled peasants. After gaining
so decisive a victory, the mass left, but "the great
venom remained behind." This, of course, included
the leaders- Tyler, Ball and Straw.
What caused the reluctance of these rebels t .
depart is not easy to understand. The chroniclers
would lead us to believe that intoxicated with sue-
cess, they wanted to display their cruelty and brut-
alhty to the limit. A more probable reason, we
think, was ths fact that they fully realized the state
of affairs, und felt certain that, without sufficient
pressure being brought to bear, all the generous
grants of a bewildered ruling class would be sped-
coses
ily  r< voked
Following the Mile Kud conference tht
of the insurgents began to appear ... j,,,0|   ,.
the propertied classes, that everyone uc, >., '"*
thing to lose saw that armed fore*
mto  play   to  protect  his  life and properti    %
houses of several of the most despised rnjJ
burned, and many of the manor rol»s Sd,.^. J
apart from  t few detested officisli of We ^i   ,
number of murders committed *•*> una |   n ,,
oeiotts antagonism towards the .
ant section of society, displayed in France dam
the horrors of the Jacquerie, s fes . . ,..
!\, «as not manifested in England    .\.
of the  Peasants'  War in Oermany,
century later bloody deeds of violence ■.•.■-. .. -„
to on but few occasions,
On dune 1 ith. John Bali :n EHsckbcsl
that ever in morable sermon v, ■
platform   for  the Christisn  Socialists •   -    .
lie recounted the storj   of ereal on
Garden of Eden, when ail men were create
Servitude of man to man was never   nil
wickedness insde ita hideous !•
human family.   If Ood had intended a
between peoples he would hsv<  itart §
The peasants of England now bad an
of gaining their freedom, and be iti ng   .  <
them to take advantage of the ntusi
Ball undoubtedly wielded ao *   m
<>ver the lowei strata of Log. • • is
twenty years he had lived and worked asusst
them   in  country   and   town.    II-   I '■'<•'
the division that • listed in societj
and fearless >n his advocacy ol ■
But the time was not set njw for
lion as the productive forces had i "   •■ **««
social  in character, and  man)  ehsttges        Jft|
take place before inch were the cttt
As the rebel* refused to disperw '   '
the ruling class was still  far froi
second confer-nee between eont««i   \    rt w **
considered necessary.   Tht appoint!
at Smithfteld.   Richard enquired ss to I
for the insurgents'dsiay.   Tyler
many urgent mattlra had yet to
all  was  not  satisfactorily arrei (red St 1
thesr first meeting    There must,
no law above the Statute of W
ihonld be outlawed as the result      essl pm
tugs    The   estates  of  the   church   »!
rated after provision was mad"    H
and divided up among the laity     A      easl
legally free w th no differential
except  jn th-   rase of the king
To this new list of demands the    i %
refused to comply,   The growing "trengl
law and ord r   party,  the  propertied n**i  '
the rulers of the realm to take a rerj differ'1- **
of the  situation than on  the occasion of the
conference     The   unlooked   for  opposition OB »
part of the state rouse,! the ire of Tj cr, who ■**
a personal attack on one of the king's attend*"*
In   the  altercation  Tyler  was Slain  ty   «■' *''
the  Lord Mayor, ami  fearing a  riolenl '"l!',rfi
with  the  probable  massacre of the  royal ret.n
Richard offered his sen-Ices as leader in !n3,<"
the murdered Tyler. „.
But the rebellion by this lime had worked Jta*
out Gradually, the peasants and artisans ,v0"1 '
their way back to their respective thiT& e ,
through fear, hunger, or the thought that tMJ
fully accomplished what they h\tu>mpt»d to °
Day after day Ihe forces of the state were ^°
consolidated in  London, and now ii u"s "|('rf *
bis
ami
queetioB of time till Richard should |l,w* '*
disposal a body of troops larger in number. J»
better trained and equipped than those who Bji*
accepted his leadership when Tyler WSJ *®,\J
With this formidable power at his bs«*. K"'1*.^
had no nscesalty to maintain his former eompr0  ,
* * 'CrS$
■ng am!  conciliating attitude.   He now P,w,st   (
Ihe  reoujaite authority, and  was prepared »
What happened we shall see in our next
,1. A IW* WESTERN     CLARION
PAGE THREE
Economic Causes of War.
rjYPT, which, next to India, is the greatest pee.
*j session  in the British Empire, was taken  by
„ ,. and  is held  by  force.    Sin* the Suez Canal
,,,,1't in the sixties, Egypt has been the gateway
,,. trade of the  Fast, and as such  it   became a
tmpting 'l!,:!  ,u  Fngland  and   France.    Ismail   I..
ruler of that  time, becoming entangled  in ex-
ivagani schemes of development and dissipation.
which he was encouraged by European money
,;,.*. ran up the National Debt to about $45,000,-
,   Tin- financial conquest of the country soon led
im military conqueat,   Ismail, to meet his embar-
isinents, sold a huge quantity of his shares in the
|,,.' Canal to the British Government, and then at
ie instigation of British and French usurers, the
Livermnentsof France and Britain compelled him to
I... •>• 'heir tinaneial controllers who took over the
\   Rgement ot all Egyptian finances   As a result
Egyptians became discontented with the inter-
,.  .   ol   foreign powers and with the increased
A national movement arose to break the
lowei ol the Ruler and to get the power of th*- gov-
f        •   :. the hands of the people themselves. We
p. •    | this national movement was a mere mutiny
he d scontented just as we have been told about
Lei ii snd Trotsky in Russia, but the historical fact
I      ns thai the Arab! Revolution was a complete
I    ilar success,   The Khedive was deprived of his
lower and the Government passed lo the National
^sseii    • which the Khedive was compelled to sum-
on    So successful  was this practically  bloodless
ution, that the European money lenders, ter-
r itricken l-st the Egyptian Parliament repudiate
|h" debts of their autocratic ruler or fail to weather
the financial htorta, moved heaven ami earth to stir
I     British and French Governments to stamp out
National   Movement   by   force  of arms.       The
French Government declined to have anything to *b>
k' "  SO ghastly a proceeding.    The British (Jovcrn
ent, on the other hand, tempted by the bait of the
stewsy to India, and lashed  by the bondholders'
fVhips  from  behind, bombarded   Alexandria   (with-
"it  declaring  war-,  then  landed  an  army   which
(rushed Egyptian nationalism with blood and iron
he Near Side of the
Rubicon
Article No. 11.
This dastardly act alarmed the conscience of the
world and aroused the jealousies of all the European
Bowers, to allay which the British Government announced that the occupation of Egypt would only
be temporary, and would cease when the finances
were put in order and a stable government* established. This was in 1882, since which time the finances have been put in order, and every effort of
the Egyptians to govern themselves has been suppressed.
On December 17th. 1914, Great Britain declared
that Turkey had forfeited its rights in Egypt, over
which Britain extended a protectorate. The Egyptian people showed their dissatisfaction, and Eng-
land then declared the protectorate to be only temporary, and ihat it would cease with the war. Trusting in this promise the Egyptians came to the Allies'
aid: Egypt became a base of operations in the East.
The Egyptian army served at Sinai in Arabi. at the
Sue/ Canal, in the defeat of the Turkish armies in
Syria and Mesopotamia, and warded off the danger
of an uprising in the Soudan. After righting, and
numbers living for the cause of liberty, right, and
self-determination, the Egyptians, like those who
expect much, were greatly disappointed. When the
armistice was signed they asked Britain to keep her
word, but (oh, those scraps of paper) she failed to
do so. The i'rime Minister asked to be allowed to
depart for London, but his request was refused.
The people then delegated prominent men of all
classes and political shades to go to the peace conference. Voting papers for this purpose were e:r-
cn'ated, but were confiscated after having received
more than 2,000,000 signatures. These papers contained the naie.es of members of Parliament, and
provincial and municipal councillors. The necessary
passports b-'ing refused the delegates, the population rebelled and protested, in answer to which the
English authorities arrested the members of the delegation and deported them to Malta, and the country was put under martial law. • These repressive
measures resulted in strikes, riots, and the destruction of railroad, telegraph lines, etc.. but the people, having been previously disarmed, were event
ually crushed through force of arms. Then, Britain, having obtained secretly the recognition of a
British protectorate over Egypt from President Wilson, permitted the deported Egyptians at Malta to
proceed to Paris. The delegates endeavored to get
an interview with this great man Wilson, but he informed them through his secretary he had not had
an opportunity to see them. President Wilson left
Paris without hearing the case of the Egyptians,
nor did the Peace Conference permit them to state
their case. This is the treatment delegates of
Egypt, representing a population of 16,000,000, received from Ihe exponent of international right and
justice.— this great democrat whose platitudinal
phrases of justice, liberty, and the saving of the
world for democracy, were repeated in poll-parrot
fashion all over the Allied countries, and who will
be portrayed in the future as the greatest humbug
the world ever saw. All the sentimental slush is of
no avail when it conflicts with the financial and
economic interests arising from the division of the
spoils.
France, of all the European Powers, offered the
greatest opposition to British occupation of Egypt,
because she had considerable interests there herself,
but she is acquiescent now. since this opposition was
bought off by Britain supporting her in Morocco.
The stranded Egyptian delegates published a
'White Book" of British rule in Egypt telling of
the pillaging of villages, the lashing and flogging
of men. and the killing of men who defended their
wives, but as the reading of this book is not good for
humble Britishers, the "Thought Controllers'* decided that the book should be kept in the Index Ex-
purgatorius: it is seditious, because it is propaganda for the workers.
This short history of Egypt, where the National
Assembly was overthrown, Alexandria bombarded
without a declaration of war. with the grand finale
at the Peace Conference secretly allowing a British
Protectorate over Egypt, shows how much respect
Britain has for self-determination, or even for scraps
of paper if they clash with her economic interests.
PETER T. LECKIE.
>W0 years ago, by their refusal  to recognize.
w countenance in any way the Soviet Government, the Allies made I fateful decision.   For
■th*. preservation of privilege, they deemed it of
Irsl importance to crush that visible symbol of pro
ietarian supremacy. Ami the Allies were right.
put, after the fashion of all class tyrannies, to
PChieve this end they elaborated their own crude
tnethods of force, and having made their choice, and
Bailed, they are now face to  face with the eonse-
Ruences of <that historical decision.   Consequences
I«rc becoming ominously clear, even to our purblind
piasters.
v means of the blockade, through the intrigues
I"1 ( hurehillian duplicity; through the mediacy of
^noish interests and Esthonian need; through the
T'tik by wj,y of Caueasiansdiplomacy. Britain strove
j1" destroy the hated Soviet.    Conjointly with France
I ,   "'"Wry she attempted to stem the flowing tide
j'   ' 'e revolution,—and ruined south-eastern Europe
111 ^e process. With the help of France, she build-
l'1 ,,"r '"'Pe on Poland.    With mandatory schemes.
Sought to rear in new strength and cunning
I he oarrier walls of Empire in tbe Middle East. Ami
I '" "H sides, the failure of force is overwhelmingly
_    ",; On  all   sides  ,tbcir  hypocrisy  and   deceit
•ack on themselves, in rolling waves of dis-
aihl' An(1 '" 1,U' forefront of this Alli(,(l defeat,-
I *H the brighter, because of the pitiful treachery
I fl •ninum inspiration and its infinite hope —
I ■ ln"ls 0tt,t the indisputable proof of proletarian in
telligence and proletarian competence to direct the
further and higher destinies of society.—an intelligence daily displayed in its understanding of the
world welter of capitalist frightfulness; a competence that goes, restrained, but unhesitant amidst the
ruthless policies of class aggression.
At the time above-mentioned, Bolhevism was
weak, isolsted; its aims and aspirations unknown
and obscure,--repudiated even by the intelligence
of the homeland. Now Bolshevism is established beyond all overthrow. Internally, Russia is practically united against all foreign interference: its
Sovietism has become the vanguard of social progress; its aims and objective are known, in spite of
the infamy and calumny of the capitalist pressjand
its recognition is being sought (furtively and treacherously) by all capitalist countries, in order to save
themselves from the pit of world panic.
To vanquish a world rival. Britain and France
became allies The rival vanquished, each becomes
a claimant lor imperialist dominance. But world
dominance can only belong to one, and-to that one
only by th<- immemorial right of might. For this
dominion the chances of France are hopeless. She is
broken and bankrupt, holding together internally
by force of martial control, and externally by the
conditions and financial leniencies of the war alliances. Her only hope is the Herman indemnity, and
the subjugation of Russia, which being interpreted, means, the ruin of Oermany and the annihilation of Russia. But that alternative carries with
it the immediate collapse of capitalism.
For those reasons, Britain and France cannot
agree. Their imperialist needs and ambitions are
contradictory, and it is the temporary union of
those irreconcilable policies which has brought about
the present economic deadlock in the old world. If
France remains obdurate, and continues in her present policies, she must eventually face the pressure
—and force—of her quondam allies,—for her an
impossibility, because the control of world resources
is not in her hands. Per contra, if France compromises her German claims, and Russian credits, and
relinquishes, even in part, her imperialist demands,
the disorga. "'.ation and difficulties of her capitalists wi'l be no less complete, and such disorganiea-
tion cannot fail to find a swift reflex in her population.
Finally, this subordination of French to British
Imperialist aggression will entail new samples of
Anglo-Saxon compromise. For with the breakdown
of the Polish defence—the last real barrier against
the "red" revolution—not only is Central Europe
laid open to Soviet influence, not only will those nations find relief in their desperate straits from a pro.
Ietarian Russia, but, with Berlin and Paris paralyzed, the one with an impossible peace, the other
with an impossible victory, and with Soviet prestige
enormously ct haneed, and its power and influence
positive and ascendant, from the Baltic to the Black
Sea, from Danube to Indies. Lenin comes knocking at the gates of London, the very heart of capital.
if, under those circumstances capitalist conferences
do not give place to sterner action, and negotiation
take a definite character and an infinitely more materia1 bearing on the visible circumstances of society, it can only be because the social forces inherent in social production and class appropriation are
so ripely developed, that all class resistance to the
flood of their inevitability is utterly hopeless.
At any rate, let us be diligent while we may, for
beyond all cavil, we are standing on the threshold
of momentous events . R. PAGE FOUR
WESTERN     CLARION
;!>■
:*■ . Sr
Western Clarion
A Journal  of  History,   Economics,   Philosophy,
%r*d Current Events.
Published twice a  month  by the Socialist  Party of
Canada, 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. 0.
Phone Highland 8S8S.
E^i7or.7T.TrT7.T7.T"rr~~'~. Ewen MacLeod
Subscription:
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g-gamm  If this number is on your address label 'jour
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VANCOtVER, a C. SEPTEMBER 1st. 1020
EDITORIAL
THE POOR INVESTOR.
SOME folk with a taste for statistics and a point
of view of their own to advance, are able to
turn figures upside down and arrange them so to
their liking, that we sometimes think there must be
a charm in arithmetic which our school days failed
utterly to bring home to US,
As for instance '"The Buzzer."'—presumably the
"Official Organ" of the B. C. Electric Ry. Co., Limited.
It regularly presents in each issue a formidable
array of figures which would demonstrate to you. If
you didn't know better, that the matter of owning
a street railway and electric lighting system is a
thankless aud unprofitable task, undertaken first
in order to in*et the needs of the people, ami then
to pocket an always negligible profit, but this 'ast
only if such should happen to be left over after
expenses are met and the system kept in good running order.
•"The Buzzer"' is printed in green'ink, and that's
appropriate anyway. We don't mean appropriate
to its casual readers either, for in spite of the quite
commendable advantages that accrue from an average school education, the apprentice on his way
"home" from the slave pen. knows well enough
that "The Buzzer" is intended to show him how-
well public utilities are managed these days, even
if he considers himself deserving of all the credit
that would belong to a squirrel for managing to
squeeze his way in.
But we set out to admire the arithmetic under
the caption "Missing—$95..V')." We an- told that
Mrs Blank, of Liverpool, bought $100 worth of ordinary B. C. E. Ry. stock in 1908. Mrs. Blank, of
course, saved a little money "'by her work." But
for that $100 worth of stock she paid $145 because
it was then at a premium. Since- then she has re
reived an average annual return of AM per cent, on
an investment of $145.    So there you are.
In the first place you are expected to learn that
the street railway company's owners are al! moulded after the fashion of Mrs. Blank (Who saved her
$100 by her work), and you are supposed to feel
sorry for them because they can trot realize more
material substance than 3.6 per cent, upon the labor
of those who run and operate their street railway
for them. , *
Let's look at Mrs. Blank's case again. The paragraph says her stock was bought at a par value of
$100. and that she paid $145 for it, as it was regarded as a gilt-edged security in those days (1908).
Today, because public utility securities are not good
investments or ''for some reason." her stock is
worth only *49.50—and so we have the caption—
"Missing-$95.50."
You are supposed to infer that the B. C. K. R.
Co. received $145 for that stock, and that it has
paid its return percentage upon that basis. Here
are the columns:
'The Buzzer" savs she consequently received an
average annual return of 3.6 per eeut. ou
an investment of $145.00. This is quite true,
but she did not pay that sum to the company; the
stock was sold on the market and she paid U« to
the  pri.vate  Stockholder   who   paid   no   more   than
$100 for it.   so that all the B. C, B. Ry. has to ae
count  for is 1100, and with that amount at  its disposal it paid, instead of 8.8,-6.1 per cent per an
nun. upon all of poor Mrs. Blank's money that came
its way.
Not that we are concerned at all with the differ
ence between these rates of interest. Financial
concerns have always been anxious to hide away
from public knowledge the actual figures -
returns, ami this is only a local example of I carefully presented statement, which, however dexterous its
figuring may be. yet shows that the workers of
that company presented to somebody who <\ul not
work for it value to the amount of $62 So that
the actual sum missing is $*>_.
And who "missed" it? The street railway
workers.
THE WAGE SLAVE.
the mass of wage workers who are not   T|
lightenment wi'l spell emancipation from
cry
1908 	
 $8.00
1914 ...
 -..$8.00
1909 	
  8.00
1915 ...
  Nil
1910 	
  8.00
1916 ...
  Nil
1911 	
  8.00
1917 ...
  NU
1912 	
  8.00
19J8 ...
  Nil
1913 	
  8.00
1919
. ...3.00 dividend
3.00 bonus
IN order that human needs may be satisfied we
carry ou what i.s4usuai!v referred t<> as wealth
production. This is the process of producing food)
clothing and shelter for the human family.
Th.' methods employed in this wealth production
have varied with the different periods and stage*
that society has passed through in its development
Not always had we the alarm efocfc to startle us
from slumber, the steam whistle to prompt us, as to
time, nor the gigantic machinery we use today in
our labor.
a
But while .he forms under which wealth has been
produced have changed, there never has been any
process whereby the needs of humankind eoubl 1m«
satisfied without labor. From nature the material
has been obtained wherewith to fashion ami const nut ail things useful to man, that is. obtained bv
the hand of !abor. Nature provides the needed material and labor moulds it to suit the requirements of
mankind.
In past systems, men have bcjCB able to produce
for their individual requirements by /heir own efforts. Today the proeess of wealth production b
characterised by a subdivision of labor, so that
the workers are dependent Span eVh other in run
tual effort.
But all do not work. We have Hashes. An em
ploying class aad an employed eiass. The employ*
ing dass own the machinery of wealth production.
The employed or wage-working class own nothing
but their labor-power, which they sell t<> the own«
«'rs of the machinery of wealth production, and that
labor-power  or energy  is spent   in  the  process  of
wealth production.   The worker sells this energj
in order to obtain food, clothing and shelter, and he
obtains of these but a bare share.
He works for wages. HiH constant desire ami ef-
fort is to get as much as he can — to sell his energy
at as high a figure as possible. His employers in-
tens} is to pay him as little as possible. EtlS employer' purpose in buying his labor power is to realize a profit. The wage worker is not [mid for his
labor. He is paid for his labor-power, to maintain
which a given amount is required of commodities in
the shape of food, clothing and shelter. The wages
he receives refect the price* of these things, ami
to the product of hia labor he ha* no title The
product of h(j labor belongs to hia master, who owns
the machinery necessary to the process of production.
The worker is a slave. He produces more than
he receives. The surplus belong* to his master,
whose existence is maintained through the exploitation of labor.
Today on every hand the workers manifest dis-
satisfaction and unrest. Their attention is becoming more and more keenly applied to their statu*
as wage slaves in a system wherein they serve to
maintain a *lave state built upon the exploitation
of their labor.
The problem that confronts the wage worker who
is conscious of his position is the enlightenment of
a
SOCIALISM
"!f-»^
WE arc becoming used to the sight of
Socialism^ the public presi these asnj
next  thing will  be that  the bewildered rt»«
the news items will themselves institute
as to the meaning of the word thst i« b!wv   ,   *
at   them   as  something   so   \«rv   terrible a. .
meaning so hurtful to them and their Mcnrbd
life that  it  will destrov their boms lit* >•
to perish their ever)  good impulse ,,.,* ..•   .
healthy  life
The world e de movement that \* ,>mhr,,
tin- word Socialism may be understood hy allsk
will learn, by a'l  who arc willing to under«»# >
examine the developing stag*-.        v
icty  passes  m  its struggle t<. gro«  sad nyul
SoeJaliatS    explain    their   pr nt   s;irroar«Jiui
through the hiatorical method; thst   •    :, . *u.
ins the past m order to understsod the i>r*>ent al
the conditions from which it arc*
Socialists maintain that  the idesi pit
any stage <*? society an   based ape        tssei
with  the methods used  in  that  >.\n<;- ■. ■ ,tJ
necessaries ot inc. which*sre    •..
OS, food, clothing and shelter.
The  average  man   today  know*  •;•.,•  ,V|~ ^
electricity were not always used in tec hews*
cess of society in all its *.ugc    lb tasti
century <*r m ire ag<* crutk  toe i w<
production.    Within his own time   ■ I ia teases'
labor replaced by machine, ami h        proms
accustomed :*• entering a factory, trorkxJ
•nine that he has not considered or       -
matter of  the  ownership  or*  th>><'
duetion'" which he must have sccesa '
live
The employing class are 'he ownen      In sj-
ehinery the vu.ge worker* operste     !" v* ".' ***■
rrship i* the keynote of th<   systen      V
news, the lav*. m<*ral precepts and (I
the  Stste   generally,  operate   hi   • '     "u;
wdl tend to render secure that private p
The nature of the production pi       ■
together.     The}   are   bVrntng.    ■
thai together they must operate
duee Wealth,  but  to enjoy  tt  wln-n it    •   . "
Society develops.   It has devel »pe *^
we call social production
Socialism is the social ownen
life that arc socially produced
INDUSTRIAL UNION  NEWS
RESIGNS
EDITOR
T
IIKHF.   apnea red   in
the
[,•."•.
•News" (Detroit . official orgai   ' "" '
1. !'. a discussion upon th *d en
a revolutionary (is,, Socialist) industrial
a  pre requisite to the attainment ot So II
The discission, which  ran through   "
May  15th.  May SSttd Hid .Inly  10th,  1^20. ***
tw-en the editor ''l W  News.'" M. •
K s. Faulkner, who is s regular cot ti
columns of the CLARION,
The subject matter of the diacossion )- v''
BJtd the di*ri;vHinn has happily been <;ir • '
«#
KUrtW
htffl
out   rancour  and   with   an   evident  eft
'iiorough mutual understanding
However, a'though  Mefvyn Smith BSl ' '
Keen,,|V:1
|sni
deported from the United States, or has
polled by the authorities of that country "'
it "voluntarily,'' he has. independent of tbat   ((
altogether, resigned as editor of the    I.
• i   >h| \\. '
declaring himself in disagreement  warn
I. V. position and conceptions. His letter <>
i       t th*. "WW*
tion i* presented below.    Our friends ol w
ly People," allow it to go a* i "remar»Di
change of view*."        * ,.
Mervyn Smith's open statement is *m   '
man whose mind is not closed to the light 0
Hi« future readers will experience the tYifd* Ml t'l
»htforward pronouncement, which follows upon
,.,,,>,t  reconsideration of his principles cxam-
lii cai in • ' .
Id miller 'nature and  balanced judgment.      II's
follows:
LETTER OF RESIGNATION.
P. 0. i*"X fol, Detroit, Mich.
July 26, 1920.
\j,,, !„ i- oi  the <i. Ii. I*
|fl|o« Workers:
I .,.,. herewith placing in youc hauoi my resignation a-.
Kjt0) ,    the Industrial Upton News.
\,   ,, n for this step i» that in addition to my desire to
"   ... Canada, I have graduaUy found nysdi ia dts*
recment \si11» die W. I   I. C position and conceptions, and
[lijagrcemenl lias proceeded so far that I am no longer
.., ,i in holding the position ol editor, in which position
.., |......,,i to defend certain principles and tacticf—fl ta-k
ith my changed ideas, l am not able t<< perform.
i     .;,!. briefly, IBS! me political party play a more import
J would be admitted in W. I  I. I', circles and
.   .. ,1 methods of the political part} toward ccon-
m.,„-   rgatointions, which 1 believe ihould be adopted, are
With   Which   the   W.   I.   I.   C    would   be   likely   to
n  sh,' W- 1  1. U. prai ucally works on the assumption
Social Revolution is Impossible unless as a preUm-
j • , industrial organiiation of the woricera is effect-
: ., otiing results tn Ihe effort* to build Socialist
Unions tinder capitalism as a part ol tbe process oi
•: .   at;\   lOC^ety within the shell of the old" This
...        ... 0i it, issues is open n> the tame objection
•..-. parliamentary reformism which seeks to attain
,   .•• j.  .it   ft   lime "    I   have  bad   to   discard   ihe
^     .   .  . ,, .,„ possible to effect Socialist Industrial Unton-
capttalUfn    A fundamental change in my views
.    !   I   am  much  closer  to  the  position  I   bad
i Acada
l    allied some weeks a«o tbat this tendency ol my
.    would   make   it   BSCCSSSIV   tot   me   to   resign,   the
•:-„  . ittboritka to deport mc made it unseees
However,  tbe  carrying  out   of   the   decision   may   be
| I, OT H "'ay even be reversed, and ttttCC it has ahead)
I   v  .:il<l   wisb  my  action  consult red  lmle-
I ,ii ithoul regard to wbsi the outcome may be-
.'  < fftvorabl) I would nevertheless K'«t op the
r the reason    staled a'- i
I b ;■   that unless I an compelled lo l<-.^<  the United
Is. ... ,...-'     .,   , ,v days through the action ol the anthor-
.. i trill U relieved by me '. E, B oi this position, which
..I   eeaUt   to  leave  as  loOfl as ih.>-ib!r, and should
:        I longer than i* required to make a few necessary arms  lot  a  substitute etC
Yours fraternally,
( Signed i Mervyn   Smith,
Editor.  Industrial Union  News
Russia and Us
* t-.VKX has stated thai eaeh sueeeeding change
IV1  hi the structure of loeiet) brihgs into icing
irrespondtiig change Id men's ideas
Tin- changes whteh have taken plsec In Russui
[within these past three years, furnish us with pOSSt-
•y the hesl illustration   of just how quickly ideas
hi change, Snd  hOW divergent  those ideas can be.
Labor organisations and parties, whose former
'revolutionary" activities did not exceed the elec-
on of member* to parliaments, schemes for nationalisation of railroads or mines, better housing.
'''''• "ou eloiy in the name of Bolshevism, and point
to Russia as the elassie example of their schemes in
°pei*8tion. Many of these people | few ot' whom
have the slightest knowledge of scientific Socialism) now tell us thai the Russian proletariat by their
Actions have completely disproved the theories of
Mars anent tits conditions and forces necessary to
,!l'' bringing about of a proletarian revolution.
'Here," they say. "was a country in which capital-
ls'n was only in its infancy, yet all overnight the
working class are able to overthrow the existing
Tiling class, and  install themselves as dictators."
in s<> far as the working slaves in Russia becotn-
,ng dictators is concerned, our frjends of much en
tnustasm and scant acquaintance with political economy arc correct. When they say, however, thai
,l10 Marxian philosophy has been proven erroneous,
they betray a woeful ignorance of Marx's works;
eithfir such, or a pitiful lack of reasoning faculty.
'Ml
'"' capitalist elaas are no longer the dictators in
,1SSI». hut let our friends remember that capital*
*fc still prevails under the Soviets, and  will  no
*"u])t continue to do so for some time.
"us condition of ajfaira is being changed just as
WESTERN     CLARION
last us the Soviet authorities can enlfghten the illiterate peasantry, and suppress the counter- revolutionary bourgeoisie. The proletarian revolution
comes when capitalist production is most highly developed. Capitalism is not confined to Great Britain, United -States, or any other country, as so many
superficial thinkers, and labor zealots seem to have
On their minds when trying to apply what .smattering of Marxism tiny may have to the Russian situation.
Capitalism is a method of producing wealth, with
Of course the social  organization,  the  ideas,  etc.
in   conformity   with   such.    Capitalism   was  at   its
highest stage of development, and it broke as a
chain does, at its weakest link, i.e., Russia.
Other types o> critics are those who are not given
10 hysteria, who look on things coolly and dispassionately, and who, having thoroughly digested the
works of Marx. Engels, and all the recognized authorities on scientific socialism, can show Lenin and
TroNky. or any other of the executive heads of the
Bolsheviki just where they made their initial mistakes, and bow they continue to make an ever in-
creising number from day to day.
"There are the peasants," they say. "who will
• Iways present a barrier to communism. How i>
Lenin going to eradicate private property concepts
from the minds of the Russian peasants, who make
ftp about 80 per cent, of the population?" Strange
that men of the type of Lenin and Trotsky had not
given thought to such questions before. From the
pamphlets and articles of Lenin one would credit
him with being a thoroughly well grounded Marx
but, a keen thinker, in fact the last one in the world
to males such stupendous mistakes as pointed out by
this, peculiar type of critic. It is again argued that
a proletarian dictatorship does not exist in Russia,
that some 500,000 or 600,000 Communists control
ing the affairs of 120 millions of people. This condition, from the point of view of the few alleged
Marxists who take that position, cannot last, as the
vast majority are bound to become more and more
reactionary, until finally the revolution is washed
away  in a sea of blood.
Wei'. SS to tlie fact, pointed out by Lenin himself
that some f/X'.lKXl or 600,000 Communists control
the destinies of 120 million in Russia: It is doubt-
iul if any dietstorship has ever before been vested
in so many. V handful of Qrand Dukes formerly dictated affairs in Russia; likewise a few merchant
princes and financiers dictate the affairs of the
linked State*, of Great Britain, France or any other
capitalist dictatorship. So there is really no room
for sound opposition or criticism in such a point as
this. The worst feature about this type of criticism is that, those who adopt this a'ttitudc allow
themselves to change from casual critics to direct
opponents ot the Bolsheviki, and to smilingly speak
of any setbacks that come to the Reds from the organized capitalist armies without .or from counterrevolutionaries within, as the breakdown whicii they
foretold.
i
Fortunately these peopie are few. and have little
influence. Between these two classes of people, the
enthusiasts who soc the refutation of Marxism in
the Russian revolution, and the others who (it would
seem more through contrariness than logic) pour
cold water on the efforts of the Bolsheviki. we find
an active section of the working class who expend
all their surplus energy in propagating the class
struggle, taking advantage of every opportunity
which presents Itself to furthering the knowledge of
Socialism, and thus hastening the day of working
class emancipation.
(Jet on the job.
FRANK CASSIDY.
PAGE FIVE
Rum
"A brother of mine has just retired with a for-
- tune of 180,000. This fortune was acquired through
years of honest toil, economy, conscientious effort
to give full value for every dollar he was paid, in-
dontinable perseverance, and the death of an uncle
who left him $49,999.75."
"Winnipeg El. Ry. Svce. News."
No Gas Shortage
Here
"The Republican Party would not stand aloof
from Europe, but would preserve American Freedom."
"Steps towards world compact and universal
peace favored-"
"Nation called on to work and save as only way
to reduce cost of living."
"Stands, for collective bargain, but gives every
man right to work."
"Demands highest possible wages for workers,
but asks full work for full pay."
Above gems from Harding's speech of acceptance.
There are more, but are not these enough?
t
Workers invited to furnish their own comment.
F. S. F.
H
ere an
d No
W
Following. Cue Dollar each — E. Simpson, W.
Abernethy, H. M. Thomas, A. C. Wells, C. E. Scharff,
d. Clark. J. T. Bryne, Sid Earp, W. Breeze, S. Rose,
Com.. Back. J. T. Stott. C. Ayhvard, J. Sehulthus, J.
W. Dargie. S. R. Keeling.
W. F. Rampe, $1.30; A. Tree, $5; N. Booth,
$1.97; W. Hoare, $2; R. Sinclair, $3; F. Ewald, 50e;
Joe Naylor. $3; N. H. Tallentire, $10; Alex. Beaton,
$2: J. Watson (Winnipeg), $8; J. F. 3laguire, $4;
J. Martin (Winnipeg), $10; Alex. Shepherd, $5;
Wm. Staples. $6.
Above subscriptions received from 12th to 26th
August,  inclusive.    Total. $77.77.
Clarion Maintenance Fund
Nels Johnson, $5; Dave Watt. $5; N McArthur,
$2; Steve Waskan. $1: J. Sehulthus, #1.
Contributions received from 12th to 26th-August,
inclusive.    Total, $14.
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of
Canada
We, Ihe Socialist Party ot Canada, affirm oar allegiance to, and
support of, the principal and programme of the revolutionary
working cl«M.
Labor, applied to natural resource*, produce* all wealth. The)
present economic system ia baaed upon capitaliat ownership of tha
meant of production, consequently, all tha product* of labor bo-
long to the capitaliat class. Th* capitaliat it, therefore, maater;
th* worker a slave.
So long aa the capitalist class remains in possession of th* rein*
ot government all th* powers ot th* Stat* will b* used to protest
and defend its property righta in th* meana of wealth production
and its control of the product of labor.
The capitaliat system gives to the capitaliat an ever swelling
stream of profits, and to th* worker, an ever-increaein* measure of
miaery and degradation.
Th* interest of th* working claaa lies in setting itaelf fre* from
capitalist exploitation by th* abolition of th* wag* system, under
which this exploitation, at th* point of production, ia cloaked. To
accomplish thia necessitates th* transformation of capitaliat property in the meana of wealth production into socially controlled
economic forces.
The irrespreaaibte conflict of interest between th* capitalist aad
he worker necessarily expresses itself a* a struggle for political supremacy.    Thia is th* Claas Struggle.
Therefor*, w* call all worker* to organise under th* banner ot
th* Socialist Party of Canada, with th* object *f conquering the
political powers, tor th* purpose of setting ap and enforcing th*
•conomic programme of th* working claaa, aa follows:
1.    The transformation, aa rapidly aa possible, of capitaliat
property la taa meana of wealth production  (natural
resource*,   factories,   mills,  railroada,  *te.)   lato •oil**-
live meana of production.
3.    Th* organisation aad management ol Industry by aha
working elaas.
I.    The establishment, as speedily as possible, of
tion for as* laatead ot production ta? profit.
■riMAM^^MMM^Mib PAGE SIX
WESTERN     CLARION
I
The Destiny of Man
By J. 0. Peters, in 'Forward" (Glasgow).
OGHOLARS have very little doubt about the final
IS   arrest  of the  human creature.    In  certain directions man himself has interfered with the work
of Evolution.    He could not  wait  until  that  marvellous  instrument,   the  human  eye.   attained   the
vision of the eagle.    His inquisitiveness. his thirst
for knoweldge, his love of mystery, attracted him
to the sparkling orbs of the evening sky. the fair
moon and her starry sisters.    He invented optical
instruments To  improve  the power of his  natural
vision.   We have not the splendid sight of the bird
of prey, nor is it necessary, since we have the powerful lens of the field  glass.    Ceaseless toil under
wretched conditions has caused a deterioration in
the eyesight of the race.   One-third of the people
surely walk about with spectacles perched upon their
noses,  and   the   remaining   two-thirds   really   need
them.
The power to smel! is one of the lost arts of mankind ; the lower animals have still retained it. In
matters of Bpeed, we are hopelessly outstripped. 1!
our food depended upon our fleetness of foot, WC
should go hungry. Speed is unnecessary now that
the rifle bullet can intercept the nimblest game.
Early man was glad to gnaw the hard tough roots
of the wilderness, until the primitive husbandman
discovered that it was possible, under cultivation,
to transform the original roots of the wilds into
large and juicy vegetables. We have not the hard
sticky roots of our progenitors to chew, nor have
we the same sound teeth. Much of our food is factory made and digested for us. Modern civilization has brought about a degeneration in our t«eth;
they are such a nuisance at times that we are glad
to employ the dentist to get rid of them for uv
All things seem to indicate that the human frame
has reached perfection. Nature has at last produced a man to her liking. She seems to say: For
millions and millions of years have I toiied ami
toiled, rejecting, mending, improving, oh so slowly
and painstakingly, hut I have achieved the right
thing at last. Man is here, and with hi in I shall do
wondrous things.
By the exercise of hie ingenious hands, which
long ago were only employed in the sharpening of
a fallen branch to enable him to cope with his enemies, or facilitate the despatch of his game, man
has achieved one wonder after another until today
we tind there is no ocean in the wide world his ships
cannot cross. After years of experimentation, he
has perfected a machine to carry him through the
air. Another startling vessel bears his on a voyage through the depths of the the sea. Trains hurl
him at terrinc speed all over the globe, and where
once he had but a small corner of the forest for his
dwelling-place he is now aide to claim the whole
world as his home. And yet, with all his inventive
enterprise, mar. has so far failed to find the correct way to live.
It would appear that the ethk:al development of
man has not kept pace with the perfection of his
physical nature. This thought long baffled thinking
men. Before the coming of Darwin, whose splendid discoveries, fortified by years of heroic and
patient study, scattered the dry bones of science,
educated men spied no solution to the problem of
life. What of life! Why are we here? To those
inquiries there was no satisfactory answer. Life
in their eyes was but a prison-house; its boundaries
were unalterable; there was no escape. They did
not know to what end the great god Nature was
shaping; they did not understand Nature. They
separated variations of species, gave them Latin
names, stuffed specimens in glass cases, pinned insects on a card, and called that Nature. But the
great Darwin came along with a well-founded theory
of Creation, a pew philosophy, a new vision for mankind, comforting to the sou1, and opening the eyes
of man to undreamed of possibilities. Years before
the coming of the great English scholar, (Jalileo,
the  Italian r.eer, had made a startling discovery*
He  declared   that   the  world   moves.    There  could
be no doubt.   He found thai the world moves from
west to east.   Darwin also discovered that the world
moves, but  he declared that  it  moved from low to
high;  from  lowly  beginning  it  struggled  tOWardl
the great; the grandest truth ever won by science.
Life docs not stand still; the work of Nature must
gO on; there shall be no pause Having perfected
the outside man, she must bestir herself ami create
a nobler being. Though it may require 8gSS upon
aires of time to develop that superman. Mature
shall pursue h« r work of higher progros* Though
the ascendency of man may be retsrded by his own
foolishness. h'.< ignorant interference. Nature must
finally triumph over the base Though resolution
after revolution shake society, and wai foliou war
in endless succession, the glorious ia*k of Nature
must go on. Millions of individual live* may go
down in the great struggle for progress, but Mature
wi'l finally win through, sh" cannot be thwarted
in her task o;' seeking world perfection.
Animals which herded together for mutual protection have contrived to carry their species down the
ages. Co-operation, ami not competition, is the de
termining factor in the preservstion of life Man
must therefore perfect his system of life before he
is able to assist Nature in the working 00t of her
great ideal. This is why we must have cooperation.
;i system offering each individual absolute freedoj I
to develop ti.e nobility of ln> nature to the full
Socialism is nothing but the bare corridor through
which we enter the Higher Kingdom of which poets
prate ami   prophets  tell.    Yesterday   was  the  Age
of Darkness- Today we have reached th.- Scientific
Age; To-morrow shall dawn the Age of Freedom.
Capitalism is tampering with the wml of man. and
corrupting it It is barring the road that leads to
peace and happiness to every individual under the
sun. If human nature is bad. wi-ked. and d'prav
ed. Capitalism has had a hie share in the spoliation
of  the  human   heart
Mankind would sweep it away if he knew how,
but he has not yet learned the way to simplify the
business of life. Systems built upon fore.' breed
but wars. We can no longer submit to the hapha/
ard methods of Capitalism. The business of life
must be Conducted along scientific lines     I may be
wrong in my outlook upon humanity «» it i« seen
today, but in the eeaselesc strikes, agitations of
every order, demands for higher wages, and the like,
I see the human soul struggling to i ;trie«te its.-h
from the burdens imposed upon it hy a faU- inter
pretation of rife. It is the groping of a blind mob
for light, and yet more light. It is the travaii of a
people trying to find an ideal No rest shall these
misled, misguided, people know until the system
under which they live is utterly changed. Son's* ■
ism  must  come, at  whatever cost.
am? fc.,^
groups     As herds increased graxjns ru»
rude agricultural implements came into
With these two sdvanoea ui food p^oc^
tiUCt   change  cioiics  over socict •,
now   set  ti. work on the h,»i1 or herd
■'■" "■'      ,
made to produce, not only ii* own i
mgetttfcJ
s ■<'l+'"»M
I surplus for Ins captor.    From this      •
iii, *" '     ''2 i!q*
the  chattel   slave  system      The  , ;;   ,,   .       ^ *
arose  on  ths  method  of pt^UCtioo, bui mfo
great wealth produced accumulated in •
i few, the masses of people becoming
system disintegrated and broke op with the u!
rail of Kome, being unable to p
Slties of I  growing society.
A period of non product ion snd ... ,
ed until the people were forced back to tatsi
when the land became again the ..^
ton   a&d   the  serf  system  aros.-
form of government.   The workei
lUoh- handicrsits arose «ga:«. thd
ter began, a new trading eUs,
the discover} of steam am! various.
ed   them   into  u   manufacturing     -     c*m
reigned.
With the development of big n „,*
was freed from the laud and hfM '     -    .       n
machine worker, selling bis !„>■> •    . n
er of the means of production .c  .-.
buyer using that labor power to prodo     ■■***■
plus which be appropriates, ««, under •    bras
syst.-m. the worker getting a living sage fiessm
of production accumulating again
a few the man;, are starving     > -■>
outgrown Us method of prodo tio     Hist
made another cycle KATHKRLVE SMITH
Systems of Wealth
Production
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Production has taken place under three distinct
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Lewie H. Morgan in his researches among tbe
American Indians and later among the European
nations discovered that mankind existed for a long
period in the tribal form of society and that al'
races have developed, some earlier some later in
their struggle for existence along the lines of the
tools of production.
During this period man hunted his food ajnl the
tribe partook of it in common.    Any captive taken
at their tribal feuds was killed or adopted into tin
tribe.    Later, as hunting grew scarce, the domestica
ting and   breeding  of animals  occurred.    Herding
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(All shove post free). WESTERN     CLARION
PAGE SEVEN
Culture Development
I [/pure is an attitude, to all things, aoquir-
i ,.,| by association with material surroundings
,i Booial environmant Knowledge is the devel-
■no memory °f the facts of life, acquired by ex-
,;,i,,e of the individual and the race. 'Man
., but tho race is eternal." So too the eollec-
,. memory, knowledge or consciousness, expressed
culture or attitude which, iu turn is conditioned
material ami social environment.
j!,,. m-cd of man in to live. To live he must ac-
a ... food. To get food he dompctes or co-operates
nth his fellows to use and develop his material but-
BundingS: to shape, modify and adapt raw ma-
jrisl into articles of general use. The active re-
tils of increased experience r\ow in increased pro-
Lctivity. In the proeees are formed habits and
[oms which become principles, standards, codes,
[atutea socisl, legal and religious. Man's habit-*.
verj thoughts ami ideal are necessarily eottdi-
!. ied snd originate from ami by his environment,
iaterial and social. His prime need, to live and
jbtaiii :'"<d. clothing and shelter, takes ap) and
lore especially in modern Life) most of his time and
giergies, therefore, the production of wealth  for
limself  and   others,   the   economic   factor  as   it   is
1.    .i. becomes the major or dominant  factor in
j,   si., social progression,
The progress of man follows his inventions. 11 is
rent ions are the result  of hie* economic exper-
puce nnd th" desire to increase productivity.    Any
Ihange in-the tool* and machinery used in wealth
duetion necessitated by the urge to live 'or in
}!■■-• times the terror to live), so that the indivJl-
i] groups or classes may have the terror minim-
■ed changes the organization, customs, habits, prin-
ples, and codea, moral, legal or religious.
The  high   cost   of  living  seems  a   terrible   thing
>r the worker.    The high  cost  of "heaven" may
■  B terrible thing for the wealthy, as witness the
hu robes  driving  for  millions  of dollars  towards
'forward movementa," organised efforts to stem
I      flood   ot  changing   ideas  and  attitudes  of the
nn people, prompted by changes in methods of
•Ith
production.
This developing dominant  factor, i e., economic
editions,   the   changing   economic   process   from
idividusl  handicraft  work  to collective, associa-
vi labor, from personally used tools to collectively
'"a'l'.l machines, has not yet been sccompsnied
by the corresponding change in ownership. Hence
the crucial contradiction round which the battle
rages: the capitalist retaining ownership, the re-
former seeking moral .suasion and change of heart
of the capitalist, the revolutionist seeking direct
action to ensure social ownership of the socially
operated machinery of wealth production.
The machinery of wealth production i.s so big
ami the process, so involved that the capitalist cannot directly own or defend it, in fact, ownership
and defence is maintained by politics, law, and the
established moral code of capitalism, made possible by the control of the State, with its adjuncts,
church and school, which serve to maintain it in conformity with its statutes. The State is the public
powi r of coercion, utilized in the making and enforcing of laws, of school curriculum and church
dictation. It levies and collects taxes for its maintenance as an institution, and it manifests its rule
through police and militia.
Capitalism, iu the past few years has apparently
over-reached itself. It has taken huge aggregations of men through a murderous, bloody ordeal
and while capitalist group antagonisms have perhaps managed to settle themesjves through the subjugation of one over another, they have mutually
exhausted themselves in the process, and class antagonism is now the issue in every land. Slowly it
is dawning on the workers of every land that on the
present basis of wealth production and distribution
their interests and their masters' interests are distant as the opppo>ite poles. The thunder of a passing e| h is sounding—Capitalism* lingers, dying in
pain,  with its a mipanying ferocity.      Its rulers
cannot, nor can we, will or wish the future any more
than we coul.i the past. Cnlike the Ctopian reformer, we cannot baptize the future before it is
born.
Today. Russia has biased the trail.    It is for us.
the workers of other lands, to throw the light of
. truth  on    the  malicious propaganda used against
Russia by the minions of capital: the press: the pulpit: the scurrilous platform.
It i* the now changing order that concerns us.
The plague <>f capitalism is in us and around us.
Let us understand its cause ami cure. Ry educating ourselves as to our own condition We will be
able to understand the class position of our struggling comrades in Russia. Our help and sympathy
will then demonstrate themselves. This is our
working class "culture." D.S.
certain obligations. Whether he was engaged in
work or not, sick or well, he had to be fed and
clothed by his individual master. Today the wage
slave considers himself a free man. He is not compelled to work for any individual master, but he
must sell his labor-power to some master in order
to gain a livelihood under the ru'e of capital. Today the capitalist has no direct property interest or
possession in the wage-worker he may employ and
exploit. He does not own him. He merely buys
so much labor-power from him, in much the same
manner as he buys electric poweij for his plant.
When he no longer requires power—labor-power, or
electric power,—he refrains from buying.
The development of machinery has displaced
many workers, and unemployment usually accentuates the miseries of life for the workers under capitalism. When they are employed the workers produce more wealth than the workers of any previous
stage of society. Wrhen they are unemployed they
endure more misery. And continuously, the number
of available wage-workers is iu excess of the average needs of capital.
From the savage, hunting his prey to provide his
wants, to the worker of today is a far cry. Yet
while the worker of today is able to provide his
wants, he lacks opportunity, unless that is granted
to him by the owners of the machinery of wealth
production, to which he must apply his energy if
he is to live. When the savage brought down hi«
prey the reward was his. But while the worker today produces enough for himself, he produces so
much more that periodically his master must suspend employment iu order to get rid of the accumulating surplus.
Production today is for sale. No longer is man
at the mercy of the elements. Starvation is no
longer due to his inability to provide for his wants.
He has but one problem—the problem of ownership
—how to own the product of his labor.
He will solve that problem just as soon as he
sees it. Y. P. S. L.
THE PEACEFUL CAPITALIST.
S
Production for Sale
> IM i.\I.|s\;  treats with the economic and social
SWS   that   exist'    according   to   the    different
tages  of  development   of  society.    It   shews  that
rach Rtsge of society must naturally develop from
it1- predecessor,
Barlier types of Socialists, such as Robert Owen
pf the Utopian school, criticized the existing capitalist mode of production and its consequences, but
pould Dot explain it. For them things as they ex-
ls,,,'l were bnd ami unjust. They did not understand the law of change .
to the early part of the 19th century. Hegel systematized the dialectic method of rcasoing, hut he
l|;"l things standing on their head. With him. eon
ditiona followed upon the idea. Following Hegel,
Marx outlined development and change, but with
l'1' idea of things based upon conditions. Nature
!s shown to produce change in form constantly, and
Darwin has demonstrated that organic life, plants,
"""""I* and man himself are the products of a pro-
">Ss of change—evolution.
'"'u'is II. Morgan divides the history of society
nto three epochs: Savagery: Barbarism and Civil-
i/a,l"ii. Re holda that each stage in the develop-
'"'Mt of society is dependent upon conditions able
to produce the necessities of life. Kven wdien the
^Proved stick and stone aa weapons added game
",l(1 fis'i to his diet of wild fruits, nuts, and roots,
"' l)r<,<l»tory life 0f the savage was insecure from
want. The domestication of animals and the dilution of the anil held promise of a greater Rup-
ply of foodstuffs, and no doubt it also helped to
firmly establish slavery, as the captive could aid
production: he could produce enough for himself
ami a surplus for his captor. So began civilization.
successive orders of human slavery.
Chattel b!eve and aerf alike were attached to the
land. Roth produced wealth for their masters. The
difference between chattel slavery and serfdom was
partly a matter of form. Rut there was a social
need tor things outside of agriculture. Handicraft
production ou a small scale developed through social
need, and with the development of the art of production developed also the early stages of production for sale. So there grew up centuries of handicraft production. Hand tools grew to machinery
through a social need for greater power than the
simple animal strength of man could furnish directly. This industrial revolution sealed the (loom of
feudalism.
Cndcr a machine system of production, it became
less and less possible for the individual worker to
own the tools he operated, through the concentration of the means of production. Aud today, the
essential condition of capitalist production is the
exploitation of non-owners, wage-workers, "free"
producers. Capitalism is based upon commodity
production. That is to say. what it produces it produces to sell. A commodity is principally something
that is produced for sale Whether they be bibles
or guns makes no difference to the capitalist, so
long as they sell.
ln other stages of society man also bought and
sold, but only surplus articles were exchanged. Towards their slaves in those societies the masters had
I saw him once. I see him now, a grey-haired
man with Furrowed brow. He is a Capitalist, I
vow. and wants no war, no trouble, no row. He is
a man of peace, quite right! Even in war-time will
not fight, believes sincerely Right is Might, and
acts according to His Light. The 'Light" h'e has
is good horse-sense, it keeps him right without pretence, to stay at home and mind His pence. Fight?
No! He is not quite so dense. War, if it must be, is
for those whose trade it is—all history shows, and
it is wrong. God knows, God knows he sympathizes with CO.'a, War is for those whose blood is
hot—as hot as sun U\ hot Mespot. Rut tell me this
or tell me not, what have the WORKERS got who
fought? Why did the WORKERS fight and moil?
—Was it for Anglo-Persian Oil? Or was it for their
native soil? Or were they caught in Derby's toil?
Or was it that their blood was mad to see the City
of Raghdad,1 And plant in desert sands a Flag?—
A Rag! Give it another thought my lad! Why
Henry fought, and Willie and John marched with
a suit of khaki on, was a puzzle to me. Rut now
the Dawn has caused my darkness to flee—Read on.
Nobody knows at the start of a war what all the
noise and shouting is for. It is only when PEACE
is signed, good Lor', that you realize what a war
is for. The war was for Freedom and Oil and Coal.
Pacific Islands and Belgium's Soul, the RIGHTS of*
the Serbs, the WRONGS of the Pole, also the trade
that the Germans stole. But. as far as I see, the
FREEDOM won was Freedom to pinch the coal
from the Hun. the Oil from the Arabs, the place in
the Sun. for all who have Power—FROM THOSE
WHO HAVE NONE. And now that THEY have
got the Fruits of the War the WORKERS won—
the Brutes declare they do not want Disputes 'bout
Wages, Hours, or Price of Roots. They don't want
Quarrel, they tlon't want row, they don't believe
in fighting now. "Get back to work, and work,
you cow! or we'll give you the sack! Row-wow!
Row-wow!" Th*ey never fought—they never will.
They never wrought—they haven't the skill. Rut
they've got the cheek of Kaiser Bill (whom Lloyd
George hanged on the highest  hill).
—"Forward," Glasgow.
1
4s •
■MM
111
■lift
■ i
*1
It
f'i ■
I
PAGE EIGHT
WESTERN     CLARION
Stupidus and Sapiens
By D. G. McKenzie.
Reprinted (by request) from the Clarion,
•     April 29th, 1911.
THE vista opemd out by the patient research of
the archaeologist the ethnologist and the biologist in the attempt to unravel the unwritten history of man is one in whicii the most exuberant
fancy can revel endlessly. Gradually there has
been unfolded to us picture after picture until we
see, far in the past, beyond even the earliest tradition, man first emerging from the forest gloom of
primeval days. Low of brow, long of arm. short
legged, huge muscled, grim of aspect, the direct forbear of the human race, yet lacking all vestige of
aught we are accustomed to associate with humanity. Dwelling as the beasts of the forest, wandering
through the day in search of food, grubbing for
roots, climbing for fruits or nuts, crouching at
night in a cave or on the limbs of a tree; mating as
the beast. A beast in all things, naked and unashamed. Where do we find in him any of that
human nature we speak of so glibly.' Where any
conception of good or evil, of decency, of morality.
or faith, hope and charity. Where is the sou' which
has been source of so much anxiety to his posterity?
Where the habits and customs, where the laws,
human and "divine*"
As says our Haji:
"What nck'd he. *ay. of Good or 111,
Who in the hill hole made his lair;
The blood fed rav'ning beast of prey,
Wilder than wildest wolf or liear?
"How long in man's pre-Adamitc days
To fcee and »will. to sleep and breed,
Were the Brute-biped's only life,
A perrect life san< Code or Creed
Yet, this is a man, blood of our blood, and bone of
our bone. Our relationship to him is undeniable,
and its closeness a mere matter of a few hundred
thousand years. A long time? Not it! A mere
turn of the glass compared to the ages between
that ancestor of ours and his faraway forbear, the
slimy, formless amoeba .
That man. urged onward by the same mute irresistible forces that have brought him to the threshold of manhood, passes over that threshold, and,
generation by generation, approaches us of today,
just as we are pressed onward to the tomorrow we
know not. At the stern mandate of necessity he
adapts himseli to new conditions, devises new-
means of gaming his livelihood, creates tools and
weapons, and ever improves upon them.
"*mam***w.    .        *
"Yet, a.-, long ages rolled he learned ,
From beaver, ape and aril to build
Shelter for sire and dam and brood,
Frors blast and blaze that hurt and killed"
Age by age, we can trace the march of our fathers
towards us, ever, as they come, profiting painfully
and slowly by the accumulated experience of past
generations: growing in knowledge, growing greater
in brain and less brutish in body. Ever impelled
by the stern necessity of obtaining a better hold
upon the means of life. Improving their dwellings,
their boats, their clothing, their tools and weapons.
Discarding the rough stone weapon for the polished, that for the flint, thence to copper, to bronze,
to iron.
Free, wandering, warring, hurling, lawless, propertyless, "ignorant" savages. Living thus for nigh
three hundred thousand years before the first dawn
of barbarism even. Then, finding a new source of
food supply in the cultivation of the soil, swinging
open the gates of Eden and passing out on the way
that led to labor and to slavery, to progress and to
civilization.
That ancient forbear of our-, the child of the
man-ape, the scientists call "homo stupidus
stupid man. Us they call "homo sapiens" wis.'
man. Oh. fond conceit 1 Wise,mm: We. who
revere the antiquity of a civilisation barely ten
thousand years old, ami that with lapses. Who invest with a halo of heaven born sanctity a mushroom
system of property of little better than a century's
growth. Wno bow before the «ltar> of "eternal"
deities diseowed but yesterday. Who crystaii/c
our miserable modern characteristics U "human
nature"—as it was in the beginning and always shall
be. Who elevate to the ludicrous dignity of dhrjnc
law an upstart moral code eo-eval with shop.keep-
ing. Who conceitedly plume ourselves upon the
possession of a higher ethical sense than OUT rude
forbears, and daily and habitually stoop to practices
which the most untutored savage would abhor. Who
lie. and cheat, and thieve, ami prey upon one an
Other. Who iob. ravish and oppr-ss tin- weak and
Cringe before the strong; who joinder to lust and
prostitute for a pittance; who traffic, traffic, traffic
.in all tilings- in manly "honor." in womanly "\u
tne." in childish dcfcncclessnevs. in the flesh and
blood of kith and kin. in the holiest of holies of in
the abomination of abominations, and who crown
our achievements hy pouring over the festering
heap of our iniquities the leprous-, foetid slime of
hypocrisy.
Wise man' Wonderful creature! Lord of crea
tion! Hub of the univer\< ' For whose n*«** all
things, the quick and the dead, were especially ere
ated: the star* and the planets, the sun by day and
the moon by night to light him: the earth .the §es>
sons, the winds, the rain, the waters, the lightening,
the metals, 'he mountains, the plains, the valleys, the
forests, the fruits, the beasts, the fishes, the birds,
the bees, the fleas and the flies and the corned beef
and cabbage.
*
Labor Defence Fund
Send all money and make all cheques payable to
A. S. Wells. B. 0. Federationist. Labor Temple. Van-
couver, B. C.
Collection agency for Alberts: A. Broateh, 1203
Eighth Avenue F.ast, Calgary, Alts.
Central Collection Agency: J. Law. Secretary, Defence Fund. Room 1, 530  Main   Street,   Winnipeg,
SUBSCRIPTION POEM.
About Russia
IN a note dated December 24th  iqia
meuv oilers ot  peace addressed       u
Government  to its enemies, Maxim l.itvinoi  •
C early the alternatives then open to I
powers   One choice, be said, wan   •, .
understanding   with    the  Soviet   (,.,».„.,
withdraw  foreign  troops  from Russian •
"ofiou
to  raise   the  economic   blockade   ;,,  ,,, ,    j,
regain her own sources of supply, and top^y
technical advice how to exploit he? natural r
in  the  most   effective  way.  for th.    ....   ,.
countries badly in need of foodstuffs
tennis"      Th-   other   alternative   », .,' .
open or disguised intervention on the pres«,tw||
a sti!l larger fcrale. which means prolougetiea atl
war. further embitterment of the Russisa ratts*.
tensihVntion of internal strife, nnexsmplcd
«.hed."    Th- choice has a!wa\s
remains open    So long, indeed, n the taperitSsj
leaders are permitted the power to i
these alternatives remain open to then   peteftja
Soviet Hns-si i for the bene!:?
Huring the nineteen months tha* ; '-•!«**
Litvinov stated the ease, the imp.   i »u
their jxmer and have ma.le els
Under one protest or another* b- .
inable intrigtt* and eonspirsey, the
to keep up the war.    It was no esi    task   Ih]
have had to \\* to their owy peoj lea, thi
to lie to one another, they have, we do act
even had to He to themselves. ; ttatssl
for slaughter and dentine tion ih .• "♦
peoples sickened of carnage, snd l
stuffs  and   |NiW   malenas   grew   n I
From Soviet Russia ansae repent..! offers •■'•***.
over and over again, to every DStiov  '
te. all peoples,   But the choice ret far set
While there was still a man to be < ■ i *>ri
puppet state to be thrust into the Qrc   ■'
ambitions, th'  leaders held to their e^nr--
The truth is. of cntirv, tha? they w
considered th* alternative .if ; -        '"*
leaders ever voluntarily ehoosc th** wh pest
while the power remains to them to HWsto *u
Soviet Bussis again offers ihei ' terssmu
Hut if there are «t»ll no n who eaa '-A*
driven to tlgh/ against the Workers' Bc| >"•
if there arc sjrjll other men who wi ' '"
and transport them to the battle. Sri   iu rs thatttl
choice of capital*?! rulers will be ss 1
war will go 00.    Hut  if at last the   1-
peace, we shall know   wha' th«' ™   *'*
see tbese Mine leaders hi.ling theil leads'*
chagrin tftider'a fal*.   Masquerade o! stjite*T.»t»a*/
and dipl.Nm.re;     Hut are shall know thst ■
made peace only  because they no
power to mak" ««r    "Soviet  Russia
...
WESTERN CLARION.
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy snd
Current Events.
Mr  Uoyd George's policy, ^"g
Europe a* a condition rather than s« s theory,
does not like the Bolsheviki and ssyi w; F
admits  that   the  Holes  made  hii nnjustified SW
upon the Russians, and pe does not attempt toawj
the too obvious parallel between Soviet terse
I It-    <?*!*•*
I'o'aml ami Entente terms to Gerraen>
Official Organ of the Socialist Party of Canada        « "'<•<•' that  England will not interfere nnies
* ssyi ■
' the
the
Issued "twice-s-month, at 401  Pender Street East,
Vancouver, B. C.    Phone:  High.  2583.
Rate: 20 Issues for One Dollar.    Make all moneys
payable to E. MacLeod.
he was   probably already   aware that the
terms to Ho'and ' rapid demobiliSV
Russians attempt to enforce severer terms »pnn  .
Pole* than the Entente did upon th« G'^JlJJ
when he rose to speak in the Rouse "! J.o«
    .i.,o   the  >'"•"
thai
miliafl
army to 60,000 men. cessation ol  ioreig«
support, stirrcuder of surplus munitions an ^^
n commercial outlet to the Beltic, snd i!>     ^
For  • enclosed  herewith,    of Polish land to Polish soldiers   «erf vi r%    ^
more generous and humane terms ',1!,"      .jie hone
, i the Entente imposed upon Oermany.   *o     ^
wnd >»»»*« to:— fit of his Ton  majority in the House o   L« ^
of course, be had to do a certain amount "       ^
v.™^ against   the   Bolsheviki.        We   cAnnO!   !""'       ^
name    .,    , -        .      ...     i,,, ,e i,., has any»"'
      Moyd GrCOrge S principles, for it '"  "•'      , j,s< up*
OOncssled or violated them as often Sfl  " ynl(l]\t
Address .... h',,(l ih(>m< Nt we are glad that them is on ^ (0
 "     statesman with  sufficient  political adap    ^ju
face the fact  that  the Bolsheviki sr< tns     ,^t
government todav, and must be dealt
     Nation" (New York).

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