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Western Clarion Feb 1, 1923

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i •
A Journal of
__H__^_B_^__^__H__^_H__^__l__^__l__^__l__^__l_^__^__H__l__i__^__H _^_^_H_H
Official Organ of
No. 884
NINETEENTH YEAR.       Twice a Month
Revolutions, Political and Social
SPENCER has said that when he disagreed with
a book fundamentally, he was unable to read
it; a frank admission to which most of us could
say "me too." It is difficult to interest anyone in
matters which they dislike. A boy who loaths
creepy, crawly things will never be an ornithlog-
ist; it takes a Darwin to put a loathsome, vile tasting beetle into his mouth in order to secure two
others which are escaping. Such is the scientific
spirit. But even Darwin had his weakness; he
would tear, ftut of a book aUj-ages dealing with material which did not interest him, leaving only what
he decided was useful; at times this was but little.
All this of books; when to.consider the book of life,
we can apply the principle 100% pure.
It is a well recognised principle of jurisprudence,
that when a number of witnesses testify to having
seen in similarity of detail any event or accident,
their evidence is worthless. Mankind is so constituted that what remained in the memory of one is
not entertained by another. This in matters of
little concern to the beholders. And where the interest is aroused by bias, the difference of vision
is greatly augmented. Any game or sport will testify to the unreliability of human observations. A
player the visitors will regard as vicious and unfair,
the home town will applaud as plucky and resourceful. Extend these remarks to the war and jar of
nations and, if we credit man with the wisdom convention allows him, we are likely to become slightly
The German, notwithstanding his hands, still red
with the blood of countless innocent victims, can
now be regarded as, a little more than kin, a little
less than kind. The song of the Anglo-Saxon is
again abroad in the land. Any angle we might take
for our searching eyes, affords consistent inconsistencies. It is as though life were a prism through
which light reflects according to the angle we hold
it at. It would accord well with our vanity but
hardly with the facts to assume that everyone is out
ot step but our Johnny. And yet surely one cannot
be right unless we accept the doctrine of the prag-
matist: What is useful is true: At that we might
echo jesting Pilate and say—what is useful! But,
however much we disagree over details, everyone in
possession of his faculties will allow the event.
For instance in November 1917 the Russian people overthrew their government. That is the fact.
No one would care to deny it. When we enter into
detail, however, we at once encounter a controversy
which, perhaps, will be endless. • The master class
and all who see through their eyes had a permanent
rave put in their minds instantly. Slowly the revolution permeated the minds of the workers, and
then the fun began. We depended for detail upon
those who witnessed the events, and here of course
we are met with prejudice in the observers, many
of whom were merely propagandists bent upon coloring these events to suit the master class; a few
there were doubtless not quite honest, who wrote
in.the interest of the revolution. But discounting
all that, enough material might be obtained to enable a proper estimate of that greatest event of
modern times.
But just there we encounter our greatest diffi
culty. Some refuse absolutely to discuss the matter with a view to understanding. Like Spencer,
they disagree entirely with the fundamentals and
decline to go any further. It is contrary to the laws
of God and man and that's an end of it so far as
they are concerned. Those who care to discuss it
at once commence the weeding out process; and instead of being regarded as a historical event it becomes the yardstick of every cracker barrel soothsayer, or the black beast of every moralist extant.^ *
Aside from its historical significance, which cannot be over estimated, and the unbearable suffering
endured by the Russians themselves, it marks one of
the most humorous episodes in history. As an example of the sheer inadequacy of human reason the
literature of this revolution is unparallelled. There is
nothing funny or stupid written about the eruption
cf Mount Pelee. Anyone who has written of that
disaster can, on matters of fact, be given full credit.
There might be variance as to the cause.
But of Russia, ye Gods! From the daily song of
hate by the communists (some of whom lacked the
courage to call themselves so) of all who did not
turn when father turned, now changed to a bunny
hug, clinging-vine "tactic" with every petty trafficker in working class officialdom, to the lamentation of the mighty and their hired lamentors and
sobsters, is surely comedy enough for one short life.
We can well imagine that deep in the minds of
many people lurks the idea that a revolution is a
theatrical situation, a sort of full dress rehearsal,
with a frenzied manager fretting and fuming and a
prompter dodging about, openly and without shame
giving a word here and suggesting a gesture there.
Failure brings censure, success praise; and the actors retire to coffee and doughnuts and a well earned
They should, and they shouldn't. They must
and they musn't. They remind us of the French
King who could tell whether or not he had boiled a
witch, by tasting the broth after the boiling.
Our conception of revolutions is different. To
lis they*are non moral and non ethical; they are laws
unto themselves and in no wise incur censure or
merit praise. There is also a fundamental difference
between a political revolution and a social revolution, too often ignored. A political revolution might
happen overnight, as indeed it appears to do; but a
socal revolution is the work of many years. Politically, the overthrow of one group of men by another
ends the revolution. Socially, man has to battle
with forces entirely beyond his scope. Politically,
he can plan and contrive to overreach his opponent,
because he knows the strength of the enemy; but
socially be neither knows nor has he the means of
ascertaining what lies before him.
Russia achieved the political revolution within a
few months. A dissolute and half looney aristocracy,
priest ridden if we may believe the records, and without either courage or resource, gave way to a politically inent bourgeois who, in turn, died at the first
ditch. We hailed this event as the promised land;
we did not then realise that a greater struggle was
yet to come.
We have always held that socialists are essential
to a social revolution which aims at Socialism. That
the making of Socialists is the main task of a Socialist Party. We know now from the experience Russia has had with her people that this task must be
completed, if not before then after the political revolution. What is more to thc point, Russia can never
have Socialism until Europe at least has her quota
of Socialists. The fact that while people chance one
tentative eye forward to the promised land, in the
wilderness their whole being yearns backward to
the flesh pots of Egypt, has been known for long
If the lava of a volcano goes up and then comes
down, if in coming down it goes east or west it is
well to know and profit by these facts; if after a
number of years the land touched by the lava is
fruitful beyond all other, that top should be well recorded.
And so if Russia does not measure up to our particular standard of merit let us remember we are not
watching a picture show but are participating in life.
It is well then to know that revolutions are more
than wild viva or hozannas, flag waving and conventions. It is well to know that Russia is voyaging
an uncharted sea, as it were, a sea which we may
some day be called upon to traverse too. The storms
which beat upon her we will without doubt encounter, and what hidden reefs and shallows endanger
her voyage, beyond peradventure will lie in our path,
and a fair amount of our own for good measure no
doubt. But armed with the knowledge of her
voyage we will be more apt to steer a straighter
course during our own.
Let us then eschew vain criticism, leaving that
to the cracker barrel and the smoke room where it
serves to relieve the tedious hour when the smut
runs dry, and seek to understand the great historical forces that are in action before our very eyes,
destroying not one page of what we can be reasonably sure is correct and occasionally, when need be,
putting an unpalatable fact in our mouths.
Socialist Party of Canada
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
February 4th. Speaker, W. A. PRITCHARD.
February 11th. Speaker, A. J. BEENY.
February 18th. Speaker, ROBT, KIRK.
February 25th. Speaker, J. D. HARRINGTON.
New Westminster, Edison Theatre:
February 11th. Speaker, SID EARP.
February 25th. Speaker, W. A. PRITCHARD.
All meetings at 8 p.m.
Questions. Discussion, PAGE TWO
France and Britain To-day
Editor's Note: The following articles, reproduced from "The Plebs" (London) were Avritten before
the French occupation of the Ruhr.
IN 1914 the weight of France in world affairs wa3
very much less than that of either Britain, Ger-,
many, or the U. S. A. There were several reasons for that, but the most important by far was
France's industrial weakness—she lacked a big"
heavy industry. If we compare her iron and steel
industry with the of Britain, Germany or the States,
we find she was very far behind, and the same was
true of her coal output. The following figures taken
from the Labour International Handbook, show her
inferiority at a glance:—The monthly averages in
thousands of metric tons in 1913 were:—
Coal. Pig Iron   Crude Steel
France   3,404* 434 368
Germany  14,383t 1,074* 1,276$
Britain  24,343 869 649
U. S. A 43,100 2,623 2,651
France's industrial weakness did not arise as a
result of lack of iron. Of that she had plenty: she
had in fact more than she could use. In 1913 she
produced twenty-two million tons of ore, nearly
half of which she had to export. What France lacked was coal; she had to import about one-third of
the fuel she used.
Moreover, although France had the advantage
of three protective sea frontiers, as well as of a
practically impregnable mountain barrier cutting
her off from Spain, her north-eastern frontier was
a source of weakness. Here, not merely was there
no natural obstacle between Germany and herself,
but her principal industrial district was jammed
right up against the exceedingly weak frontier.
France had another serious handicap. Her population was practically stationary, while that of Britain,
Germany and the States was increasing.
In Germany, for instance, the birth-rate in 1913
was twenty-eight per thousand, in France nineteen*,
with the result that 65,000,000 Germans, ever increasing in numbers, confronted 40,000,000 Frenchmen, whose numbers refused to grow. In consequence, France was becoming relatively'weaker in
military and industrial man-power and France's
future looked anything but reassuring.
The war came, and after it the Peace Treaty. To
what extent did the latter help France to overcome
her three great weaknesses? The addition of Alsace-Lorraine gave her a population of nearly 2,-
000,000 which more than made up for her war losses,
and, of course, weakened Germany. Moreover, it
put France in possession of by far the biggest ore
field in Europe, and second biggest in the world, according to Eckel (Coal, Iron and War). In 1913 the
Lorraine output had reached the colossal figure of
40,000.000 tons. The whole of that field, along with
some of Germany's most modern and scientifically
equipped steelworks, was now entirely in French
The addition of so much iron ore alone would
have been little help to France, for what she needed
above all was coal.   That, however, was not overlooked, and the Saar mines, with an output in 1913
of 1714 million tons, were also handed to France;
and in addition  Germany was compelled to send
France some 20,000,000 tons per annum for a considerable number of years as part of the reparations.   Besides, thanks to thc fact that the left bank
of the Rhine was to be occupied by the Allies, with
France as the cheif occupant, for a period up to
fifteen years, the Rhine now became temporarily the
French frontier, and the Rhine as a natural obstacle
is in these days of machine guns, as Marshal Foch
said, a very formidable barrier.   Altogether, then,
* Including Lignite,    f Excluding over 7,000,000  Ions of
Lignite.    J Exclusive of Alsace-Lorraine and Luxemburg.
* The Labour Year Book, 1916.
the Peace Treaty went far to strengthen France
materially, lt gave her a good frontier temporarily
at least; it gave her an increased population; and,
moreover, it gave her the coal and the iron that offered her an opportunity of challenging Britain's
dominant industrial power over Europe. France had
now the chance of developing into a new and more
formidable Germany, and that is the alluring prospect that beckons her on today.
Of course, there are difficulties in the way. First
of all, there is hardly any world market for iron
goods at present, and France, because of the relative
strength of agriculture as compared with industry,
has no extensive home market for iron and steel
wares to give a really strong impetus to great extensions in the French heavy industries. Besides,
iron pigs. and steel billets are little use in themselves; they require to be turned into machinery,
etc., and France has yet to develop an extensive engineering industry.
But there is a more serious difficulty. Saar coal
cannot provide sufficiently hard coke for smelting
the Lorraine ore. That means that the Lorraine iron
and steel industry is being kept alive on the coke
coming from the Ruhr under the provisions of the
Peace Treaty. "For seven to ten years to come Germany will be under obligation to deliver coal and
coke from the Ruhr. After that the deliveries will
cease. When that takes place the position in the
Lorraine may well become catastrophic." If France
is to have the golden future that her new circumstances promise her, she must have coke from the;
Were France to get the left bank of the Rhine
her position would be strengthened enormously. It
would give her a permanent frontier on the Rhine,
p great increase in population (about 5V2 millions)
and the increase would be in the highly industrialised population she requires, besides putting under
her control one of the most highly developed parts
of industrial Germany.
It may be suggested that the fact that the left
bank is under allied occupation is a guarantee
against permanent French occupation. That argument can only apply to the presence of American
and British troops, for obviously the presence of
French troops and those of her close ally Belgium
is no guarantee. According to a recent Guardian
article, there are only some 1,200 American troops
there; and the British troops, though they certainly
exceed that number are a mere handful as compared
with the estimated 150,000 French troops in occupation. Besides, does not history show that temporary occupations have a habit of becoming permanent occupations?
Some recently published notes, prepared by Marshal Foch for use at the Peace Conference, leave
us no doubt about his view. The Rhine, he said, in
effect is the only satisfactory frontier for France
and the peoples to the west of that river should, in
his view, be under "the same military organisation." Clemenceau also shared this opinion as a
tion." Clemenceau also shared this opinion and the
notes clrawn un for his use at the Conferenee laid
it down as a first point that Germany's frontier
should stand "fixed at the Rhine." The allied occupation was a compromise that allowed France to
put one foot on the left bank.
But nerhans the French interests have dropped
that ambition? Perhaps—and perhans not. French
statesmen have alrearlv announced that so Ions as
Germanv does not fully comply with the impossible
Versailles Treaty France will maintain her watch on
the Rhine. Tt is well known, too. that the propaganda conducted in tbe Rhinelaud with a view to
persuarlinsr the 'population to domaind autonomy
from Germanv has not been carried on without the
assistance of the French authorities. Besides, thanks,
to the Guardian, we know that recently Prime
Minister Poincare sent a Monsieur Dariac to report
on the eastern situation, and the latter recommend
ed that a Customs barrier be placed on the east of
the occupied area (i.e., cutting it off from the rest
of Germany) and the razing of the Customs barrier
on the west facing France; that the felt bank should
have a separate budget from the rest of Germany;
and that the mark currency should be replaced by
another. In addition to these economic means for
detaching the left bank from Germany and adding
iJ directly or indirectly to France, he urged that the
Prussian Officials should be replaced by local officials, who have all been taught, no doubt, the value
of obeying the French army of occupation. "These
are doubtless ambitious projects," reports M. Dariac,
"but if executed wisely and discerningly in proportion as Germany slips out of her engagements
they would be amply justified. It is a long-drawn
out policy, in whieh a well-considered diplomacy
must apply one after another the successive links of
a well-thought-out course of action which, little b*v
little, will detach from Germany a free state under
the   military   control   of   France and   Belgium."
Although the permanent control of the Left Bank
would increase France's industrial power, it would
not give her the Ruhr coke. That, alas, is over the
Rhine. But if France got that—and it is only just
over!—not merely would she have the precious coke
and system, for the Ruhr is the headquarters of the
great German metal trusts. It produces not merely
eoal, but iron, steel and dye-stuffs and manures. In
Germany, it is said, even the humble potato is a byproduct of the coal industry.
But surely France will never attempt to cross the
Rhine, it may be urged. Necessity knows no law.
Without Ruhr coke France cannot develop her industrial might—she cannot make use of the "talents" that Fortune has placed in her hand. Ruhr
coke is the magic wand that can turn the otherwise
practically useless Lorraine ore into steel billets,
machinery, big guns and—profits. Capitalist France
must therefore come to an understanding with
Krupps, Thyssens, and Stinnes or she must get control by force.
And please note that France is already in the
Ruhr. In May last the Allies sent Germany an ultimatum on the reparations question and at the same
time the French army crossed the Rhine and occupied Dusseldorf and two other important Ruhr
towns. That was illegal. Germany accepted the ultimatum. Did France withdraw? Not a yard, and
thus, in tbe words of a British capitalist daily, the
occupation became doubly illegal.
M. Dariac in the report already referred to had
also something to say of the Ruhr. After pointing
out France's need for Ruhr coal, he said that in the
existing French occupancy of part of the Ruhr,
France had a pledge which she must not give up.
By means of it, he said, France can "utterly destroy" the whole industry of the Ruhr, if she desires to. France, he urged, must get a definite control over the Ruhr industries.
In January, Germany owes France an indemnity payment which the latter well knoAvs Germany
can't pay and even now (December) France is
threatening to occupy the remainder of the Ruhr,
unless Britain helps Germany to make the payment. Thus is France placing British capitalism on
Ihe horns of a dilemma. It is being invited either
to pay France an instalment of her German indemnity or allow France to become the possessor of
Germany's coalfields.
Is Britain anxious to see France owner of the
Ruhr? Tf France either now or later is able to
unite Lorraine ore with Ruhr coke, she will have the
basis on which to build up an industrial power that
will enable her to dominate Europe and as an iron
and steel state leave Britain far behind. That is a
prospect anything but pleasing to capitalist Britain.
Said the Guardian in a leading article on M. Dariac's
report: "The report is a nightmare of brutality"
(not of course to the French to whom it is a pleas- WESTERN    CLARION
ant dream with prospects of realisation!) "If,"
continues the Guardian, in so many words, "this is
the policy of France, the outlook is black indeed."
Said the Referee a short time ago: "If the French
plan were adopted, and France allowed to seize and
exploit the rich coal and iron fields of Germany,
. . . . she would become the dominant industrial power on the continent. ". . We would be
up against a powerful aggressive force in international markets, and be closed out of French spheres
by high tariffs . . but we would oppose a new
industrial concentration which would be distinctly
hostile and detrimental to our industrial interests."
Exactly.    But will Britain bc able to resist if
France insists?
J. P. M. Millar.
IN the tangled problem of British-French-German relations one of the most significant'' straws
in the wind" recently has been the Dariac report. The report started with a description of the
supreme economic importance of the Rhineland,
which includes the Ruhr Valley.   It points out that:
The feature of this region of occupation is its very
accentuated industrial character, which makes of it a
pledge in our hands of quite the first importance for the
recovery of the sum which Germany has undertaken to
pay us. . . . The majority of the great German consortiums have been formed there, have their headquarters
and their establishments there, and the ten or twelve industrialists who direct them, rule directly or indirectly,
but absolutely, the economic destinies of Germany.
M. Daraic then proceeds to point out that the
French occupations of the Rhine bridgeheads, and
part of the Ruhr basin, together with the French
Customs barrier on the Rhine gives them a stranglehold over Germany. By tightening the Customs barrier France can "separate from their coal, their ore,
their cast iron and steel production, the connected
and complementary establishments" of this area,
and can utterly disorganise the industry of the po-
tenates of Dusseldorf, Duisberg, and Ruhrort.
'Therefore, M. Daraic proposed that this stranglehold should be used to give to France control over
Germany's Industrial production.
Previous to this M. Delaisi has pointed out in
'' Reconstruction in Europe,'' No. 7, that the change
in the French reparations policy had been due to the
changed interests of the French Union of'"Mining
and Metallurgical Industries, which "exerts on the
French press and consequently on the Government
an influence equal to that of Hugo Stinnes in Germany." The famous association of French heavy
industry (metal)—the Comite des Forges—is a dominant member of this Union. Formerly cheap coal
had been their main need, and this was what they
demanded of Germany. Then came the "slump" of
1920 and consequent oversupply of coal; and the
Union of Metallurgical and Mining Industries turned its attention to securing supplies of coke, which
the blast furnaces and steel works of Lorraine lacked, from the mines of Stinnes in the Ruhr. M.
Delaisi concluded his article with the suggestion
that the new tendency in the policy of French heavy
industry would be to form an economic union of the
industrial and mining establishments of the Ruhr
with their own establishments in Lorraine.
The epitome of the whole matter is this: German
Capitalism in the Ruhr depends upon Lorraine ore;
French Capitalism in Lorraine depends upon Ruhr
While yesterday we saw M. Dariac voicing the
interests of the Comite des Forges, today we see M.
Poincare translating M. Dariac's advice into prae
tical politics. He goes to the Brussels Conference
with a new policy. He is now ready to recognise
what all the logic and persuasion of capitalism's
"wise men," like Mr. Keynes, could not make him
recognise so long as economic interests placed the
telescope against the blind eye of the Comite des
Forges. He is ready to recognise that Germany
cannot pay; and that the demands made on her must
be reduced.   Consequently he is willing to consent
to a moratorium and to a revision of Germany's total
liabilities. But in return he demands for France
control over Uennan customs and over the industry
oi tlie Ruhr Valley. M. Poincare proposes a system of financial control over Germany similar to that
imposed on Austria through the League of Nations.
The first signs of German's refusal to carry out the
policy imposed upon her, the first wriggle of Stinnes Irom the bonds placed upon him, would be the
excuse for the annexation of the whole of Germany's
industrial area by France. Thus does M. Delaisi
begin to find himself numbered among the prophets,
and M. Dariac and the Comite des Forges begin to
smile to see the curtain go up for the first act of the
drama that they have so assiduously prepared.
And what of the attitude of Mr. Bonar Law to
this tirst step towards a union of Ruhr with Lorraine industry in a combine of wider scope than
Lnrope has hitherto seen? M. Delaisi declared that
Britain "will never favour a rapproachment between the minette o'f Lorraine and the coke of the
Ruhr." "If she has broken the wings of German industry," be said, "It was not to see France soar
in its place." But it Avas three months ago that he
Avrote that, and three months ago Mr. Lloyd George
was still the political figurehead oi British capitalism. Tne auvent of Mr. Bonar LaAV and his Con-
servative Government with its policy of " digging
in," ot maintaining friendship with France, reducing British commitments in HJurope and the Near
Last, and concentrating on the development of Empire trade, alters the Avhole face of the European
lt is ahvays difficult and dangerous in judging
contemporary events to label parties and policies
too rigidly.   The events are so close to us and our
knoAvledge of them is so inadequate.   But it is not
far from the truth to say that the policy which Mr.
Lloyd George represented Avas the policy of the aggressive and progressive element in British capitalism, of British heavy industry as expressed through
the Federation of British Industries.    Or, if it is
preferred,  it  represented  British  capitalism  at  a
time Avhen conditions inspired in it an aggressive
and progressive mood.   Mr. Lloyd George reflected
the groAving antagonism of Vickers, General Electric, Armstrong Whitworth, Cammell Laird, etc., to
the rising poAver of the Comite des Forges.    "If
(British capitalism) had broken the Avings of German industry, it Avas not to see France soar in its
place."   Reconstruction of the markets of Central
Europe Avas the policy behind the Cannes, Genoa,
Hague, and London Conferences, so  bitterly ridiculed by the more conservative element at home as
"the Prime Minister's travelling circus."    Washington forced the issue betAveen France and Britain
into the  open,  and as conference  succeeded  conference, the breach in the Entente grew wider.   As
an "arriere pensce" there was British expansion in
the Near East; and the climax came in those critical
days of  September,  when  British troops  aAvaited
hourly an attack from the victorious troops of Mus-
tapha Kcmal; and when that magnificient piece of
"bluff"—the bellicose note to thc Dominions on the
23rd—was greeted with a bowl of execration by the
Francophile and pacific press at home.
Now the reckoning has come. Mr. Lloyd George
has joined Mr. Asquith upon the Opposition Benches, with but half a hundred satellites to show of the
glory that once was his. Enthroned in his place are
those Avho represent the passive, conservative elements of British capitalism—the banks and the finance
houses of tbe "City," the bondholders and the
"rentier" class, old-established business firms, Avhich
have their glory in the past- and Avish to preserve
it, dreading the losses of Avar and revolution more
than they yearn for thc profits of new conquests.
It is therefore very unlikely that Mr. Bonar LaAV
Avill offer a very strenuous opposition to the proposals of M. Poincare; and M. Poincare is likely to
be unbending, for he has before him as warning the
fate of M. Briand when he compromised the interests
of the Comite des Forges by conceding too much to
Mr. Lloyd George at Cannes. At Lausanne Lord
Curzon has been at great pains to preserve Allied
unity, and he has preserved it at the expense of considerable concessions. And what is done at Lausanne Avill be inevitably intenvoven with what is
done at Brussels. The Observer tersely comments:
"France is far more interested in the Ruhr than
in the Straits and therefore the conditions for a bargain or for blackmail are complete." (Dec. 10th).
Britain is likely at Brussels to purchase peace
and tranquillity at the price of handing over to the
Comite des Forges the Ruhr and Rhine industry of
their heart's desire. Meainvhile British capitalism
■will attempt to consolidate itself, lt will undertake
a drastic economy and reduction of taxation, a clipping of the Avings of labour, a development of the
resources of the Empire, and a restoration of the
prestige of "The City" by a stabilisation of the
pound sterling at its pre-war parity, if possible, and
by a courageous fulfilment of our debt obligations
to America.
The significance of the Brussels Conference will
be, therefore, as an important landmark in the history of post-war Imperialism. The true significance
of the stabilisation of Austria was cloaked behind
an appearance of beneficence. To the Liberals, Avho
dreamed of a Cobdenite Europe, it seemed that the
League of Nations was really fulfilling the "ideal"
role which the "Presbyterian" of Washington created it to fulfil in his visions. With the adoption of
the same policy towards Germany Ave have the naked
appearance of the policy of the "Africanising" of
Central Europe. If M. Poincare's proposals are accepted at Brussels, the imperialist Avorld will have
sealed with its approval this neAv phase of its activity ; the death knell of the Liberal dreams of a reconstruction of Europe on Cobdenite principles will
ha\re sounded.
If Brussels gives to the Comite des Forges a free
band to buy out Stinnes, Krupp, and Thyssen on its
own terms and alloAvs the financial syndicates of
Paris to fasten their hold on Central Europe as they
fastened it on Tunis and Morocco forty years ago,
the reconstruction of Central Europe by an international finance consortium, in Avhich the London
banks will be content to be "sleeping partners," will
begin; and the League of Nations will be used as its
instrument. Among its first actions is likely to be
the sAveeping away, as in Austria, of most of the concessions Avon by the Avorkers, such as Avorkers' control, and a Avholesale reduction of the standard of
life. A stabilisation of the mark is bound to involve on industrial crisis on a huge scale and Avide-
spread unemployment.
Meamvhile the resolve of "The City" that Britain must shoulder her obligations to U.S.A., even if
nothing can be obtained from her European debtors,
will mean that Britain will have to increase her exports to U.S.A. and decrease her imports; for the repayment debt or the payment of interest on it involves as a necessary condition an export surplus.
Hence British Avorkers will be made to Avork harder
on a loAver standard of life. For the moment it
seems as though Brussels is to give Europe a taste
of the Servile State.
But it does not seem probable that Mr. Bonar
Law's ideal "tranquility" will remain enthroned for
long. The raising of the Comite des Forges to the
chief place among the heavy industry of Europe and
the establishment of French hegemony across Central and Eastern Europe is likely before long to sting
British capitalism into activity again. Once British
heavy industry has passed its period of greatest depression, and has shaken itself free from dependence on banks, which a period of deflation imposes
on it, it is likely to rear its head once more, and to
engage in the imperialist struggle more desperately
than before. And may not U.S.A., too, want a finger
in the pie, as J. P. Morgan have already had theirs
in the Austrian pie? What if J. P. Morgan and Co.
think of Africanising their debtors, Britain and
France, as the Comite des Forges is Africanisng Germany?   And then there i.s ahvays China!
Perhaps deep doAvn in his unconscious Mr. Lloyd
George knows this, and reclines on the Opposition
Bench—waiting; waiting for the day when British
capitalism Avill need him at the helm once more.
****** PAGE FOUR
i i ) Hta fVTil
Western Clarion
A Journal of History, EVxxnomics, Philosophy,
and Current Events.,
Published twice a month by the Socialist Party of
Canada, P. 0. Box 710, Vancouver, B. C.
Entered at G. P. O. as a newspaper.
Editor  Ewen  MacLeod
Canada, 20 Issues     $1.00
Foreign, 16 Issues     $1.00
H*-)pIf th-B number is on your address label your
HjjS»uib8cription expires with next issue. Renew
NEWS, domestic and foreign, real and imagined, if not altogether nutritious mental fodder for modern man, has come to be as necessary to him as the quick lunch he swallows, both
outputs of his much advertized present era of social
service, the same being, of course, social service
plus cash on delivery.
Nothing is astonishing nowadays.   'The news is
swallowed in rush order and there is no surprise if
it is contradicted in the next edition or even of the
next edition goes so far as to confirm what was in the
last.    Murder, arson, patrioteering, theft, suicide,
war and near war, conferences, national and international, bankruptcy, the stool pigeon and secret
service industry, treason and sedition,  deaths by
accident, lynching, hanging, wood alcohol, liquid
fire, the Ku Klux Klan and sIoav starvation.   There
is the news.   The Morning Liar glories in it, and
while there's plenty of it all's well with the world.
And all for a nickel!   Besides the everlasting '' less
than cost" ads. and the stock quotation columus.
These last are ever reliable. They are" the index of
finance, the daily certificates of good or bad health
in business.    They are reliable because they are
never "written up", Avhich is to say they are never
tampered with nor doctored for swallowing. They
are not interesting to the people for they are not
news and they are not interesting.  Anyway, the
people have a habit of avoiding the substance.
Being beyond astonishment our newspaper reader devours his news without a Avink. He knows he
lives in that world under description. A mild surprise, it is possible, might overtake him if the familiar daily record of human trouble, activity and
distress were missing and the world presented an
appearance of Christmas-all-the-year-around, without legendary attachments.   He might.
Suspended from our strap in the street car the
other day we overheard one fellow passenger greet
another, the latter reading "the news:"   "Hullo,
Bill, what's the news?" "Oh, nothing," says Bill,
"just the usual stuff."   "The   usual stuff,"   we
found in that issue in course of time, was a front
page manifest of the - blessings of civilization, a
measure of man's stride in its   wilderness.   We
learned that there was actually an idea current in
London financial circles that the constant harping
by the French on reparations was not sincere. The
French did not expect to get reparations as per
schedule, but intended to seize and hold, forever if
they could, the Ruhr, because Rhur coke was necessary to complete the industrial entity of French
iron and steel.   French iron and steel in Alsace-
Lorraine had been necessary to German coke coal'
in 1871.   Now the Ruhr coke is necessary to French
iron and steel.   Being so simple, books have to be
written and conferences held over it. British finance
could, for the time at any rate, offer no actual opposition to the plan, although British finance did not
like it.   For the Franco-British united front at Lausanne must be maintained in order to ensure to
British-finance the lion's share in Mosul oil.   The
withdrawal of American troops from the Rhine indicated a breach, even if only temporary, between
French and American interests, to the satisfaction
of British finance which, as usual, credited its homemade diplomacy with another triumph,  for    the
Lausanne and are not appreciative of the legitimate
needs in oil, of the far flung British Empire.
Likewise the Turk, the obdurate,-obstinate, argumentative Turk, who seems to mistake Turkey as
a place for Turks to live in. Lord Curzon, who has
apparently made little impression on Turkish credulity concerning British anxiety over the minority
races still surviving cruel destruction, forgetful
somewhat, we think, of the British living, registers
sincere diplomatic piety and reverence for the British dead. In the name of the British dead British
forces will occupy Gallipoli where thousands of them
lie, victims of the war "news" of their day—the
usual stuff. Even the dead have their uses in Imperialism.
We found, in course of our pursuit of the news
that the Ku Klux Klan was out of favor in Wall
Street and Avas not Avanted in Canada. The burriing
of half-a-dozen Roman Catholic Churches in Eastern
Canada Avas too much, all at once. Yet the K. K. K.
denied participation in such matters for, said their
advocate, K.K.K. activities are confined to U.S.A.!
Wall Street requires that the mind of the negro population be not subject to so much racial disturbance, because if European immigration keeps falling
off the industrial tasks it has been in the past imported to fulfil must be performed by the negroes.
A New York pastor—according to the
has discovered the Age of Reason. He is convinced,
and argues about it, that Jesus was really human,
that he performed no miracles and did not walk
upon waters. This man (the pastor of course) may
reach maturity in time. After he is finished Avith
Emanuel Swedenborg, hoav out of vogue some hundreds of years, he may in time catch up Avith the
humor of Voltaire. His Bishop, anxious to avoid
the unwelcome publicity of a heresy trial, sends him
something of an up to date presentation of . the
epistle of the Holy Cardinals to Galileo for his heretical depravity in the senventeenth. century. Of
course we advance!
Next we learn that the price system has penetrated the tombs of the Pharaohs, in Luxor, Egypt.
The process of robbing the dead has been suspended for a little Avhile, because "those who provide
the money do so in expectation of sharing in the
rewards," and "American as well as English interests are involved."    NeAvs and picture copyrights
are to be registered where possible and the commercial end "Avorked" to the full.   For particulars as to
the price of sharing in this scientific research work
apply: Archaeology Limited. Another link in the
evolutionary chain, past and present.
The drab, uninteresting, hard to read items
on the Finance page reveal that during September,
October and November, 1922, seventy seven corporations in the United States jointly declared dividends of a billion and a quarter dollars. Standard
Oil of New Jersey 400 per cent, Standard Oil of
NeAv York 200 per cent, Standard Oil of California
100 per cent, Standard Oil of Kentucky 33 1/3 per
cent. And so on. The items are unending and will
continue, no doubt, so long as "the people" find
them hard to understand. Anyway, they are not
'' news.''
So there we have a draft of a day's neAvs of
worlds events. The usual stuff. The only item missing is Harrington's "Cosmic Cop," directing the
traffic on the universal highway.
The Clarion Mail Bag
The news relating to the advance of French
troops into German territory is exiting much dic-
cussion amongst those who are interested in international affairs. -Dangerous complications have
already been precipitated, which may be speedily
utilised by other aspirants to a   declining   world
men, members of the working class, go to the settlement of a problem in whieh their interests are not
involved, and out of Avhich they will gain—nothing.
While a national viewpoint prevails in the minds
of the Avorkers, the real issue which is" of a social
character will remain unseen and disregarded.
Our part, as students of society, is to bring for-
Avard the real issue; the contradiction betAveen the
social production of wealth and its private appropriation. With an understanding of this fact in
their minds, the emancipation of the working class
will be made possible and easy of achievement, and
the present welter of national rivalry and strife
Avill fade away, let us hope, never to return. Towards the realization of this ideal let us work deliberately and with good courage.
Although the "Mail Bag" is not large this time,
it is distinctly encouraging; small gains but sure,
characterise the movement in Canada.
Writing from Billtown, Nova Scotia, Comrades
Parry and Sim, av1io are old time readers of the
"Clarion," express their warm approval of our efforts as propagandists. They consider the Party's
attitude towards Soviet Russia as stated by Com.
Stephenson's recent article, to be the correct one;
but too late in appearing for best effects. They enclose three subs and two dollars for the Maintenance Fund.
From St. John, NeAv Brunswick, Com. M. Goudie
writes in cheerful strain, enclosing ten dollars for
the Clarion and an order for literature.   The boys
in St. John sure have the right spirit; would there
were more like them.    Ontario is represented by
Com. A. M. Neelands of ChatsAvorth, Avho sends in
one dollar sub. to the Clarion. From Woodstock, Ont.
W. H. Murray sends a request for information regarding Robert D. and Duncan M. Murray,  two
brothers Avith whom he Avishes    to    communicate
They Avere both in Vancouver within recent years,
and Mr.  Murray  asks our  assistance  in  locating
them. If anyone can help in this matter please write
or call at Headquarters. Archie Morey writes from
Ottawa, Ont., asking for back copies of the Clarion.
Com. Charles Lester writes from Brandon, Man.,
saying he is on his way Avest.   Comrades at various
points may expect Charlie any time.    As a useful
man to the revolutionary movement Com. Lestor is
Avorthy  of our best' support.    His address is not
certain, and he will advise points of call when due
to arrive.
•    From Swahvell, Alta.,  Com. Kolden sends his
best regards to the Party along with two sub. renewals a*id tAvo dollars for the Maintenance Fund.
Com. Isaac Brown sends a sub. from Travers and a
dollar for the Maintenance Fund.   Also a sub. from
W. Robertson, Haynes, Alberta. Com. C. E. Scharff
Avrites from Millet, Alta., expressing his appreciation of the article "The Farmers Misery" appearing in a recent issue of the Clarion.   He considers
it to be a timely contribution and expects it added
some interest to the U. F. A. Convention held in
Calgary, 16th January.   He suggests that we send
copies of the Clarion to the officials of the U. F. A.
Also encloses tAvo subs, and a contribution to the.
Maintenance Fund. Com. W. Dorney writing from
Retlaw sends in five subs, from farmers in that district.   Good work.
Dan Srigley sends Avord from Wimborne, Alta.,
to say that Local Wimborne is noAv holding Economic Study Classes every Wednesday night, taking
the S. P. of C. Manifesto as a text book. He encloses two subs, and two dollars for the Maintenance Fund. Thos. Darnley sends in a two years'
sub. from Brule Mines, Alta. An order for a copy
of Morgan's "Ancient Society", comes from Henry
Schnee, Granlea, Alta., also two subs, from Com.
Frank Tipping, Carolside, Alta. Robert Gardner
sends in an order for literature from Eagle Hill, accompanied by best wishes.
Writing from Fiske, Saskatchewan, Com. P. J.
Hunt expresses appreciation of the lectures given
by Charles Lestor in that district   recently    and
commerce.   The imperious demands for trade can
not be checked indefinitely, for in the process of hopes that he will continue as a teacher amongst the
trading in the wares produced by the working "class workers.    He also likes the "Mail Bag" column,
does Capitalist Society maintain itself.   And so, in He says the farmers in that district are nearly all
spite of conferences and talk fests, the predatory broke, and encloses three dollars for a sub. literature
French and Americans have been overly friendly at    spirit of Capitalism is again to the fore, and armed (Continued on page 6) s
Science and Religion
"It should, I think, be recognized that there is no essential antagonism between the scientific spirit and what
is called the religious sentiment. 'Religion,' says Bishop
Creighton, 'means the knowledge of our destiny, and of the
means of fulfilling it.' We can say, no more, and no less
of science. Men of science seek in all reverence to discover the Almighty, the Everlasting. They claim sympathy and friendship with those who, like themselves,
have turned away from the more material struggles of
human life and have set their hearts and minds on the
knowledge of the Eternal."
—Sir Ray Lankester.
T is a pity that Mr. McMillan closes an exceedingly interesting book, so tritely, with a conclusion which is at variance Avith its own material and false to its own implications, lt is—in its
worthiest sense but a vapid concession to the crude
ideals and misinterpreted passions of the un-under-
standing yesterday; and which has so terribly burdened and still continues to darken the world with
the fears of its own illusions. The whole passage
cries out against this fettering of thought and progress and the unmistakable Avitness of fact.
There is "an essential antagonism" between the
scientific spirit and the religious sentiment. Lankester would laugh a scornful laugh were we to say
there was no essential antagonism between the scientific sentiment and the religious spirit. And rightly.
Yet it is no more nonsensical than his own statement,
and no whit more meaningless. The spirit of science
is the spirit of research. The sentiment of religion,
the credulity of belief. The former sparkles with,
the energy of experiment and discovery. The latter stagnates in the passivity of acceptance and tradition. One gathers fresh energy from progress.
The other Avithers in the day-spring of knowledge.
Science exults in life and light. Religion is robed
in the gloom of its ancestry. Science is the creative immortality of humanity. Religion is the
mythical immortality of man. The very quotation
from Bishop Creighton, which Lankester would have
us accept as parity or equality, proves the very antagonism which it avers hot to exist. For it is precisely the great advance in empirical science which
has forced religion to lifeless abstract—and false
Religion and science are concrete terms with particular significations. Neither in fact nor in definition are they synonymous or complementary. Religion is the logic of passion: science the logic of
causation. Religion is metaphysical '■ essense''; development, the manifest of mind. Science is the
factual operation of phenomena: development the
necessity of constituted being. If science is the
knowledge of our destiny and of the means of fulfilling it," it is garnered, patiently, from the experience of developing materials, unassisted by any
extra mundane influence. The "knowledge" of
religion—although also derived from experience—
is nevertheless only the "knoAvledge" of transcendental speculation. The basis on Which it rests, analysed, denies its inspiration. Its conclusions, tested, melt and mingle Avith their native air. To unite
science and freedom is to unite fact and phantasm;
is to confuse time and tide; is to express the poten-
ial of 1 as* equality Avith the potential of 0.
The destiny of man, -according to science, is a
fundamentally different thing to tbe destin;, ol! man,
according to religion. Science says that man has
come from the wild; gropingly from the darkness of
unrealised antiquity; in origin, a product of cosmic
growth; in growth, a creation of material condition;
in destiny, the laAv determined unfolding of the
(perhaps limitless) potentialities of human nature;
his mind and consciousness, identities of time-development, and rising through the recognition of law
and reality to the grandeur of human living. Religion says that man is a special product of infinite
intelligence, in origin a creation, in growth a redemption for life everlasting, in destiny the perpetuity of bliss in the presence of his creator; his
t) mind and consciousness the reflex of the "divine
soul," but dimmed and degraded by the contact of
mortality. That is an "essential antagonism,"—the
Bishop, or Lankester, notAvithstanding.
If science "seeks in all reverence to discover the
Almighty, the Everlasting," it succeeds magnificently in veiling its objective. For its attained results are exactly the opposite. Rather than the "Almighty and the Everlasting," science has apparently
come to the electron and the transient, instead of
the permanent and the stable; it avoAvs mutation
and potential. "Keverenctf" may sooth the misgivings of poAver, but it has no cogency in the realm
of reality. Capital abstractions may fall tenderly
on the ear of desire, but they are helpless in the
presence of the true, it is not a reverent mind that
science brings to its task of analysis, but thc keen,
austere, dispassionate criticism of reason. It may -
it mostly does—entertain a lively sense of its fiinite
littleness in the awesome magnitude of cosmic phenomena ; it may marvel at their Avonder, their beauty,
their infinite complexities, their immensity of energy
and operation, but it pays no homage of reverence,
regards no telic design and sanctions no essense of
vitalism in the vast magma of the universe. From
the atom to man, from universal energy to the intricate subtleties of mind, it oaviis and knows no
force or inspiration but the calm, undeviating majesty of law. Nowhere does science discover supernal intelligence: everyAvhere inevitable cause. Nowhere does it find the everlasting; everywhere the
sequence of movement. Its one permanence is causation; its only absolute change.
From man, and the mind of man, to his anthropoid progenitors; from the anthropoid to the loAver
mammals; from mammal to Saurian; from Saurian
to amphibean; from amphibean to fish; from fish to
invertebrate; from invertebrate to' protoplasm;
from plasm to physico-chemical processes; from
physico-chemical to mechanical energy; from mechanical energy to the necessity of cosmic constitution.
Evenvhere the nexus and interactions of causation.
EverAvhere the process and complexities of being
and becoming. Everywhere the constitutionally determined laws and functions of growth and development. EveryAvhere the cycle principle of evolution,
from the simple and homogeneous to thc complex
and highly organised. EveryAvhere, in all things,
conditions and qualities, thc unending unfolding of
inhering potentialities, in thc Avonder drama of matter in motion; from the fireinists of the eternal past
to the firemists of the eternal future. That is
science—as far as avc have been enabled to grasp it.
But it is not religion.
Our last objection is one that comes nearer ourselves. To claim the sympathy and friendship of
those Avho have "turned aAvay from the more material struggles of human life, and'set their . .
minds . . on tbe eternal" may look fine and
noble—on paper. In the business of common life it
-is nonsense. For the ability so to turn away is
vested solely in the few, by the laws of political society; and is derived from the fact that tbe vast
majority is compelled by the social constitution to
engage life long and exclusively, in the most sordid
and barren necessities. And the very fact that they
do so turn away—in a society like Ibis—is a triple
affront to human intelligence. It violates the kinship in nature. It scorns and denies the natural
laAvs of human life. And it is a philosophical negation of "eternity." Were reality thc image ot
the "Eternal" it Avould be impossible to explain a
world like tbis. Sympathy is valueless in political
economy—else it had accomplished its peace ages
ago. Were friendship more than a name, society
could not be so enslaved, its aspirations so ruthlessly suppressed, nor the laAvs of its human nature so
thwarted and denied. For the practice of friendship, and the sympathy of fraternity, is the. kinship
of truth in the validity of the human equation. And
the truth of this human equation, its consequent
practice of friendship and the sympathy of common
association, can thrive only in the society of material freedom.
Moreover, the separation of the "material" and
the "Eternal", is as AvayAvard in philosophy as it is
orbitrary in fact. The things of the "Eternal" are
no less material than the things of time. Because
they are simply the concatenations of progress.
They OAve their individuality, not to the reality of
dual being but entirely to the thought forms of human miscomprehension. From time to eternity is
but the sequence of evolution from eternity to time.
And just as time is practically a synonym for human intelligence, so eternity is a synonym for cosmic
unity. To impute distinctions in the latter, is to
deny the manifests of the former; is to impugn the
Avhole Avitness of development. To science all'things
ax*e scientific; all things kindred. A snowflake is as
unexplainable as the mightiest star, in terms of the
"ultimate." The drab dust is as tremendous in its
implications as the flaming autumn. If the existing is explainable in the logic of causation, the
same vigorous necessity involves the causation of
the ultimate. If there is an "inner essense" in the
"ultimate," the same essense must function in the
existing. To the latter, science is resolutely opposed ; to the former, as resolute in theory and implication. To the questioning mind of man there are
no barriers. And in the quest of his equation of the
"everlasting," invariably he confronts prior effect:
never final cause.
But the recognition of such is reserved for the
neAv society of economic freedom. Here, is but the
germ: there, the bloom and blossom of its harmony. Noav "we see, as in a glass darkly"; then the
full glory of social genius will unfold and illuminate the realities of human nature. They have developed thro'—and Avith—the fettering animosities
of economic progress. But they are not essentially
tbe kindred of the economic. They have their primal roots in the dawn of human life. They are old
as man; their creative intuitions the peculiarity of
man. And although they are—and have ever been
—distorted and preimaged in the thought forms of
abstracted unreality; they will yet dominate that
unreality. They will harness the forces of condition
to the conquering creations of time; and equilibrate
the things of the material with their kindred things
of the eternal.
Then will science, in fact, preside over the destinies of man; then indeed will it be the means of
fulfilment; .at once its minister and its servitor. It
Avill not be the pawn of power, nor the henchman
of privilege. Freed from the restraints of possession, and winged with the Avisdom of the existing, it
shall have no need to pander delicately to the prejudices of class; for-rlass shall no more exist. It
shall not be required to drape Avith vague confusions
tbe dying preconceptions and misinterpreted passions of the infancy of man; for thc wonderful story
of evolution, and the attainment of its uttermost
grendcur, shall neither be hidden nor blemished for
tbe gorging of clay-footed mammon. And there
shall be no occasion to make aberrated abstractions
of "the material" and the "spuritual," for in the
awakened mind of the greater man they shall be
iccognised as inseparable reality and reunited in
Ihe complementary unity that they are. R.
At a meeting of the Alberta P. E. C, held ->n Jan.
16th, it Avas decided on the motion of Comrade Polinkos, Seven Persons Local. Io take steps towards
arranging a "Farmers' Propaganda Campaign"
for the summer months.
It is proposed to have at least three speakers,
Avho will visit the same points in succession, with
na interval of a week or ten days between meetings.
Thus each point on the schedule would have at least
three meetings in one month.
Correspondence and suggestions on the matter
are invited from anyone interested. Alberta comrades are requested to put forth their best efforts to
increase the number of Clarion readers.
Write: R, Burns, Sec'y., Alta. P. E. C, 134A
9th Avenue West, Calgary. PAGE Sti
Western  clarion
Economic Power and Action
AS the confusion of ideas with regard to what
economic poAver and action really is appears
to be worse confounded at the present time
than ever before, it might not be a bad idea to trace
the subject back to its origin and deal with it from
an historical point of view; in fact this is the only
method of dealing with any social problem so that
ir may be thoroughly understood.
It will be granted by everybory, 1 think, even by
those who profess to despise a dictionary, that the
word "economics" means the science of wealth production and distribution.    It will hardly be denied
that the term "economic production" means the production of Avealth, or the necessaries of life, and that
it  applies  to "every  historical  epoch"  in  which
wealth has been produced.    Nor will it be denied
that the term "economic" conditions" means the
conditions under which wealth is produced at the
present time, or has been produced in the past. We
might go on in this manner and show that Avhenever,
and wherever, Ave use the words "economic" or
'' economics'' Ave refer in some way to the production
and distribution of wealth, and all is clear sailing until we come to economic power and action; then we
are lost in the fog.
Noav we must remember that words and terms are
used to express ideas, and ideas are the mental reflexes of things and conditions; let us therefore get
down to things and conditions, and reason the proposition out logically and historically. I have already given Avhat I consider the correct definition of
the terms "economic power" and "economic action." I Avill give them again here, then we will
apply them and see how they Avork out.
Economic power is the poAver to produce wealth.
The power of man over nature. The power of man,
individually or collectively, to transform nature
given material into things fit for human consumption.
Economic action is the result of the application of
power to the natural resources of the earth for the
purpose of producing wealth. The action necessary
to the whole process of economic production and exchange.
Taking the above definitions as our premises, let
US go back to a period in human history Avhen economic power and action did not exist, to a time when
man lived much the same as any other animal. In
those days he lived in trees or in caves, and made
use of whatever he could find in the way of subsistence, but had no poAver or ability to increase the supply. In the course of time, however, he began to use
his physical and mental energy to force from nature
more of the necessaries of life. He began to transform natural material into things more in harmony
with his needs, and to use the forces of nature in his
own interests, and for his own ends. Just Avhen, and
Avhere, and how, this change first came about does
not concern us here; it is enough to say that it was a
slow, gradual process, and that it began many thousands of years before the human animal commenced
to keep any record of his activities, but no matter
When or Iioav it began, it was the dawn of economic
power and action.
After a period of unknown duration, bait which
was no doubt a "right smart" length of time, the
human animal had acquired so much skill and efficiency in making tools, building houses, taming and
raising cattle, tilling the soil and so forth, that it
Avas possible for a part of society to produce enough
of the necessaries of life to support all. Thus slavery was possible and slavery became a tact. We do
not know just when and Iioav slavery was first established, but we do know that "it was so" and that it
still remains so, "and God saAv that it was good."
Although we do not know exactly when and how
slavery first came into existence, there are indications to shoAv tbat it was not, in all cases, by any
means a peaceful and harmonious process. It appears that in the majority of cases those individuals
Avho were destined "by divine providence" to do all
the work objected to the scheme, and that drastic
persuasion was found necessary to keep them at it.
Noav it is obvious that a man might just about as
well work himself as have to stand over other meti
.ill day and keep them Avorking. Hoav, then, was this
problem solved by those who wished to benefit by
the introduction of slavery in order that they might
have leisure to amuse themselves as they saAv fit? By
the simple method of teaching slaves to Avatch the
slaves.    If you want proof of this just look around
yen at the present time.   The only difference is
that the method is a little more  complicated at
present than it was "in tbe brave days of old." In
those days it Avas merely a question of selecting a
feAV able-bodied slaves, arming them Avith weapons
of various kinds, and convincing them that they
Avould have a much better time and more rations if
they Avould consent to guard other slaves and keep
them Avorking than if they Avorked themselves. No
doubt care Avould be taken to select the guards from
different tribes than those they were intended to
guard.    This was the origin of one branch of politics.
After chattel slavery bad been in operation for a
feAV thousand years it Avas supposed to be the only
posible   method    of   producing   and   distributing
Avealth.    The fact that the human animal had been
producing wealth and improving his tools and methods of wealth production without any compulsion
other than that of economic necessity for many generations before slavery of any kind was possible,
was, no doubt, unknown to even the most educated
men of the great chattel slave empires.   The slave
owners of ancient Greece, for instance, could not
even imagine a man working unless he Avas compelled to do so by coercion, and neither could the
slaves.    This Avas one point upon whieh everybody
agreed.      Consequently,  the philosophers in their
study of society discovered what they considered two
irrefutable facts, first, that Avealth could not be produced unless somebody worked; and, second, that in
society as they knew it,  nobody would be  crazy
enough to Avork (unless he was compelled to do so.
Reasoning from this premise they arrived at the conclusion that the poAver and action necessary to keep
the slaves working Avas part of the poAver and action
necessary to the  production of wealth.   In other
Avoids, that political power and action, and economic
power and action, were merely complementary parts
of one whole, or at least so closely connected and
interrelated that it Avas impossible to distinguish betAveen the two, a conclusion which was quite logical
under the circumstances, in those days, but which
indicates a confused mentality at the present time.
The confusion of economics and politics Avhich has
been  bequeathed to us from the  past, like  other
superstitions, has helped to keep the revolutionary
movement in a turmoil for years, and for that very
reason it is a most useful ally of the capitalists; the
more confusion there is in this respect the better it
is for the capitalist class.    Thc statement often made
by radicals, that political power and action cannot
be separated from economic power and action, is
equal to saying that slavery ahvays did exist and al-
Avays will.    As a matter of fact, if we are'ever going
to abolish capitalism and replace it by a Socialist
commonwealth, avc cannot separate political power
and action from economic power and action, not only
theoretically but practically. When the last form of
slavery disappears political poAArer and action will
also disappear, but the power and action necessary
to the production of wealth will still remain.
Noav it must be clear to everybody that "economic power" and "economic action," as I have defined the terms, apply to every phase and every
epoch of human history in Avhich wealth has been
produced, from ante-slavery times, through chattel
slavery and feudalism, and to every nook and corner
of capitalism, at all times. It applies to farmers as
Avell as to Avage Avorkers. And the fact that in every
siave system the class that holds the political poAver
also oAvns or controls the slaves, the mass of wealth
production, and all the wealth produced, does not
contradict this conception in any respect.
Nevertheless, this conception may be a fallacy,
and if it is, I hope that somebody will prove it a fallacy.   But remember that we are dealing Avith facts
and conditions here, and it is not merely a question
of definitions.    It is not a case of I say this, and you
say that, and my opinion is just as good as yours.
The fact remains that power and action is necessary
to produce and distribute the Avealth of the world. Is
this poAver  and action economic  or not?   If this
question is ansAvered in the negative, then it is up
to somebody to explain just what kind of power and
action it is.   After this has been done it will be in
order to point out some other power and action that
is economic, and apply it to "every historical epoch"
in which, as Engels says, "The prevailing mode of
economic production and exchange, and the social
organization necessarily followinggfrom it, form the
basis upon Avhich is built up, and from which alone
can be explained, the political and intellectual history of that epoch."
And if it does not apply to "every historical
epoch," and only applies to certain phases of capitalism at certain times, then it Avill be necessary to
explain that also. It may be possible that economic
power and action did not exist during chattel slavery and feudalism at all.
(Continued from page 4)
and Maintenance Fund. From North Battleford,
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Brief but very welcome.
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Writing from Sandon, British Columbia, Comrade F. R. Roberts sends cheerful greetings and fifteen dollars for the Clarion, five subs, and ten dollars from the Sandon Miners Union. Tommy!
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of God," and "Christianism and Communism." A
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John Staples writes from Lookout Mountain asking
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An amusing letter enclosing two subs, comes
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He is pessimistic regarding the ability of the slaves
of Capitalism to understand their true position. We
think the outlook never looked brighter and we are
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From San Francisco, Sam Clement sends best
Avishes to Clarion readers, and Avriters, also a sub,
and contribution to the Maintenance Fund. He refers to the ruling class performance which is now
being staged in Europe, and Avonders what the outcome will be. Writing from Portland, Oregon, Mrs.
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Sends a sub. and best wishes. A letter enclosing a
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This finishes the "Mail Bag", up to 20th January. We earnestly appeal to all comrades to send
in their neAvs and views of the movement, and to
give what help they possibly can in maintaining it
as a force for Avorking class advancement. WESTERN   CLARION
By the Way
I MET the Editor and he discoursed on editorial
worries. He speaks of lack of articles for the
Clarion; of the unsatisfactory rate at which
subscriptions Avere coming in; of carking care over
the state of finance invading even his leisure, militating against systematic reading and study and
threatening to dry up the well-springs of inspiration ; he spoke of the decadence of the prosletysing
spirit in the movement; of—oh, besides these I report to the reader, he spoke of many things.
I did my best to cheer him, lending him a sympathetic ear. I. have since been speculating whether
Clarion readers could esteem this journal as an institution and they by way of beng a corporate body organized around it, because it expresses and
gives effect to our desire for that kind of working
class education which has for its end the liberation
of society from the capitalist system. "The Clarion
brings scientific knoAvledge and the scientific attitude of mind to the study of society and its affairs.
Thus its readers may know the present as it really
is: may see events and conditions clear of the distorting influence of nationalistic biases, or the inherited prejudices of ignorance and of privileged ruling class interests. As an organ of scientific socialism it is the additional function of the Clarion,
besides giving an understanding of the present, to
criticise that present from the standpoint of the
socialist program. Becaiise an organ functioning
in that way is a necessity and because the Clarion
performs that function so well under the circumstances, Ave, its readers, as a corporate body, should
guard against falling into the category of "corporations Avithout a soul" whose membership, according to the principles of "business as usual," look
to receive more than they give. Causes, especially
causes in the minority stage of development, reverse that principle; they demand from and impose
sacrifices on all loyal spirits.
0      '    0 0
Those Avho, for one reason or another are only
able to do hut little in our common cause and, because of the smallness of their contribution lose
courage and think the effort not Avorth Avhile, should
emulate the tenacious Scotch who have a character-
revealing saying, that "many mickles mak' a
muckle." So I, who Avould like to write an article but can not rise to the effort, am scribbling
these notes—doing my little bit.
*      *     #
We need more Avriters for the Clarion. Its present contributors are all workers Avho have little
spare time and often the movement also makes
other demands upon them. To write an article for
the Clarion requires much reading and study, sometimes very much more than appears in the article
and, in the interests of a still better output its
contributors should not be called upon so oftvn.
More hands on deck then! Those Avho hang back
because they have no grammar should let that be
the least of their troubles; the subject-matter is the
thing. I, myself, knoAving no more of grammar
than a wooden god, have had articles accepted. Let
the aim be to bring to tbe working masses the most
revolutionary things in existence—the socialist philosophy, science and the habit of scientific thinking.
Therefore, read and study, keep up to date Avith the
world of science. -)n the last three hundred years
modern science has accumulated a vast fund of
knowledge both on the nature of man and on that
of his environment, natural and social, but it can
not be utilized, in so far as the social problem is
concerned, until men think on the problem scientifically. We have first, says Henry Harvey Robin-
sen in his lately published Avork, "The Mind in the
Making," Avhich I recommend for reading,—"We
have first to create an unprecedented attitude of
mind (the scientific attitude) to cope Avith unprecedented conditions and to utilize unprecedented
The more I read of the latest scientific output,
particularly that treating on the nature of man,
the more I feel myself breaking away from the intellectual preconceptions of past times. To my
surprise and delight, though I am getting on in years,
1 find myself becoming more and more revolutionary. I distrust the "findings" of the past and hate
Avith a fanatic hatred dogmas that cramp a free
intelligence in dealing with the facts of the present;
mine the evolutionist's philosophy, that the one unchanging laAv is the laAv of change. More than three
hundred years ago, one of the great figures of the
1.6th century renaissance (the birth of the neAV
learning) was that of Francis Bacon. He might be
said to be the father of modern science, a pioneer
who, as protagonist of its method, insisted upon observation, investigation and experiment as the Avay
of knowledge. Referring to those who think that
the world will reject the sceptical attitude of science
and return to the pre-renaissanee ways of thinking—the reliance on supposed universal and eternal
principles and faith in divine revelation—George
Santayana says, "Far from the 16th century renaissance being over and done with, on the contrary, it is just getting into its stride."
#      #      *
The thought of the middle ages turned from
commonplace realities to live in a world of abstractions. Experimentors and inventors were suspect
as practitioners of the black art; curiosity as to
natural processes was esteemed a mark of impiety,
as prying into the secret ways of God. To try to
introduce new ways of doing things, or to advocate
changes in the established order, Avas to interfere
Avith Avhat God had ordained—the feudal lord in
bis castle, the serf in his hovel, God made them high
and lowly and ordered their estate. It seemed
that social evils were a necessity in God's scheme as
fires of purification for the souls of men. To every
God-fearing man, this life on earth AA'as but a brief
pilgrimage to his real home in heaven, so it Avas well
to mortify the flesh that the soul might be saved.
While the thought of the middle ages Avas dominated by the theological concepts of the Christian
Church, the thought of the renaissance was essentially pagan. The latter exhibited a love for the
Avorld and a delight iu the refinements of the flesh.
Men's minds turned from heavenly to earthly visions, because the earth had become in the 16th century an intensely interesting place. The stale, stagnant atmosphere of feudal society Avas drifting aAvay
before the freshening winds of social change. Daring navigators had ventured over the wastes of ocean to the fabulously wealthy and populous orient
and to the America s where a virgin continent offered a neAv and experimental future for mankind,
where what was good in human experience might be
established and the bad left behind on old Europe's
shores. Trade and commerce between countries
was on the increase; seaports aud commercial and
industrial towns and cities were growing in importance and wealth* On top of this material progress,
the arts and sciences flourished, science itself being
utilized in ifurther prospering industry and commerce, Avhile tbe arts brought refinements into the
lives of the wealthier classes. So tbe 16th century
renaissance marked the dawning of a new era of
material and intellectual progress whose end is not
a      a      a
I like to think of the Socialist movement as in
the broad current of the renaissance tradition; and
of working class emancipation as one of its fulfilments. And I eoncieve of Marx principally as a
restless, untiring investigator, a breaker of social
idols, a radical innovator, greedily seizing on the
latest in the science of his day, on Darwin's intellectual output and on LeAvis H. Morgan's: I see him
in the great and glorious army of light marching
with Bacon of Verulam. Come then, lot us fall in
Avith them.
Come then, 0 Pioneers! Every one to his bent.
Rescue the Editor from the Slough of Despond.
Remember, though only one man, besides being editorial Avriter, preparer of Clarion material for the
press, proof reader, overseer of printing and dispatcher, he is also Party Secretary, correspondence Secretary, Financial Secretary, Party literature agent,
father confessor and indispensable factotum for
Party members and for Clarion readers resident in
all four quarters of the globe. Yet it is not work,
but care that kills. Writers, get busy and let an increased circulation and the Clarion paying its Avay
be the objective of every reader. II. G. Wells, British author, publicist, and uoav 1 suppose Ave must
call him historian also, says that civilization has
reached a pass AA*here it% is a race betAveen education and catastrophe.   Haste! C.
A Lecture to Working Men
By Thomas Herry Huxley
IF a Avell were to be sunk at our feet in the midst
of the city of Norwich, the diggers would very
soon find themselves at work in that Avhite substance almost too soft to be called rock, Avith Avhich
Ave are all familiar as "chalk."
Not only here, but over the Avhole country of Norfolk, the well-sinker might carry his shaft doAvn
many hundred feet without coming to the end of the
chalk; and on the sea-coast, where the waves have
pared aAvay the face of the land which breasts them,
the scarped faces of the high cliffs are often Avholly
formed of the same material. Nortlnvard the chalk
may be followed as far as Yorkshire; on the south
coast it appears abruptly in the picturesque western
bays of Dorset, and breaks into tbe Needles of the
Isle of Wight; while on the shores of Kent it supplies
that long line of Avhite cliffs to Avhich England OAves
her name of Albion.
Were the thin soil which covers it all Avashec
away, a curved band of white chalk, here broader
and there narrower, might be folloAved diagonally
across England from Luhvorth in Dorset to Flam-
borough Head in Yorkshire—a distance of over 280
miles as the croAV flies.
From this band to the North Sea, on the east, and
the Channel, on the south, the chalk is largely hidden by other deposits; but, except in the Weald of
Kent and Sussex, it enters into the very foundation
of all the southeastern counties.
Attaining, as it does in some places, a thickness
of more than a thousand feet, the English chalk
must be admitted to be a mass of considerable magnitude. Nevertheless, it covers but an insignificant
portion of the whole area occupied by the chalk
formation of the globe, which has precisely the same,
general characters as ours, and is found in detached
patches, some less and others more extensive than
the English.
Chalk occurs in northwest Ireland; it stretches
over a large part of France,—the chalk which underlies Paris being, in fact, a continuation of that of • ».
London basin; it runs through Denmark and Central Europe, and extends southward to North Africa;
while eastward, it appears iu the Crimea and in
Syria, and may be traced as far as the shores of the
Sea of Aral, in Central Asia.
If all the points at which true chalk occurs were
circumscribed, they would lie Avithin an irregular
oval about 3,000 miles in long diameter; the area of
which Avcnild be as great as that of Europe, and
Avould many times exceed that of the largest existing
inland sea—the Mediterranean.
Thus the chalk is no unimportant element in the
masonry of the earth's crust, and it impresses a peculiar stamp, carving with the conditions to which
it is exposed, on the scenery of the districts in which
it occurs. The undulating downs and rounded
coombs, covered with sweet-grassed turf, of our inland chalk country have a peacefully domestic and
mutton-sugg*esting prettiness, but can hardly be called either grand or beautiful. But on our southern
coasts, the Avail-sided cliffs, many hundred feet high,
with vast needles and pinnacles standing put in the PAGE EIGHT
sea, sharp and solitary enough to serve as perches for
the wary cormorant, confer a wonderful beauty and
grandeur upon the chalk headlands. And, in the
East, chalk has its share in the formation of some of
the most venerable of mountain ranges, such as the
What is this widespread component of the surface of the earth? and Avhence did it come?
You may think this no very hopeful inquiry.
You may not unnaturally suppose that the attempt to
solve such problems as these can lead to no result,
save that of entangling the inquirer in vague speculations, incapable of refutation and of verification.
if such were really the case, I should have selected some other subject than a "piece of chalk"
for my discourse. But, injtruth, after much deliberation I have been unable to think of any topic
Avhich would so well enable me to lead you to see
how solid if the foundation upon whieh some of the
most startling conclusions of physical science rest.
A great chapter of the history of the world is
written in the chalk. -Few passages in the history
of man can be supported by such an overAvhelming
mass of direct and indirect evidence as that which
testifies to the truth of the fragment of the history
of the globe, which I hope to enable you to read with
your OAvn eyes to-night.
Let me add that few chapters of human history
have a more profound significance for ourselves. I
Aveigh my words well when I assert that the man who
should know the true history of the bit of chalk
which every carpenter carries about in his breeches-
pocket though ignorant "of all other history, is likely,
if he will think his knoAvledge out to its ultimate results, to have a truer, aud therefore a better, conception of this Avonderful universe and of man's relation to it, than the most learned stulent who is deep-
read in the records of humanity and ignorant of
those of Nature.
The language of the chalk is not hard to learn,
not nearly so hard as Latin, if you only Avant to get
at the broad features of the Story it has to tell; and
I propose that Ave now set to work to spell that story
out together.
W«* all knoAv flat if Ave "burn" ch.iik the result
is quicklime. Chalk, in fact, is a compound of carbonic acid gas and lime, and when you make it very
hot the carbonic acid flies away, and the lime is left.
By this method of procedure Ave see the lime, but
we do not see the carbonic acid. If on the other
hand, you were to powder a little chalk and drop it
into a good deal of strong vinegar, there would be a
great bubbling and fizzing, and finally, a clear liquid,
in Avhich no sign of chalk Avould appear. Here you
see the carbonic acid in the bubbles; the lime, dissolved in the vinegar, vanishes from sight. There
are a great many other ways of showing that chalk
is. essentially nothing but carbonic acid and quicklime. Chemists enunciate the result of all the experiments which prove this, by stating that chalk is
almost Avholly composed of "carbonate of lime."
It is desirable for us to start from the knoAvledge
of this fact, though it may not seem to help ns very
far towards what we seek. For carbonate of lime
is a widely spread substance, and is met with under
very various conditions. All sorts of limestones are
composed of more or less pure carbonate of lime.
The crust which is often deposited by waters which
have drained through limestone rocks, in the form
of what are called stalagmites and stalactites, is
carbonate of lime. Or, to take a more familiar example, the fur on the inside of a tea-kettle is carbonate
of lime; and, for anything chemistry tells us to the
contrary, the chalk might be a kind of gigantic fur
upon the bottom of the earth-kettle, Avhich i» kept
pretty hot below.
Let us try another method of making the chalk
tell us its own history. To the unassisted eye chalk
looks simply like a very loose and open kind of stone.
But it is possible to grind a slice of chalk doAvn so
thin that you can see through it—until it is thin
enough, in fact, to be examined with any magnifying
power that may be thought desirable. A thin slice
of the fur of a kettle might be made in the same way.
If it were examined microscopically, it Avould show
itself to be a more or less distinctly laminated mineral substance, and nothing more.
But the slice of chalk presents a totally different
appearance Avhen placed under the microscope. The
general mass of it is made up of very minute granules; but embedded in this matrix, are innumerable
bodies, some smaller and some larger, but, on a
rough average, not more than a hundredth of an
inch in diameter, having a AArell-defined shape and
structure. A cubic inch of some specimens of chalk
may contain hundreds of thousands of these bodies,
compacted together with incalcuablc millions of the
The examination of a transparent slice gives a
good notion of the manner in which the components
of the chalk are arranged, and of their relative pro-
port ions.   But by rubbing up some chalk with a
brush in water and then pouring off the milky fluid,
so as to obtain sediments of different degrees of fineness, the granules and the minute rounded bodies
may be pretty Avell separated from one another, and
submitted   to 'microscopic   examination,   either  as
opaque or as transparent objects.   By combining the
views obtained in these various methods, each of the
rounded bodies may be proved to be a beautifully
constructed calcareous fabric, made up of a number
of chambers, communicating freely with one another.
The chambered bodies are of various forms.    One of
the commonest is something like a badly grown raspberry, being formed of a number of nearly globular
chambers of different sizes congregated together. It
is called Globigerina, and some specimens of chalk
consist of little else than G16bigerinae and granules.
Let us fix our attention upon the Globiberina. It
is the spoor of the game Ave are tracking.    If we
can learn what it is and what are the conditions of
its existence, Ave shall see our Avay to the origin and
past history of the chalk.
A suggestion which may naturally enough present
itself is, that these curious bodies are the result of
some process of aggregation which has taken place
in the carbonate of lime; that, just as in Avinter, the
rime on oiur windoAvs simulates the mose delicate
and elegantly arborescent foliage,—proving that the
mere mineral Avater may, under certain conditions,
assume the outAvard form of organic bodies,— so
this mineral substance, carbonate of lime, hidden
aAvay in tbe botvels of the earth, has taken the shape
of these chambered bodies. I am not raising a merely fanciful and unreal objection. Very learned men,
in former days, have even entertained the notion
that all the formed things found in rocks are of this
nature; and if no such conception is at present held
to be admissible, it is because long and varied experience has noAv shoAvn that mineral matter never
does assume the form and structure avc find in fossils.
If any one Avere to try to persuade you that an oyster-shell (Avhich is also chiefly composed of carbonate of lime) had crystallized out of sea-Avater, I sup-
suppose you would laugh at the absurdity. Your
laughter would be justified by the fact that all experience tends to sIioav that oyster-shells are formed
by the agency of oysters, and in no other way. And
if there Avere no better reasons, we should be justified, on like grounds, in believing that Globigerina is
not the product of anything but vital activity.
Happily, hoAvever, better evidence in proof of the
organic nature of the Globigerinea than that of analogy is forthcoming. It so happens that calcareous
skeletons, exactly similar to the Globigerinae of the
chalk, are being formed, at the present moment, by
minute living creatures, Avhich flourish in multitudes, literally more numerous than the sands of
tbe sea-shore, over a large extent of that part Of the
earth's surface Avhich is covered by the ocean.
Tbe history of the discovery of these living
Globigeninae, and of the part Avhich they play in
rock building, is singular enough. It is a discovery
Which, like others of no less scientific importance,
has arisen, incidentally, out of work devoted to very
different and exceedingly practical interests.
When men first took to the sea, they speedily
learned to look out for shoals and rocks; and the
more the burthen of their ships increased, the more
imperatively necessary it became for sailors to as-
crtain with precision the depth of the Avaters they
traversed. Out of this necessity greAV the use of the
lead and sounding line; and, ultimately, marine
surveying, Avhich is the recording of the form of
coasts and of the depth of the sea, as ascertained by
the sounding-lead, upon charts.
At the same time, rt became desirable to ascertain
and to indicate the nature of the sea-bottom, since
this circumstance greatly affects its goodness as
holding ground for anchors. Some ingenious tar,
Avhose name deserves a better fate than the oblivion
into which it has fallen, attained this object by
"arming" the bottom of the lead Avith a lump of
grease, to which more or less of the sand or mud,
or broken shells, as the case might be, adhered, and
Avas brought to the surface. But, however well
adapted such an apparatus might be for rough nautical purposes, scientific accuracy could not be expected from the armed lead, and to remedy its defects (especially when applied to sounding in great
depths) Lieutenant Brooke, of the American Navy,
some years ago invented a most ingenious machine
by which a considerable portion of the superficial
layer of the sea-bottom can be scooped out and
brought up from any depth to which the lead descends.
(To be continued).
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Our "S. 0. S." of last issue has found some sympathetic response. It was our intention Here and
Now to reproduce some of the remarks made by our
correspondents  bearing  upon  our distress signal,
but we find ourselves crowded out for space. So we
rely on the figures beloAV, for the time. We are denuded with kind words and "Kind words will never
die" as the faithful in the little Bethel at the corner remind us persistently and discordantly, but un-'
fortunately kind words are not found to be rich in
vitamines. Our remarks further are suspended until
next issue, ln the meantime we recollect what Sam
Weller said in matters financial: "Hope our acquaintance shall be a long 'un, as the gen'leman
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$1.05; C. E. Scharff 50 cents; Parry & Sim $2; Bill
Jones (alias E. J.), $2; P. Cotter, $2; G. C. Lamont
$2.50; Gus Johnson $3; John Burton $1; Percy Chad-
Avick, $3. C.M.F. receipts 12th to 30th January., inclusive—total, $22.05.


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