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Western Clarion Oct 16, 1920

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Full Text

 WESTERN CLARION
A Journal of
CURRENT
EVENTS
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
HISTORY
ECONOMICS
PHILOSOPHY
Number 829    Twice a Mouth
VANCOUVER, B. C, OCTOBER 16, 1920.
FIVE CENTS
Economics and Politics During the Period
of Transition
ii
The Oreat Stop.
THE RUSSIAN workers huv<- been liberated
at last from the age long exploitation and Oppression <>f land •ownen ami capitalist*.    This
step forward t«. real freedom and equality, i step
... for iwiftneei and   magnitude,  unique  in  tho
irorid'i history, hi Ignored by the partisans of cap-
Amongst theea are the small bourgeois
..is who talk of liberty and equality^in tho
ii ..... v. ■.. ■ bourgeois 1'arHamentary democracy,
v.;-!  they wrongly deeltre to be demoeraey in
•tnertl   r ss Kautsky say*, "pure democratty."
Th<- worker* who appreciate the importance of
.. equality and freedom, the freedom from the
ition of landowners and capitalists because
bate suffered under it. stand firm for the Soviet
P   si
In i . mntrj  of peasants thoae who benefited
.- and i? onee by the dictatorship of the prole-
.,' were the peasants in general.    Tudor the rule
• landowners and capitalists the Russian peas*
vu hungry    Newer in the wind.- course of Rus-
heJ tho peasant hern able ta work for
He went hungry, while he delivered bun
dreds        11 ions poods   *   of corn to the capitalists
for onr towns and fot export abroad.   Under th»
tatdrshop of the proletariat the peeaairi worked
for hit self   for the fire! time, and fed better than
• • town dweller.   For the first time tin- peasant
seuaJ freedom; freedom to eal his own
freedom from hunger, it is already known
equality Id the division of land has bean eetab-
'•I on a maximalist  basis    in  tho majority of
ISM the peasants divide the land according to tho
ber Of persons to be fed
Socialism Entails the Abolition of Classes.
In order to abolish  social  classes one  must   tit*st
overthrow the landowners and capitalists. We have
•CMmphsbetl this part of the tank, but that is oul)
i( perl, and tiol the most difficult part of onr stupendous labor. In order to abolish classes one must.
m the MGond place, abolish the difference between
l« worker and the peasant, and one must make ail
""' people—workers. This cannot be done iu S
,nirr.v- It is a much harder tank than the firat, snd
fill, consequently, take much longer to accomplish.
" W I task which cannot be solved by the over
wOW of any one class. It can only be solved by
»constructive remodelling of the entire social eeo-
""",v- by a transition from an individual, a small.
|"lvHte trading economy, to a social economy on ■
HrK<' scale    Such a transition must necessarily be
* ea8thy process, and it would only be retarded and
lilUll'«M-n| by  i,)lsty  ftlu|  Improdenl   administrative
''k'islative measures.    This transition can only
'"''''''"Mated by  helping the peasant  to remodel
' '"'"i"' system.
" Pfder to accomplish the second and more dif-
J l    ?ils^. the proletariat,  having conquered  the
geONUe, must unswervingly pursue the  follow
* lll«' "t policy with regard to the peasantry; the
'^"''"nat   must  distinguish   between   the  working
WI and the peasant owner, the peasant trader
.   WW peasant  speculator.    The  be all  and  end
of Socialism lies in this distinct ion.
rend    .tlln'(,,or** not aufpijhung that  those who
er "B larvioe to Socialism, but sot like small-
ih,
By Lenin.
bourgeois democrats, fail to understand this essential of Socialism.
To arrive at the above-mentioned distinction is by
DO means easy, because, in real life, all the charae-
teristics of the 'peasant." no matter how various
and contradictory they be. form one big whole.
Nevertheless, the distinctions are there. They are
" • inevitable outcome of the conditions of peasant
economy and peasant life. The working peasant
ha* been oppressed for centuries by the landowners.
the capitalists, the traders, the speculators and the
capitalist States, including the most democratic republics. The working peasant has nurtured within
himself hatred and enmity towards these agelong
oppressors and exploiters, and these lessons, taught
• \ life itae'f, compel the peasant to seek an alliance
with the workers atrainst the capitalist, the spectator and the trader. At the same time, the entire
economic structure, which makes the peasant dependent on goods received from outside, tends to
turn him not always, but in the majority of eases*
into i trader and speculator.
The peasant, who in 1918*19 provided the hungry
town workers with 40 million poods (•) of corn at
the fixed Government price, by handing it over to
the State organizations, is a true working peasant
snd I comrade of the Socialist worker. He is the
hitter's most reliable ally, and his brother in the
titrht against the capitaliat yoke. On the other
hand, thf peasant who sob! surreptiously 40 milium poods of eorn at a price ten times higher then
the Government price, who took advantage of the
needs ami the hunger of the town worker, who
cheated the State, and increased or created everywhere fraud, robbery ami scoundrelly transactions.
I- a peasant profiteer, an ally of the capitalists, a
class enemy of the worker and an exploiter.
Well Fed.
Von are the destroyers of liberty, equality, democracy"—ii the cry raised from all sides against
us. Our detractors point to the inequality, as between the worker and the peasant, in our constitution. tO the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, to
the forcible requisitions of surplus corn. Our an-
iwer to these accusations is that no other State in
the whole world has done so much for the removal
of the real inequalities and of the real lack of freedom whicii for centuries had been the lot of the
working peasant. We do not and will never recognize equality with the peasant speculator. We do
not recognise the equality of the exploiter with the
exploited, of the hungry with the well-fed, and the
••freedom'" of the former to rob the latter. And we
shall deal with those highly-educated people who
do not want to understand this difference, as if they
were White Guards, even if they call themselves
Democrats, Socialists, Internationalists, Kantskys.
Cohernovs and Martov. *
Proletarian Dictatorship Will End Social Classes.
Bocialsra is the abolition of classes.   The dictatorship of the proletariat has done its utmost to bring
.llm„, this abolition, but it is impossible to do away
with the class svstcm all at once. Thus the classes
have remained, and will remain, all through the
period of proletarian dictatorship. When classes
have finally disappeared, there will be no ^eed for
dictatorship, but they will never disappear without
the dictatorship of the working-class.
The classes have remained, but each one of them
has taken a different aspect during the period of
proletarian dictatorship; a change has also taken
place in their mutual relations. The class struggle
does not disappear under proletarian dictatorship,
it only takes a different form.
I'nder capitalism the proletariat has always been
the oppressed class—the class which was denied
ownership of the means of production, which alone
was directly and completely opposed to the bourgeoisie. Therefore it was the only class capable of
remaining revolutionary right through the struggle.
Having overthrown the bourgeoisie, and having conquered political power, the proletariat has become
the governing class. The State Power is in its hands;
it controls the socialized means of production, it
guides the vacillating intermediate elements and
classes, it crushes the power of resistance of the exploiters. All these are special tasks of the class
struggle, tasks which, formerly, the proletariat did
not and could not undertake.
The Exploiters are Overthrown But Not Destroyed
The class of exploiters, landowners and capitalists has not disappeared, and could not disappear at
onee under the dictatorship of the proletariat. The
exploiters are overthrown, but not destroyed. They
retain the basis of international capitalism, of which
they are part and parcel. They still possess some
means of production, as well as money and extensive
socal connection. Their power of resistance has increased a hundred, nay, a thousandfold by the very
fact of their defeat. Their ability in State, military,
and economic administration, affords them a great
superiority, so" that their importance is considerably
out of proportion to their numerical strength, as
compared with the whole population.
The class struggle of the overthrown exploiters
against the victorious vanguard of the exploited,
the proletariat, has become more intense. This is
only a natural development of the revolution which
tbe "Jieroes" of the Second International are vainly endeavoring to deny, by substituting reformist
illusions for the hard facts of revolution.
Finally, the peasantry, and the entire small bourgeoisie are occupying, under the dictatorship of the
proletariat, a medium, or interim, position. On the
one hand, they represent a considerable (and in
backward Russia), an enormous mass of workers united by the desire, common to all workers, to free
themselves from the domination of landowners and
capitalists. On the other hand, they consist of small
proprietors and traders in towns aind villages. Such
nn economic situation must inevitably produce indecision and waverings in the relations between the
proletariat and the bourgeoisie. As the struggle of
the bourgeoisie becomes intensified, all social relations undergo a great radical change, the ingrained
conservatism of the peasants and small bourgeoisie is
bound to lead to indecision and to sudden and spas-
mode changes in the adherence of these elements to
either one side or the other.
The proletariat must endeavor to influence and
guide these vacillating social elements, steadying
and spurring on the waverers and backsliders.
We have only to take into consideration all the
(Continued on page 4). PAGE TWO
WESTERN      CLARION
Economic Causes of War
Article No. H
%
THE history of India begins with the sacred
writings of the Aryans. A thousand years
B.C., the guide to conduct was "Speak the
Truth, Practice Virtue." About 1200 A.D., the invasions for plunder began from the Northwest by
Afghan and Turkoman adventurers. Despite the
geographical isolation of India there has always
been a considerable trade between her and Europe
in jewels, precious metals, embroidered stuffs and
essences of all kinds. In- early times these were
transported by coasting vessels to the head of the
Persian Gulf and carried overland to Constantinople.
The capture of Constantinople by the Turks resulted
in the discovery of a sea route to India. Trade with
India becaihe immensely lucrative. A single ship
in 1606 made a profit of 236 per cent., and goods
costing £356,000 in India sold in England for £1,-
914,000. This profitable trade began the French
and English rivalry which practically d^d not end
until the Morocco affair of 1904. King Louis, in
1672. was counselled that the best method of obtaining control of this Eastern trade was to seize Egypt.
By 1763 the British had succeeded in controlling
large possessions, and when the French East India
Co npany went bankrupt in 1770, Britain was left
alone in India. The "Round Tal.de" for September, 1012, speaking of India, says, page 622: '"The
two principles which have governed our policy in
the past will still govern it in the years that lie
ahead. On the one side are the interests of the Empire. The commerce of Great Britain with India today is worth more than £80,000,000 a year. On
this trade depends not only the profit of the merchants but the employment of many thousands of
work-people. On it also depends that national revenue and custom duties, income tax and so on."
India has had a movement for self-government for
years, but it has also been ignored at Paris. Robert
Williams. Robert Smillie and George Lansbury made
an appeal in the "Daily Herald," London, to protest against the methods used to put down the nationalists of India. In that appeal it read: "Indians
ask the same right as Poland. Siberia and other
small European nations, yet the bureaucrats cf India replied with a Coercion Act which robs thein of
freedom of speech, freedom of the press and public
meeting. Indians are unarmed, yet they are bombed
from aeroplanes and shot down with machine guns'"
The appeal asks for self-government for a country
of 315 millions of human beings. In some districts
the people were forced to dismount and salute British officers, if riding on horseback or in wheeled
conveyances. Orders signed by C. G. Hodgson, Lt.-
Col., say* that persons carrying opened and raised
umbrellas shall lower them. The Indian revenue is
mostly spent on the army and railways, which are
built in part for strategic purposes.
Keir Hardie in his bpok on India points out that
British investments in public works and railways in
India were $500,000,000 at 5 per cent., which means
£25,000,000 a year in profit. Civil and military
pensions amount to £30,000,000 a year. The natives
are shut out of the high salaried positions. Eight
thousand Anglo-Indian officials draw £13,930,544 a
year, while 130,000 natives draw £3,286,163 a year.
In'1858, Queen Victoria promised the Indian people partial admittance to offices of the service, yet
after a lapse of fifty years King Edward, in 1908.
issued a proclamation containing the same promise.
The Indin peasant used to pay one-fifth in kind, land
rent, whether the harvest was good or bad. The
Government charge land rent on what is called a
12 anna crop average. 16 anna,is looked on as a
bumper crop, but for ten years three crops only
struck the established average, while the remainder
were under, although the peasant had to pay up
just the same. The pasture land, which formerly
was common, is now enclosed and "Sometimes the
peasant has to go a long distance for pasturage for
which he pays rent. If his pigs wander into the un-
feneed forest they are impounded and he is fined.
Wild animals may root up his crop but he is not
allowed to carry a gun. He is generally up to the
neck in debt to the money lender, who takes a lieu
on his crops, and also to the railway companies.
This is a splendid example of capitalist methods of
creating a proletariat
Shapurji Saklatvala. of the Workers' Welfare
League of India, no later than .January 20th, 1030,
stated in England that: "Thousands* of children K>
to 11 years vf age ate employed in coal aud ore
mining districts at 2 annas a day of six hours." He
states that fines and confiscations are deducted from
these wages which before the war were the equivalent of 4 cents. S. Satyamurti, delegate of the Indian National Congress, says in "Foreign Affairs"
for October, 1919: 'Last year out of an income of
81 million pounds, 41 million was allotted to the
army, 18 millions for railways, only 4 millions for
education, and 26 million pounds of India's money
was spent in England, thanks to the political relationship between India and England." He also
states: "Within the last three months no fewer then
30 newspapers have been prohibited. . . Deportation without trial are 'avorite weapons with the Indian bureaucracy. ... In conclusion ... so long as
India remains in her present position as the happy
hunting -ground of the foreign exploiters and adventurers, the earth hungry nations will find in her
a potent cause of war."
The high prices in India have affected the laborer
to such an extent that a professor of Indore College
made the statement that the Indian laborer spending
the whole ol his wages on food could only purchase
&1 per cent of the diets officially prescribed in th"
gaols. This is one of.the great economic factors
that is creating discontent in India. V. H. Ku.ber-
ford. M.P. for Brentford, 1906 1S10, says in his
book ''Commonwealth or Empire." page 69: "I
must utter a warning to the friends of Nationalism
in Britain and India. In 1916 Mr. Asquith rejected
the insidious invitation of certain interested parties
at home and in India to insert the thin edge of the
wedge of protectionism for the cotton industry of
Bombay, which policy was reversed in 1917 by-
Lloyd George's government ostensibly as a war
measure. Financial exigencies suggested a loan of
£100,000,000 from India requiring £6,000,000 a year
interest to help to meet which the cotton duties
were raised from Z% to 7% per cent, without any
corresponding rise in the excise duty. The Seerc
tary of State. Mr. Chamberlain, in defending thi«
definite breach in our free trade policy, described
the loan as a free ami generous gift of the Indian
people, a description altogether dishonest, for the
peop'e of India have no real part in the government
of their country and were never consulted. Instead
of a 'gift' it is a loan forced upon the poorest conn-
try in the world by the richest. Every penny and
more is needed for education, irrigation and sanita-
ation, so that this imperial imposition is another impediment to her sanitary and agricultural development, to make the agricultural laborer and the mill
worker pay more for his cotton goods to benefit the
cotton millowners who pay the workers thirty thil-
lings a month, is not economic emancipation but
economic damnation."
To endeavor to placate the Moslems of India,
Egypt, Morocco and Tripoli, the French, Italian ami
British rulers are to allow the Turk to remain in
Constantinople, but while they may he the outward
appearance the suspicion is strong that British and
"French investors are holders of hundreds of millions
of Turkish bonds, and are keenly interested financially.
What has been the result of the Great Wart The
liberal paper of Amsterdam answers this question
in an article thus: "For whatever reason the British
public may be dissatisfied with the Coalition Government, it is certainly not because they have neglected
England's imperial position. The French who have
always had a weakness for Hither Asia are openly
dissatisfied.   Could they ever have expected .any
thing else?    In imperial policy the English arc pajt
masters, and against their world policy, carried
With such farsightedness and with so much ener
and cunning, all the others who went to have a trv
at world policy are mere bunglers.    With what
master hand hss the British Empire been luiilt u
in the course of the ceutury, with a master haad h&<
its further expansion been worked out now."
"Persia is an illustration of this policy,   tit-nnanv
Turkey and Russia have collapsed, so that l&ritad'i
partner in the protection of Persia has gone y have
all other possible claimants or rivals to that position
Only France is left, as America disclaims any interest in West Asia, and what can France do against
England!    The result then is that Kngiand is the
real victor in the world war.    Eugland will ihaj*
a new powerful colonial empire and has been able
to find a solution to the various problems whertk
her dominating position is assured    Prom the far*
to Egypt and from there over Palestine. Mesopot
anna. Persia, Baluchistan, perhaps also Aigiaaatii
ut d India, stretches an unbroken territory where tk
British flag waves or where British influence rules.
What   the   proudest    British   imperialist   tctnsrj
dared to dream of has now been realised, or is near
realization. Ifttal uot such dazzling lUCCeai aw I
the jealousy of others*    But what will the l>w
of Nations say or do!    The League in which a plan
has lieen left for Persia too; what can the Leapt
do against the power of facts!    In imperialism, I
the rule holds of the survival of the fittest"
Measund by results Britain WOO the war. fori tat
enjoyment of its fruits is a different question a^ fir
as the workers are concerned.
Since the at>ove was written Uoyd Qecrge hi*
shot lome more holes in th- League of Nal   •
PETER T LECKIE.
:o
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(All above post free). WESTERN     CLARION
FOR BEGINNERS
PAGE THREE
«
Materialist Conception of History
0
K&f
LB880N II.
Till". Darwin theory of natural selection waa
independently discovered by Alfred Russell
Wallace. Wallace wrote a paper on the far
,v iilanda of the Malay Archipelago, where he
studving the Geographical Distribution of the
\*a Iii his paper which he sent to Darwin, who
shnw.d it to Charles Lyell, the father of modern
geology, WaUaoe was in complete agreement with
,h, conclusion! of Darwin. Lyell, along with Dr.
Hooker tb« great l>otanist, was so struck with this
i(>,,,.!U,-i,t of Darwin ajwl Russell that he thought
',\,,lUM be unfair to publish tbe one without the
(l,hor. M Rueoatt'e paper, along with a chapter of
Dtnrin'l unpublished manuscript of the "Origin of
the Species," was read before the Linnean Society
„.. the time evening, and published in the proceed
in« for 18W, and appeared the same year, 1S59,
„ gtrl Marx's "Critique of Political Economy.'
Thia law of double discovery holds goods of all
ptal  discoveries  and  inventions,  and  is notably
trae o< the first of the three great discoveries o*
Karl 5fant Lot, MatoriaHatifl Conception of ffia-
2nd, Law of Surplus Value; 3rd. The Ctaas
Struggle
The Materialistic Conception of History was in-
depsadently discovered by Engels, just as Darwin
ita was by Rnaaell. as you will see by reading En-
.  preface to the "Communist Manifesto."    But
• ii Wallace cave the credit to Darwin, so En-
'« gave the credit to Marx.    Let me extend the
rool of th« law of double discovery by the follow
b ■: ilis!«J)''rs;—
In 1W9, two Dutch ipaetaole makera, Janaen and
invented the telescope; the following
year ».allien made one of lu's own without either
teeing or hearing of the  Dutchmen's particular
" o<l
In chemistry, oxygen ga* was discovered by
Priestley, m England, and also by a poor apothecary
in a village in Sweden, who bad never heard o!
Priestley,     He arrived independently at preeiael)
• -    - result
1m 1775. Kmmanuel Kant published a book of 200
pagd which contained a new oonoeptiofl ol the
universe. This was the famous nebulae theory, the
"Theory of the Heavens."
It wits forgotten almost aa soon as it was written,
be! 45 years late-,  one  named  Laplace published
his ''Mecanlque Celeste," in which the theory re
ippcared independently discovered
1" 1871, Sir WiPiam Her*ehel discovered the
plane! Uranus moving outside of all the planets
'I'fMi known, The peculiar thing about this planet
am that it did not move as it should according to
'"• law of gravitation. A calculation of the sun and
■H Uw other known bodies failed to explain why
I rami* stayed so far into space ami out of what
ippaared to be its proper orbit.
Here was a chance for a great man s< nt from God
'" <'X|>Ihiii, or one of Carlyle'a heroes, but DO, England possessed a man called Adams, who had master,
•d algebra when a hoy of ten. As soon as he had
takf'n '>>* degree at Cambridge, he set out to solve
Ul° Problem, not by observation, but by mathematical calculation.   Adams sent a paper to the Astron-
'"">r Royal at Greenwich) telling him if he would
tarn llis telescope upon a certain part of the heav
,|IS mA a certain time he would discover I new
]']',Uu>l (>«ing to red tape and other bungling no-
lh«ng came of it at the time. Later, however, it
** f'mnd that Adams wus correct and the new
|,ll,l,,M *»s called Neptune.
. ''''"'Mich mathematician named Lcverrier hail
*to working on thia problem, and the month after
',l,,1s 1,!l,l •ant his paper to Greenwich Larearrier
'"•I'slied bis conclusions* (which were the same
™n one degree as to position) in the journal of
1(> Academie des Sciences." The Astronomer
M along with  another,  when  they  read  this
journal and found Leverrier agreed with Adams, set
about to search for it, and discovered the new planet
A little later Leverrier stated the new planet'§ position more accurately; this paper he sent to a friend
in the Berlin Observatory, asking him to look into
the sky at the part indicated. Mr. Galle, his friend,
did so and discovered the new planet seen a month
before by the Englishmen at Greenwich. Thus, although the priority really belonged to Adams, it has
always popularly been given to Leverrier, much as
the nebulae theory is by many regarded as first be-
ing discovered by Laplace, although it really was
Kant s.
Galileo's invention of the pendulum did not become generally known at the time, and fifteen years
later. 1656, Christian Huggens independently invented a pendulum clock.
Nitrogen gas was discovered first by Schule, afterwards by Rutherford (1772) who preceded Schule
in publication of the discovery.
Galileo studied the motions of the comets, but the
* first important contribution to the true explanation came from Dorfel of Saxony, who proved
from the count of 1681 that the orbits of tbe comets
arc either very elongated ovals, or parabolas,, A
few years !ater Newton reached independently the
same conclusion and established it as a universal
law. by incontrovertible mathematical proof.
The semi-fluid contents now named protoplasm,
its constant and regular motion of its eels, was made
out by one named Bouadventura Corti. but fell into
oblivion and was re-discovvred. about 1807. by one
Damed Treviranus. Protoplasm has no mouth or
digestive organs. It takes its food in through the
surface anywhere, and digests all over the body.
Dr. Brinjon, in the "History of the Universe."
says: —
'Similarities  in culture do  not  necessarily
show relationship, or contact, or evidence of
migration of mankind but simply demonstrate
the psychical unity of mankind, subjected to
similar conditions,  strike out similar  results.
The same thoughts, the same belief, the same
practice, the same art and industry might ordinate independently in two or many different
sections of the globe."
So we must  accept  it as final  that science and
its   discoveries   have   completely   demolished   Carlylc's "great   man"   theory.      We   will strike up
against if again when we reach the time of the Reformation.    I said Spencer's "Study of Sociology"
was a brilliant refutation of the (treat Man theory.
He says: -
Even "ere we to grant the absurd supposition that the genesis of the man does not de-
pegd t>n antecedents furnished by the society
he is born in. there would be still quite sufficient  facta that he is powerless in the absence
of   the   material    and  mental   accumulations
which society inherits from the past, and he is
powerless in the absence of co-existing population, character, intelligence, aud social,arrange-
nitnts.    Given a Shakespeare, and what dramas
could have been written without the multitud-
ious traditions of civilized life; without the various  experiences  which,  descending  to  him
from the past, gave wealth to his thought and
without   language  which  a  hundred  generations had developed and enriched by use? Suppose a Watt with all his inventive power, living iu a tribe ignorant of iron or in a tribe
who could only get as much iron as a fire blown
from a hand bellows will smelt, or suppose hint
born amongst ourselves before lathes existed,
what chance would there have been for the
steam engine?"
Herbert Spencer might have added if Watt had
not seen a small model of Newcomen's engine, which
was sent to Wat! to repair aud fit for exhibition in
the class room of Glasgow I'niversity, where Watt
was the appointed mathematical instrument maker,
he might  have been  unable to produce, the steam
engine.
Another proof that man is benefitted by the ae-
eumulated knowledge of past and present society.
Fitch in his book, "Physical Basis of Mind and
Morals," says that colored children are as apt as
white children in elementary studies, but when the
higher branches are reached, the white children
leave the color children behind. This he explains
only on the theory of evolution, that function and
structure proceed simultaneously. The ancestry
of white children for innumerable centuries has been
surrounded by a civilization that necessarly resulted from a superior nervous system and a higher quality of the brain called the intellect. This theory is
lucidly dealt with by Fiteh, and I think it may explain Watt's ability as a mathematician when we
find that his uncle and grandfather were teachers
of mathematics and left a reputation for learning
and ability. Watt had no personal acquaintance
with them, because the grandfather died one vear
before Watt was horn, the uncle died one year
after Watt's birth. I have known families where
they were all clever in learning languages, and this
may be explained by th'e same theory.
When dealing with intellect I may point out that
Paul Lafargue, in his book, "Evolution of Property." tells us:
"The elevated position of woman affords a
proof that the physical and intellectual superiority of the male, far from being a primordial
physiological superiority of the male, is but a
consequence of an economical situation, perpetuated for centuries, which allowed the male
a freer and fuller development than it permitted to the female held in bondage by the
family."
He quotes Prof. Manouvrier of the Paris School
of Anthropology, who demonstrated the cranial capacities of the male and famale of the stone age with
those of modern Parisians.
Modern
Number
Parisians.
Capacity
in cubic
Stone
Number
Age
Capacity
in cibie
«>xa:nin>»l
Male  .. 77
Female 41
centiBJettr*
1560
1338  '
Male
Fema
cxumiiinl
.. 58
le  30
centimeters
1544
1422
The male savage is inferior by 26 cubic centimeters
to the modern male. The female savage is superior
to the modern Parisian female by 84 cubic centimeters.
Socialists claim all ideas are formed by sensations from the objective environment. Some may
say pure mathematics is independent of individual
experience: that is quite true, but in mathematics
the mind is not by any means engaged in its own
creations. The ten fingers of the hands which men
counted and on which they performed their first
arithmetical calculations are anything but a free
creation ot the mind.
Again, to count does not only need objects, capable of being counted, but the ability to abstract all
other qualities except numbers, and this ability is
the product of a long historical development of
actual experience. The achievements of our civilization is the accumulation of the knowledge of all
history, each generation using its inherited knowledge as a platform to build up still higher with its
own achievements the steps of a great stairway to
a higher civilization.
I think 1 have cleared the ground by casting aside
the Great Man theory. But as one writer puts it, although the word great or greatness has been associated with an abandoned theory it is not hecessary
to eliminate such valuable words from our vocabulary. We may say tnen and women are great while
others are small without wrenching our philosophy.
For instance, although we discover that the window docs not produce the light, there is no reason
why we should thrown a brick through it. The
discovery that a boiler does not generate the steam
does not logically imply that we punch holes iu the
boiler.
Having now cleared the ground of the old rubbish implanted in our craniums by capitalistic
teaching, we will get down to the Materialistic Conception proper in our next lesson.
PETER T. LECKIE.
ii I
PAGE FOUR
WESTERN     CLARION
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Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy,
and Current Events.
Published twice  a  month  by  the  Socialist  Party  of
Canada 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Phone Highland  2583
Editor Ewen MacLeod
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VANCOUVER, B. C. OCTOBER 16, 1920.
The Need For a
Labor College
Note.—The following article has been received for the consideration of the Dominion Executive Committee. It is produced here in the hope that Comrades interested may put forth
suggestions as to how a Socialist School can be maintained.
All will agree as to the desirability of such an institution, and
no great difficulty should be met in arranging subjects of
study or methods of teaching. Finance is the stumbling
block. Suggestions on any or all of the points are invited—
Editor.
WE of the S. P. of C. claim to be scientific
Socialists of the Marxian school and revolutionary in character and educationalists principally.
SOCIALISTS, in that our object is the social
ownership of the means of wealth production and
distribution.
SCIENTIFIC, because our conclusion, expressing
itself in our objective is based upon knowledge,
having studied history for its record of events, the
everchanging methods of production, the laws underlying change in social life and the institutions resulting therefrom: hence our conclusion of social
f
ownership as the logical outcome.
REVOLUTIONARY: Experience has taught us
that to reform is not to re-form (which originally
meant re-mold) but to patch up. and patching
under the best circumstances is a makeshift. Its
record tells its own story—first, in its ineffectiveness to alleviate the conditions of those upon
whom it is bestowed, the workers, and secondly the
benefit derived by the donors—the Master Class.
EDUCATIONALISTS in that we understand the
conditions under which we live and urged are we
to explain it to others .realizing that changes taking place in the structure of human society, of benefit to the workers, must first be preceded by at least
an elementary knowledge of the problems to be
solved.
Hence the need for education.
The function of a Socialist organization like that
of the Socialist Party of Canada is to make more
Socialists and to teach Socialism. This we do, but
are we using all the means at our disposal?
The workers have reached a stage in their development (manifesitng itself in the numbers of the
class-conscious), and the general interest aroused
for knowledge is such, that it forms the basis upon
which the educational avenue can be added to.
Therefore I submit the question of the establishing
of a college for the due consideration of the D.
E. C. Who is better fitted to teach scientific Socialism than a Socialist 1 What organization more able
to undertake the management of a college—where
Proletarian Philosophy, the Materialistic Conception of History, the Class Struggle and the Labor
Theory of Value, can be taught, than a Socialist
organization ? There are comrades in the party who
are experts in one or more of the social sciences,
whose services would be very valuable as teachers
in the making of more experts, and why not use
thern to the best advantage, even though it would
create "jobs" for some of our members? You will
admit that teaching under those conditions is a
"job" not conducive to produce "fakirs."
Experts in the social sciences can be more effic
iently produced in a college because ot* the systeni-
. atic Study. Tlie order of books to read in any particular subject and the questions being arranged in
their order, from the simple to the complex forms
an obvious advantage at first sight. Secondly,
because the courses can be sent to all parts
in Canada, even to isolated places, among members
of our class who desire to study. Efficient: because
a teacher can have as many hundreds of pupils
where now dozens are the rule.
In the progression of events, the need for knowledge, ability to understand and analyse is apparent. Events are succeeding each other in great
rapidity—capitalism is declining fast, hence the
need, not only of increasing the number of class
conscious and of dealing in the elementary, hut also
discussing the academic; teaching the technical and
thereby swelling the ranks of the intelligentsia:
comrades well-grounded in scientific knowledge, for
theoretically speaking, political control implies or
presupposes a knowledge of political economy and
in so far as we Socialists are seeking to gain political power, more especially when that control will
be more directly connected with the productive
forces than what exists at present. How much more
then is the need to increase the ranks of those with
a sound knowledge of economics? I submit the
question of the establishing of a Marxian College.
Before proceeding to give you a few suggestions*
that may form the basis of a discussion within the
1). E. C. upon the question, let me make a few remarks with regard to classes as^at present conducted
bearing in mind the articles that have appeared in
the "Clarion" upon this subject. ,
Apart from the need of teachers to adapt themselves to their class with its limited numbers, state
of development, existing bias in ideas, the difficulties connected with economic classes present
themselves not only in the difference of knowledge
between teachers, but also in the class itself. Hence
the teachers may be too elementary for some, and
too technical for others, which results not only in |
loss of students but also of encouragement to the
teacher, for under tbis condition, the general and
concrete, elementary, technical ami academic are
all introduced in a short time, much to the confusion of the beginner. Moreover, the subject being
a science, requires presentation in a systematic
way. a knowledge not poeaeoeed by many well
informed comrades because they have not given the
time to classifying their knowledge and have not
had a training in teaching.
The following are the suggestions, briefly stated,
which I hope will be well discussed aud will eventually result in a college that is definitely Socialist
Scientific. Marxian. Revolutionary and Educational
in character.
1.— (a) Financial possibilities. fb) Ascertaining the number willing to enroll. (c) Publicity
campaign to that end.
2.— (a) Subjects beginning with economics. Industrial History and Sociology, (b) Corresponding Courses or Day and Evening Classes,, which ?
3.—-The purchasing of courses from working class
colleges already existing for critical examination
and analysis, Studied upon their merits, so that the
subjects can be graded and systematized to equal
if not surpass, courses in any given bourgeois school
or college,    (b) Committee elected for same.
4 —Teachers to be engaged from within the party
as much as possible, and paid  for their services,
thereby enabling them to give their time to teach
ing and further perfecting the courses.
A. J. B.
$2.50 per halt' year; $1  for ten weeks     \.
cheques payable to L. C. A. K. Martens',    JJ? *&
-Soviet Ivussia." Room 304, U0 West im? I (>SS:
New York City. " S'rm,
•    •    a
Through an oversight that we regret
issue failed to mention that the articles v,   !r N
Value/' are by Comrade H. M. Bartholom^^"1?*
tide number two appears in this issue.
lomew.
Comrade J, H. Burroughs, of Prime Eupert
us $,"> as a contribution towards Soviet RuLj' y
ical Relief, donated hy Lyder Knuteon.   The i
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as
Comrades throughout the country are ttill trHni
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losa q]
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Local (Vancouver) No. 1 commenced ita «riate
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England/1 < De Qibbina). Theee claaeei are bekln
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There are able teachers in attendance at
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ECONOMICS AND POLITICS DURING THE
PERIOD OF TRANSITION
SECRETARIAL NOTES.
Last heard of, Comrade Frank Cassidy was in
Cranbrook, and we expect soon to hear that he is in
Fernie. He reports good meetings in several places,
and anticipates a continued successful tour.
Comrade George Wallack, of Tacoma, has been
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We have been asked to give publicity to the postal
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Subscription price to this magazine is $5 per year;
Continued from page 1  .
fundamental    forces   or   classes   ami  the   eatagi
brought about in their mutual relatione hy the pn>
Ietarian dictaotrship in order to realise I"1" IniuuWj
absurd,  nay, stupid,  is  the amall-bourgcoil w*jr'
• so prevalent   in  the Second   International)   th''
Socialism will be attained through '* democracy »
general."    This colossal error is based on the beM
in the classless character of democracy, .i M^'in
stilbd by Mie bourgeoisie.    |n reality, democracy
self enters on a new phase under proletarian dictator-
ship, and the class struggle   is lifted Into I b>Ftf
plane, superseding all anil every other form "f '"n
test
Generalities about liberty, equality, den racy *r?
nothing but a blind replica of notions borrowed from
conditions and  relations  in  industrial  produCUO
The endeavor to solve by means of these phrssw
concrete tasks of the dictatorship of the proletarw
is tantamount to adopting, all along the line, ^'
ories aud principles of the bourgeoisie    I'"1"
proletarian point of view, the only Important 'I1""
tiottl arc:—
'Freedom from oppression by which claes
"Eqpality between what cieesee?" 9
"Democracy on the baeia of private property.
on the basii of the atruggle for the elimination
private property?" A
—"The Communist,' «•' ■'
Note.—(•) One pood equals .'16 H>«.,:'! WESTERN      CLARION
PAGE FIVE
The Tariff
I III-' Canadian  Manufacturers' Association  is
(lU, mh a crusade for new, or high tariff, and
with the Qeual  hypo^y of business, seeks
1 ot no profit-getting with altruistic platitudes.
IV ["n>" ''11 . .
I     nf course, to prove the identity of interest ot
and  labor.
pitsi
boat com
What   is  this  tariff  business?    I
, in is it of ours, and of what benefit to
v,, workers .'
Capitalist production is primarily for profit.    To
[->, capitalist <lusH' thHt iH ll,<* l>0 a11 ttlui e,ul al1 ot
reduction.    It   >H "*"  "°  htfriwri*  moment  to  the
Lnitahsl "ha! is produced nor how it is produced.
',„•   j in used, or if it is used at all.    Capitalism
mill manufacture anything—steam engine or trae
„r tanks Of poiaon g^s, freighters or submarines.
j. WU1 farm anything from grain to babies; clothe
|t   ,u  in   shoddy:   dwarf its   mind  with   deceit;
JMaeken ambition   with   treachery,—provided  only
(•   • :i..tit. profit, profit, can he realized at the end
Irfthe trar.    It will find in its philosophy, an ethic
[for erery agression; a sanction for every immor-
iKty; a justification   for every  crime;  a  plea  for
levery degradation.
Bat to tin- tariff business.
Siace capitaliat production is for profit, then, the
• .: 1^ its field of operation, tbe greater will be
•:.-• rolame "f profit.    Each individual- each group
gpitaltata   struggle against every other group,
-,. extend  their   business  operations,   to  eliminate
their rivals from  the market, to monnpo'ize com-
imeree for themselves.
Hut thia rivalry, this capitalist enterprise, nar-
rows down the available market exactly in propor-
tion 'o the int* nsitication of production.    The na
• iqi of the world, is the market of the world   And
a- these nationals are struggling together in an in-
raceme tight for commercial supremacy, it follows
Lbs! inj weapon "f advantage to any one competi
• ' io thia merciless war for survival shall be adopt-
indeed, must be adopted.    For once in the figh',
there k but one  ending   -signal  victory, or signal
it That is why Spain has become a back number, srhj Holland has lost her "greatness," whj
K •.: h<s fallen into disrepute, why Prance ia now
' inying on desperately to ruin, and why "demo
> draped, in tbe various symbols of ""old
plory."
a Weapon b the tariff     The capital;st elaas
: > nation seeks to exploit the national resources
ciclusively to their own  advantage.    The capital-
tta resent si| ininihion into "their" domain, and,
* 'ar K cireumatancee will permit, deny their competitor! aceeea to the opportunities of exploitation
1" eeuntriea like Canada where the resources are
Qdeveloped,   where   the   native   capital   is   small.
""acre neither business organization nor industrial
" ''ii'y is so highly perfected and coordinated as
old  established   nations,   and   where   in   00080-
1ucnce, capitaliat concentration has not yet become
''' powerful syndicate of trust operation, it  is im-
'Otuble for the capitalists of such a nation to com
Pete roecesafnlly in the open markets of the world
ncace, to save tbe resources for their own profit, the
"I'ltahsi operatora impose a duty on all or on par
' !l')"' commoditiea entering their ports.     Hence
**y hope lo exploit the "home market." to make
"niKii investment pay toll to them ,and to dump
^wterer surplus may be produced, on the world
maraxem oa an equality with better organised com
petitors,
' l"',) is the daydream of the boutgeoisie.   Hut all
,u,1"ii has its reaction, and the stoutest tariff yields
0 we stubborn laws of competition.    For in spite
n   at<* and monopoly, capitalist nations must trade
0 1V(l. must expend their trade if they would sur
w>- must allow goods in, in payment of goods sent
t, and if their tariff imposts seriously restrict the
1 'vitics 0f ,|ieir rivaj8 U|timately do they hamper
"1S(,lves.    |f imports are greatly in excess of ex-
na, the fact finds a swift reflex in (advene) ex
**> which itself acts as a tariff, bringing indus-
' ," J stoPP«»ge.     If exports greatly exceed im
figure their paper wealth, under the laws of ex-
change, through which they must operate. And
tariffs go high, or go low, on or off, as interest and
necessity determine, and as conditions warrant. In
practice there are all sorts of differentials, all kinds
of compromise, and ever changing front of tariff.
Because, as regards the tariff, there is an ever
changing front of capitalist exigency, broug. • 'bout
y its own development, and so too as regards the
preferential, because, all nations in modern commerce are interlocked and interdependent, and the
irrevocable necessities of imperialistic expansion
force capital into an ever more omnipotent concentration—and at the same time, into an ever more
inevitable negative of itself. Hence tariffs and the4r
contradictions: their opponents and protagonists.
Hut the "home market" is by no means the objective of capitalism, nor can it serve capitalist necessity. Concentration is the nemesis of capital, and
in effect, great concentration is intensive exploitation. Therefore, since capitalist production is commodity production, by the terms of that production
the producers, the workers, receive for their production the value of their labor power, i.e., receive
wages, sufficient to reproduce labor power in efficiency for the operation of capitalist industry. But
the value of this labor power is far less than the
value of the commodities which labor power creates. Thus it is impossible for the producers to buy
hack what they have produced. Thus is the home
market dead to the capitalist. And as this produce
must be sold to realize the profit it contains, it must
be exploited. The more intensive if the exploita-
tion the more efficient, the industrial organization.
The more exclusive the field of operations of a single groUp of capitalists, — nation or empire, the
greater ia the potential volume of profit. This is
why capitalist exchange must continually expand.
The question of the tariff is a questionof a partic-
n'ar group of exploiters. To the laborer, whose one
commodity-—labor power—is barter-d as a eommod-
itj in terms of the market, and so converted into
profit, tariff or no tariff matters not to him, and is
absolutely of no advantage to him.
Labor has but one interest: the abolition of the
wage system. With the abolition of capital, and
therefor, of classes, society will attain indentity of
interest For. when it achieves economic freedom,
i.e.. the ownership and control of the means of life—
society achieves all. That is the prime interest of
labor; that is its historic task, and only through
labor can it be realized. R
:0:-
Pwta, then.
In ordinary circumstances, all the sooner
s p,>pita)ist production reach its inevitable stag-
bnil ro«lity, the business of commerce is the
M"°NH of leaders.    They balance their books, and
What the Dictatorship Is.
COMRADE TYLER wishes to know what the
Dictatorship  is, or what  it  means.    Does  it
mean the Dictatorship of a minority!
In the only country where it is in force, namely,
Russia, that is just what it means.
Does   the   working class   have to   employ such
measured
That depends on circumstances. In Russia they
or the conscious minority that hold power,'have
to employ such methods or be swept away. Granted.
Can a Socialist society he built up on this foundation!
That still remains to be seen. If Russia had the
opportunities that peace would provide, we would
be better able to tell. It is on the cards, that a
genuine working class control of the workshops
could function ; but again, the influence of the large
swarms of peasantry with their reactionary ideas,
and control of agriculture, would render this difficult.
If Russia has to struggle along alone, then it is
quite likely a system of government ownership of
industry will eventually come about.
Further. F. S. F. never claimed we would get
Socialism by the "Dictatorship of the Proletariat."
Hut power will be held only by the Dictatorship,
till conditions stabilize.
If by Socialism Comrade Tyler understands working class ownership and control of land ami industry, then we will agree, that can never be, till the
mass of the toilers want it.
Comrade Tyler should surely understand
Bela Kun, Levien, and Liebknecht were forced by
circumstances into the positions they occupied, and
are not therefore to be condemned for the tragic
failures of the premature uprisings. That they were
premature and foredoomed is granted, and hence
the warning in "The Proletarian" that Comrade
Tyler mentions, against such attempts. But we
must bear in mind that those very attempts have
been mighy forces in shaping men's minds.
But has mankind learned any other way?
Bela Kun himself is on record as saying:
"The Hungarian Revolution was premature
only in the sense that only a small portion of
the workers were Communists."
"But, only by Revolution, does the working
class become Revolutionary."
There you have the statement born of actual experience.   Again, let me remind Comrade Tyler that
as Lenin has pointed out:
"When Marx made the statement about a
possible peaceful transition from Capitalism to
Socialism in England and America, militarism
and bureaucracy, as we know them, did not
exist. Now they do, in both countries, due
to monopolism bringing forth imperialism."
In view of the admissions made here, why do I
then support the Russian Dictatorship, may be
asked.
Because, as stated before, the Bolsheviks were
pushed into power by the very logic of events. They
beat the reactionaries to it.
Whether they can achieve "Socialism" or not is
immaterial, I do not claim they can—alone.
Their chief object (and will you deny that this
is trne, or was it not worth all the labor and pain!)
was the securing of a centre for a tremendous world
propaganda, and the, consequent acceleration of the
world revolution. That they are succeeding in this
is incontestable. AVhy, our enemies alone have
been forced into advertising Bolshevism. Communism, and so on, to, an extent undreamed of three
years ago. Perhaps it would have been wiser to
have wired the S. P. G. B. for advice first, ere taking such desperate chances: but we must excuse
them that oversight.
Russia at that particular time afforded a golden
opportunity for seizing power, aud most emphatically the action has been justified.
The other countries mentioned were in a far less
favorable situation, and the propaganda was not
so much advanced, as was the case in Russia.
It may be asked then, if the masses in Russia do
not desire the Bolshevik rule now (if that is the
easel, does it not show that their education was
neglected!
By no means: for an illiterate population, full of
slavish instincts, they have fought the good fight
remarkably well. Let Comrade Tyler reflect ou
the terrible hardships they have endured, and compare the Russian workers with his fellow slaves in
our democratic lands, and still they come out best.
Their morale and trust in their leaders may be
breaking, but we have yet to be shown.
And will Comrade Tyler tell us just what the Bolsheviks should have done! Or what they should
now do? Would the Russian slaves have been better off if the "great incident" had never happened *
If Comrade Tyler wishes to delude himself that
opposition to the rule of the workers will be limited to "raving," he is to be pitied. Unfortunately,
it is much easier to play upon prejudice and passions than to carry on education of the kind in need.
And that is just where the ruling class shines. Right
here in Washington we find full page ads. in a
newspaper calling for war on the I. W. W., by all
loyal Americans, and Comrade Tyler cau figure out
for himself just what such things can lead to.
True, we" will fight to maintain democratic procedure, but it is very probable that a situation will
arise where the democratic wings of the workers are
clipped, and the propaganda forced underground
aa ia the case already here, in the U. S., with some
organizations.
"Whenever the working class desires Socialism,
we will get it."   Will we!
Believe me; it takes more than desire to achieve
victory over a ruling class.   If four-fifths of the
slaves desire Socialism, and only one-fifth are determined to get it, that minority would have to estab-
(Continued on page 8.)
:■■    '
if
Warn
■■    I: PAGE SIX
WESTERN     CLARION
Concerning Value
By H. M. Bartholomew.
Artical No. 2—The Classical School.
If
POLITICAL economy ia a science, and aa such,
ita findings should be iu strict accord with
the highest teats of scientific methods.
What are the tests of true scientific methods!
To be concise, scientific .methods must possess rigid
an 1 logical analysis, accurate induction, luminous
and pregnant hypothesis, masterly synthetic verification, ample preparation for reasonable forecast.
It is the purpose of the writer of these articles
to examine the several theories of Value in the light
of these tests of scientific method, and to ascertain,
as closely as possible, the truth of this important
phase of political economy.
There has existed, as we saw in the previous article, a certain amount of ambiguity and complexity regarding the term Value. The leading economists have been none too sure of their ground.
Indeed there is no other phase of economics which
has caused-so much confusion of thought and such
diversification of views us that which is the subject
of these articles.
Despite this fact, however, there has been more or
less agreement concerning certain concepts of Value
which are of the utmost importance. It is significant
(as we shall see later that there is general agreement as to what constitutes value. Especially is
this noticeable with the exponents of the Classical
School. %
Practically all the economists of note who voice
the opinions of that school of thought agree that
quantity of labor constitutes value; the amount of
human labor, that is, which is necessary to produce
the commodities which are brought into exchange.
This contribution to the subject is of such tremendous import that the writer maizes no apology
for introducing several lengthy quotations from
those' who are still reckoned the greatest  English
economists.
Adam Smith was the first economist of note, to
deal with this subject at great length.   He tells u<
that:
"The real price of everything, what everything really costs to the man who wants to
acquire it. is the toil and trouble of acquiring
it. What everything is reaPy worth to the man
who has acquired it. and who wants to dispose
of it or exehange it for something else, is the
toil and the trouble which it can impose on
otrier people. Labor was the first price—the
original purchase-money that was paid for all
things. In that early and rude state which
precedes the accumulation of stock and the appropriation of land, the proportion l>etween the
quantities of labor necessary for acquiring different objects seems to be the only circumstance which can afford any rule for exchanging them for one another. If among a nation
of hunters, for example, it usually costs twice
the labor to kill a beaver which it does to kill
a deer, one beaver would naturally be worth or
exehange for two deer.    It is natural that what
fi usually the produce of two days' or two
ours' lahor should be worth double of what
is usually the produce of one days' or one
hours' labor  '—'Wealth of Nations."
Ricardo confirms the above passage re the basis
of Value in exchange and continues:
''That this is really the foundation of the
exchangeable value of all things, excepting
those which cannot be increased by human industry, b a doctrine of the utmost importance
in political economy. If the quantity of labor
rea'ized in commodities regulate their ex-
* changeable value, every increase in the quantity of labor must increase the value of the
commodity on which it is exercised as every
diminution must lower it.
'To convince ourselves that this is the real
foundation of exchangeable value, let us suppose any improvement to he made in the means
of abridging labor in any of the various pro
eesses through which the raw cotton must pass
before the manufactured stockings come to the
market to be exchanged for other things; and
observe the effeets which will follow. If fewer
men were required to cultivate the raw cotton,
or if fewer sailors were employed in navigating* or shipwrights in constructing the ship in
which it was conveyed to us; if fewer hands
were employed in raising the buildings and ma.
chinery. or if these, when raised, were rendered
more efficient; the stockings would inevitably
fall in value, and command less of other things.
They would fall,  because a less quantity of
labor was necessary to their production, aud
would therefore exchange for a smaller quantity of those things m which no such abrwig-
#       ment  of labor has been  made."—" Principles
of Political Economy and Taxation."
Jofen Stuart Mill, despite his iuveterate eclecticism, says that:
"The value of a thing is its geueral power of
purchasing, the command which its possession
gives  over  purchasable  commodities   in   general."
And of this "general power of purchasing" he
states that:
"They are determined by the component elements of the cost of production, and the principal of them, and so much  the principal as
nearly the sole, we found to be labor.'"—"Principles of Political Economy." book 3.
Even Jevons. the leading exponent of Final Ctil
ity. (of which more anon ■ is forced to admit that:
"in other words, value is proportional to
cost  of  production"—  Theory    of    Political
Economy," p.  11*2.    Emphasis Jevons
Last of all, perhaps I may be permitted to add a
quotation frorjt Sir William Petty.    He says, speak
ing of exchange value in relation to corn:
"How   much   money   is   thi.s   corn   or   rent
worth?    1 answer, so much as the money which
another single man can save within the same
time over and above his expense if he applied
himself wholly  to produce and  make it ,  viz.,
let another man so travel into a country where
i> silver, dig it, refine it. bring it to the same
place where the other man planted  hie corn,
coin it etc., the same person all the while .if
hi> working for silver gathering also food for
his necessary livelihood and procuring himself
covering, etc., I say the silver of the one must
l»e esteemed of equal value with  the corn of
the other: the one being perhaps twenty ownfifl
and the other twenty bushels     From whence it
follow! that the price of a bushel of this eorn
to he an ounce of silver."—"Political   Arithmetic."
It would be an easy matter to extend tbesg quotations   far beyond  the  limits  of  thus  article,   but
there   is sufficient   to  illustrate  the general   agree
ment  of political  economists upon  this  important
phase of our subject.
There is little need for us to enter into an elalM>r-
ate abstract disquisition upon this phase. The evidence of both theory and practise verify the findings
of the economist.
It  is obvious that  in two commodities of equal
exehange   value   there   exists,   in   equal   quantities,
something common to both.v  In other words, caeh
is equal to and is reducible to a common third.      A
bushel of wheal exchanges, al the present time, i
a woollen shirt.    Th»se two diaitimilar commodities,
that is to say. exchange upon an equality, and pos
sess, de facto something which is common to DOllL
What is this which enables n.s to mea.sure th*- ex
change   value  of  these  two  commodities?    In   the
first place, both the wheat and the shirt are useful
commodities.    Is their value determined by the de
gree of their utility? (*)    Liaten to Ricardo on this
point:
"When Lgive 2,000 times' more cloth for a
pound of gold than I give for a pound of iron
does it prove that I attach 2.000 times more
utility to gold than I do to iron? Certainly not.
it proves that the cost of production of gold is
» 2.000 times greater than the cost of production
of iron. If the cost of the two metals were the
same I should give the same price for them ;
but if utility were the measure of value it is
probable I should give more for the iron.    It is
the competition of producers which regu
lates fhe value of different commodities. If
then, I give one shilling for a loaf and twenty-
one shillings for a guinea, it is no proof that
this is my estimation of the comparative meas
ure of their utility."—"Principles of Political
Economy and Taxation." •
Nevertheless it must be stated that a given commodity can possess no exchangeable  value  unless
it also possess a use-value     There Deed I
ing of the point that an article which
human need possesses no value in relati.
commodities.
■atiafe, „
» to oft*
We see. therefore, that the third article to whi
any two commodities are  reducible and by ml
their \alne is determined, in human labor do**
as Karl Marx tells us:
"A use-value, or useful article, therefor? ka
value only because human labor  n the attirm
has  be.-n embodied or materialised ia  •
* Capital." vol. 1. p. 4'» \
Again. Marx tells us that: ,
"As values, all commodities are onlyd
masse* <%f congealed labor-time."   H>i<I. n ^
To examine thi* phase of our subject frost & different  viewpoint.    The wealth of any nation nu
accumulation  of  commodities,  and  this aeecaritl
tion is the result of the application of human take
power to Nature.    «>r as Sir William Petty iSTi:
"The   earth   is    the    mother  and   labor tM
father of all wealth."
If.  man  by  the expenditure of bat labor pete
creates a number of commodities, then rarely :j*
value of those couimoditie*. to relation t>* eaeJi otaa
is peopotttocml tO the quantity of lal^r DOWCr MM
eary for tbeir production 1 'Aa we have - thai
the \ iew held by political eoooomista of note,
Of the matter best summarized b) the able rCI
the subject in the " Encyclopaedia Britannic*.'1
"Thus the ultimate elements in the rea
of production are the toil and t-   .   •
ftomenrs* of  labor and  of  saving."—& ' B
Value.
It is true that economists of note asrr^< >
constitute* mine. These thinkers tell us that (0*
tity of human labor determines the rahM • iaj
given commodity.    But they d>> not *
alyse  the   kind  of labor   which  < •.   •  -
mine*  value.     It   is upon  this  point  thai '     am
difficulty of our analysis bogina, and the i      ■'
rice wh.ch Karl Marx rendered tbe ■ -     '
becomes apparent
Kext Article: "Quantitative aad Qualitative Labor
PLATFORM
Socialist Party of
Canada
Wrf   Xh*   AorUHH   Part*   of   ClB* l»    »ff r*      '*   »'*'*''
aad •. t t-Tt of. an mtmaakmam »«*<* pro«r»»»'
t i r.»r>   workiac   «'»»•
IVor   apr>:>»d  i)  e»i«f«;   im"»"'«.   ;r  '•-   '   '
T>>r pt »»nt aaamaaaat tymtam la *••*«* »r»"   - **
•his «f ib# m'»n» of prwjurt.on   aamaatfimmtti   » ■
darta   of   labor   b*i>n«   lo   IB*   rap.laiial   *!«»»      I»»
it    Ibrrrtarr,   nulT.   Ik*   work*?   •   alar*.
,*» m ol tt
«•  lont  aa  Ih,  f»pit»li«t  rtaaa  r*maina  to  poa»««
f»t*»   nt   «*.r»ri>a**«>t    all   th«   p*w*ra   of   lH#   Stat*   » ^  w
to   pr. |.M   and   4»f*nrt   ita   proportr   nf«l«   H   **•   , TJ
w>al:h  fodartiaa  an4   tU   control  M  «»'   !»•*"  "   '
Th*   rapitaliat  a.raoei  «•!»»«  t«  Hi*  rapoatiat  *3  '"rJ".<
mt   »«r.aa»  «f   prwSla.   a»4   la   mat   workfr.   an  »"•
m<»»»ur»   of   eaturrj   *ni   d»fT»4aliaa
TIP
Tb» lt.l#rr.i of ta* «irk;a« <•!»»« !"• ■* «•***■< " fifw
trim < ri»ii»!i*t rjplotatioa hj ih» rtamiwi ■■' . ^
«r»«"«-   oo-trt   whlfo   lhi»   fiplo>l»Onn.   •«   »»*  f"  ■ (||
iMlUn.    1*    d»»k#4.    T»    a««w»pli»k    «>"•    r"""''"^.o
armmatatmaammm of nptulut pr^p^ny in th« «»»»« *
pt*luri!on   into  IMlaftj  r»otroll«sl   trooomu   tana* >(
Ta»  lrr»pr»»».l.!*  r-.tifttrl  of  lr.t»r».«   h*l*'"> ,!" '
at>4  tar   wnrk»T   nrf-aaanly   ripfr«»<-i   »»•*»■   »•  *  "'
pefttlcal   aoprrmarj.    Thii   t«   th-  Q$M  mVmto** -
Thrrrfor*.  v* rail all WftWI t« organn* MaVl  I ^
ot ih* S«wiah»t  Pariy of Canada,  wilh  ik» ^ , ,,
tag lh» tM»UOr«l powrra. tor I*' p«ri>«»# of »*Oin.- ip    ^   tf
terrlmf   U»«   croix^siic   projraaim*   ot   lb*   ""•'
f >lK>w»
Note.—{•'» Dealt with in later article.
I.    Th* lUHlW—fW, »« rapKly  »»  I ^,,,0,
ilaliat pr.»p#rl]r  .o  iha  »«•»«•  "f  "  ' .   ,::)
(aalaral  rMouri-*»( ftMlaWi—■ »' »•  r*
lata cotUrtiTr m#ana of pro4neU<*-
i    T^ 0rta»ttati«n aej wama*amr*a\
O ■   working rlaaa , ,»#•
3.     TU  WaSarlliaWit,   at  »P'^'!?   »• .,.41.
dtKi.oa for ua# in»t<-»a of mnmaatm WESTERN     CLARION
PAGE SEVEN
Family Life Through The Ages
H
PART II.
M
iRGAN, in "Ancient Society," has record-
'     I three distinct systems of consanguinity
.•.I
the Malayan, Turanian or (Janowanian,
I \rvan     He has also outlined five different
liit.il   11* * *
I      , of the  family—the Consanguine,  l'unaluan,
fcvndyaetniaa  or  Pairing,  1'atriarchal.  and  Mono-
|piin;:i'!i.
It
not our purpose to deal in detail with these
tfotrate forma of the family or consanquiuity. The
foaiu .an always refer to the main work to enlarge
kjucqtjaintenanee with any or all of these particular
mtemi While many valuable contributions have
>',.,,. madl «" the science of early races of men by
 lem writers, still, Morgan's work remains in a
i.^ |lV itself as the most important collection of
fans on ethnology that has yet been presented. •
In our iaal W« concerned ourselves with pointing
out tho reasons for the reduction of the group, or
tie contraction of the circle, in the field of sexual
relitionship. The first great change we attributed
to the knowledge acquired by primitive man through
^nerving th* deteriorating effeets of close inbreeding; The remedy preseribetl was prohibition of in-
ttr-mtrriagfl between certain seetions of the group.
Tie extension of this prohibition to other more re-
•   te degrees of relationship would obviously result
(he impossibility of group marriage at all. As
}'.-:':<■]< in the ' Origin of the Family" has it: "A*
last •! \ one eonpie, temporarily and loosely united,
remaint; that molecule, the dinnTntinn of which
absolutely puts an end to marriage."
Marriage between single pairs was the rule in the
\   lyaamian form of the family.   But while one
msn and orn- woman took the place of the group
'    attic  affairs  this  pairing  family  i»<iss,ssed
but ii"   characteristics of the present form.
h was not by any means an indisoluable union,
I • - Contracting parties vowed eternal nlleg-
•   "    • ugh   life's   tempestuous  journey.       The
*:;-* could be broken at will. Hither husband
t site could dispense with the other when occasion
sarrtcted It was optional with the parties of the
Brat and second parts how long the marriage rela-
continued. Be] love hail not rcaehed that
itage oj development later made possible by the
jrowth  of  the  property   institution,   so   that   the
,(MCCatw union was essentially one of convenience
alone.
ihe con teal with the common enemy nature, was
; • !..., 'k,,.,! t(> j,Pn„it of separate habitations for
'" married pairs. The old communistic mode of
Bonaekeeptng still sufficed. A number of families
h*M Qnder the same roof and kept house together.
!r ill matters pertaining to household affairs the
Women were the rulers. They prepare,! the food
ttd raised the children. Mere man found his sphere
"! influence on the outside. He .had a mandatory
•'•'i" the hunting grounds, and it was bis function
" ;""nsh the eats. When domestic difficulties
KH&ed "a the horizon it was generally tUc man who
"hv loreed to gather up his scanty trappings and
■**« the home. The children ami household effects
teW ander control of the women.
-'" petticoat government had its limitations ami
u'"tnally its termination.    Changes of a most im-
|,r,«ii» nature were taking place at the economic
*? '" ■••Jiiy.   Something hitherto unknown, and
•Cued, was making its appearance with rapid
'<,s       Phis something   was private   property.
the time  of its  inception   in  earlier  stages
J|,ns Of property were left in the hands of those
,   ° "*<•<!  them.   Woman  had  control   inside  the
Cl "ml ma° 0ll,*iJ«-    i" the hunting stage this
a mean that woman predominated in an econ
hii   M"so    Mau'l posKessioiiK were limited to crude
p.xt( a   W0apong» wn^e woman's sphere of control
U(>11 to all the utensils necessary to the home.
ton     ">W t,l° H(,t*n^ changeaj a momentous meta-
| ,0s's had  occurred;      Social progress,  grad-
kIiov. "f''',u,r,nK mo»»ciitum,  had  received  a great
si,,,,/  forw*fd<      New discoveries and  Inventioni
"" >» leaving valuable property in the hands
of man. Cattle were captured and domesticated;
mineral deposits were discovered and utilized; manufacturing of a crude nature was indulged in. Slav-
cry appeared.
Into the possession of the male members of society
came those various items of property. Man's star
was in the ascendent; woman's on the wane. Private
property resulted in a complete change in the family relations. Maternal law could not withstand the
shock* which property evoked. The children belonged to the woman. They were of her gens, and
while such a system lasted the female share of the
property alone could go to the children. The man's
belongings went to his gens; to his brothers and
sifters, and the children of his sisters.
M does not require a very keen power of abstract
thought to conclude that maternal law was now at
the end of its tether. That the superior economic
position of man would result in the collapse of the
ancient system of inheritance is easily seen. His
children must inherit his property. To make this
possible, woman's ancient prerogatives must be
shattered.    They  were.
Monogamy, with its train of attendants jealousy,
prostitution, and individual sex love, appeared on
the scene together. Woman was completely defeated and all her rights surrendered to victorious
man. Her function from now on was confined to
tearing children and being the submissive slave of
man.
i»nr present family order, then, has not existed
since time began to count the centuries. The wedding service in our established churches* declares
that the present marriage system is as old as the
human race itself. How far this is from being cor-
rCCt we can see by a glance at history. Even when
th. transformation did take place it was not engendered by pure, lofty, idealistic impulses. Grossly material incentives lie at its very base. Cold,
calculating property requirements demanded its inception.
As for the family of today, while the form is in
.vs. nee the same as it was at the birth of mono-
L'.nr»y, many variations can be noticed. The relative
positions of men and women have drastically changed. So much slop and piffle has been disseminated
00 the sex question in recent years that a brief reference to aex functions and positions will not be
amiss
The woman question has long been a fascinating
field of research. Poets, novelists, magazine scribblers, quasi philosophers, and cub reporters have all
contributed their quotas on lovely woman. The
conclusions they have arrived at have depended
largely on bow the writer was affected at the time
by the opposite sex. If all was happy and serene
between the investigator and the object of his
amours, then, beautiful and graphic phrases portray the becoming features of those lovely specimens of adoraWe femininity.
If. however, all is not well between the painter
ami the painted, the outlook on the matter is dms-
tieally changed. The glowing eharms of womanhood have lost their attraction. The dimples in the
ehin. the lovelight in the eyes, the warts on the
back of her neck, and the powder on her nose assume a gloomy and sombre aspect. The point of
attack now is the vicious temper, the jealous disposition, the lack of conjugal fidelity, the vampir-
ish methods, and other frailities that are not monopolized by either sex.
Such attempts at analyses may prove interesting
and entertaining hut. shunning as they do the very
foundation of the subject, they cannot be in any
degree instructive. They are nothing more than
temperamental outbursts that are liable to sway to
the opposite extreme with the slightest whim or
fancy. Heroes and heroines, villains and vampires,
who* exist either for the purpose of enobling their
fellow creatures by the magic force of a Polly-
nnna. or breaking UP homes, and strewiug the
wreckage of what was oire domestic bliss around
the feet of shattered hopes and unfulfilled romances,
are not realistic and do not concern us.
To properly examine the respective positions of
men and women in the world process we are forced
to dig beneath the surface. Not even to any one
branch of science can we limit our investigation.
Many exponents of sex theories confine themselves
to physiology, psychology, or sociology, and consider that in one of these fields they find ample means
of fathoming the mysteries connected with sex relations.
References to woman as being man's superior, inferior, half, whole or equal, only portray the fact
that the reviewer has not adequately studied the
lesson. To know woman we must know sex first.
This knowledge attained, we must then understand
the influence of environment extending over a
course of many centuries. Biological and sociological
laws must be probed into, and dissected, before the
problem is solved.
Looking at the different phases of organic nature
that surround us, we find, in the midst of divergent
surface features, a striking similarity at the base.
Whether the particular organism* be that of man,
animal, fish, tree, flower, or plant, every moment
of such an existence, whether covering a matter of
hours or centuries, is made up of a process of assimilation and decomposition. One force building up,
another tearing down; one constructive; the other
destructive; or as the biologist would place them in
the scientific category—anabolism and katabolism.
The outcome of the balance between tm *e contending forces we know as life. WThere the ouild-
ing up influence predominates, we have certain
characteristics manifested that we know as female-
ness, and where the opposite action overrides, male-
ness is the result. The attributes of the former are
quiescence, passivity, eonservativeism, and. of the
latter activity and restlesseness.
Deep down at the roots of biology and spciology,
then, we find the vital differences between the sexes
that must be unravelled ere the baffling problem
is on the road to solution. Man and woman, instead
of presenting two distinct entities that absolutely
exclude all encroachments from the other direction,
are both required to form that one organism—man.
Kaeh one dovetails into and completes the other.
They are each the separate sides of the one shield.
Comparison as to the importance of either sex in
the complete organism is out of the question. As
all the wheels of a watch are necessary to its timekeeping potentialities, and it would not be a watch
without the inclusion of all the parts, so are the two
sex functions indispensable to the human organism.
Starting from such a basis we can read the riddle.
To know the present we must understand the past.
The surface-grazing attempts of modern literary
lights, and professors of unknown sciences, serve
only to obscure the issue, and prevent the light of
investigation from penetrating the misty realms of
other ages. In our next we will conclude the review. J. A. McD.
10:
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I
II
'4:
f": PAGE EIGHT
WESTERN     CLARION
ii
Book Review.
WHERK IRON IS THERE IS THE FATHERLAND.—
52 pp. (paper), 50 cents. Now York, It .\V. lluebs-h,
Inc.
New Zealand Review.
BY *:; inversion of the law of optics, when we
consider social affairs, the more remote we are
from the affairs considered the better we see them,
so as the war recedes our view of it is enhanced, and
in proportion as our view enlarges so does our disgust.
This pamphlet is a record of the European Metal
Trusts' activity during the war. To the patriot, and
especially to the soldier who answered his country's
call, it will awaken painful memories: to the Socialist it will but add practical examples to his historic
and economic theories.
The Basin of Briey. a portion of invaded France
seized by the Germans in their first onslaught, was
held by them until almost the close of the war. without any real effort being made to dislodge them.
In fact one French General. Sarrail—who conceived an offensive in this sector, had his plan vetoed, and was himself removed to auotber front,
where his active mind was esteemed more precious
than honor or human life.
The Basin of Baiey is part of the great iron fields
of France. After the Franco-Prussian war. France
was allowed to retain this part of the iron tields.
when Alsace-Lorraine was taken over by Germany;
this was not an oversight or out of charity, but because the iron of this section was not favorable to
the then known steel process. But development of
the industry ultimately makes this disputed iron the
finest in the whole field, so that in 1913 Oermany
imported almost four million tons of iron ore from
this district.
As this war was fought  with  iron   it   might.be
seen by the least military minded, that the loss ot
such an enormous output of necessary war materia
would have crippled blockaded Oermany.
But the Gods of War or some one more potent
decreed that this should not be.   France left this
valuable territory an easy prey to Germany, m
failed to exert any appreciable effort to regain it.
When the American troops in 1918 relieved the
French in this sector, they were told that not on •
man had been killed there since the war began.
This remarkable and estimable method of e<
ducting a war might very well commend itself to
the followers of Christ, buf as it was peculiar to
this sector, it requires explaining.
The explanation is not commendable of that
degree of self-sacrifice which the French capitalist
demanded of the French worker.
Germany was allowed to extract the same quantity
of iron from these mines during the war, that she
had be— in the habit of doing during peace. How
this was accomplished is interesting, and may well
repay the price and tune necessary to read the
book.
Lead and nickle are also needed in modern slaugh
ter-fests, and here we are told some unsavory facts.
In September. 1914, a Norwegian ship the "Bennett-
loet" loaded with nickle. sailed for Hamburg, Germany, and on the 24th September it waa stopped by
the French ship "Dupetit-Thouars." and brought to
Brest. Half of its cargo had been paid in advance
by Krupp. Despite the opinion of the prize court,
this ship was released and directed to Copenhagen
From whence did this ship come! It came from
New Caledonia, a French colony.
So the man who fought in the mud of Flanders
might learn that when he was lacking lead and
nickle, the French Government was very kindly
passing it on to Germany. Of course every labor
trouble was brought forcibly to his notice, but of
such little incidents which were frequent in occur
rence, as reported in "Paris-Midi" by Senator
Henry Berenger, he was not informed. Of ferro-
silieon, another war necessity, we have some very
interesting information. .French manufacturers
supplied this material to Germany knowing that it
would be used against France within a few months.
We are told that former Premier Viviani stated
that a supply of silicon was placed handy to Krupp
EVENTS are |0 few and far between in the
life of New Zealand, and so similar to those
that are history in nearly every other country, that the task of writing a report upon them
makes one feel like the man who gets up to speak
and discovers that he ha.s nothing to speak about.
But in keeping on with this work, in spite of its
apparent formality, we are building an institution
that will some day be of greater importance than
most people think.
The cost of living has remained fairly steady since
out last report, 62 per cent, above pre-war standard
The coal miners, waterside workers, seamen, daugh
termen. railwaymen aud the workers of a tew oth< r
industries have received increases in wages corresponding to the C. of Ii. The greater mass of workers remain far below the pre-war standard of living.
The railwayman took a ballot in April and decided
by an overwhelming majority to strike for better
conditions and higher wages. Tbe North Island
drivers, firemen and cleaners, immediately struck,
with a few shunters and navvies following, but the
South Island men stuck to their good work. The
,whole thing Reeled out in a most amusing manner,
and it was onlv !a*t month that thev received their
i> -
increases. It was their first strike, and now th'-y
have broken the ice they are taking a more active
interest in social affairs. The railway department
administration is going to increase far s and freight
rates to 'offset'' tht) increased expenses due to rise
iu wages. All our little middle-class and slaves with
middle-class ideas are wailing the old cry. ':ncr<as-
Cd Tag** higher prices."
The  main   feature of the State  poaacaeioa of  in
duatries is  revealing  itself in  the political  admin
istratiou.    The State mines, railways, post and tele
i»raph.  by  providing the expenses of State,  lessen
the antagoniin between the various sections of the
capitalist  elaas.    Much of the political  history of
New Zealand is merely a record of the struggle between the landowning and merchant and industrial
capitalist for party domination, the dominant party
making the other sections pay most  of the taxev
In a young country where roads and such facilities
have   to  Ih?   rapidly   constructed  tbe   expenses of
Stale are  extraordinarily  high and  taxation   is  an
important matter.    With industries in the hands of
the State at least one bone of contention disappear*
The Labor Party still rubs along gathering in tbe
lambs, while it is being gathered into the fold of the
Roman Catholic <'hurch itself. In some districts it
is right in tbe clutches of the R (' <'.. ami seem',
to be chiefly concerned with the Irish question. It
also advances claims of the R. C. Sisters of Mercy
so that they would have command of it when need
ed.    That agents of the French company supplying
it were forbidden to deliver any to Russian agents.
the al'y of Vranee.
So the tale goes on. And the excuses, when they
condescend to excuse therowlves, are worth reading
A sort of gentleman's agreement was entered upon.
Let me alone here. I'll let you alone there. Ami
as an example, the fact is adduced of no General
Staff headquarters having ever been shelled. Red
Cross wagons, hospital ships, hospitals, helpless
women and children were again and again assailed
by shell fire and bombs, but let it be written to their
cr.dit. the Hun never molested the Allied General
Staff headquarters, those palatial private cars in
which Haig and company lay in the mud of Flam!
ers.
As the French Deputy Pierre Renamb I said: "It
is only for poor devils that war is not a gentleman's
agreement."
There are only 52 pages in this book, but they
are packed with facts which ought to enlighten
even the most ignorant patriot, that the people who
do the fighting, are too busy at their trade to get
any of the plunder.
And those deluded people who rave about the
wage earned by labor during the war will find here
something more tangible to test their vigorous
speech upon. We heartily recommend this book to
those who do the world's work, and fight their
bosses' battles. J. H.
to   cheap   transport   oh   government   r-.iiu-.
As the L.  P. is similar to the  1.  |,   p  (), ,'.
ftg and
1 ' WI <!••->
with which you are familiar, ere w
,t   further
There  is an educational Organisation u
the Workers" Educational Aaeociation, operati
the main centres ami extending everywhere   I
an offshoot  of the Cniversity.    It  [a like a
vine sneaked over the fence for the slaw. »*Ij ,
the   fruit   from.    The   main   subject   i* ,
Many other subjects are taught. hut er,,[in:U;(./9
made most interesting to tbe wage plug! andften
■hop helpers who want to kill  monopoly tad •
the  wool  kings from  making excessive profit!  It
affords   the   young   Marxian   students   nn
opp*
tunny of tenting their economics .icamsi th.*- „»
tbe bourgeois instructor.      But  the eeonot&i
feasors of the W   E   A. are Banning men wdq
their  business  we'l.    They   have  read  Jin
say, but are always willing to go to tfreat pains I
show that there has been much written on ecoa
since Marx died. "He was a elever mar, -m httdaj
but things are different DOW," they repeat, pim?.
fashion    However, with all its cunning and tat i
cloven   hoof   behind   it.   it   is  quite  i<-sp r!a;,•   i,.
ganiaing classes and introducing the atudj of we*
omica, it is only paving the way fee the km -
Socialist,
The Marxian Association ts nol growing verj fast
Its  members are scattered  widelj  and art
much spade work.    Student olaasea ire bt
ious placet and occaaionally someone give* i
address. We   still    require   SpCakei M
wasted by members attacking front the flo n
tie meetings fakirs <»n the platform.   TI
the platform, if his audience he in •■•   gent  i
svmpatbetic, has tlie last word in SO argument
often gets the better of the young p\    igi   -
the  floor.     We  are  Mill  more  m  • ■>••■ I    "     I ben
lo some places there an large Hasne*
competent to teach beyond the merest
wis.     In other places there arc i on  ■ '
struggling with a  few ha!f hearted itttd Tk
executtvejif the If. A. has written ■ pai
plaining our attitude towards the Labor Part 8
far we have not been aide to get it printed, 81
have it in the hands of the Australian 8. P. !'*:'
ers
We are not only few. but scattered al ' -
and it will be some time before WC BOW ■
active party.
We an* Celling a good deal of literature I
dividual   members each  have  little atocks
own  in circulation.
Fraternal  greetings to the comrade,
„f c. Per THOS FEABT,
New Zealand  Marxian  Assoc
■   ■   —■ jo;«   -
WHAT THE DICTATORSHIP IS
le-'re
{('ontinucd from page
lisb  a  dictatorship  to  hold   the
and prevent them lusting after "the old tJ'
behind." toward which the parasite minority «'
DO    coninually    plotting,    sabotaging     introfV -
and "ravufg." the while they carried 00 th	
revolt. ,
To concludei if a revolutionary aituatwn a?
ops in a countrv, and conditions arc favorab
rulers weak, and the masses ripe for ection,
be a treacherous thing for the conscioua nn"
to fall down on th.- job of leadership ^ ,
There iH where the half-educated slaves will**1
uate. Comrade Tvler. V. 8. PM'I.KNh»-
HERE AND NOW ■
Following, $1 each   !• Harries, C  Lot"', '  '
X    Johnson.  Geo.   Haclaqn.  0.   Enckion,   i.
Rahim,   \   Rawden, F   Parson*, H   Gi iml
Bronson, A, Mogriage, M. Loveng, C '
Mendr«>on,  A    Kotlan. ,    \|,;.  V
Following. 12 each   P. Cassidy, N   and ii
Shepherd,   I.   'larnrr. .,   „    ,t.  |0c; J'
I    F  Maguire. $3;   I   V.  fallen. $1.25;   *    ';,     '
VV'atson, I3j S I Rose, 13; W. S Mstthcx a {)-i..
Total nihseriotkmi received from 28th S  ■'
OctObCTi  inclusive—total,  $4035-
CLARION   MAINTENANCE  FUND. f,
.1 v. Cnllen, $1 Hi; R  Gardner, Ms '■.'■ K::'/;'',, si
Bert Reset-I, $1 75:' S. J. Rose, $1: Cath*rtne l J"jfmber to
<" M. F  contriluiiions received from >'" •
l.uh October. imliSSvc   total. |635,

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