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Western Clarion May 2, 1921

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A Journal of
.0. 642
Official Organ of
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, MAY 2, 1921.
International Labor Day
. tat
UK whole  world over, thc class conscious
working |>coplc will celebrate the First of
M;o  There will be parades, speeches, songs,
B,j f-eneral rejoicing.
In main lands, the appearance of our brothers
pd M>tcr-. nn the streets will be the signal for 00-
jauis'ht by lh« armed thugs who obey the dictates
our masters, and shoot or club down their own
blow v.-triors. There can l>c no doubt thai some
nur comrades will sec their last May Day. It i-
csstoman •wcurrcncc in those countries where
master class feel themselves sitting on tin- vol-
■.tie* edge But it is an inspiring thing to reflect
kraiYw momenta on the significance of this world.
ride celebration.
Caa JfOU k*rasp the fact that the most intelligent
prober-. r<i our class, people whom we never HW,
ever will n.-. jKoplc whom we couldn't sjnak to il
\k did meet them,  men   and women of all races.
fal and tongues, representing every land where
»l>ita! ha> found a foothold, yet each and every
(breathing the living spirit of revolt, singing one
if, thr Internationale, are this day marching un-
r sac banner, and that the one our Russian com-
lf- so proudly carry at the head of the column.
Red Standard of Social  Revolution. S*fm00ttC
i tin common blood.     No matter what other dif-
miccs u<  may have in our surface appearance.
ie blood ol i \ cry slave is Red.   That is our symbol.
h ha- dripped the world over to keep  their re
CCtive ••.aster classes safe.    It stains every dollar
their •x.sm-vsion.    But now, it  is dawning   on
rrater numbers than ever before that if blood of
eeesnt) be shed, then the place to shed it is in the
ata of Class Conscious tabor, fighting to take
,r OWll again,
Il U a most happy omen of the future, when we
* 'he highest    social instinct    gaining    ground.
•at can be more distinctive of growing reasoning
tower nn the part of our class than thc growth of
■N sentiment that places thc Internation above
ttioa tribe, elan, kindred, and family?
"indicates a breadth of outlook that will never
wind amongst the followers of nationalism.
•' is a dj
The earhcs( form of mutua| aia> t*ie first groifp
*>* formed for better defense, was thc pioneer of
f Intern ation.   No matter that group has slaugh-
* poup, in the bitter struggle for survival; no
J,,l>r thai uncounted millions have laid down their
r's ™ tri ,.,1, am*  nationalistic quarrels, and are
r doinK so- the inevitable trend of cVcnts has ai
linguishing feature of man to he grc-
^ecn toward larger group formations.
groups having adapted themselves most
Uc«'bsfulN tt) tllc course of fac struggle, first with
41"" • then in the economic battle for markets, to
°« the surplus  wealth that slaves produce
Atr ",as,crs, have survived.   These economic
|r-fi^,CS 'rc not Peaceful by any means. They
*sa Cl th ",SlIvcs on thc political field, and as war
I" dcont»uiation of politics, bloody fights took place
I °« ermine who shall he top dog.
|wh0UtfM s Pawning on the minds of the workers
\*C fln"Sh thc ^n****^*. ■ th«t not markets
ter 'p     Sh the "-otires for their mutual slaugh-
PW yctra ag0' Marx wdl 9tated that N,v
head '! Var Was * mo9t convenient method of
tha. a  "ff any thrcatening slave revolt.   So it is.
. "l the \v,,rf
kcrs arc beginning to realize that then*
ar« mutual, no    matter what   imaginary
't s   *i r«-»    I
"rawn by alleged statesmen between peo
>rot a League of Nations will solve this problem,
because the nations still retain class divisions, and
will always do so, until thc struggle continually
taking place over the division of Labor's product,
is settled by Labor boldly striking out for all political power, and bringing administration into line
with the tacts of wealth production.
So it is that thc most intelligent workers in all
countries who,know they have nothing to lose but
their chains meet together symbolically at least, on
Labor's Day and proclaim their common interests,
in the face of bourgeois rage and hatred. We have
more heart for the struggle now then ever before.
Any one of us. momentarily discouraged, has but
to look hack a few years when all seemed dark, and
now. turn his or her eyes to the East. Red Russia
and her achievements inspire all of us, in all lands.
wherever we may happen to meet on this great day.
And the thought comes right here, that our Russian comrades will be celebrating by doing much
needed Extra Work, and not by playing. It is very
necessary that they do this. Hunger and desolation
is an ever present enemy to them, and while our
fellow slaves are so apathetic and indifferent to their
fate, it means a most terrible and heart-breaking
--trugglc in Russia, to organize; and bring their productive powers up to the nation's need.
So, is it not needful that we too should take
thought on this matter, and determine to redouble
our efforts to rouse our fellow victims to thc need
for action in their own interests. Every recruit we
make is a support taken away from the ruthless
blockaders of our comrades, and the time will come
when ihe scales will tip, and in our respective countries we shall follow the example of our brothers,
abolish class distinctions and proclaim that: "He
who does not work, shall not eat."
A most ter ri fv ing prospect to our masters, but a
healthy one.   .
And further. Without a doubt, new wars are brewing, rians are being laid: and millions of us are
doomed to perish like rats by poison gas and.liquid
fire, for the greater honor and glory of plutocracy.
To at least try an avert this by increasing and solid-
itving our forces, is our bounden duty.
It is not enough to sit around and sing the praises
Of ihe Bolsheviks. Lenin correctly said he would
prefer the praisers studied  their tactics more and
profited thereby.
It is easy to enthuse and rhapsodize over an
event, or some particular day, to develop a mild form
of hysteria over it. But it is better to be practical.
and learn well, from what has gone.
When we hail on that day all our heroes of the
present and the past, when we remember that only
50 years ago at this time the French Communards
were paving the bitter price of defeat, and that but
recently our comrades in various parts of Europe
have likewise paid. Let us learn from those affairs that besides sentiment, and enthusiasm, our
revolution will need discipline and organization:
The collapse of the present system which seems
Imminent is not a thing to look forward to with unmixed pleasure. It will bring troubles all its own.
1 et us look forward to the problems we arc likely
to meet and do what little we can to prepare for
grappling with them. There is not space for a dissertation on this phase of an event we all look forward-to but it is well to draw some attention thereto To be successful, the proletariat, in any country,
after they are class-conscious, will have to be the
best organized side.
We are not mere pessimistic or optimistic waiters
and commenters on history. We will bc beaten
many times, and yet we will rise again and again,
scorning the half measures of the past, and learning
from the failures till our class is victorious, Marx
points out that while Man does not make History
out of the whole cloth, yet he does make it, out of
the material at hand. So, in the midst of our present rejoicings, let us learn to combine education
with intelligent action in the interest of us all. And
the near future shall crown our efforts with the
greatest of all May Day celebrations, the triumphant acclamations of a Free People. F. S. F.
HE word Bolshevism seems to haunt the
capitalist, large and small, in every neck and
corner of the earth.     When he stirs the
liquid he sees the devil in his tea cup. It disturbs
him in his dreams and makes his life miserable. It
palsies the hand and makes him shudder in his
study then he is driven in despair to mischief. Refuge he seeks by the infernal method of contaminating mankind by bribery and falsehood.
I have as a peace loving capitalist, with instructions from my brother capitalist haunted by the
same vision, bribed every body worth bribing, and
bought every newspaper, book and circular, to plaster its pages with lies about the Russian Bolsheviki
having destroyed everything worth destroying; even
God and religion could not escape.
A copy of an almanac that reaches almost every
rural home lies before me denouncing Bolshevism.
At the same time I possess a copy of an article come
(by post) dated September lst, Kovno Lithuania.
It says the relics of thc Russian Saints are being
opened in the monasteries of Russia in the presence
of large popular assemblies. For centuries the
down-trodden people of Russia sought relief from
their suffering by appealing to some favorite dead
saint they thought to be non-decomposable. When
the Bolsheviki examined the relic of Mitrofan in the
city of Voranezh the non-decomposable body of
ihe saint was found to be a human skin stuffed with
cotton. The stuffing" produced a figure resembling
•i football with a button stuck on its circumference
for a human head. The relics of Tikhon, believed
to bc genuine, were found, when examined at the
Zadonsky monastery, to be cardboard containing
some hones. While the relics of the saints were
being examined the onlookers bared their heads, but
when they observed the shapeless human figure, and
the cardboard box, with the bones, they gave way
to a sense of disgust and contempt for the brazen
deception carried on by the Roman hierarchy. Then
the capitalist, through their mouthpieces, tell us the
Russian Bolsheviki have destroyed God and Religion.
Grant Allan tells us that in the dark ages the savage buried his chief in a sitting posture with the
trunk level with the ground, and if the head was
lost in battle a cocoanut took its place. The savage
considered a cocoanut head was just as capable of
functioning in a future world of spirits as the real
head of his dead chief.   There is not the slightest
doubt that if some of our modern editors of capitalist periodicals lost their heads they would never
miss them. A cocoanut could take its place. I
may deal with this subject later in a more scientific
manner. GEO. PATON.
How to Read Capital
(Adapted from a leaflet by A. M. Simons,  issued
by Kerr and Co., Chicago.   Now out of print)
IN one respect at least Marx's "Capital" deserves
comparison with the Christian Bible—it is thc
most talked about and the least read book
among its followers. There arc thousands of copies of the first volume of "Capital" among socialists ,yet only occasionally is a person found who
has really mastered it. The most common explanation of this is that it is extremely hard to understand. To a certain extent this is true. It is true
of any great fundamental work. Yet I have seldom
found a working man who, K he would take the
time to study, could not,grasp the Marxian philosophy.
I have found hundreds of readers of Marx, however, who never could get beyond that first chapter.
It always seems to me unfortunate that the logical
order of the work determined that this chapter
should serve as an introduction.* The technical discussion of commodities has proved the undoing of
thousands of would-be Marxian students. Yet there
are portions of this first volume of "Capital" (and
I speak only of this volume at present) that arc
dramatic and absorbing, with flashes of humor and
touches of eloquence that place them well up in the
ranks of literature, apart from their argument.
Because of these facts it has been a hobby of
mine that if the method of approach were changed
it might be made much easier to understand Marx.
J am thc more led to suggest this idea because all
the attempts to popularize "Capital" have been dismal failures. I think I have read nearly all these attempts, and believe that the above opinion voices
the conclusion of nearly every Marxian student
'(who has not written such an adaptation or popularization).
I do not claim that the order of reading which I
am about to suggest is preferable as an orderly arrangement of the argument to that left by Marx.
but simply that by selecting those portions which
are most entertaining and most easily understood,
and which are none the *\ess fundamental, as a beginning, thc portions which are ordinarily looked
upon as extremely dificnlt of comprehension will
have had many of their obscurities cleared away.
I would, therefore, suggest that thc reader who
is approaching Marx for the first time, begin with
Chapter xv. of Part IV. (p 365 of English edition).
This is the chapter on "Machinery and Modern Industry," and the factory workman at least will find
himself at once in the midst of a world with which
he is familiar. He will meet the words he uses in
his daily work. He will find ideas which have al-
ways been within his reach presented to him in a
form that will carry infinitely more meaning than
they have ever done before, and this is largely the
secret of what makes interesting reading. Here he
can read the famous definition of a machine which
has now become classical and has been accepted (or
shall we say stolen, since credit is almost never
given) by nearly all the orthodox political economists.
Note in the pages that immediately follow how
the introduction, of the various forms of motive
power has brought corresponding social changes.
The four pages following p. 379 (closing the first
section of this chapter) are one of the fullest discussions by Marx of the relation of industrial to social
changes; in other words of the materialist interpretation of history. Yet it ia seldom referred to by
writers on this subject. This whole chapter is illustrative of this method and this fact should be
closely borne in mind.by thc reader. Here, too,
wc find Marx's discussion of just how machinery
"saves labor" and how this saving redounds to the
benefit of the capitalist. All this is told with a
wealth of illustration that cannot but make it intelligible even to a careless reader.
When this chapter has been read, follow the well-
known example of the novel reader and skip everything to the conclusion and see how the plot turns
out.   Part VIII. on  the "So-called Primitive Ac
cumulation' is thc biography of thc capitalist. Thc
eight chapters of which this part is composed constitute a study in industrial history. Whenever an
attempt is made to indict the present capitalist we
arc always told that he secured his capital by "honest" methods and that he should be compensated.
No man can read these chapters and not forever
realize that even from the point of view of thc ethics
of capitalism thc present owners of the earth can
claim no right to their possessions.
This portion of thc book moves on majestically
in its argument. Its summing up of facts, its power
of logic, until it culminates in chapter xxxii.. "The
Historical Tendency of Capitalist Accumulation."
This chapter is one of thc great classics of socialism. With thc chapter which precedes it, it constitutes an epitome of socialist philosophy. It has a
strength of style, a sweep of argument, a prophetic
insight, which it would bc hard to parallel elsewhere in thc world of literature. It has been reproduced many times in socialist writings ,but if
the reader does not recall it, let him lay this down
until he has read these two chapters. They will
bear reading again and again and will grow greater
and give new meaning each time.
Around these two chapters have been waged the
fiercest battles of Marxists and "revisionists." It
was against the chapter on "Historical Tendency"
that Bernstein directed his heaviest batteries (in
the days prior to .his recantatiin of revisionism.)
Read it in the light of thc facts of industrial development and see How much wiser Marx was than
those who wrote almost a generation after him, and
were so much thc nearer to the facts which he foresaw and to which they were still blind.
The reader who has proceeded thus far will have
obtained a fairly good grasp of one phase of the
Marxian philosophy—the materialist interpretation
of history—especially if he has already read thc
"Communist Manifesto" and Engels' "Socialism.
Utopian and Scientific." If he has not read these
vorks he had better stop at this point and familiarize himself with them. Such a reader will have
met with many phrases that be did not understand,
but could skip them without materially interfering with thc comprehension of thc argument. He
will now want to know more of thc mechanism of
this capitalism whose life history he has traced.
It is the analysis of this mechanism which constitutes Marxian economics. The chapters wc
have discussed show how capitalism fame, and
whither it is going. The remainder of the book
tells how capitalism operates while it is here. For
this feason they are much moee difficult to understand. Almost any one can grasp thc history of thc
growth and evolution of electricity as a mechanical
force, but only the trained electrician can calculate
the methods which a given electrical mechanism
Let us then turn back to the first chapter. Here
we arc learning thc language which will bc used
throughout this portion of thc book. Therefore, it
absolutely nccesary that wc master this first chapter. There arc only 55 pages of it and it is well to
read it half a dozen times before going on. When
wc are sure that we know what is meant by a "Commodity," by "Use Value," "Surplus Value," and
"Labor Power," wc shall find that many of thc difficulties that have always confronted us in a study
of Marx will have disappeared.
Then read straight on through thc book, including chapters already read, which will fall naturally
into their relation with the whole, and not forgetting at the end of each part, to turn back and read
those first 55 pages again, to brush up thc "vocabulary," as the student of-a language would say.
It may bc said that this is hard work. Certainly
it is. But a mastery of Marx's "Capital' 'will go
far towards supplying a good education in economics
and thc philosophy of history. You can not cx-
■*ect to get such an education by a few hour/' easy
reading. Moreover, much of thc difficulty of
Marx comes from the fact that wc have learned to
think in terms of capitalist ideology,  whMe Marx
demands, as a preliminary to his com-**-*
understanding of proletarian peycholwT^M
plains why he is even more difficult fo7 '-j, *
student than for thc manual worker and ^
ally incomprehensible to thc bourgeois J'^
I have said nothing about the other IT*'
Marx, because thc person who has masted
ume one will scarcely need any BUgg^J
best method of reading the others.-^ pjvj
  A- M- SIMOX*
 :o:  *
This is what "Thc Plebs" has to say --w j
Economic Causes of War:--Imperialist \Jj
are centred on the control of raw mat-nalvJj
iron. oil. etc. All three wen vital matttrTj.
France. Germany and Great Britain. GenrJ
control of the greater portion oi iron ore in eZ
and her Bagdad Railway scheme, having faritJ
jeets 11) the bringing of all Central and S £. **
rope, and Near East, into one big trade bloc.dook
ated by her; (2) control of Eastern oil supplies;(I
control of the Dardanelles trade route to the Bat
Sea and Russian supplies; (4> the breakisgof Grig
Britain's eastern empire monopoly in trade expk*
ation. etc. -these were the dements of menact
France wanted the iron ore o? Lorraine, and i
short of coal, hence annexation of the Saar VaBei
Great Britain—world trade and empire, both thi****
ened by Germany. Italy control oi the AdraS
coast, ports, etc. Russia (pre Revolution. ilosfta*
us. Dardanelles) and access to the Mrdtterrasa
For thc smaller belligerent*, the nerd to bc in in
with the victorious Great Powers a- a condition
bring allowed to live. and. in addition, in the U
kans. thc necessity for the long overdue natioail
settlement of lands once held by the Turks; andi
Austria-Hungary, by thc Hapatolfgl These in
few of th/: vital economic issues at Make in ti
Great War." To follow this investigation n
P. T. l«cdcie's ' Economic Canees of War re
paid. 25 cent* per copy.
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The above figures appeared in thr. ' Law
er," April 7th, '921. Thc average wage tt^
as proposed by thc mine owners am -■'■,!» .^
30 per cent. All grades of labor ' ' :^c 0*|
around the mines received 14 day oo ^
missal unless they accepted the 11 opoa
This included pumpmen, ostlers a, . ,sC -v*l
thc mine owners succeed in cnfoi * ,
reductions then, by all reports, the r a ^ ^
the miners-that is, thc commoditiesi they,$
—will be below the pre-war level. « * ]oC
^startling, and they indicate what the Pr _^
"out of the miners means to British labor u
if thc miners fail. —**—
■■-.t i ■.- ■ ■*■.:..
-   ,  '   *
he S. P. of C. and the Third International
,   Noif—The U. K. C. 4«ci«l*d at Ual me-ttng lo limit
I ritacurtlo" <• °°* ***e t*ch ***"* to *,,ow mor'" Hlmo'* ,or
rtiel** aud propaganda matter.    Corre-*f-or-<l--ni-- will
rtrulkr *, .*a& Dft*«>M( U**sU" sugumsjou M briefly un potMlblt,
Poiition of Local Equity No. 87 of the Socialist
Party of Canada on the Question of Joining
with the Third International.
IEYYIKG history for the past few years, we
M< capital competing for more lucrative
gelds of exploitation, and by so doing are
Lpoiling the workers.
Capital functioning through international groups
kdj itseii antagonistic towards each group in coin-
Ling for world markets. During these struggles
there are conflicts of the bloodiest nature being
.raged, in which the working class is called upon to
l>itch themselves one against the o/hcr.
The working class through their organizations
Lrv menacing the powers held by capital, by com-
Eetisg »»r control of the political and industrial ma-
Ichinerv of State, therefore the interest of the
iworking claa should l>c directed towards an interna
liooal organization for greater efficiency by concentration ol forces. As capital functions in group
ttpetilion, labor to excel must abandon groups
Dot one central organization.
Therefore in stating our position in favor of join-
Bg with the Third International, wc believe .that
Ithe Third International is a thorough revolutionary international based upon thc Marxian philosophy of the class struggle.
And   though    thc   formation    contain    diverse
jihought.s. judging from  thc past    enunciations ol
hone already included—and which is somewhat out
oi harraonv with our own way of thinking—wc rc-
NQgaiat that an international cannot bc governed on
aaitc as narrow limits as to indent ity of thoughts
and actions as would a group bounded   within a
much smaller teritory.   Thc "Theses" wc believe
contains the necessary rigidity as well as the correct procedure applicable to conditions as at prc-
|saH obtaining, to insure against losing control to
"freaks"' or elements seeking to destroy it. as well
»* it being a powerful necessary instrument in the
I (lass struggle on thc side of thc proletariat.
And this move we believe will hasten the day of
I emancipation. For united effort by the workers
would shorten thc duration of the struggle and
mitigate its inherent tendency to violence. We of
local Equity No. 87, of thc Socialist Party of Canada, are unanimously in favor of joining with the
Third International of Moscow and endorse without exception all points in thc "Theses."
(Signed). H. II. HANSON,
As a result, chiefly, of; somewhat iU-cOnceivcd
•***t«nuuts and observations, certain misconceptions
h*ve arisen in thc minds of many workers relevant
to the international character of capitalism, and the
Possibilities of a world-wide working class movent to combat it.
No doubt, this misconception was largely due to
the fact that groups within the capitalist class,
which in their economic and historic ilaveloptnciit
had engendered clearly defined antagonisms, which
*«rc responsible for the party form of government,
sinking their differences in times of war and dur-
H the sporadic attempts of thc workers to maintain
;ht-»r standard of living. ,     .
This was strengthened by the Entente between
prance, Russia, and Great Britain on the one side
8nd thc countries within Central Europe on the oth-
cr- all of these countries having in their turn dc-
Tc,°l>«d definite and deep-rooted national prcjud-
,ces- And, later still, at thc close of the war of 1914-
W- *hen the League of Nations occupied the attcn-
,on of most people, it was thought that here indeed
w*» an international oligarchy or parliament for the
•.c*eu*l adutipistfation of the affairs of capitalism.
"ut- with the division of thc boodle between the
v'ctorious  allies,   when the   partitioning of    the
enemy's territory was considered, the parliament of
the world dissolved right there. What we had overlooked was the essentially competitive character of
capitalism, and forgetting that the differences in the
lertility of soils, the variety of mineral wealth in the
sub-Soils of different countries, together with the
distribution of land and sea between certain peoples, determines why and where thc interests of national groups of capitalists must clash.
W hy are the chief military and naval powers in
.he world today, while outwardly appearing friendly, inwardly increasing as rapidly as possible these
two arms of their respective States? Says Baron
Kaneko. Japanese statesman, Privy Councillor, and
author: "All nations are looking for new markets
for their industries, and thc only market now remaining which can he exploited with benefit is the
continent of Asia."
The generalization which I have stated above is
applicable to this statement of his royal nibs. For
Asia abounds with wealth as yet scarcely scraped,
and with slaves using the most prfmitivc methods
to wealth production, and for more than a generation the advance agents of capitalism, church missionaries, have been pouring into China, and elsewhere on this continent, preparing the psychology
of its people for a change of habits and customs,
while taking a general survey of the chief deposits
of natural  wealth.
Can you imagine national groups of capitalists
amicably agreeing to divide this wealth equally be-
Iween them ; if so, why the recruiting campaigns for
armies and navies? A world state under capitalism governed by capitalists is thinkable to tonsor-
ial—beg pardon, literary artists like H. G. Wells,
not to materialists who know that thc relationship
between nations can never be permanent as long as
capitalism lasts. Indeed the history of the past
few years proves conclusively, to my mind, that
capitalism and internationalism can not mix—even
though "capital"' (money!) is international. For
;. system of production for profit, and a class competing for a place in a world market, must develop
a spirit as ferocious as that of the jungle when the
material interests of this class arc at stake.
Furthermore, if a union between the capitalists
of the world is imposible, an international labor
movement is equally so. Take the workers in thc
United States coalfields and those of England and
Wales—it would seem'on the surface the interests
of these workers in the same industry was common
—can you imagine an agreement between these
workers -so .binding that when the British miners are
dickering-fox a njinimum wage the American miner
will cease production? Thc existence of the American miner depends on his ability to produce coal as
cheap, or cheaper, for a European market as will the
miners of Britain. Anf, again, why did the Triple*
Alliance of Britain tail-Wunctioi^ when put to the
test in support of the Miners* Federation?
\\ tth«thc American workers, tradition, habit, and
custom will always interfere with any movement for
united action with the workers of any other country.
But the traditions, customs, and habits of thc British
working, class are the same (largely so), yet this
intcrfeied with the smooth running machine of the
Triple Alliance. How so! They arc servile—the
atmosphere of feudalism still surrounds them they
accept the. decisions of their "superiors," and their
leaders are looked upon and accepted as such. Moreover this is thc common trait inherited by the slave
class of every countrj ou earth. The fact—if it„is*
such—that men like Thothas, Clynes, and Hodge deliberately sold out their interest in the working class
for five million dollars, can be set aside as of no importance in this argument. What I have endeavored to prove is the fact that "tradition does sit like
■4 mountain on thc brains" of the working class; that
habit and custom control their actions. For more
than a generation the British workers have been subjected to a more ihtetWform of propaganda, more
completelv organized than the workers of any other
country, yet on the question of a "minimum wage"
the organization, the labor of years, cracked up in a
test of solidarity.   Like the workers of the world,
the Britisher has lived largely on "belief"—simply
transferring the Belief of their fathers in a Jesus
Christ to a belief in labor skates ,the religion of
Christianity to nationalization, and if their belief is
shattered the fiasco is not complete. Neither is the
lesson without value to the workers of other countries who may learn now that solidarity in one country is conditional, and between thc workers of'all
countries (as long as this system lasts) is hopeless.
But the future, comrades, is full of promise, brimful of hope, the army of invasion in Central Europe
is the allied bailiff seeking to collect rent from a
financial bankrupt; each day the debt mounts higher
and the chance of collecting»grows less. Meanwhile
trade in this part of the world becomes less and less
profitable and the armies of unemployed grow larger.
Warships are being rushed to completion and
humanity will once more be engaged in a bloody
struggle fo open a new market for some and close it
against others. If the last war rocked capitalism to
its base, this one should bring the whole works
around their ears.   Allons!   Allons! R. K.
After reading the articles for and against affiliation by the S. P. of C, and after listening closely
and taking an active part in the discussions carried
on by Local Vancouver, No. 1, I am forced to conclude that the viewpoint of those in favor of affiliation is determined more by enthusiasm for a Cause,
lather than a close study and correct appreciation
of existing conditions. |
The support which has been given to our Russian
comrades, and to which the recent and successful
tour of Isaac MeBride bears eloquent testimony,
can only, in my opinion, be made stronger by the
extension of that educational work which the S. P.
of C. has so long been engaged in.
Participation in the official activities of the organized labor movement, municipal politics, bourgeois
liberation movements, would undoubtedly tend to
confuse the presentation of the doctrine of the Class
Struggle, which the serious nature of the present
age demands should be kept clear and distinct. To
do this, neither the sanction of Moscow nor a change
of name is necessary. The effective work carried on
by the Party is made possible by the voluntary ef-
lort of its members, and it is my experience that
ihe "new movement enthusiasts" are not shining
examples of that '.'self-imposed discipline" to which
they refer so much these days.
The duties involved and the efforts demanded by
the terms of affiliation are utterly beyond our present strength and influence. And until the terms
are modified to suit matter of fact wage plugs possessing the ability to compute values, and not martyrs with Christ-like attributes, I submit in all
earnestness, Jthat the-S. P. of C. can do no better
than to keep on with its present task of explaining
to thc working class the true character of capitalist
society. * SID. EARP.
•tmsoiiraoir foim.
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Current Events-    .
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Issued twice-s-month, at 401 Pender Street East,
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PaaltokaA twiea a »obU by tht Soeialiat Ptrty of
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If tab a am bar ia oa yoor addroot laboi yomr
•abaaripaioa axpiros with aoxt iosao. Roaow
VANCOUVER. B. C, MAY 2, 1921.
NEWSPAPER reports, in so far as they may
at any time concern the doings or sayings
of working men here, there or anywhere
else constitute items* of interest in the way of occasional t-uth and general falsehood that have been
successful in producing among readers a more numerous crop of unbelievers than all thc literature of
the sceptics.
Press reports immediately to hand outline disturbances in St. John, N.B., and the dispersal by
policemen's clubs of workmen's outdoor meetings in
Toronto. Two weeks ago the Victoria. B. C, press
printed a report of riots in the city of Vancouver,
telling of the employment of the military and of
streets running with blood—presumably worker--'
blood. What truth there may be in the report-
from eastern Canada we do not know, but Vancouver has not yet endured the blood bath.
However, we have among our reputable citizens
some business enthusiasts whose persistent policy
it is to enrage public feeling and stir up strife, and
no doubt reports current in papers elsewhere of happenings in this city are prompted by expectation.
Something over a week ago we were visited by one
Lindsay Crawford, who proposed to outline in public his ideas on the Irish situation from the Sinn Fein
point of view. At once there arose a howl of protest, and days ahead of the.date of meeting the disciples of law and order organized themselves into
active disturbers of the peace, in order that this
meeting should be broken up through thc practical
administration and imposition by these worthies of
the imperialist idea., If the lying reports of that
meeting as they appeared in the Vancouver press
have spread across the country, then our fellows
elsewhere, judging the press by thc same standards
as we do will bc able to sec the truth to be thc
contrary of most of the statements made. The lie
that the press would like best to see accepted is thc
one that is usually most insisted upon, and that
lie generally is that the Reds have gone down to
defeat and have all and sundry kissed the flag—if
thev have not rioted among themselves to swallow
it. '
To such events as occurred at the meeting in question we are indebted for bringing to thc attention of
Vancouver workers, and notably ex-soldier workers-
the identity of some puny minded imperialist braggarts who, if they ever chanced to have any have
pledged their light-weight self-respect in their eagerness to realize the worth —in cash or kind—of
patriotic howling. Without the gift of craft or cunning that is able \o turn patriotism to profit they are
from time to time forced, empty in mind and pocket,
to offer themselves for advertisement to the fortune
of chance and circumstance wherever there may bc
a gathering of men.
In this case, with or without instructions they succeeded in disturbing the peace and violating the
law ,to such an extent that somewhere in the upper
reaches of the Mayoral mind there dawned the idea
that Socialist* and Labor meetings must not be held
on -Sunday 24th. No self-respecting capitalist views
with inofifferiepec meetings being addressed day after
day by men who outline to, the working class the
story of capitalism's birth,.growth, and the reason
for ita present decay.. Any mayor who can put an
end to the constant recital of this story will earn
for himself lasting glory. But in these turbulent
times even a 'mayor must proceed with caution!
Under none too eloquent persuasion the proclamation prohibiting regular indoor meetings was withdrawn, but the unemployed workers' Sunday parade and outdoor meeting, held each Sunday during
the past several months WSJ Specially prohibited.
On Sunday at a meting indoors called to discuss the
matter, the chief of ponce quoted his interpretation of the law to the effect that the mayor had it
legally within his power to prohibit the parade and
meeting. Extra police and military reserves were
held in readiness. The parade and outdoor meeting were called off for that day, in thc expectation
that on Sunday, May lst, thc parade will take place
ending in a May Day gathering of all workers outdoors.
In thc meantime, the City Council is doing its
best to pass a by-law declaring that all parades
must bear at their head a Union Jack of sizeable
dimension. Some legal Obstacle has arisen concerning municipal powers in this connection. But tbis
is surely a sign of the times and a recognition of
the workers' state of mind. Some few years ago
they could be trusted to voluntarily bear the flag,
whereas today they are to be compelled to do sty
In prosperous times the various nations are fea
lured as competitors for the control of trade routes
and world markets. Their importance on the man
la regulated thereby. In dull times the magnitude
of the problems they have on hand is in ratio to
their previous prosperous state A look at the
map of the capitalist world indicates a problem for
capitals meverywhere Canada takes net rightful
place among the troubled nation-, she is on tbe
n ap. -
DO the workers like being senteaced to
labor for  Inc.-     Do they tn\o7Z
cramped little cottages M ^ ""ln«
tenements?     Do thev delight la sh?
their blood to make the world safe for ml ?
or other of Imperialism?   Are they happy
their wives wearing their souls out trying to
sixpence run a shilling's race?
•n setia
By no means!     Th
ey   are a;
►atactic, that'.
The appeal of Ben Gttlow against the decision of
Judge Weeks of the 1* S. Supreme Court, heard in
the Appellate Division by Justice Laughlin has
failed. He was sentenced to from 5 to 10 years on
a charge <>f criminal anarchy by Judge Weeks, and
Justice Laughlin has sustained that judgment. The
New York "Times" says the articles upon which
the indictment is founded do not discuss ideas or
theories, but promulgate a doctrine or plan for the
forcible overthrow of the government. This judgment, according to the 'Times" shows "great cogency and force." C. M. 0'Brien's case is still
pending. We understand Ben Gitlow's case has
>ome bearing on his. but we hope thc outcome will
not   be identical.
* ♦ *
We expected to have Comrade George Armstrong
in Vancouver on the lst May. The Legislative
Assembly of Manitoba, however, at the moment of
writing is still in session, and George's visit will
be delayed a little. When he comes he will speak
at principal points between Winnipeg and Vancouver. We hope also to bc able to induce him to
go up Prince Rupert w§»\
a    a    a
Orders for "Clarion" for thc year 1920. hound
volumes, should be sent in at once. Price $4, express paid.
j a    a   a
Our "Here and Now" item is seriously in need
of* attention. Local Vancouver thc other week conducted a campaign for subs, which netted around
$30 with promises of more to come. Thc paper
needs all thc working class support possible in these
trying times when the slave and the dollar arc
such strangers to each other. We need subs. Send
for sub. blanks.
A public debate is scheduled between Jack Harrington (for the S. P. of C, Local No. 1) and Rev.
A. E. Cook, subject: "That the teachings of Jeaua
Christ are not opposed to the interests of thc working class." Thc Rev. Cook says they're not. Debate will bc held in the Empress Theatre, Vancouver ,Sunday, 8th April, at  2.30 p.m.
•*   * .*•
« ■•
Local Vancouver No. 1 will hold, a special business meeting to discuss arrangements for May Day,
on. Saturday, April 30th, at 8 p.m. All members
are requested to attend. .   .
Apathy smothers them and they'll do notW,
mend   matters.    Why?    U it as useless tT2
rouse them to right their wrongs as it wouldbtt
try to inspire the mummies in th, British Ma*
to become passionate supporters of Egyptian
pendencc?   Not at all.
The workers can cast apathy to thc winds Wu-
them at football! No barrier will prevent&ai
inf. Are the cars to the grounds full! Them
will cling to thc platform. I- it a working!
Then they will sacrifice half a day's pay. N'oaa
there thousands of throbbing enthusiast] 1
ness tbat enthusiasm, direct it against tbe *ifl$<
capitalism and that system jvill be unknown toi
next generation.
The workers then are   nol apathetk ont
things.    But they are apathctr. over thc thinr ta
counts.    They are slow to take up the task that 1
lory has set them   ofsbtdlding ,i n< *, system oa\
ruins of the old.   And our problem is   What si
remedy for their apathy ?   Car. the energy they
pend in other directions be attracted to th;
issue,  and used to knock capitalism to pieca
lay the foundations of a new world
The worker* are apathetic because th
that thev can   improve thine.-    "ur bosiaen :i
is to make them feel that they can break out all
prison-house: and we can only do that by roMs
them of the ideas which make th
and confidence.    Wc believe that it i- only hecaa
they do not know thc facts of t-wiav an! yesl
that they have no vision to fire thru into striki
a blow for something Iwtter than the life oil!
man's drudge.    Ignorance t*. the mother ot apit!
It is here tbat History will help ui    leteffifuj
studied,  it shows  that thing-- were not ahn»|
they  are now.   Ours is the ag<   ol the Btt«J
Man.    We  workers  work  whi n I e alloui
starve when he  doesn't.      Noble lords oi aao
lineage are proud to marry their daughters tt
ated to sit on his boards.   Statesmen caaraB
eign lands for orders for him     And Ktsfi*%!
behalf distract thc "rabble" from their wroe«|
royal pageants and  hand shaking*
But Historv will make it clear to the dullest
workers that things were not always BO,   B
show him that not so many generations h°
was an age of Und Lords, and that then the Ba
iness Man was an "underdog '   Even ia us
ginning of the 17th century in Scotland i n**\
plumber who repaired a fountain for I l<°-d0
Land was clapped into that gentlemans deaf"
for daring to expect   payment'    May, >
our nobility wants a loan from a   RothsPJal ■
goes cap in hand and offers six. eight or mo i
cent, for thc favor; but his forefathers of -<--lda! j
would" have commanded their men-at-arms
thc Jew financier on an iron grating until heag*
to bid hia mOnev an eternal farewell.   I
by tacm
Working-class apathy can be   ctlteC
application of historical facts.    If the a£f
Land Lord gave wav to the age of the Husinc.
why should not this again give wa) to l,(_ ■
the Worker'   The Land Lords went down *»j
they became superfluous.    And the Busi
will be superfluous, too, when  once the    _
shake out of their heads the idea that they ca
on without him.
We must make t,hc workers know
know they will feel.   When they feci they v
Ignorance is the mother of apathy .«
j     ,,, i  " iLondon
 In "The Pleh*   (l
•:o:- -■
—■I——      .-
social conditions
and industrial struggles of today.    These or
nnuattona speak in thc name of Primitive
L*ity whose principles they claim to have adopt-
ed and are propagating among thc working class
that old doctrine of non-rcsistancc and other-
wrldlinesa which Was thc Characteristic clement
in Primitive Christian doctrine.     They are ittfftc-
gaincd its adherents among the . unhappy of all
classes, but chiefly among the disinherited, the dispossessed and enslaved.
Hut, finally, the facts of life were too strong for
the Christian movement and its mistaken standard
of holiness. Originally, the movement was a simple association of people with a common creed and
common sentiment, but with no determinate doctrines, no rules, no discipline, no body of priesthood. These were developed in time ,however, in
the church institution of Rome.   And historians are
I   have been led to write on one of various kinds   ization.    Hack of Rome lies  primitive tribal com-    already lost hope in the earthly "scheme of things
of Pacifism by what I have observed of the    munism in which each tribe was  an independent,    entire."    So    the    primitive  Christian movement
wide-spread activities of certain religious or-    self-sufficient unit, having each its own tribal cus-
izations,    late   arrivals,   comparatively, in   the    toius, religion and   gods.    Back of capitalist soc-
of religious life, whose doctrines beget in    tety lies the isolated, fragmentary communities in-
and a non-participation in the pol-    -„ which Western Europe fell after the collapse of
the Roman empire.
Rome was originally a municipality or town, a
settlement of three or four tribes within a walled
area. The rest of the people of Italy, as did those
of Spain and Gaul, also lived in walled towns, the
open country being  practically uninhabited.     The
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^     landed proprietors went forth with their slaves or ^	
{entry aware of social tendencies to regard the over- |e||| tju.m m charRC ()f ovcf9eer8j to cultivate the generally agreed that it was the organized church,
throw ol capitalism and the establishing of a new hmj W)]<>n Ronw t.xtended herself she conquer- turned militant in its own behalf, though still teach-
M>cial order by proletarian forces as inevitable, ^ Qf f,mmk.(1 lowns Tht. history of thc conquest h»ff passivism to the exploited, that struggling and
- _ ? of the world by Rome is the history of the conquest    fighting against the social corruption and anarchy
f in this course of evenis as part ol a pre-    ^ founding of a great number of towns.    Each of    which accompanied the decay and fall of Rome, pre-
thc conquered towns had been an independent city    served Christianity itself along with some remnants
--tale with its own laws, customs, civic patriotism.    01 secular civilization through those dark ages. Its,
civic religion and gods.,This municipal character of    high  dignitaries, bishops and prelates, undertook
the Roman world  rendered unity, the necessity of    magisterial duties and even led armies on the field
every great  state, extremely difficult to establish    of battle.    Mere passivity could never have saved
and maintain.    Though the municipality of  Rome    anything out of that savage anarchy, and nothing
had been able to conquer the world, it found it much    0,se but social disaster could take place when men
less easi  to govern and organize it.    In the effort    turn away from unsolved  social problems to save
to do to a centralized state is evolved in its most    lheir individual selves.   The church turned militant
perfect form by the time  of the beginning of the    to preserve itself as an institution, but, as befitted
Christian era.    Authority  was pyramided; at   its    an institution that was later to become the greatest
apex was Rome.   Everywhere the independence of    feudal land owner in Europe, continued to teach to
the provincial city-states had    been crushed   and    thc slaves and serfs, the slave morality of non-re-
thctr civic customs,  patriotisms and religions had    sistance  and passive submission.   It is significant
been undermined or abolished.     And    out   from    that  slave or serfs in revolt have never looked to
Rome went Roman law, magistrates, governors and    J<-sus for inspiration, but slave owner and feudal
legions to rule thc provinces,  and in the time of   lord have invariably held   him up as an ideal to
the emperors.the Caezars even became the gods of    ll ose under them.
the empire. One god, one law, one empire, no An epidemic of pacifist doctrine is symptomatic of
doubt, was the slogan of Roman patriots. At the a diseased body politic, and unchecked, inevitably
same time, every great centre could show in addi- leads to *ocial paralysis. Marxian Socialists espec-
tion to its slaves, a great multitude of hopelessly
poverty-stricken freemen, proletarian wage laborers ckeing out a living in competition with slave
Roman civilization had also other features par-^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
allellmg that of ours. It had developed into a crude irking class emancipation, we regard the doc-
form of capitalism, of commoditv production based »*™e of pacifism, in whatever form-it appears, as
on slave labor without thc aid of machinery. And fa!se<to the life hlsto,T of class societies, and doubly
of course as a consequence, it also had its unem- < serous to the working class because of its fals-
ployment problems. So great and menacing did «t* and because «* saps that fighting spirit without
this problem become that the state and the wealthy which the workers must sink to still lower depths
people were compelled, in their own interest, to
feed vast numbers of the population who were now
•found unnecessary in production. It is on record
that they gave them "bread and circuses" to keep
them quiet.    The increasing parasitic wealth, licen- ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
umm              en(j 0f the passivist element in Christian doctrine.   It calls
on the working class to face the problems of society,
ordained divine plan. In keeping with their pacifism they hold that it is not for believers to take
part m the struggles with which il is to be accompanied. These are to bc waged by thc ungodly
and profane who know not the Lord and his divine plan of the ages. Primitive Christianity
preached, believed in, and waited for the distraction of ihe material world, literally and in fact, in
the near future, according to revealed promise;
these modern "Primitives," more worldly-wise, interpret the promise to mean the end of a dispensation, which thev sav means the end of a social s\-
Wc Marxian Socialists look upon all social
movementi as emotional and mental responses to
thi material c editions of life obtaining in society
at any period. And my aim is to show that far
from ihe religious pacifists holding that doctrine
bj scriptural warant. recourse to that guide being
onlj an after-thought, a justification for conduct.
that their beliefs have as a basis, the discouragement of their own spirits at the complexity of
modern social problems: that their religion and
passivism is a mode of escape from the strain of
perplexity, thinking and conflict incidental to a
form of society in its death-throes ; and their conception of a pre-ordained divine plan, a craven resigning of the social problem to external authority.
The significant aftermath of the late war is the
widespread and profound disillusionment at the
(utility of the enormous sacrifice of human life and
effort entailed, and at thc failure of that better
order of social life to materialize, promised by press
and pulpit and thc great men of public affairs, as
the icward of effort and sacrifice. Instead, it is
realized that not only arc thc iniquities of thc old
r with us   yet. but are indeed magnified and
ially are on the aggressive against this creeping
paralysis of pacifism invading the ranks of the
working class. For, holding the Marxian theory
of the class struggle as the historical agent of political  development, and  as the present agent of
of economic slavery and society itself ultimately
perish of its accumulating problems, as did Ancient
Modern  Socialism,   born of capitalism  and its
class antagonisms, is   in direct opposition to this
ultiplicd. Seeking relief and spiritual consolation
from the mortifying disappointments and frustrations in this outcome, many people arc fleeing to
the asylum of mysticism and religion. These people are not attaching themselves to the old established churches, for it is remembered against then.
that they preached thc worldly doctrine of national
hate, harnessing the national god to the national
cannon, but the movement is towards those latch
arrived religious organizations in question whose
religion is an other-world religion more m character with that of primitive Christianity of the first
century and of thc passivist. non-resisting hfe am
-cachings of thc "Prince of Peace" himself.
1 shall briefly outline the salient features of tin-
social situation in the Roman world, that gave
birth to  the Christian movement.
At the first century of the Christian era Rome
was supreme mistress of thc world and that empire's civilization presented many significant re-
scnMences to that of modern capitalism. Both o
•hem arc examples of extreme centralization Ol
wealth nnd power, in thc hands of a ruling and exploiting class, the power being organized in a Mg»*
»y civilized political state. Roman society stood.
^ capitalist society stands today, at thc end Ol a
•ong line of social development, thc other end o
which is a social condition of extreme decent.ai-
HousheSS and general corruption at one
social scale, and increasing pauperism and misery
at the other, gnawed at the vitals of Roman society-
like a rotting cancer. As the social situation got
worse the response oi the ruling class was such as
it has been in all ages, including tho present: thc
exploiters became more harsh and intolerant and the
class state became more tyrannical and vicious in
the exercise of its coercive powers. So unalterably
set in this policy seemed thc Roman state and so
impregnable, that lor millions all hope of social
amelioration was lost. Daunted in spirit and hopeless ot a social situation in which life held nothing
tor them .men turned from society and its problems.
because  those   problems  are capable  of solution
when we rise to an understanding of them and' cooperate for a solution.   Modern Socialism declares
that the dominion  of capital, which  economically
enslaves the working class, can only be overthrown
when that class shall set itself purposefully—
"To grasp this sorry scheme of
Things entire, .... and then
Re-mould it nearer to the Heart's Desire."
C. S.
 :o :c	
Following, One Dollar each: F. Levers. S. Craig..
Hollowink, R.
^^^^__ ^^^^ Curtis, E.
.,    ,     , »    ,   .       . ...   ^j  — Fairguere,.\V\ Kastler, R. Sinclair, A.
cults springing into being at this time. Toppano. Mrs. T- Speir, j. Smith, W. Walden.  P.
Christianity was one of these cults.   It taught    Brown, T. Pryde. C. A. tidholm, R. Bayliss, F S.
the doctrine of immortality, then a new conception.    F„ R.  Gardner, P. Build, A. Nrdin. C R. Seal, A.
It denounced this world and all its works, and pro-    LepoUh W. H. Willis, J- Burton, Miss Williamson,
um************^*mm^*m************************+**********************************m \   C   Cameron  W.'C  Wickwire
claimed  the near approach of its destruction.      It Kollowin-^, Two Dollars each'T. Cartwright, G.
preached that the first duty of man was to save his Mcintosh,, A.   D.   McDonald, J. Lysnes, W. Ben-
, „ -rt'fil soul   flee from the wrath to come bv re- nctt, II. A. McKee, R. C. McCutcheon.
SS ,„, worid.   A bHs-ful im,nor„H,v i„ ,hc ^*1>*-J * *»»■ W *** *..*.
hereafter at the price of renunciation of the present ^ve   clarion subscrjptions received from 13th
world was particularly attractive to those who had to 26th April, inclusive, —total, $64.50. /ACfeSEC
Moscow, March 26th.
Statement by the Commissariat says the following
over the recent deluge of lies which have been
poured over the world. The Russian counter revolutionary press is accepted as authority on all
Russian questions by the European press. On the
other hand the counter revolutionary press lays
very great emphasis on the fact that thc authority
for its statements is the bourgeois press of Europe.
As a result of this system of mutual assurance and
a shifted responsibility information concerning Russia assumes a specially unbridled chartcter and falsity stands far behind stupidity.
Any one who has studied the world   press  for
Financial Statement for the Months of January,
February and March
New York. April l, 1921.
Contributions of District and Local Committees-
Canadian District:
Winnipeg District Committee $10,480.00
Vancouver ...... 152.CC)
Ottawa     •        60.00
Western District Committee
Chicago Committee    , 1.458.40
Washington Committee 1,000,00
Los Angeles Committee 978.80
Czecho-Slovak Committee. X.Y.C. 652.00
Wilmington, Dela. Com.
Denver Committee 	
the past decades is bound to ask the question who    Philadelphia  Committee
fabricates the news and for whom is it fabricated.    ^orA,a",1;_°vr,l,V-Cc^„---
Rochester. N.Y., Com.
Sanfrancisco Com.	
Newark, N. J., Com.        -
Southeastern District Committee
Madison.   Wis., Com.  .	
Spokane, Wash., Com.	
Bayonne,  X. J., Com.	
Baltimore Committee   - _
New Haven, Conn., Com.
Duluth. Minn.. Com.	
tankers Committee .	
Why is such an unplausiblc character given to these
fabrications? Why is evil intention complicated
by such ignorance We give several recent examples which have come with the French, English and
German press. Choosing copies at random we find
that Sadoul Has been thrown into a Moscow prison
as a result of an intrigue by Guilbeau, the assistant of Trotsky. Here everything is a fabrication
from beginning to end. There was nothing and
could be nothing which could be construed as Sa-
doul's arrest. Comrade Guilbeau was never the assistant to Trotsky and was not thc cause of Sadoul's
arrest which never took place. This story belongs
to the realm of silly gossip. In the following column we find something much more serious.    This 	
deals with nothing more nor less than an alleged    Don^S?a from individua,s and orKan"
,.,-,,. ,. izations  „_	
secret order of the Red Army, according to   an    ,.-or h|et5 am|       , cards _	
article in the "Morning Post."  ,
Petin, the commander on the southern front ap- Total   receipts for January, February and
parently proposes an advance on Poland in the di- March    „ , • $26J7<i'>2
rection of Lemberg and Warsaw.    He alleges con-    Prance on hand January 1, 1921 _   1,768.35
fidence of German aid.   Trotsky apparently replied
(under number 17) consenting to thc plan ....
message blurred .... sole chance being postponing Disbursements.
San Diego, Cal.. Com.
Oklahoma City Com. —
Waterbury, Conn.. Com.
Houston. Texas, Com.
Lawrence. Mass., Com.
Des Moines, la.,-.Com.
advance to try according to alleged suggestion of For Medical Supplies
revolutionary military council of republic.   This is §^j^?«J2S^:~ *, *>;03
no longer gossip but deliberate fabrication of false pJS^, «^*-Lr*w**y       "*        .
information for provocative purposes.     But how Q#fice r;nt and off,cc earpenaca
cellaneous -*».
balance on hand April 1, 1921
« Recapitulation:
Total receipts to April 1 '__	
Total disbursements:
stupidly done!   The commander of the  front ap-   Pamphlets and post cards
parently reports to headquarters that in his opinion    K. R. fares, telegrams and mis-
y£^>      .German aid was assured.   It is quite obvious that
fo hive evolved such schemes the commander must
have taken "his orders from the Entente journalists.
-   It must bc added that Petin never commanded the
southern front/neither did he nor the actual commander ever make reports resembling in thc slightest wray, the Story in the "Morning Post" and  in
-its Ainderstudies:   Let us pause   for another moment 'on Statements dealing with our military policy and intentions.   "Rul", a cadet paper appearing
ih Berlin, stated "at thc end of February that Trotsky toured Ukranian cities adjacent to the borders
of Roumania.   His stay in   Kiev was particularly
prolonged.   In this place he held a number of military conferences of a secret nature.   The purpose
, -in reporting visits to "places adjacent to the bor-
- decs, of   Rpumania" is quite obvious.   The entire
.    story is ..fabricated from -beginning to end. There
For Medical Supplies  _-._$63,263.41
Other disbursements: Printing,
.   wages, office and travelling
expenses, loss on exchange
etc.      7,003.19
Balance on hand April 1, 1921     4,488.91
Statement of Medical Supplies Shipped to Soviet
Russia by the Soviet Russia Medical Relief
  _   ^_^_^^^_„ April 1, 1921.
of cities adjacent to the Roumanian border. Trotsky has not been in.Kiev during the past eighteen
months. .    .   . *
. Neat we read a, quotation of Trotsky's speech to*
.thc Red'army saying that after traversing Poland
and Germany they would approach Paris. Even thc
time and place arc given albeit varying in different
papers. . Several February papers reported that
Trotsky had fled and whereabouts unknown. Three
days later' without refuting the previous story Trotsky; is declared to be Russia's military dictator. It
is quite evident that both stories are equally ridiculous.        "    e-
• What does it mean? It means that the bourgeois
paper&have fost sense of shame and common sense.
That is quite evident. But how do readers in civilized countries endure such mockery. One explanation remains: The more enlightened-and interest-
Tc<T^caders do not of course believe the. newspapers,
Shipped during February and March, 1921:—
On the s.s. Ripon, via Reval: 3 cases of
various, instruments and   drugs   $ 300.00
On the sat Lackawanna Valley, via Rcval:
i   5400 vials mixed typhoid  immunizations, donated    1,000.00
2000 oz. quinine sulphate U.S.P  1,220.00
2239 lbs. green soap, U.S.P.       195.91
1*53 lbs. Cascara Sagrada Bark      201.78        - *  -    • ■ ,  -    ..     „,„ muntrV
200 lbs. Tannic Acid U.S.P. Fluffy    „.    220.00   has  had no news from his own co
/w\a     tt   JbIIIIIIIIIIIIIII^biiiiiiiiiiiiM -» —     **************
Donated goods received up to Jan. 31 lo^i   IAftA
I tonated goods received during February    ^
and March  _........
Balance payable on goods shipped     ,^7 'VSff
Grand Total ~^T^T"
Soviet Russia Medical Relief Commiu*^
Room 506, HO W.40*h'S,
*-.        ..     . New York fit,-
Contnbuuons may be sent to F. W. KaoUn ol'
359*. Postal Station B. Winnipeg. Hul**
Moscow.  March 2U\.
"Recta Wka."
I he all Russian Central Executive Committal hi-
addressed the following manifesto to Presidcr.-
Harding and ihe Congress of the United States of
America: "Since the beginning of its existaoci Sot-
iet Russia has hoped for a Speedy restoration of
friendly relations with the United States, and recv
oned that as a result thereof thai a close relation to
Ihe mutual benefit of both lands would develop
When the Kntente spates forced their way into Sov.
iet Russia without a previous declaration oi an
and without any provocation on the part oi Sorkl
Russia, we turned often to thc United State* with
the proposal to take steps to avoid further blood
shed Even when 'American troops took i»art with
the Entente in the attack on RijsMa wc did not lost
our hope* of a speedy change in the relation* to the
United Slates, and proved thi» bv our moderate
attitude toward* tbe American citi/ens who remained in Soviet   Russia.
"During the whole of his regime. President Wil
son *bowed a continually growing and unjustified
hostility to wards Soviet   Russia.    Soviet   Basftl
ho**** tbat tbe United States will not persist in ihis
policy, bop** that the new government will recognize how useful a resumption of business relations
would bc to both republics, and that thc interests oi
l»oth peoples would entail thc throwing doWBOfUM
walls which now divide the two nations.    The Russian government is now so occupied with the problems of its economic reconstruction that it has not
thc least intention of interfering in the interior sf
fairs of America and declares thi>    categorical
Now that many lands have concluded peace ftts
Soviet Russia and enjoy regular relations the ttdi
of regular commercial relations with America appears to us lo bc abnormal and injurious to the *
terests of both   peoples.   The all .Russian Centra!
Executive  makes  the   formal   proposal  to resume
commercial relations between the two lands irf order to regulate the  questions associated titefCWj
thc Central  Executive makes the proposal to send
a. special delegation to America to negotiate with
the American  government.
The president of the Central Executive Commit!"
Secretary. SaWak*
*.mcrica'a Answer to Russia
Rcval. March 30th,
"Rosta Wiea.
Thc American Consul in Rcval has »1lfl',0,,,°^
thc answer of thc American government JO Utt» ^
In this answer it states that the rcsum-»ti<*<na
lations will only bc possible   when Soviet
fulfills certain economic demands .
Vanderlip Over American Delay
London, Apnl  £  „
"Rosta Wtefc
Thc  correspondent of thc "l>aily WcsraaM     ^
graphs from Moscow tbat Vandcrlip has 1    ^
an interview that since April, 1920, there hi     f
37 British ships arrive with goods for Rtt    • ^
sides numbers of ships from other countn -
200 lbs. Camphor Slabs Refined'	
10albs. Salol, U.S.P.
9111 lbs. Carbolic Acid, US-P. „.
.     150.00
...      75.00
    ^ .   1,002.21
1 case instruments and drugs, donated       100.00
Condensed milk    2,500.00
Cartage • for above shipments • ._„      13.45
Insurance ., .       142.32
. Freight   ,  *     165.37
for lour
weeks, and asks if American business mcn j^j,
quire an English visa in order to do busines>
fnUrview With Vanderlip
Rcval, March
of th
ita VViefl.
Vanderlip stated to representatives u. •        ^
$7,286.24   ian I)rcss that thc American business c     ^^
»...♦ *u»Z h*--lieve still that such reports' are useful to   _,^.   *  •       ?, •
*k- ..,n-w-.ff maasedr---"Rosta Wien."     \\m p,;^ ^..- :» .«„•- .1..-.^ ~ * 7    .' -
the worttftitt matlscdf—^Roita
. -         ^Nlhft iff-PftP*^ ijifumption of wmmtJVainllc'to^
Gran,d SS! of 8h»Pments made up to April wfth Soviet Russia.   Thc trade shall take i»
l» l92X *  ++* - -485.296.58   iUil hvborj,of |hct Baltic, the Black Sea **
hangel.   Traffic over yiadivistock was t->    ^ for
_w ^w     ^ ^51,663.34   ially desired.   America will exchange J'^"
Paid out in cash during Fo»>   -*,wl X4->rri! •jl/*QQ.fy7   Tii^^i22\^Ll\^—l-Zlll. ***a*t*m
Materialist Conception of
Lesson 12.
THK discovery of America by some historians
Is called the "Transition Period," or the
bridge from medieval to modern history.
Constantinople being captured by the Turks, 1453,
cu( off the trade route to India. This led to thc
discover) of America by Columbus, in an endeavor
to find a maritime trade route for Portuguese
trade The fact is now clearly recognized that it
•,v<1s iii rough economic causes, thc chief of which
wa- i maritime route to India to escape the annoyance and the payment of tribute to the Turks
Tin- period embraces some marked events and revolutions in social affairs, such as the invention of
priflttng- gunpowder with its consequent changes
in the art of war, thc decline of feudalism and establishment of centralized monarchies.
A -ea route to India around Cape of Good Hope
ui 1498 was discovered by Yasco di Gama. When
he turned the Cape into thc Indian Ocean he dis-
pdvered Arabians directing their vessels by an in-
itnuneat which is now called a coinpas-. De
Gibbtfl says that competition began to o|>cratc as
,i new force, and men made haste to grow rich. Thc
merchants liecame bolder and more enterprising in
their ventures. v
The merchants of Spain and Genoa found it more
-•rofitablc to hire captains whose ideas were injected from the pagan Arabians, than those whose
ideas oi the universe were taken from thc city
bishop or village priest, and who kept their ships
close to land, afraid lest they should sail over the,
mI-,'1 "I thc world or fall into the hole where the
aiiKels put the sun at night, after they had rolled
;t across thc sky. By this time, the craftsmen had
leached the height of their power. At no time
vote wages, relatively speaking, so high and at no
time vsas food so cheap. All alempts by legislation
to lower wages failed. They had an eight hour
day with 40 religious holidays, quitting on Saturdays and the day previous to all holidays at four
jun. Food was so abundant and cheap that it was
sometimes thrown in with wages. Thc prices during this golden age of thc English laborers were:
1 lh. butter, l^i cents.
1 lb, cheese, 1 cent.
Eggs, 40 for 2 cents.
Tin average price for the two years. 1449-1450-
wcre: Geese, 8 cents; fowls, 3 cents each; pigeons,
8 cents a dozen; candles, 26 cents for 12 pounds,
hotter, 1 cent a pound; cheese, 1 1-3 cents a pound,
eggs, 11 cents for 120; cloth. 34 cents a yard ; shirting, 12 cents a yard. Yet thc workers today are
gluing for this eight hour day, and their wages
cannot buy what the 75 cents a week could during
'he above period.
Their craft guilds had taken thc place previously
ncl<l by the merchants' guilds. They dominated
'" town authority. Even as late as the fifteenth
century in France, thc entire population participated
«n the elections of the towns. When oppressed
they were all for thc overthrow of thc existing
(>r<ier. but like thc merchants, when they had Secured their freedom, they too. began to bc restrictive,
raising entrance fees, and enforcing long apprenticeship, compelling journeymen to declare they
would not "set up' for themselves. Hy, means of
NiJical action, and A|ts of Parliament, industries
NUr' prohibited, except in towns-
w'*h the accumulation of wealth, the master
worker was converted into a non-laboring capital-
ist< and the journeyman into a wage-worker. In
l,r"P<>rtion as their wealth increased, their economic ,M>wer i|jCreaae<ji thc more successful were
!be'r attempts to exclude the people from all share
1,1 ,lu" government of thc towne. The whole his-
tor.v <d the 16th to the 18th century comprises accounts of the successive reductions in thc people's
privilegca and the increasing power of the oligarchy,*
iowni began   to decay in the reign of Henry
VII. and Henry VIII. because of the guild restrictions, which cramped the rising manufacturing industries. They therefore moved to open villages.
Laws to check this moving was of no avail, and
Henry VII, attempted to remedy this evil by limiting the privileges of the guilds, but even this step
was useless. Master manufacturers, weary of municipal and guild restrictions organized in country
places, little communities solely for industrial cen~-
tret-, so arranged to afford scope for division of
labor and the apprenticeship system, to produce,
not for local use as previously, but for the market
at large. The break up of the feudal system, the
migration to the towns of those who were put off
the land to make room for sheep and wool growing,
and the shutting out of those immigrants by guild
lestriction. helped to furnish thc first elements for
the formation of a labor market.
The introduction of a division of labor was a revolution not of the tool but of the laborer himself.
because he no longer completed the commodity but
was a mere cog in the collective labor process Thc
worker was no longer productive without the other
workers, and as it required an increasing amount
of capital to carry on business, by this new method
the worker had less and less opportunity to escape
from this dependence on capital. Whereas the
guild craftsman was only temporarily a wage-
earner, thc handicraft workmen in the capitalist
manufactory tended to become permanent. It
was from communities such as these that Man-
iluster. Bolton, Leeds, Halifax and P»ury took their
rise and afterwards developed into the great factory towns of today. This specialization of thc
laborer lead to the specialization of the tools
he used, but was curtailed in development until thc industrial revolution of the 18th century,
brought about by the introduction of the steam cn-
The guild towns were not capitalist productive
concerns. They lacked two characteristics of capitalist production; free competition and unrestricted accumulation. Capital, which first appeared in
commerce and money lending, received a great impetus to development from the discovery of the
new lands and sea routes. The development of
foreign trade involved the development of the home
market and necessitated an extension of production. The guild restrictions stood in the way of
progress, and disappeared before the conquering
force of economic development. The industrial
classes were strengthened by the Wars of the
Rose?, which weakened the Barons. The king was
encouraging the commercial classes, as the duty on
their exports helped his treasury in increased
wealth and the nation was prosperous in wealth
and industry, at the close of 1500 A.D.
We now arrive at thc period of the Reformation. In 1522. Henry VIII. received thc
title of "Defender of the Faith" from thc Pope, because he wrote a treatise against Luther, but five
\ears later when Henry desired a divorce, which
the Pope refused to give. Henry passed a supremacy law, making himself head of the church, and
divided the church lands amongst thc land lords
who supported him.
Luther is one of Carlyle's, heroes in his book
"Hero Worship." but thc Reformation was brought
about by economic causes. Some people have been
led into the error of ascribing all modern enlightenment to the influence of Protestantism; overlook-
in" the fact that economic forces produced the conditions for Protestantism. Carlyle ignores the fact
that hftd it not been to the material interests of •
the German nobles, Luther would either not have revolted in the first place, or he would have been
shipped to Rome and J\urncd at the stake. Car-
lyle himself relates how Luther had been disgusted
with what he saw when visiting Rome, but decided to keep quiet, and Carlyle's narrative infers, if
the Dominican Monk Tctzel had passed by Wur-
tenburg and left Luther in thc undisturbed*posses-
sion of his flock, there might have been no Reform-'
ation. Luther's own people pleaded with him, that
they had already got their sins pardoned by buying indulgences from Tetzel. This is Luther, who
marched to Worms with the Emperor's safe conduct. He flouted the terrible power of the Papacy
with the ruling class of his own and other countries
solidly behind him. The church owned most of
the land, which was acquired by gift, fraud and
robbery, but the industrial development forced new
ideas, as the ideas of the middle ages were utterly
incompatible with the free industrial and commercial spirit of the time, so it was no accident that the
Reformation made progress in the free towns of
feudal Europe. Ever since the year 800, when the
Pope had crowned the German King "Emperor of
the Romans," the church had received liberal grants
of land. The church >yas holding enormous terri- *
tory all over Germany, and the German princes had
no longer anything to gain from remaining on good
terms with the Pope, so they threw off the claims
of the church and annexed the church lands, gaining wealth and freedom at the same time. This
lesulted in the 30 years war with Austria whose
Emperor claim-ad the imperial crown. Although
the Protestants were more numerous, the jealousy
amongst the princes split them. The 'Emperor
won victory after victory until he felt strong
enough to issue a decree that all church lands
which had been taken, be returned to the church.
Here was a common ground to unite the princes,
and the treaty of peace was signed, leaving the land
as it was befor*.- thc war in the hands of the princes.
This was the time France got the territory along
thc Rhine (Alsace an<i Lorraine) and Switzerland,
its independence from Germany, in 1648.
*t It would be preposterous to think the world
would be enlightened by a superstitious, ignorant
fanatic like Luther, who believed that three toads
spitted on a stick would extract poison from a
wound. Luther said of Copernicus and his discovery of the earth revolving: "People gave car to
an upstart astrologer, who strove to show that the
earth revolves, not the heavens or the firmament,
the sun and the moon. Whosoever wishes to appear great must devise some new system, which of
all systems, of course is the best. This fool wishes
to reverse the entire science of astronomy, but the
sacred scripture tells us that Joshua commanded
.the sun to stand still and not the earth."
When the peasants, who applauded Luther, revolted against their terrible conditions Luther said:
"So mercy, no toleration is due the peasants, on
them should fall the wrath of God and of man." He
recommended they be treated like mad dogs. Peasant uprisings were stamped out just as brutally as
ever Rome was capable of. Protestantism was the
religion of capitalism because the Roman church
was a fetter upon the development of this class. If
any proof is desired that the Reformation was economic and not moral in character there ls no need
to go further than the fact: Henry VIII. murdered
several wives; Luther murdered Tom Munzer;
John Calvin murdered Servitus; John Knox raved
in a blind rage that all ungodly should be rooted
from the earth.   A tine bunch to reform anything.
Rogers in "Work and Wages," says: "The discontent of the country and towns" alike, had no lit-,
tic influence on the temper which gave Luther a
hearing and the theses of Witemberg an ominous
significance. The decline of trade ,the pressure of
poverty, the discontent engendered by distress, the
angry enquiry into the causes of these unexplained
calamities, the reference of these distresses to Papal
extortion and extravagance, and the outburst for a
passionate reform of the church. The enquiry into
the causes of commercial and social decay became
wider, and the discontent with authority more
marked, the western world revolted."
Loria says: "If the  church of the middle ages
strove to mitigate the evils, it would do so on con-
(Continued on page %.) ■ I
*»   4C
(Continued on page 3.)
cMtion that the  progress of mankind would go on
the lines which it had sketched out, and to thc limits which it had  defined.   Any onward movement
was dangerous, suspicious ana" finally intolerable."
"It cannot be from accident that those parts of
Europe which have been from time to time distinguished   for manufacturing and commercial activity, have always been with one exception ami that
capable of easy explanation, generally hostile to Unchurch  and they have whenever possible revolted
from it.    It was so in Toulouse before the crusade
of Simon de Montfort wasted the fairest land   of
France.    It   was  so  in  Flanders.   Holland.   Baltic
towns, Scandinavia and the eastern parts of Eng
land.    It was so in the most industrious and opu-
ient parts of France in the   16th century.    It was
not indeed so in Italy; but the Papacy laid all En-
rope under tribute, a-pd what have been the lot of
its own subjects, thc presence of the papal court
was an immense factor in the wealth of Italy.    It
was not in human nature that Italy should quarrel
with the process by whicii it became opulent."
Thc Pope gathered money he wanted from al! his
spiritual subjects by any pretext he could devise, by-
capitation fees, difes, taxes on ecclesiastical succession, by exacting enormous bribes for confirmations
in dignities, by the sale on canonizations, relics,
pardon licenses, and indigencies. He invented
affinities in order to sell dispensations and he gave
dispensations for the marriage of near relatives, as
for instance uncle and niece. He borrowed and paid
interest by annuities, levied on anything that came
handy. "The Roman Church." said Alphonso of
Arragon to Eugenius IV.. "is a veritable harlot, for
she offers herself to everyone who approaches her
with money."
Walsh's "13th Greatest of Centuries," published
by the Catholic Summer School Press. p.%377: "The
rise of free cities in Germany represents the democratic spirit down to our time better than any other
single set of manifestations. The international reflations of these cities did more than to broaden
men's minds and realize the brotherhood of man. in
spite of the national boundaries, than any other factor in human history. Commerce has always been
a great leveller. The nobility gladly granted charters and privileges for men and   money."
"It is to commerce we owe the first recognition of
the rights of die people of other countries even in
times of war.**
"It was not the recognition of great principles, as
of money and revenues that proved the origin of the
amelioration of civic conditions."
"The commercial cities accumulated the wealth.
Money was necessary for their rulers for the maintenance of power and to wage war. In return for
money given for such purposes, the cities claimed
for their inhabitants, and were granted many privileges."     *
Why has the church not put this book on thc
index? It must be an "overlook," because this is
the Materialistic Conception of History with a vengeance.
When the Reformation storm subsided, and thc
wealth of the church lands was safely gathered into
.the hands, of the landed and industrial classes, the
church gradually gained her lost flock, and from being the supreme overlord of feudalism she became
the handmaiden of capitalism, and thc Bride of
Christ for a second time became a strumpet. Henry
divided up the spoils* with his courtiers and concubines. Henry VIII. suppressed 645 monastries, 90
colleges. 2,374 chantries and free chapels, 100 hos-
'pttals with an income of £2,000,000.
Rogers says of Henry VIII.: "Thc establishments
of each of his infant daughters were more costly
than the whole annual expenses of his father, Henry
VII. He had fifty palaces. I am persuaded that
the cver'-increasing necessities of Henry and his
vast expenditure would have led to the suppression *
of the monasteries or the confiscation of their wealth,
even if the king had not quarrelled with the Pope.
The religious had all along been discredited by thc
people for their debauchery."
Trade in England had grown between the continent, especially in wool. With the rise in the price
of wool, and the increased productivity of silver
from newly discovered mines of South America, the
manufacturers were flourishing. The landlords,
i uined by thc War of the Roses, saw it more profitable to turn their arable lands into pastures, and
go into sheep fanning on a large scale. They evicted small tenants and enclosed the common lands.
employing less lalnir than formerly with larger returns, this resulted in an increase of the workers,
iK'cotning distinctively proletariat. This we will
deal with in our next lesson.
Literature Price List
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Evolution of the Idea of God (Grant Allen 55c
Make all moneys paysble to E.   MacLeod,  401
Pender Street East, Varcouvcr, B. C.   Add discount
on cheques.
Evolution of the Idea of G6d (Grant Allen),
»-. . paper 55c;  cloth $1.00
Darwinism and Race Progress (I layer a ft,
- ,.'; cloth, $i.i5
Evolution of Property (Lagargue), cloth  $1.15
Poverty of Philosophy (Marx)  „  $175
The American Empire (Scott-ncaring). paper    /*0c
Critique of Political Economy (Marx)   $1.75
Positive Outcome of Philosophy (Dietzgen)   $2.15
Philosophical  Essays  (Dietzgen)      +d „ $1.75
Ethics and  History  (Kautsky)   Jj,   90c*
Industrial History of England (H. DeGibbins) $1.75
The Student's   Marx (Aveling)  „.... $1.15
Two Essays on History (C. StcphenHon and
V,   Deville) percopy,     JJc; 25 copies 75c.
Eighteenth Brflmaire  (Marx)  _...  35c
End of the World (McCabe) ..... .'§. jjj
Causes of Belief  in God (Lafargue)
■J.    _ per cony, 10c; 25 copies, $2
The Structure of Soviet Russia (Humphries)    10c
£Jo Compromise; No Political Trading (Wm.
Liebknecht) _._.., _ 20c
Shop Talks on Economics  (MarCy) • „ 15c
Right to be Lazy (Lafargue)   ,  15c
Marxism and Darwinism (Pannekoek) 15c
The Apostate (London)
History of the Great American Fortunes     ~  l5c
(Myers) Three volumes
Woman l:ndcr Socialism (Bebel) """"""a*
Economic Determinism (Parce) .j
Socialism and- Modern Science (Parcel ~~~"?/5
Iliysicil Basis of Mind and Morals [StchTfi*
Landmarks of Scientific Socialism .Kn*UiV-
Vital Problems in Social Evolution (OT
Science  and   Revolution   (Unterman      ' *£
The Militant   Proletariat (Lewisi g
Evolution. Social and Organis  (Lewis) !?
The Social Revolution   (Kautsky) j?
Revolution and Counter Revolution (MarxTin!
The World's Revolutions   (Unterman) dl
(All above post free).
All above literature can be obtained at thc it*
prices, post paid,  from-^J. Sanderton, Box 17ft
Winnipeg, Man.
 :0-— _
Previously acknowledged. $ >7 K;,   !    \\ kot-rn-,
$5.   Total to 2f»th April. ineJusivc   $102.8$.
Headquarters at 134a 'th Avenue West
Business Meetings every 2nd and  4th Monday tn
each month.   8 p.m.
Economic Class every Thursday. 8 p ™
History Class every Sunday. 8 pm
Speaker's Class every Tuesday. 8 p m
Text hooks used in studies are "Socialism, Utopian and Scientific" «History Class), Value. !'ncf
and Profit," and first nine chapters "CapttaT (Economic Class) All wotkers arc welcomed to thc head-
quarters at any time.
Study Class lMarxism), every Sunday at 8 pm.
at the Labor Temple, Finlayson Strr?- Fort Wi.
Ham. Ontario. This class is developing, and u
likely to evolve into the educational centre among
the workers of this district. Th<>sr who are interested in tbe study of history and econonika from a
Marxian viewpoint, and those who art acquainted
with 'he subjects, and who apprccut. the need for
the spread of knowledge among the worsen, art
earnestly invited to step in and help
ECONOMIC GLASS: Every Friday at 8 pm
SPEAKERS' GLASS: Every Sunday at 11 am.
HISTORY GLASS: Monday   Evening  8  o'eloek.
Friday Afternoon, 3 o'clock.
These classes are already well attended, »nd th*
number of members is increasing The clsiiei mwt
at 630 Main 8treet, Winnipeg, and all worker* sri
requested to attend.
:o :-
All "Clarion" readers in Msritime Province! art
asked to communicate with the undersigned at onct
Comrade Chae. Lestor will soon srrive from Enf*
land, and will apeak at aU points where arrange*
menu can be made. We shall need funds, asd
groups of workers in each place. Get buay, c«u,rt
funds, arrange meetings, and communicatt with
regarding date, etc.
R.R. 1, Oromocto, N. *•
— ofthe-
(Fiftav Edition)
Far copy  10 cents
Psm» 0k mamymam .  f?
mw*   8V WfHS ........ ▼
Fort Paid


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