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Western Clarion Feb 16, 1920

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Full Text

 STERN
A Journal of
CURRENT
EVENTS
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
HISTORY
ECONOMICS
PHILOSOPHY
Number 813
'IVice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, FEBRUARY 16, 1920.
FIVE CENTS
Russia and the Powers
IN looking over the world events as they stand to
date one can properly say that the first act in
the drama of putting down the Bolsheviki is
ended. It has ended with disastrous failure for the
emitter-revolutionary forces. Kolchak has quit,
Denikine has been defeated and Yudenitch's forces
have been exhausted, while the red army has driven
its enemies before it on all fronts. In Russia, itself,
the people have ansAvered the call to keep the armies
of the counter-revolutionists back, and given their
support to the Soviet in its endeavor to organize industry and commerce. This has had the result that
the Bolsheviki are more firmly in control of Russian
affairs than they ever were.
The disastrous defeat of the armies hostile to the
Bolsheviki has created a feeling of deep disappointment among the governments of Western Europe
and America.   The latter, as we know, had gone to
a great deal of expense to help the counter-revolutionists. Indeed, for the last two years they have been
expending much of their energy and resources   in
helping on the drive against the hated Bolsheviki.
This scene has really occupied the center of the stage
of world events for the last tAVo years.   The outcome
of this conflict has overshadowed the issue at stake
in the Great War.   It might seem as if the Allies hastened to end the war so that they could give more
attention to the Russians.   To the Entente the victory of the Bolshevists was a greater terror than
Prussian militarism; and the danger in the success
of a Avorking man's republic was greater than the
existence of a capitalistic Germany, as a competitor
in the scramble for world markets and spheres of
influence.
It is thus with a great deal of chagrin that the
capitalist nations see the curtain fall, for they had
hoped by means of armies operating from the north
and the east, and the south and the west, to build up
a wall around Russia shutting it off from all communication with the outside, and locking up the
wild-eyed, red-haired Bolshevist in the bleak plains
of interior Russia, like a fox in a cage.   But this
deeply  laid   counter-revolutionistic   scheme   failed
partly on account of the vigorous energy with which
the Russians rose to defend the Revolution, and partly by the resistance given to the scheme by the war-
weary proletariat of the capitalist nations concerned.
This proletariat had learned from their experience
in the Avar that the trench is not a place Avhere the
private meets honor and glory, but an inviting grave,
and that capitalistic wars are carried on, not to solve
the great problems of poverty and Avealth, but to
enrich the armament manufacturers and the profiteers, and to give more power and more influence to
those capitalistic groups which carry off the victory.
Thus, this proletariat was disposed to recognize a
certain community of interests with   the   Russian
Avorking class, and, as enlightenment about Russian
affairs greAv, intsead of passively abetting the imperialist schemes of its governments, it put down its
foot and demanded the recall of the armies sent
against Russia.   So as things stand now the capitalist powers are not only chagrined over the victory
of the Bolsheviki but they are deeply aggrieved at
the "Bolshevistic" proclivities of their own proletariat.
But as the end of the first act never ends a play,
so the capitalist powers have not given up in despair
their attempt to quell the Russian Revolution. What
definite steps will be taken to this end is not known
yet. It will most likely be thrashed out at the first
congress of the League of Capitalists which is soon
to meet. What the august and sedate keepers of the
destiny of nations will decide as a means to settle
this problem seems to be in the nature of keeping
on building a fence around the Russians so as to
effect, if. nothing else, the prevention of the spread
of Bolshevism, just as if the principles of Bolshevism and the spirit, which pervades and animates
the Bolshevists, were a heavy gas that trailed along
the ground and whose spread could be checked by
the fire of machine guns.
This tactic, though it may seem puerile, is, under
the circumstances the most favorable for the Powers
to adopt. Their intention seems to be to erect a long
line of subservient states from Finland through
Dantzig to Odessa. The first section of this fence was
built a few weeks ago when the Supreme Council
gave Galicia to Poland for twenty years. The support of Roumania to this scheme is hoped for, if
by no other means, than by giving her a title to
Bessarabia. But the connivance of the Finnish Government seems to be a trifle uncertain, as this government has of late sounded a conciliatory note towards all Radicals. At all events, the Powers intend to mature a plan whereby the Finnish, Polish
and Roumanian soldiers will stand as the guardians
of Avestern civilization, as it is called.
As for the eastern front it was expected that Japan
Avould guard this gateway to the civilized world.
But a recent anti-intervention feeling seems to have
spread in Japan of late, so that the Japanese Government promises nothing definite. Besides, the
Koreans have risen in rebellion so that Japan will
probably have enough on her hands to keep her own
subjects quiet.
In fact, the hands of the governments of an the
capitalistic powers are tied by this very state of
affairs. There is not one government in any of the
countries, in which capitalistic industry has developed to the extent of creating an international psychology among the poletariat, that could send an army
against Russia, no matter how much it would like to.
That is the deplorable situation in which capitalist
governments find themselves. It is for this reason
they have to make use of soldiers from industrially
backward countries, because the people of these
countries are fettered by the nationalistic ideal, by
virtue of which they link their personal fortunes
with that of their national government, and narroAv
their sympathies to the confines of their own national state. This is, in truth, the only kind of army
the capitalist governments can use, because it is
made up of the only kind of men they can trust.
With such a feeble line of defense, though it is
strengthened by a few battleships in some of the
principal ports, it is hardly conceivable that the
economic blockade against Russia can be maintained.
For in spite of the power certain large financial interests which are firmly opposed to lifting the blockade may wield on credit markets, industrial concerns and transportation systems, this blockade has
to be backed up by a considerable strength of armed
force, Avhich these interested parties cannot supply.
On the other hand every one of the countries that
are now denying Russia access to the markets of the
world, have huge Avar debts which can only be liquidated according to their own exports by having exports exceed imports. At the present moment Russia offers greater opportunities for this trade than
any other country on the Euro-Asian continent.
For, above all things, it can pay for what it purchases, and does not need to go begging for credits.
As one Avriter has it, "It has £25,000,000 in gold that
it Avi'l release for foreign trade." It has tons of
wheat for export, besides hides, hemp, timber and
flax. Tt is just on such a market that the Avar-debt-
loaded peoples of the Victorious Allies have to sell
their products. The possibility which this trade
offers is a tempting bait no trader can resist; it is
an opportunity for developing industry no government dare let slip. In other words, those governments Avhich so haughtily erected the economic barrier against Russia, in order to put down the Bolsheviki, must now remove it so as not to be put down
themselves.
But with the removal of the economic blockade
the Big Five will have to recognise the Soviet government and make terms with it—just the thing
which it galls them to do and which they would
never have done had their military plans succeeded.
HoAvever, because the capitalist governments seek
peace with the Soviets does not mean that they love
the Bolsheviki any the more or that they will stop
Avorking for their overthrow any the less.    It simply
means  that  they  are  compelled  to  change their
methods of combat.   They will use methods Avherein
the co-operation of the proletariat is not so open and
conspicuous as it was in the  military  adventures.
The fight will be concealed and the action more subtle.
This situation affords the setting at the beginning
of the second act. The first act closed with an over-
Avhelming victory for the working-class. The capitalists Avere decidedly defeated, though they were
not annihilated. But this victory has shoAvn hoAV absolutely powerless capitalists are Avhen they have to
stand on their own strength alone, and on the other
hand, how mighty the working-class are when they
combine their strength. Indeed this is the first real
great victory of the international proletariat.
C. M. C.
War Versus Revolution
Eight hundred and fifty-one thousand one hundred
and seventeen men of the British Empire were killed
in the late capitalist war, 2,067,442 were wounded;
8,000,000 fought. Yet when Ave speak of overthrowing the capitalist system people say they fear a
"bloody revolution."
Clarion Maintenance
Fund
W. Y. Welling $ 2.00
W    1.00
Ex-Warrior  10.00
A. Kelland    1.00
Mrs. Griffiths     1.00
J. Moon  50
F. W. P    1.00
R. & M. H. T. Alexander     1.00
J.  Kershaw   50
CS. Darts    1.00
C. E. Scharff    2.00
O. Erickson  20
11 February Total  $21.20
Here and Now
W. Y. Welling, $3; J. A. McD, $4.50; W. Bennett,
$26; T. Robley, $1; D. Stewart, $1; J. Boychuk, $1;
S. T. J. Knight, $3; J. J. Egge, $3; A. E. Faulkner,
$3; J. Moon. $4; Wm. Craig, $2; J. Hutton, $2.50;
R. Sinclair, $10.50; Wm. Moriarty, $1; W. Healy,
$1; Mrs. Griffiths, $1; C. E. Scharff, $2.
The above list includes subscriptions sent since
last issue, 2nd February. This list closed 11th February. PAGE TWO
WESTERN  CLARION
The Problem of Finance
MUCH is heard, these days, about the impending
collapse of Capitalism due to the peculiar
money situation. That the present system
can never readjust itself, and resume commercial
transactions on a pre-war basis, is a theory generally
acepted by dabblers in the intricacies of finance.
The unprecedented fluctuations in exchange, the inflation of the currency, and the strange phenomenon
of gold at a premium in so-called "gold standard"
countries are factors that seem to Avarrant a little
prophesying on the things about to happen. All
such forecasts, hoAvever, are essentialy speculative
and contingent on factors not plainly revealed to
the investigator.
That the industrial and commercial mechanism is
badly strained, and showing signs of complete collapse, every student of society will readily admit.
Our knowledge of the nature and tendencies of Capitalist production lead us to the conclusion that this
system cannot indefinitely prolong its existence. It
must eventually give way to a social form devoid
of the contradictions inseparable from class OAvnership of the means of life. But, granting the inevitability of this transformation, still, a clear analysis
of the subject would scarcely warrant the assumption that the eccentricities of the financial institution
would, in themselves, make imperatiA'e a sudden
change.
The basic cause of all the ills that afflict humanity
today is found in the present social relationship—a
relationship of Capitalists and wage slaves. A mere
handful have possession of the means of wealth production, while the great majority must dispose of
their labor-poAver to this wealth controlling few. The
price they receive for the commodity they sell is
barely sufficient to reproduce it in a saleable condition. The portion of the mass of Avealth produced
which the Avorkers are able to buy back is continually decreasing. The remainder, which represents
surplus values divided among the different sections
of the ruling class according to their legal claims,
must seek a market where it can be changed into
money, which again enters circulation as capital, for
the purpose of expanding itself through the addition
of more surplus value. The greater the productivity
of the Avorker, under these conditions, the less opportunity there is for the market to absorb this supply of commodities. A cessation of production, in
order to relieve the congestion, becomes necessary
periodically. But this does not remedy the situation. A shutting down of industry spells unemployment on a large scale, soup kitchens, and finally war
for the possession of markets. But the end is not
yet. Every move to ameliorate conditions acts as a
means to hasten the downfall of class society.
But, then, this anarchy and confusion manifests
itself in other ways as Avell as through the medium
of finance. Every instituion that functioned at the
beginning of capitalism becomes affected by the
change in the social foundation and starts to decay.
A comparison betAveen the legislative, military, legal,
artistic, religious, and domestic instituti&ns as they
were at the inception of the present order, and as
they are today, will reveal the truth of this assertion.
All of them reflect the changing methods of produc- .
ing and exchanging the social Avealth. It Avould be
obviously unsound to attribute the collapse of the
structure to one isolated factor without paying due
consideration to the cause behind it, and the others,
associated with it. Even the degree of industrial
development of nations cannot be taken as a rigid,
hard and fast rule that determines the order in
Avhich they are transformed from class to social
ownership.
The recent case of Russia can be submitted in support of this contention. History is replete with other
examples of comparatively backward peoples imrad-
ing and conquering much more highly developed sections. The Roman Empire fell before the barbarian
hordes of Attila and Alaric. The Athenians gave
way to the Persians, regardless of the fact that the
victors, in each case, Avere far behind the vanquished
in industrial development. Many circumstances
must be considered, besides the purely industrial,
before arriving at a scientific conclusion.
It is quite Avithin the range of possibilty, hoAvever,
that all institutions will-not cave in at once.     One
may, indeed, set the pace, and that one may be the
financial. Prior to the French Revolution, the impending downfall of the then ruling-class was most
clearly portrayed hi the financial affairs of the kingdom. Increasing expenditures in the face of contracting revenues forecasted disaster. It was one
of the signs of the times that could not be ignored.
The working of Capitalism manifests itself most
clearly in a financial way. Buying and selling is the
life of modern society. Most of the contradictions
and incongruities of today make themselves known
through the channels of circulation. But, to say
that nothing can be done by the business interests to
stave off, for some considerable time, the period of
their dissolution is taking much for granted. We
must not overlook the fact that only a few centuries
ago, in England, there was a slave society where industrial capital was unknown, and finances a negligible quantity. Slavery, in.still another form, prevailed in Roman and Greek society without the financial institution being developed to any extent. So,
today, the limiting of capitalism to another three,
five, or ten year term by simply viewing one of its
effects is too much like betting on the ponies. You
may make a good guess and, then, again, you may
not.   It is not the method of scientists.
The present condition of world affairs is, no doubt,
a critical one. Before the war the United States occupied the position of being the greatest debtor
nation in the world. Her vast natural resources
could be tapped only through the instrumentality of
borrowed capital. Those loans were not hard to obtain. A great surplus of money in Europe was seeking investment. The rule has ever been for the
country outstripped in the race for industrial and
commercial supremacy to invest in the one that has
attained the coveted position. From Venice to Holland, thence to England, and later to the United
States, has been the route over which surplus capital
has travelled. In America, during the past century,
the opportunities were better than elsewhere for
profitable investment, so European Capitalists were
willing to take a chance. The interest on the sums
borrowed was paid by the export of products, so that
the American exports, for many years, were greatly
in excess of the imports. But the position is different today. War conditions reversed the balance of
trade, and now Europe owes many millions to American capitalists. Until such times as exports and imports readjust their positions we can expect a continuance of low and fluctuating exchanges.
A section of the American business class considered the favorable position of the American dollar
to be a great triumph over their fellow exploiters
of England. But they reckoned too hastily. Regardless of its depreciated currency, and low exchange, London is still the money capital of the
world and bids fair to remain so for some time to
come. The recent propaganda by American interests to stimulate imports from Britain show that
some of them are beginning to realize the situation.
Canada and the West Indies, formerly the best customers the .United States had, are now buying where
their money is not subject to a vicious discount. The
production of manufactured goods in America will
soon he seriously curtailed if exchange continues to
hang around less than four dollars to the pound
s'terling, which is more than likely to happen.
Of course, this condition of fluctuating exchanges
is not an altogether novel phenomenon. Much excitement prevails in the ranks of the American bourgeoisie because of the trade obstacles erected by the
premium on gold against what they ship to European countries. But this thirty per cent, fall in
sterling exchange is less than half the fall between
gold using Europe, and silver using Asia during the
past forty years. This fall had a very detrimental
effect on the export of British goods to China and
India, and a decided influence on the transfer of
Lancashire cotton mills and jute factories to the
Orient.
Recent gold quotations from Britain giving Ills.
lOd. per oz. fine as against a mint par of 84s. 11
5-lld. show that the gold standard is a thing of the
past. It is not likely that it will ever again conform to Peel's "Act of '44," which enacted that no
amount of notes above £14,000,000 shall be issued ex
cept against gold coin, or gold or silver bullion.
This stipulated amount Avas issued against securities
set apart for this purpose. If this rule was reapplied
today it would mean immediate ruin to the whole
banking and business system of Britain. The increase of paper currency has been astounding in the
past four years.
But in this respect, Britain is not alone. In the
United States, the money in circulation has increased over one billion dollars between January 1st,
1918, and January 1st, 1920, and this has not been
warranted by increasing production. Gold coin in
circulation now equals $846,392,000 as against $972,-
561,000 in 18. Gold certificates $423,804,000 against
$1,096,860,000, Federal, reserve notes $2,989,664,000
against $1,227,243,000. Federal reserve bank notes
$209,314,000 against $12,535,000. As here seen, the
change has resulted in a great reduction in the
amount of gold in circulation, while paper money
has continually*increased. This substitution of
paper for gold cannot help having a tremendous effect on the prices of goods. Just where this interesting condition is going to lead us is a matter of
conjecture. Prophecy Avas never our long suit, and
it is rather late to attempt it now.
From the Socialist standpoint, i the education of
the world's workers to a knowledge of their class
position under Capitalism, so that when occasion
permits they will know hoAv to act, is the safest
method of gauging how long the present order of
society is still to remain. We see no necessity in
consulting ouija boards, clairvoyants, or mesmerists, to forecast events.
Our aim is to make Socialists, and when a sufficient number of these exist, the complicated affairs
of a rotten social system will only be of interest to
students concerned with unravelling the .mysteries
of the past. *
J. A. McD.
Government
GOVERNMENTS are unstable these days. People
are perishing for lack of accurate information
on tne subject, for this is not taught in the
schools, the ordinary papers or the pulpit; therefore
it is here supplied.   The following statements are
not debateable theories, but scientific facts.
There are two general plans of government (although there are infinite varieties of them), says
Morgan in his famous book'' Ancient Society.'' The
older kind of government is founded upon purely
personal relations and may be called a society with
the gens of clan as the unit of this organization,
passing into tlie union of "gentes—the phratry, the
union of phratries—the tribe, and finally into the
confederacy of tribes—the people or nation. This
is the government of Primitive Communism. The
second, and much the more modern kind of government, is founded upon Territory and upon Property
and may be distinguished as a State.
When man started on his upward career and had
got beyond the savage condition, he realized that
co-operation was a necessity to him because together
with others he could more successfully face his
enemies, hunt and fish than when he stood alone.
Morgan proves that the mode of organization of the
Red Indian settlements was the common type of the
social, system of all our ancestors. Now the Red
Man, as Franklin pointed out, lived under a system
of common property, such a thing as Private Property being unknown among them. They co-operated
and they had a Central Directing Authority consisting of the "Sachems." And, note this—the work
of this Authority was to direct the co-operative efforts of the communities, and, in so doing, it shared
actively in the productive work of the communities.
It was a beneficent and useful body for, without its
work, the work if the communities would not have
been done. A study of the chapter on the Iroquois
Confederacy in Morgan's book will show how masterly elaborate was their government, and how intelligent were those Indians who conceived, carried
out and lived under it—in this repsect, a great contrast to the absolute lack of government noted*by
Darwin, in 1834, among those lowest of savages and
communists, the Fuegians.
Now let the reader mark by what historic process
the Communal Central Directing Authority changed
MMMMH WESTERN   CLARION
PAGE THREE
from a beneficent, useful institution, to one—the
"State"—productive of terror, evil, hatred and
agony. When mankind developed beyond the point
reached by the Indian, and had discovered the art
of smelting iron ore, then the democratic equality
of former communal society had received a severe
blow, for a difference in status—along the line of
SEX—was created, the males being able, the females
unable, to wield the new Tool of Production. Based
as it was, on physical qualities, this difference of
status, at first, could not have been very deep.
Nevertheless, it was the beginning of that division
of society into CLASSES—one able, the other unable, to feed itself—into the Independent and the
Dependent, into Masters and Slaves, Ruler and
Ruled.
But it was when that mightier revolution — the
discovery of the Domestication of Animals, the
Adoption of Agriculture and, thereby, the Advent of
Slavery—had torn society into Antagonistic Economic Classes that we find a simultaneous revolution
occur in the nature of the Central Directing Authority, for, instead of this body continuing to aid its
felloAv communists in carrying on the work of society, it noAv mainly devotes its efforts to holding
down the dependent, the slave, the ruled, until, lo
and behold! it finally blossoms into the modern
"State," the Capitalist State, the Capitalist Government—backed up by its army, judges and police—as
an instrument largely, if not solely, of exploitation,
of oppression and repression of its subjects. To sum
up—under Primitive Communism, the executive
council Avas an organization for managing the affairs of the Avhole group. But with the advent of
Slavery, this council was replaced by the Political
State, merely representing the interests of a minority—the Ruling Class—and thus becoming an instrument of craft and tyranny.
It is important, therefore, to note that the word
"State" is a term of evil signification and will always be so, as long as it is what it is—the executive
committee of the Ruling Minority whose interests
are opposed to the general welfare.
However, unlike the Anarchists, we Socialists believe in a central directing authority. As Karl Marx
points out, a solitary fiddler in his own room may
play as he pleases. But, with a whole orchestra, a
conductor to ensure harmony and unity of results,
is necessary, and such a man is no more superfluous-
nor an oppressor than is a freely and democratically
elected picnic committee. Our modern system of
society is like an orchestra in that it is so interdependent that a conductor—a Central Directing Authority—is required for the processes of production
and distribution; a body of Industrial Experts whose
duty it will be to bring to all, themselves included,
health, wealth and happiness.
Under an absolute monarchy, tlie State stands for
the interests of one man alone, as illustrated by the
cynical remark of Louis XIV.—"The state? I am
the state!" Under a system where the big monied
men are supreme, the state only represents their interests as opposed to those of the masses of the
people. Only where the whole of the people are
supreme—under SOCIALISM—will the political
state die out and once more, but upon an immeasurably higher plane, will we have the free, democratic,
beneficent Council of Primitive Communism, but
with the latter's powers for good idnefinitely multiplied by the tremendous resources of this, the Age
of Machinery and of the Domination of Nature's
Forces.
Today, "politics" stink, and to call a person a
politician, is a grave insult; for the Private Property
State has many unspeakable crimes to answer for,
and so long as the present economic conditions exist
which create the State, these evils will continue to
be produced.
Slavedom, Serfdom, Wagedom—each such stage
of society through which the race has passed and is
noAv passing, has had its particular kind of State
Oppressor to fight against. Yea! even the Nobility
and the Capitalist Class themselves have had to fight
their way upAvards to their freedom, just as today
the Working Class and their'allies from other classes
are fighting "the last fight that unites the Human
Race" as the chorus of the Internationale puts it.
With the downfall of the Capitalist State will disappear the last of all state despotisms. Then will
arise that free Society in which the government of
the liar, the scoundrel, the grafter, the schemer, the
A Study in Class-Consciousness
PSYCHOLOGY is the science that deals with the
phenomena of consciousness, or, in other
words, with the workings of the mind. There
are different branches of the science—animal psychology dealing with animal consciousness or the
workings of the animal mind; child psychology dealing with the consciousness of children or the workings of the child mind; our humorists speak of
female psychology and strive in vain to explain the
workings of the female mind; and, in analogy, we
have proletarian class-psychology that deals with
the workings of the proletarian mind, explaining
protelarian class-consciousness.
The masters fear this proletarian class-consciousness, for it is a revolutionary force; and, like ostriches burying their heads in the sands, they seek
to do away with it by ignoring it. Their official
vendors of delusions tell us that worker and capitalist are the same species, identical in mind and
body. For my own part I can see no strong similarity in the two animals, the one that works and the
one that shirks. There is a sufficient difference in
their appearance and mode of living to justify the
expectation of a difference in their mode of thinking. Moreover, psychology teaches that environment and manner of living control the workings
of the mind completely. Evidence of the truth of
this is abundant. A person accustomed to an environment of cleanliness and order, if suddenly set
to work in an environmet of dirt and disorder, is
quite at a loss what to do; his nervous forces fail ti
respond to the stimulus of an environment to Avhich
he is unaccustomed.
Consider the use of environment in military training ; how changed is the whole mode of thinking of a
man after a few years organized slaughter. With
changes in their manner of making a living whole
races have changed their essential characteristics.
The present inhabitants of Europe were formerly the
peaceful dwellers of the plains of Asia; but the drying up of these plains forced them to journey westward ; and in doing so they changed from peaceful
tribes to a most warlike race, terrorizing all Europe
as they went. A similar degree of change has taken
place in the Indians of North America, but Avith a
directly opposite result.
Having established this law, that one's way of
thinking is dependent upon his environment and
manner of making a living, let us apply it to the
two classes in modern society. What is there common in their physical environment and manner of
making a living? Nothing! The environment of
one is comfort, ease, plenty, and, to their own degraded tastes, beauty; the environment of the other
is discomfort, hardship, want and ugliness. , The
one gains his living by shirking, the other by working; the one through having property, the other
through being propertyless; the one having Avealth
to exchange for whatever his desire may suggest, the
other having but the energy in his body to exchange
for enough course food, shoddy clothing and inadequate shelter to keep that energy in his body.
Should we expect much similarity in the workings
of their minds? Should not.the most dominant idea
in the mind of the worker be that of the class-basis
of society; and the spirit of revolt be everlastingly
aflame in his breast; and the master-class his sworn
enemy AA-hose propaganda he would scorn, getting
his news from papers written from his own class
viewpoint, listening only to speakers with his own
revolutionary ideals ? This surely is what one might
expect by the application of the law of environment
to the mind of the wage-slave. But we all know only
too well that the mind of the typical wage-slave is
the direct opposite of this. The point requiring explanation Avhen setting forth psychologic laAV is not
Iioav the feAV class-conscious come to be, but rather
how the great mass of the proletariat fail to be class-
conscious.
Certainly, Ave can find nothing in the physical en-
panderer and the oppressor, will give way to the
Central Directing Authority of Industrial Experts
drawn from amongst the ranks, and representing
the interests, of their equally free, educated, happy
and honest fellows—the Socialist Democracy!
"PROGRESS."
vironment or the manner of getting a living of the
proletariat to explain Avhy the great proletarian mass
is not class-conscious. There is but one ground left
to explain it on, and that is the mental as opposed to
the physical environment, that hazy agglomeration
of Avords and ideology that surrounds the mind of
the worker and acts as a buffer between his mind
and the realities outside it. What is its nature, its
source? From where do the workers get their ideas?
From master-class press and master-class pulpit
alone. "Whoever pays the piper calls the tune."
Through these organs do the workers get their ideas
of master-class morality, or such morality as helps
the master-class in power; of master-class loyalty, or
loyalty to the master-class; of master-class efficiency,
or efficiency for the benefit of the master-class; of
master-class philosophy or an explanation of the
un^'erse that makes the present master-class and its
manner of running the world the centre, the pivot
of the Avhole universe, the very perfect thing that all
time has labored to bring forth and that, having
brought forth, labors to maintain for ever, denying
its whole support to any other social system that
aspires to usurp power. It is in this master-class
propaganda that we find the key to the whole problem.
Words are of immense importance and power. In
the evolution of mind the use of words is necessary
before the mind can generalize percepts into concepts, or formulate ideas. For example, an animal
or very young child can perceive red, yellow and
green objects, and, due to the different optical sensations derived from them, differentiate between yel-
Ioav, red and green. But without having words or
ifames for these colors, he cannot form the abstract
or general, concept of "color." The reason for this
is that so long as he perceives the color and has no
name or Avord for it, the color can be known to him
only as a certain sensation; it is impossible to think
of qualitatively different sensations as one or the
same; consequently, until he has names for these
colors by which he knows them apart from the sensations produced by the sight of them, he cannot
generalize them into the one concept, color in the
abstract.
In this Avay, in fact, it can be shoAvn that our
Avhole world of ideas or concepts, is based upon
words. Without Avords mind could never develop beyond the stage of perception, sensations, or feelings.
The Avhole difference between us of today Avho can
calculate the motions of the stars, and the primitive
savage who can't count as high as four, is simply a
difference in our equipment of words and symbols.
Whoever controls the workers' world of Avorlds controls all there is to the workers' mind that is a development beyond our savage who can't count to
four. Hence the ease with which the master-class is
able to restrict the development of class-consciousness. All it need do is to provide the worker with
a satisfactorily thick mist of the bourgeoise world of
Avords, of bourgeoise ideology, and check (with a
healthy supply of order-in-council)— any influx of
ideas from the class-conscious Avorkers. *$ '
The task for us, the class-conscious workers, is to
replace the Avhole mental being of our felloAv-slaves
Avith a knoAvledge of realities, a well-nigh impossible
Avork Avere it not for the gratuitous propaganda of
the capitalist class in proving our theories as fast as
we state them.
F. W. THOMPSON.
Labor Defence Fund
Send all money and make all cheques payable to
A. S. Wells, B. C. Federationist, Labor Temple, Vancouver, B. C.
Collection agency for Alberta: A. Broatch, 1203.
Eighth Avenue East, Calgary, Alta.
Central Collection Agency: J. Law, Secretary, Defence Fund, Room 1, 530 Main Street, Winnipeg,
Man. PAGE FOUR
WESTERN  CLARION
Ii!
V
WI
■ii:
.■I
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lit
Western Clarion
A  Journal   of  History,   Economics,   Philosophy,
and Current Events.
Published  twice a  month  by the Socialist  Party of
Canada, 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Phone Highland 2583.
Editor     Ewen MacLeod
Subscription, 20 issues   $1.00
814
If this number is on your address label your
subscription expires with next issue. Renew
promptly.
FEBRUARY 16, 1920.
EDITORIAL
THE ISSUE.
THE Allied Governments have failed  in  their
campaigns against the Soviet on all fronts,
the   squibs   of   those   scattered   brigands,
Messrs. Kolchack, Denekin and  Yudenitch  having
proven ineffectual in anything but noise.
If we Avere so innocent as to look for even a modicum of truth in the daily press, no doubt we should
have followed those unhappy bandits in their disordered retreat to the furthermost corners of
Europe. If the Soviet forces ever actually capture
those gentlemen, no doubt Ave shall read of their
trial in a well-appointed Russian Court of Justice on
charges of conspiracy, and of endeavoring to impose
upon Russia foreign forms of government.
But while the British Government has failed miserably so far in its efforts against Russia, its antagonism to labor is manifested well enough within its
own boundaries. Industrial strife and political turmoil accompany the imperialistic worries involved
through "conquest" over the General Powers. This
in a measure accounts for the uncertain position of
the coalition mixture of opportunists, commercial-
ists and imperialists of which it is comprised. All
parliamentary parties in Britain, including labor, are
divided between jingo and anti-jingo elements. The
Labor Party is loud in its dislike of Capitalism, and
the degree of its critical effectiveness may be
measured in its volume of sound.
And while it is spending its energy in producing
evidence of its sagacity and capacity for office, Mr.
Churchill, that erstwhile sprightly and irresponsible
political clown has experienced a moment of discernment. The Denekin paymaster announces that the
basis of industrial unrest lies in the property system
itself, in individual ownership.
The actual point in dispute, he says, is really
whether there shall continue private ownership, or
be substituted for it as fast and as far as possible
communistic ownership of all means of wealth production, transportation and exchange. "The issue,"
he says, "is a very plain and a very great one."
The answer of the Labor Party is not yet heard,
but after all, the Russian has proven Mr. Churchill's
most effective schoolmaster.
WORK.
W)RK is a subject as uninteresting as it is appetizing. Man, as Marx has it, "sets in motion
arms and legs, head and hands," to appropriate nature's productions in a form adapted to his
own wants, in Avhich are concerned chiefly the activity of man, the subject of his operations and the
tools Avith which he operates. While the soil is the
basis of his operations, it has come to be that those
tools essential to present day production are a factor
of importance in the process equal not only to the
soil, but equal also to man himself.
To read man's history we must examine the tools
with which he works. As Franklin says, "Relics of
by-gone instruments of labor possess the same importance for the investigation of extinct economic
forms of society, as do fossil bones for the determination of extinct species of animals."
Ostensibly, in the labor process, man engages only
in the production of articles of use to himself and
needful to the maintenance of society.   In the pro
duct lies the story of the nature of his effort upon
nature's material.
Today, man is engaged so much in production that
is directly contributory to the final appearance of
his useful labor in other completed forms, that his
efforts are characterless and he is but a cog in the
universal machine, and those products belong not to
himself but to the owners of the tools with which
he must operate to produce them.
In reality the object of his activity is the production of profit for his master. His work is ultimately but the consumption of his energy, exhausted
under the will of his master whose energy in turn
is consumed in adding his columns, the totals of
Avhich determine, in his eye, the degree of efficiency
of the Avorld's workers in producing not food, clothing and shelter, but profit for the capitalist whose
slaves they are.
SECRETARIAL NOTES.
Our circulation this issue is 6,000, and if present
evidence means anything we  shall   have   another
thousand in a month.
# #•      #
This issue contains the first of two installments of
a pamphlet by Professor Thorstein Veblen: "Sabotage." We intend to reproduce this as a pamphlet
to sell at five cents, and hope to be able to reproduce
a pamphlet in the same way each month, which we
shall be able to do if financial encouragement warrants. The exchange rate operates to our disadvantage so far as obtaining literature supplies from the
United States is concerned. We shall have to apply
ourselves to the production of as many pamphlets as
we can turn out. The following note from Kerr
and Co. should be taken note of by literature secretaries :— ,
IMPORTANT NOTICE TO OUR FOREIGN STOCKHOLDERS AND CUSTOMERS.
It will hereafter be impossible for us to fill foreign
orders for the following English books reprinted by
us:—
The Evolution of Property (Paul Lafargue).
Revolution and Counter-Revolution (Karl Marx).
Socialism, Its Growth and Outcome (Morris & Bax).
Socialism, Utopian and Scientific (Frederick Engels)
Value, Price and Prifit (Karl Marx).
Orders for these books from countries other than
the United States should be addressed to the owners
of the British copyrights, Messrs. George Allen and
Unwin, Ltd., Ruskin House, Museum Street, London,
W. C. (1) England.
CHARLES H. KERR & COMPANY.
• •       #
We have had orders from many comrades recently
for books by various authors. Comrades are requested to note that we have no literature in stock
other than may be found advertized in our Price
List of Literature. We shall be glad to book orders
for such other books as may be required, but if the
book required does not appear in the list, comrades
will know they must wait.
• •       •
A new edition of "Red Europe" is on the press,
printed on better paper than last edition which is
entirely sold out, and having typographical errors
eliminated. The new edition contains an appendix,
Avritten by Comrade W. Bennett, the nature of which
is an admirable statement of the achievements of
the Bolsheviki, and with press quotations which
bring the news matter of the book itself up to date.
• #       *
Comrade Bartholomew commences in this issue a
series of ten articles on Socialism. At the time the
"Clarion" Avas suppressed, the series then running
was interrupted. We have induced Comrade Bar-
tholomeAv to re-write the whole.
* •       •
As we announced last issue, Local (Vancouver)
No. 1 offers a premium of one choice of three books
to the individual securing the highest amount of
paid subscriptions. This is effective each issue.
Comrade Bennett heads the list this issue, and calls
for "Ten Days." He threatens to earn "Six Red
Months" next issue.
* •       •
In these days when we are talking and Avriting
about the excellence of the Labor College as an institution, Toronto (of all places) has simlpy gone
ahead and established one at 28 Wellington Street
East, Toronto. The curriculum includes Economics,
Industrial History, Political, General and Current
History, History, Structure, Aims and Problems of
Labor Organization, and Public Speaking. Various
additional subjects are to be included as time goes
on. Fees are: For one class for the term (Jan. 5th
to April 30th), $1.50; for each additional class, 50c.
Honorary Secretary, Florence Custance, Ontario
Labor College, address as stated.
We reproduce an article in this issue from the
"Grain Growers' Guide." The freedom of the age
we live in is therein well defined.
#       #       *
A series of lectures on Economics is being delivered at the Brotherhood House, Vancouver. Some
three or four of the fourteen lectures have been
given. Professors Angus and Boggs (Univ., B. C,
Polit. Econ.) are the lecturers. These lectures have
been well attended up to date, and we understand
some interesting discussion has taken place. The
interest taken in this science by those "not in academic boAvers" is.no longer a matter of astonishment, and sometimes it is found to be a more real
and genuine interest than that manifested within the
Avails of learned institutions. While we may sometimes err in that we become advocates rather than
investigators (to borrow an apt phrase from Jack
Harrington), our academic friends should themselves
be sure of their quotations and should consider
hastily arrived at interpretations. Otherwise,
healthy prejudices are fostered as much as (under
such circumstances) they deserve to be.
Incentive
EVER since Socialists first commenced to criticise and analyse the capitalist system, and to
predict a future state of society in, which
competition and exploitation in industry would be
abolished, where all shall work, and each receive in
return the equivalent of the full product of his toil,
it has been the custom with defenders of capitalism,
professors, priests, politicians and others, to declare that such a condition of society is impossible.
They tell us that in such a system there would be
no incentive. That competition between the workers
for jobs is necessary to make each of us "do our
bit." That if it was not for the free competition
in industry that permits those with the greatest
ability to rise to the top,—in other words, if it was
n«t for the possibility that a few will have the opportunity to swindle others out of the fruits of their
labor and in time become parasites, those few supposed intellectuals would refuse to contribute their
abiltiy to the management of industry, thereby leaving the great mass of the people in the position of a
ship without a rudder. And consequently there
Avould be nothing for us all to do but sit down and
starve to death. We are used to this kind of talk
from capitalists and their apologsits, and even from
ignorant wage slaves, but it is only recently that
some self-styled Socialists have commenced to ad-1
vance the same argument.
Among other defenders of this theory there is one
in particular who is worthy of notice, inasmuch as
he is a Avriter of some note, and also claims to be a
Socialist, none other than Mr. Frank Harris, editor
of "Pearson's Magazine."
Mr. Harris bases his claim to the title of Socialist,
not on his knowledge of Socialism, but on the length
of time since he first made the claim. And by the
number of notable Socialists, who have, from time to
time, in times past had the honor to speak with him
on the same platform. All this, and much more we
have gathered from a perusal of "Pearson's" in the
last year or two.
In a recent issue of the magazine, a correspondent
writes to inquire if Mr. Harris is "directly opposed
to the first principle of Socialism." He says, "As
I understand it, and as Mr. Westfall correctly states
it, if the worker would not receive the full social
value of his labor in the industrial world as I understand the true Socialist contends, then I would discard the whole scheme as only a make shift to take
the place of or change materially the present industrial scheme."
Mr. Harris replies by accusing the correspondent
of failure to face the "problem," which is, "who is
to determine the full social value of the labor of the
workman "
Now it is well known to Socialists that the value
of the commodity, labor, (more correctly labor-
power), is determined, like all other commodities by
the amount of socially necessary labor-time required
to reproduce it. And that the worker at the present
time when he has a job, receives in wages on the
average, the value of his commodity labor-power,
Avages being the monetary expression of value. This
fact, however, seems to escape both Mr. Harris and
his correspondent.
Let us assume then that Mr. Harris means who is WESTERN  CLARION
PAGE FIVE
to determine the value of the product of each individual worker in a co-operative commonwealth,
where labor-power is no longer a commodity? Ah!
who, indeed? Might we not as well try to determine
the value of commodities under capitalist production
by ascertaining the exact amount of physical and
mental energy contributed by each individual
worker?
A little further on Mr. Harris tells us that '' The
truth is, the inventors and captains of productive
industry bring a special talent to their work and-
special exertion, and if you do not pay for it with
special and extraordinary profits you will not get
it and this, according to science, is the chief source
of progress. What but the hope of extraordinary
profits nerved the Wrights to their years of experiment and perpetual danger?"
The above quotation gives us an idea of the type
of Socialism advocated by Mr. Harris, so we knoAV
just about where to commence. When the bourgeois
intellectuals, and especially the university professors of Russia tried to sabotage the Soviet Government by refusing to lower their dignity to the extent
of educating the working class, we have it on the
authority of some of those professors themselves that
the Bolsheviki did not hesitate to put them navvying.
An atrocity of course- but nevertheless, a solution
of the '' problem.'' When men refuse to do the work
they can do best, it is a good idea to give them a
taste of the work they like to do least., Perhaps
Mr. Harris would rather manipulate a pick and
shovel on such terms as a proletarian dictatorship
might see fit to impose than to illuminate the pages
of "Pearson's Magazine" with his bright and Avitty
literary criticism without "hope of extraordinary
profits.''
Let us take another instance. Two or three years
ago it was reported that the salary of Charlie Chaplin was six hundred and fifty thousand dollars a
year. (I understand he has had a raise or two
since, to offset the rise in the cost of living). This
sum represents the "extraordinary profits" that
Charlie receives'in return for the "special talent
and exertion" he brings to his work, said work
being that of making an artificial fool of himself, to
amuse others. But suppose Charlie lived in a system of society in which profits were abolished, would
he still continue to act in his present occupation for
the highest standard of living society could produce,
or would he prefer to sweep streets on the same
terms ?
It is not a question of equalizing talent; everyone knows that is impossible. There are few amongs
us who could make such successful fools of themselves as Charlie Chaplin, although we all have considerable talent in that respect. There are not many
®f us who could edit a magazine as well as Mr.
Harris. But there is other work just as useful to
society that many of us can do better than either
Mr. Harris or Charlie Chaplin.
It is idle to speculate on the future, we kn&AV, but
I can see no reason why a rat catcher who gives
good satisfaction should not receive the best living
the world can produce. And we would like to have
Mr. Harris or anyone else tell us just what the greatest genius or captain of industry could do with more
in a society where exploitation no longer existed?
While it is true that at the present time there
are quite a few humans of the hog type who seem
to have no other ambition in life than that of accumulating wealth, nevertheless, avarice is not the
dominant passion in human society. But the capitalist system of competition and exploitation in industry is particularly adapted to bring out and develop to the utmost the last spark of avarice that
lurks in the human character. It is the fact that
this impulse is so weak in the great majority of
people that makes it so easy for the few to accomplish their purpose.
We would like to have Mr. Harris tell us if it is
the "hope of extraordinary profits" that nerves the
miners, the structural steel workers, and the Avorkers
in other industries to labor under conditions of "perpetual danger" every day of their lives?
Was it the "hope of extraordinary profits" that
nerved Giordano Bruno to defend the Copernican
system of astronomy, to endure seven years of persecution, and eventually die at the stake rather than
recant ? Was it the '' hope of extraordinary profits''
that nerved Karl Manx to write Capital?
BOOK REVIEW.
(A Group of Essays by Famous Writers—B. W. Huebsch,
New York—141 pp.)
THIS book contains excerpts from the writings
tri Buckle, Emerson, Thoreau, Spencer, Tolstoy, and Wilde; and  with   some   passages
omitted, the pamphlet by Kropotkin on '' The State:
Its Historic Role."
As these men represent comfort, leisure, and culture in the highest degree, no one can object to their
views on account of working class bias. It cannot
be said of them, that their minds Avere poisoned by
foreign or un-British or un-American agitators. No
more representative men could be named in science
and literature, and Avith the exception of Wilde, not
one of these men has ever had his honesty of purpose questioned in bourgeois circles; their concepts
of the State are therefore of particular interest in
these days of rabid democracy.
The Editor, Waldo R. Browne, has taken liberties
Avith the original text of Kropotkin's pamphlet on
the grounds that the translation from the French
was "poorly done"; of course haA'ing the benefit of
a second translation, we can be assured that Kropotkin's ideas are fairly reproduced.
Kropotkin as a thinker, as one who has accomplished something in the realm of science commands
attention; he is always readable and rarely orthodox. He alone of the seven writers, deals with his
subject in a scientific manner. He maintains that
a proper understanding of the State can be gained
only through studying its historical development;
notwithstanding which, he arrives at the purely anarchist concept that "ideas" constitute the basic
force in social movements. The free cities of Medieval Europe surrendered to the State—"because the
ideas of men had changed. The teaching of canonical and Roman laAV had perverted them." He
looks back with regret at the Individualism which
he professes to see in these free cities, and he sees
no hope for Society until Individualism again asserts
itself in the mind of man.
Curiously enough, all seven authors have the same
opinion. This individual Freedom is as vague and
complex, and quite as canonical as the Roman
"ideas" which perverted the free cities.
Kropotkin finds that the peasants are prompted
to combine "in pursuit of their laAvful occasions"
as the Prayer Book has it, but the State will not per-
mit combination. In fact all anarchists discover the
same principle in the State. Pure, canonical freedom is suppressed by the State, and that freedom
consists of the right to combine. Truly, individualism must assert itself.
The State as Kropotkin sees it is a creature which
has entered the individualistic Garden of Eden,
bringing sorroAv and sweat and sin. It is as real to
him as the Adamite snake is to the orthodox Christian. It does not "belong." History goes on repeating the same story. The primitive tribe becomes the Free City, the Free City becomes the State,
then Avealth ends its evil ways. So it was in Egypt,
in Assyria, in Persia, in Palestine and again "a neAv
civilisation sprang up in Greece, always beginning
by the tribe, it sloAvly reached the village commune,
then the period of republican cities. In these cities
civilisation reached its highest limits. But the East
brought to them its poisoned breath, its traditions
of despotism. Wars of conquest created Alexander's empire of Macedonia. The State enthroned itself, killed all civilisation, and then—death."
The original pamphlet says "the State enthroned
itself, the bloodsucker grew, killed all civilisation
and then came—death." We read, too, that all the
great achievements of man end with the Free Cities:
from Emerson, Tolstoy or Thoreau Ave could accept
such nonsense as a matter of course, but they come
from the pen of the author of "Mutual Aid" and
carry Avith them the conviction that science does not
always guide her sons. Let us not forget amidst the
grandeur of Greece and the glory of Rome not a glass
window let in the light of day or a chimney let out
the smoke of fires and every walled city contained
besides poets and artists, slaves and masters. The
history of man is not a series of paradises destroyed
by the State but an unbroken progress, not'in a moral
but in a mechanical sense.
Buckle is a pioneer in sociology, although he is
purely an historian. He saw at least as early as
Marx that historical progress Avas not the result of
great men, but resulted from causes beyond the
poAver of man to exchange. Climate and situation
affect mankind greatly. In this book a portion of
his "History of Civilisation in England" is reproduced. It deals with the influence exercised by
government. He frankly tells us that lawmakers
have little to do Avith progress, and that little retards
rather than helps. Ideas and knowledge of certain
character circulate and become general, then lawmakers give expression to public opinion by enacting
the legislation desired.
He Avas but 41 years old when he died, and in that
time had absorbed a truly astonishing amount of historical lore, besides having mastered most European
languages and written a "History" in three volumes.
When Ave chance to meet a government official Avith
any pretentions to learning Ave as surely encounter
Buckle.   Generally we are advised to read Buckle.
Generally our government official's acquaintance
with Buckle extends over just such books as the one
under review.    (Gems of History Series in ten vols.
$1.00 down and $1.00 a month till you are sick of
them.)    Huxley said Buckle Avas a topheavy man
and Spencer said he had taken in more than he could
organise and staggered under the mass of it.     This
gives us the key to his failures, leaving no room to
appreciate his tremendous labors and original and
daring conception.   However, none more respected
or   influential   historian   exists   for  Flunkeydom.
Buckle then sees in the State, not a bloodsucker, but
a fussy and foolish old lady, always interfering with
healthy men and women and by that interference
perverting and befouling humankind.   "It is no exaggeration to say the history  of the  commercial
legislation of Europe presents every possible contrivance for hampering the energies of commerce."
Again (and here is the complete objection of all sentimentalists) "but the accusation  Avhich   the   historian is bound to bring against every government
which has hitherto existed is that it has overstepped
its proper functions and at each step has done incalculable harm.   The love of exercising power has
been found to be so universal that no class of men
Avho have possessed authority have been able to avoid
abusing it.    To maintain order, to prevent the strong
from oppressing the weak and to adopt certain precautions respecting the public health, are the only
services Avhich any government can render to the
interests of civilisation."
(To be continued.)
SUBSCRIPTION  FORM.
WESTERN  CLARION.
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy and
Curent Events.
Official Organ of the Socialist Party of Canada.
Issued twice-a-month, at 401 Pender Street, East,
Vancouver, B. C.    Phone: High. 2583.
Rate: 20 Issues for One Dollar.    Make al! moneys
payable to E. MacLeod.
In conclusion I might say that it Avas the extraordinary views held by Mr. Harris with regard to
Socialism that nerved the writer to rack his brains
and test his proletarian education to the limit to
produce this article. Not the "hope of extraordinary profits.''
" . F. J. McNEY. PAGE SLX
WESTERN   CLARION
The Science of Socialism
FOREWORD.
The readers of the "Clarion" will remember that the
present writer wrote a series of articles on Socialist Philosophy in 1915, and that he did not complete that , series.
Another attempt is now made to present a summary (moreover a somewhat imperfect one) of the fundamental and
basic principles of the Socialist movement.
The writer does not claim to be an authority on Socialist
philosophy, but he believes that an attempt should be made
to present lo the thinking public of Canada a clear and reasoned statement of the Socialist position, and the series of
articles of which this is the first, is a modest and very imperfect attempt to fill this pressing need. ,
ARTICLE No. I.
THE SOCIAL EVIL & SOCIAL REFORMS
It is fashionable these days to talk about the
social problems. Everywhere there is a spirit of unrest abroad. People are not contented with their
position and with their conditions. Strikes and
rumors of strikes spread through the world with the
rapidity of a prairie fire. Riots, and unlawful assemblies; grumblings and growlings are the order
of the day. Well might a prominent statesman say
at the conclusion of the Great War that "there is
a new feeling stirring in the hearts of men."
Why all this discontent and noise and confusion
worse confounded ? Why, when so many lives have
been sacrificed in a world conflict to make the world
safe for democracy, do we find, in every country,
discontent with conditions as they are?
The answer is not far to seek. Conditions are
such that they call for discontent, and engender a
spirit of revolt. The conditions under which the
mass of the people live and have their being in every
country are a disgrace to ethics, and revolting to the
best that is in men.
It matters little Avhether Ave look to countries
which enjoy the blessings of a monarchy such as
England or Avhether we look to countries which are
basking in the sunshine of a Republic like France—
we find—do we not?—that the vast majority of the
people are engaged in a wild and cruel scramble for
a crust of bread. Highly protected countries like the
United States as Avell as Free Trade lands like England all have this cancer of social discontent, all
alike possess a population struggling to make both
(By H. M. Bartholomew.)
The statesman of the world, almost Avithout exception, look upon the social problem as a series of
small problems. He thinks of the miserable wages
which fall to the lot of the majority of the workers—and he rushes to the Legislature and passes
a Minimum Wage Act. Or he visits the homes of
the Avage-earners (at election times) and is horrified by the deplorable conditions which obtain.
Such smells, and human rat-holes, fill him with holy
indignation, and off he goes to the Seats of the
Mighty, talks long and loud about infant mortality
and passes—a Housing Act. Or maybe, during a
period of depression in trade, the ranks of the unemployed swell to gigantic proportions, riots
take place—and Lord Bloated seeks for legislation
which will enable the unemployed to dig holes and
fill them up again.
That is a fair picture of the "methods" which
constitute the "stock-in-trade' 'of the average politician when confronted by the terrible and increasing poverty which greets him at every turn. The
only solution of the Social Problem of which he can
think is in terms of—more wages, shorter hours of
labor, housing acts, soup tickets and coal coupons,
He has neither system or logic. He knows not Avhat
he does.
When a portion of the populace become especially discontented with their conditions, what do
the statesmen of all political parties do?. Without
exception they arrest the leaders of the movement
of revolt, order out the military forces of the country, pass hurried legislation which will enforcie
Arbitration Boards, or increase wages or better
housing conditions.
They are Social Reformers, so they tell us. And
I submit that they have called themselves by the
right name. They are Reformers. The futility of
their legislation proclaims the final futility of reforms.
Examine, with care, the social reforms of these
political wiseacres, and the result of such an examination Avill reveal a total lack of system and of
idealism. To the reformer practical politics means
chance legislation, the application of a gambler's
chance to the ^domain of statecraft. Not for him a
co-ordjnated    body    of    political    and    economic
ends meet.   Poverty, unemployment,   bad  housing
condition, long hours of labor, women forced to sell bought, not for him an ideal as to what he intends
the social life of the nation to be.   Abstract reason-
their bodies for a crust of bread—these conditions
obtain in every country irrespective of the form
of government and the fiscal systems which prevail
in these countries.
There is small need for me to labor the point and
no necessity for me to give long and complicated
statistics in order to show how prevalent is this
destitution. The reports in the subsidised press and
the observations of ordinary men in any industrial
centre will suffiee to prove that the great mass of
the people live and have their being in conditions
which find no sanction in ethics and which constitute an outrage upon freedom and justice.
The politicians admit that all is not well in the
body politic, and are exceeding busy formulating
neAv platforms in order to—well, make the world
safe for democracy! The leaders of the old political
parties are falling over themselves in their anxiety
to solve the "social evil," and they tell us that if Ave
Avill but be faithful to them all will be well.
The great flaw in their argument is, of course, that
these politicians and their forebears, have been saying exactly the same thing to the e'ectors of Canada
since Confederation and conditions have been rapidly getting Avorse!
By Avhat means do thefce political Aviseacres intend
to solve the social problems Avhich confront us today? Examine with care the programme of all these
political parties and you will find that they all have
one fundamental principle in common. Moreover,
the platform of the old political parties possesses this
fundamental and basic principle as much as the
Farmers' and Labor Parties. Their past legislation and their intended legislation is based upon
this omnipotent principle. And the whole of their
legislation dealing with the so-called social problems fails and falls to the ground, because the basic
principle   from   Avhich   all   these acts   have   their
ing; the cold, lucid deduction of the scientist; the
careful application of the laws of cause and effect
—these essentials to good statecraft find no place
in the politics of the reformer. He is, above all
things, a gambler and an opportunist—and the results are Avrit large in human tragedy.
Such an one shrinks from abstract disquisition of
any kind as he shrinks from the plague. It is useless to tell him that abstract inquiry lies at the bottom of nearly all the practical work done in the
Avorld; useless to point out that but for the abstract inquiries of the old geometers into the properties of conic sections, the science of navigation
could never have attained its present stage of development. It is quite beside the mark to tell him
that if it Avere not for the abstract theories of atoms
and volumes, half of our present chemistry Avould
still be undiscovered. No! he is quite content to
continue his chance politics, oblivious to the fact
that progress can be made in any sphere of human
activity only by the possession of a co-ordinated
body of abstract reasoning and thought.
T submit, and it is the purpose of this.series of
articles to prove, that the only sane and logical
and effective means by Avhich the social problem
can be solved is by the careful application of the
methods Avhich are pursued by the scientist in the
laboratory. The scientist, in his laboratory, leans
over his test tubes, his crucible and his microscope.
To him there is but one sane method of procedure--
the Avorking from cause to effect.
Apply this method to social problems and we
shall realise how futile are the efforts of the social
reformer. The laAV of causation does not apply, so
far as he is concerned with social problems, he has
no conception whether bad housing conditions and
becomes too insistent he must pass hasty legislation
called Housing Acts and Minimum Wage Acts.
Practical statecraft does not constitute blind working upon any and every symptom of disease in the
body politic. The doctor who comes to you when
you are sick, sees some pimples on your cheek, pulls
his lance, from his bag and proceeds to cut out each,
and every pimple, is a quack. He knows not his
business. He is a doctor who looks for the basic
cause of those pimples, who strives to diagnose the
complaint by the law of causation, aHd who prescribes treatment which will deal with the basic, underlying causes.
Thus it is with social problems. The social reformer is a quack. He is very busy lancing the pimples, but he leaves the basic, underlying cause untouched. Progress can only be registered Avhen we
realize the necessity for a co-ordinated body of
thought which works through the laws of causation;
when we realise that bad housing, Ioav wages, long
working hours and the like, are not distinct, individual diseases, but are the many symptoms of a common disease.
It is useless tc^pass Minimum Wage Acts when we
leave untouched the operating causes of low wages.
It is criminal folly to enact legislation to "reduce
the high cost of living" when the existing social order fosters high prices. But that is what the social
reformer is doing in every country. He is lancing
the pimples Avhen the blood is impure, he is busy
mopping up the floor whilst the tap is turned On.
Society at the moment resembles a town which has
been the scene of a terrible earthquake. Human
lives lie in all directions in a tangled mass of wreckage, which has been bent, tAvisted, and broken by the
tyranny of economic conditions. The social reformer is busy putting putty into the crazy AvindoAvs, trying to plaster up the tottering walls, placing a neAv
coat of paint upon a falling house. Hoav the gods
must laugh!
The necessity of the hour is men and women who
have the courage to move out and beyond the petty
futilities of patchwork, who will leave behind them
the imbecility of the political quack, who possess a
clear vision of what they intend the life of mankind
to become—who will build afresh the foundations of
society, and advance mankind towards the New
Jerusalem.
And in the folloAving articles I shall endeavor to
show hoAV best this can be done.
Next article:—Production of Wealth—Value.
THE SCIENCE OF SOCIALISM.
The Social Evil and Social Reform.
Production of Wealth—Value.
Production of Wealth—Capital.
Production of Wealth—Surplus Value.
Rent, Interest and Profit.
The Nemesis of Nations.
7. The Trend of Social Evolutiop.
8. The Soul of Man and Socialism.
9. Social Control.
10.   Towards the Goal.
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
teing   is based upon a false conception of Avhat    low wages are a cause or an effect—all he knows
constitutes and causes the social problem. is that when the cry of the workers for justice
The Importance of Definition
  %
TO a Socialist. Avords and phrases are useful only
insofar as they possess a definite meaning according to the facts. They are a means of
conveying thought, whereas to the defenders and
apologists of capitalism, they serve to conceal
thought and to distort the facts. Being the only
subject-class in existence today, the proletariat are
the first class since the beginning of class society
whose philosophy and method of explaining the facts
of natural and human history rest on a scientific
basis. That is, the proletariat have no incentive to
explain the facts other than they are, for their object
is not as that of other classes in the past, to impose
their rule on and live off the labor of another class
or classes, but on the contrary, being the last subject class, their emancipation means the end of exT
ploitation or privilege.
Socialists, therefore, have  nothing  to hide,^but
wish to analyze and make clear every phase or point
that throws light on the history of natural or social development.
In the United States, a highly developed capitalist
	
s^H WESTERN  CLARION
PAGE SEVEN
country, a common assertion from press, pulpit and
platform, is that no classes exist in that country,
that every man is born "free and equal." The
British workingman is told that he is a "free-born
Briton." If that is the case, why does the Socialist
call the modern wage Avorker a "wage-slave?" It
is true that he is not sold on the auction block to the
highest bidder, but he possesses every other attribute
of a slave, and if not the property of one man, he is,
for at least eight hours a day, the property of the
capitalist class.
The modern wage-slave sells his labor-power, or
life-energy to that capitalist who will give him the
most for it, and that is generally no more than is
required to maintain him and his family. He can
only live by selling his labor-power, for the machinery of production is possessed by a small minority
who dictate when he shall work, what he shall produce, and who dispose of his product as they see fit.
The form of his slavery is somewhat different from
chattel or feudal slavery, but it contains no less a
degree of degradation and misery.
When the Socialist points out the way to end this
slavery, the charge of "idealist" is thrown at him,
with the implication that he is a dreamer of beautiful
dreams, a visionary whose page is directed toward
some far-off Utopia, and who does not take into account the practical matters of this practical world.
Then in the same breath, we are called gross, selfish
materialists, intent only on the satisfaction of carnal
desires. In the first case, the charge does not fit the
Marxian Socialist, and in the second, the word is
incorrectly used from the standpoint of scientific
terminology.
An idealist is one who believes in the power of
ideas or reason independent of material conditions,
The Root of the
Censorship
(The Grain Growers' Guide.)
The Farmers' Forum
The  Farmers'  Understanding
LETTERS are coming every day to The Guide,
expressing indignation in regard to the invasion of private houses, colleges and libraries
and the seizures of books, pamphlets and papers dis-
GREAT consternation permeated  the   agrarian
population of Alberta in the preparation of
their annual gathering.     The 18th January
saw the centre of attraction pulsating with the
approved of, and condemned by, somebody at Otta- representatives of the forces that are to waylay the
wa, and also in regard to the sentencing of individuals to long terms of imprisonment for having such
books, pamphlets or papers in their possession. Sdme
of these raids and sentencings took place only a few
weeks ago.
In the editorial under the headline, Violations of
Freedom, in The Guide of last week, the demand was
made for an explanation from Ottawa of these things.
It now appears that they were done under a provision inserted in the Criminal Code of Canada in
July last. It appears further that the effect of that
addition to the Dominion statute books is to continue
in the hands of the authorities at Ottawa powers
which they had temporarily and for emergency purposes under certain war time orders-in-council.
Those orders-in-council, as has been announced by
proclamation by the Dominion Government, expired
at midnight on January 31, 1919. But they live apparently in the additions made in July last to the
Criminal Code.   Here are these additions:
97b (1) Any person who prints, publishes, edits,
issues, circulates, sells or offers for sale or distribution any book, newspaper, periodical, pamphlet, picture, paper, circular, card, letter writing, print,
publication or document of any kind in which is
taught advocated, advised or defended, or who shall
in any manner teach, advocate, or advise, or defend
the use, Avithout authority of law, of force, violence,
terrorism or physical injury to person or property,
and may properly be called impractical because he or threats of such injury as a means ,of accomplish-
takes no consideration of economic and natural ne- ing any governmental, industrial or economic
cessity.   According to him, reason determines how    change, or otherwise, shall, be guilty of an offence
men shall live, and men need only to desire a differ-'
ent system of society in order to obtain it.
Materialism is directly the opposite of idealism.
Marxian Socialists, who are necessarily materialsts,
and liable to imprisonment for not less than one
year, and not more than twenty years.
(2) Any person who circulates, or attempts to circulate or distribute any book, newspaper, periodical,
pamphlet, picture, paper, circular, card, letter, writ-
uphold the theory that men reason and act accord- r ing, print publication or document of any kind, as
ing to the Avay in which they live, according to the
method of production and distribution that prevails
at a given time, which is itself to an extent determined by differences in climate or by the amount or
kind of natural wealth existing in a particular country. As methods change, the group who control the
new and better methods of production come into
power, because they are at that point the best equipped class to serve the needs of society.
Perhaps no word is more in need of the light of
definition than the word "Socialist." A dozen different individuals, possessing different methods of
viewing life and seeking different forms of society,
through altogether different means, cannot all be
Socialists. Yet anybody who has a kick to make at
the present order of things, and who holds a pet
scheme for running society, is called a Socialist.
For purpose of distinction, the terms Christian
Socialist, Utopian Socialist, Reform Socialist, Parliamentary Socialist, Marxian Socialist, etc., have come
into use, yet the only possible point of similarity between any of these is the desire for a different form
of society.
The schools of thought, the goals sought, and the
methods of attaining that goal, are entirely dissimilar,
A reading of the Communist Manifesto is recommended for a detailed idea as to their differences.
Suffice it here to say, that the Marxian Socialist is
the only one who can properly be called a Socialist,
for his method of analyzing history is the only
sound method, and his goal, the co-operative commonwealth, is firmjy in accord with the natural
evolution of economic and social forces.
A. C.
described in this section by mailing the same or causing the same to be mailed or posted in any post
office, letter box, or other mail receptacle in Canada,
shall be guilty of an offence, and shall be liable to
imprisonment for not less than one year and not
more than twenty years.
(3) Any person who imports into Canada from
any other country, or attempts to import by or
through any means whatsoever, any book, neAVs-
paper, periodical, pamphlet, picture, paper, circular,
card, letter, writing, print, publication or document
of any kind as described in this section shall be
guilty of an offence, and shall be liable to imprisonment for not less than one year and not more than
tAventy years.
The foregoing clauses were introduced in the
House at OttaAva on June 27 last, by Mr. Meighen,
who was then acting Minister of Justice. On July 1,
Mr. Nickle, then member for Kingston, Ont., who has
since resigned from Parliament, protested that there
must be criminal, intent before there can be a
crime, and urged that the proposed additions to the
Criminal Code be altered so as to make it possible
for a person accused under certain of the specifications, such as in regard to circulation of, or sending
for, such printed matter, to clear himself by showing
that he had no knoAvledge of the character of the
books, pamphlets, papers or other publications or
documents in question. To this Mr. Meighen, speaking for the Government, would not agree. "I fear,"
he said, '' that if the suggestion is accepted, it is going to defeat the laAV." And so the provisions, as
proposed, were added without change to the Criminal Code.
The authorities at Ottawa, it would appear, thus
continue to have the power they created by orders-
in-council during the war, of banning books, pamphlets, papers and other publications which are judged
"seditious," and of making domiciliary raids in
search of such printed matter.   The only prelimin-
atrocious monster, and save mankind from destruction. The opening day arrived when the saviours,
1,380 strong, congregated for deliberations. The
outstanding feature of the W. F. A. Convention was
the desire of the few stage-artists among the delegates to make themselves conspicuous in the oratorical arena.
• Although 203 resolutions were before the Convention, not one could be said to have had any bearing
on the basic cause of the power in the hands of
those that at present enslave the human race.    Not
one whisper about the abolition of capitalism. Credit
may be given for the standing vote for free speech
and the freedom of the Press.   Credit may also be
given for the return  of Wood  as  President,  but
for the class-consciousness of the great aggregate
present credit cannot be given, as there is none due.
A real class-conscious element to make itself felt
is still absent among farmers.   The screen still hangs
that obscures the transformation scene which provides a clear vision of the new world sought for
among other workers.   The farmer's stage is bedecked with sweet scented roses, the   ess§nce   of
which smells sweet to the nostrils of the slow moving, step-at-a-time group that point the farmers to
the hose that Avill extinguish the fire after the house
is burned.
Premier Stewart, of Alberta, made the startling
admission at the Convention that our house was
on fire and would end in rtiin at a not far distant
date:     He warned us that Chinese and Japanese
labor-power could be produced cheaper than Canadian labor-power, and said that the cheapest commodity always conquered the world's market.   But
long before Stewart's day Karl Marx warned us
that capitalism would end in an international calamity.   And in 1848 he made the pronouncement that
the workers should unite the world over and burst
the chains that bind them as slaves to   a  master.
But Marx did not specify any single race or group
of workers.   By his reasoning, when capitalism matured, it Avould produce two distinct classes,   the
capitalist-class and the working-class.   Present day
society demonstrates the soundness of this reasonng,
and the farmer must unite with all other workers,
in order to squarely meet his problem.
The industrial wage-workers are rapidlly entrenching themselves, and among them, the Socialists are
forging the Aveapons that are strongest in the fight
for the emancipation from enslavement of the workers as a whole. Economic classes are being held
wherever possible; colleges are being instituted and
some are now in use in large centres. These wage-
slaves are teaching themselves History, Economics
and the Sciences generally. A scientific educational
program is the strongest weapon that can be in the
hands of the workers for their oAvn use.
Noav, Mr. Farmer, you are being stuffed with sentimental dope and political and economic piffle by
men Avho do not understand anything of the measure
of those values you produce. You may be astonished at being told that before you can accomplish
anything on your OAvn behalf, you must follow along
the same or similar lines for your own education as
the wage-workers have folloAved in theirs. With all
your organized ability to produce wealth in the form
of farm produce, you are still lacking in a knowledge
of the fundamentals of present-day society. Take
a lesson from the wage-slave's educational program
and study your position in society through his
method.
GEO. PATON.
ary procedure necessary apparently, is to convince
a magistrate that there is ground for belief that
there is such printed matter on the premises in question. PAGE EIGHT
WESTERN   CLARION
On the Nature and
Uses of Sabotage.
tCoABOTAGE" is a derivative of "sabot," which
O is French for a wooden shoe. It means going sIoav, Avith a dragging, clumsy movement, such as that manner of footgear may be expected to bring on. So it has come to describe
any maneuvers of sloAving-down, inefficiency, bungling, obstruction. In American usage the word is
very often taken to mean forcible obstruction, destructive tactics, industrial frightfulness, incendiarism and high explosives, although that is plainly not
its first meaning nor its common meaning. Nor is
that its ordinary meaning as the word is used among
those who have advocated a recourse to sabotage as
a means of enforcing an argument about Avages or
the condition of Avork. The ordinary meaning of the
word is better defined by an expression which has
latterly come into use among the I. W. W., "conscientious withdrawal of efficiency"—although that
phrase does not cover all that is rightly to be included under this technical term.
The sinister meaning which is often attached to
the word in American usage, as denoting violence
and disorder, appears to be due to the fact that the
American usage has been shaped chiefly by persons
and neAVspapers Avho have aimed to discredit the use
of sabotage by organized Avorkmen, and Avho have
therefore laid stress on its less amiable inanifesta-
tions. This is unfortunate. It lessens the usefulness of the Avord by making it a means of denunciation rather than of understanding. No doubt Ario-
lent obstruction has had its share in the strategy of
sabotage as carried on by disaffected workmen, as
Avell as in the similar tactics of rival business concerns. It comes into the case as one method of sabotage, though by no means the most usual or the most
effective; but it is so spectacular and shocking a
method that it has drawn undue attention to itself.
Yet such deliberate violence is, no doubt, a relatively
minor fact in the case, as compared with that deliberate malingering, confusion, and misdirection of
work that makes up the bulk of what the expert
practitioners would recognize as legitimate sabotage.
The Avord first came into use among the organized
French workmen, the members of certain syndicats,
to describe their tactics of passive resistance, and it
has continued to be associated Avith the strategy of
these French Avorkmen, Avho are knoAvn as syndicalists, and Avith their like-minded running-mates in
other countries. But the tactics of these syndicalists, and their use of sabotage, do not differ, except in detail, from the tactics of other workmen
PLATFORM
Party of
Canada
AVe, the Socialist Party of Canada, affirm our allegiance lo, and
support of, the principles and programme of the revolutionary
Working class.
Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The
present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is, therefore, roaster;
the worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins
of government all the powers of the State will be used to protect
and defend its property rights in the means of wealth production
und  its control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system give to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of progts, and to the worker, an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free from
capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under
which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. To
accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled
economic forces.
The irrespressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and
the worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political Supremacy.    This is the Class Struggle.
Therefore, we call all workers to organize under the banner of
the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the
political powers, for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the
economic programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property in the means of wealth production (natural
resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective means of production.
The  organization and management of industry by  the
working class.
The  establishment,  as speedily as possible, of production for use instead of production for profit.
2.
elsewhere, or from the similar tactics of friction, obstruction, and delay habitually employed, from time
to time, by both employees and employers to enforce
an argument about wages and prices. Therefore, in
the course of a quarter-century past, the word has
quite unavoidably taken on a general meaning in
common speech, and has been extended to cover all
such peaceable or surreptitious maneuvers of delay,
obstruction, friction, and defeat, whether employed
by the workmen to enforce their claims, or by the
employers to defeat their employees, or by competitive business concerns to get the better of their business rivals or to secure their own advantage.
Such maneuvers of restriction, delay, and hindrance have a large share in the ordinary conduct
of business; but it is only lately that this ordinary
line of business strategy has come to be recognized
as being substantially of the same nature as the ordinary tactics of the syndicalists. So that it has
not been usual until the last feAV years to speak of
maneuvers of this kind as sabotage when they are
employed by employers and other business concerns.
But all this strategy of delay, restriction, hindrance,
and defeat is manifestly of the same character, and
should conveniently be called by the same name,
Avhether it is carried on by business men or by
Avorkmen; so that it is no longer unusual now to find
Avorkmen speaking of "capitalistic sabotage" as
freely as the employers and the newspapers speak of
syndicalist sabotage. As the word is now used, and
as it is properly used, it describes a certain system
of industrial strategy or management, whether it is
employed by one or another. What it describes is
a resort to peaceable or surreptitious restriction, delay, AvithdraAval, or obstruction.
Sabotage   commonly works within the law, although it may often be within the letter rather than
the spirit of the laAV.      It is used to secure some
special advantage or preference, usually of a businesslike sort.      It commonly has to do with something in the nature of a vested right,' which one or
another of the parties in the case aims to secure or
defend, or to defeat or diminish; some preferential
right or special advantage in respect of income or
privilege, something in the way of a vested interest.
Workmen have resorted to such measures to secure
improved conditions of work, or increased wages, or
shorter hours, or to maintain their habitual standards, to all of Avhich they have claimed to have some
sort of a vested right.   Any strike is of the nature
of sabotage, of course.   Indeed, a strike is a typical
species of sabotage.      That strikes have not been
spoken of as sabotage is due to the accidental fact
that strikes were in use before this word came into
use.   So also, of course, a lockout is another typical
species of sabotage.   That the lockout is employed
by the employers against the employees does not
change the fact that it is a means of defending a
vested right by delay, withdrawal, defeat, and obstruction of the Avork to be done.   Lockouts have
not usually been spoken of as sabotage, for the same
reason that holds true in the case of strikes.   All the
AA'hile it has been recognized that strikes and lockouts are of identically the same character.
All this does not imply that there is anything discreditable or immoral about this habitual use of
strikes and lockouts. They are part of the ordinary conduct of industry under the existing system,
and necessarily so. So long as the system remains
unchanged these measures are a necessary and legitimate part of it. By virtue of his ownership the
oAvner-employer has a vested right to do as he will
Avith his own property, to deal or not to deal with
any person that offers, to Avithhold or withdraw any
part or all of his industrial equipment and natural
resources from active use for the time being, to run
on ha!f time or to shut down his plant and to lock
out all those persons for whom he has no present use
on his oavii premises. There is no question that the
lockout is altogether a legitimate maneuver. It may
even be meritorious, and it is frequently considered
to be meritorious Avhen its use helps to maintain
sound conditions in business—that is to say, profitable conditions, as frequently happens. Such is the
vieAv of the substantial citizens. So also is the strike
legitimate, so long as it keeps Avithin the law; and it
may at times even be meritorious, at least in the
eyes of the strikers. It is to be admitted quite
broadly that both of these typical species of sabotage are altogether fair and honest in principle, al-
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though it does not therefore follow that every strike
or every lockout is necessarily fair and honest in its
working-out. That is in some degree a question of
special circumstances.
Sabotage, accordingly, is not to be condemned out
of hand, simply as such. There are many measures
of policy and management both in private business
and in public administration Avhich are unmistakably
of the nature of sabotage and which are not only
considered to be excusable, but are deliberately sanctioned by statute and common Ibav and by the public conscience. Many such measures are quite of the
essence of the case under the established system of
law and order, price and business, and are faithfully
believed to be indispensable to the common good.
It should not be difficult to sIioav that the common
Avelfare in any community which is organized on the
price system cannot be maintained without a salutary use of sabotage—that is to say, such habitual
recourse to delay and obstruction of industry and
such restriction of output as will maintain prices at
a reasonably profitable level and so guard against
business depression. Indeed, it is precisely considerations of this nature that are now engaging the
best attention of officials and business men in their
endeavors to tide over a, threatening depression in
American business and a consequent season of hardship for all those persons whose main dependence is
free income from investments.
(To be continued.)

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