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Western Clarion Jan 1, 1921

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A Journal of
Official Organ of
Number 834    Twice a Month
Conditions For Joining The
Communist International
i *-
Theses of the Executive Committee of the Communist
-rot's \   [•   At the instigation ol Local (Winnipeg)
\   3     •     S P ol C, the Dominion Exrcuttvi Committee
i.'.,<.< the matter ol affiliation with the Third
Internationa]  before  th<-  Part)   membership
rendum    It »*> desirable that before the matter is
Iled upon the Party members should disctisi the termi
slfittatioa and men other points as may relate to (hem.
n the temts ol affUsatxm wtt printed In tins
ut  taken from tbe Theses presented to the
S«rood <       :     (July, W2B) "1 the Third International, by
•  rxi •••.'    The document »> primed in English snd pub*
I in Moscow*   The ear loos locals 61 die S. P. ol C
i <\'.b\ dtSCttSS thi-. matter, and we h'.pr to Ik  able to
- jii esse fos and against s/fihation in these cohsmnSi
will contain an article (of affiliation ir,.m Com-
K oi Winnipeg    A good discussion should take
. however, drpcta.t«•  upon  the   Party membership
•■-■•:<  | taken hv them in thi* bnportlnt m»iut. The
' i'ed hy the S. P. of C imsjnH the Stfttmd fitter*
U fairly west known, but lor general taformstsos
I    ... ltd nredlcss argument over th* remain- oi
i Intcrnaliottsl, we have printed ia anothei column
the I) E- C resolution adopted in August, l'**>-
I   • hntitntion   The serious attention ol all partj
• iv now asked tor upon the question of affiliation
Third International.   Those who wish to do w inaj
• ..•■  ,i* thej see it, for ot against   We bope
ii a qua m the Part) membership with the nature
•■-.■ ttion t«. be decided, which ii    "Shall the S- P
liate with the Third  (Communist)  International
• •■■•■ hereto laid down"   The date ol referendum
will necessarily depend apon the discussion that arises, relevant to thai question,   Send tn yonr srgoment.   Th* Editor
■   to be   impartial.
THE First Constituent Congrats of the Com*
DlODaSl Intcniiitiona! did not draw np prteitt
conditions for the Joining of the Third fatter-
national by separate partita, At tht moment of the
convocation of th,. First Congress, in the majority
'" countries thire existed only Communist dirte*
'"'lis ami gTOUpt,
The Second World Congress of tht Communist
International is atttmbling under different condi-
,i("ls At the present moment in most countries
there are not only Communist tendencies and direc*
•ions, but Communis! Parties and organisations.
"u Commnnisl International is more and more
frequently receiving applications from parties and
groups but a short time ago belonging to the Second
Int,-rnati,,nal. now desirous of joining the Third
'll,,ni'i'i"iial, but not yet really Communists.
Toc Second Intcrnntionnl parties and the groups
oi tho •Ventre." seeing the complete hopelessness
"' the Second International, arc trying to ban upon
',l1'  ever*8t**angtiiening   Communial   International,
™°Ping al 1he same time however to preserve B i'cr-
''"""'""ny" which would enable them to carry on
their former opportunist or "centrist" policy.
""' Obmmunilt International it beginning tb be
,,h' fathion,
nt desire for certain landing groups of the "con*
'" loin the Third international now is an In-
UUicl '•"nfinnntion of the fact tbat the Third Inter
tlat*0*-nl has acquired the sympathies of the nuijor-
ity «»( eonteientious workers of the whole world,
and that it is growing stronger every day.
Under certain eircurastances the Communist International may be threatened with the danger of
dilution by the fluctuating and half-and-half groups,
which have not yet done with the ideology of the
Second International.
Besides, in sonic of the larger parties (Italy.
Sweden;, the majority of which arc adhering to the
point of view of Communism, there is up to this
moment a considerable reformist and social pacifist
wing, which is only waiting for the moment to lift
its head again, begin an active "sal>otage" of the
proletarian revolution, and thus help tbe bourgeoisie
and the Second International.
No Communist should forget tbe lemons of the
Hungarian Soviet Republic.
The union between the Hungarian Communists
and the reformers cost the Hungarian proletariat
very dear.
In view of thi*. the Second World Congress sees
tit to establish the most precise conditions for the
joining of new parties, and also to point out to such
parties as have already joined the Communist International, .the duties laid upon them.
The Second Congress of the Communist International decrees, that the conditions for joining the
Communis! International shall be as follows:
1. The daily propaganda must bear a truly Communist character.
All the organs of the press which are in the
hands of the Tarty must be edited by reliable Communists, who have proved their loyalty to the cause
of the proletarian revolution. The dictatorship of
the proletariat should not be spoken of simply as
a current well-learnt formula; it must be propagated in such a way that its necessity for each ratik
and file workman, workwoman, soldier, or peasant
should follow from every day facts, systematically
recorded by our press day by dny.
' On the pages of the newspapers, at popular meetings, in the labor unions, in the co-operatives, in
every place to which the partisans of the Third International have access, they must denounce not
only the bourgeoisie, but its assistants, the reformats of all shinies and color.
2. Bach organisation wishing to join the Communist International shall be bound to remove systematically and regularly from all responsible posts in
the Labour movement (Party organizations, editor's
office, labor unions, parliamentary faction, co-operatives, municipalities, etc.) all reformists and par-
tisans of the '•centre." and to replace them by
Communists without troubling about the facts that
in the beginning it might be necessary to replace
"experienced" ra«n by rank-and-file workmen.
8 In all countries where in consequence of martial
law or exceptional laws the Communists are unable
to cam on their work lawfully, a combination of
* i
lawful and illegal work is absolutely necessary The
class struggle in almost all the countries of Europe
and America is entering upon the phase of civil war.
Under such conditions the Communists esnnot have
any confidence in the bourgeois laws. They are
bound to create everywhere a parallel illegal apparatus, which at the decisive moment may help the
Party to accomplish its duty to the Revolution.
4. An insistent systematic propaganda and agitation in the army is necessary, and tbe formation of
Communist nuclei in each military organization.
The Communists must carry on this work for the
most part illegally, but a refusal to do such work
would be equal to treason against the revolutionary
cause, and inconsistent with their belonging to the
Third International.   .
•">. A systematic and regular propaganda in the
rural districts is necessary. The working class cannot gain the victory without having at least part of
rural workers and the poorer peasants on its side,
and without neutralizing by its policy at least part
of the other inhabitants of the country. Communist work in the rural districts is acquiring a primary importance in this epoch. It should be carried
on through workmen—Communists—having connections in the country. To refuse to do this work or
to transfer it to trustworthy half-reformist hands
is equal to desisting from the proletarian revolution.
6. Every.party desirous of joining the Third International Ls bound to denounce not only open social
patriotism, but also the falsehood and hypocrisy of
social-pacifism: it must .systematically demonstrate
to the workmen that without a revolutionary overthrow of capitalism no international arbitration, no
talk of disarmament, no democratic reorganization
of the League of Nations will be able to save man- •
kind from new imperialist wars.
7. Tatties desrious of joining the Communist international shall be bound to recognize the necessity of
a Complete and absolute rupture with reformism
and the policy of the centrists, and to propagate
this rupture among the widest circles of members
of the Party. Without this condition a consecutive
Communist policy is impossible .
The Communist International demands unconditionally and peremptorily that such rupture be realized with the least possible delay. The Communist
International cannot reconcile itself with the fact
that such acknowledged reformists as for instance
Turatti, Modiglianj and others should be entitled
to consider themselves members of the Third International. This would make the Tlnrd International
resemble the late Seeond International.
8. In the question of colonies and the oppressed
nationalities an especially distinct and clear line of
conduct of the parties of countries whose bourgeoisie possess such colonies or oppress other national-
(Continued on page 8) PAGE TWO
Historical Review
TO some, the present system of society appears
as the highest pinnacle of civilization to whieh
man can ever aspire, the final word in liberty, democracy and justiee: to others, it appears
as the limit of hypocrisy, sordidness and brutality,
the lowest depth to which man has fallen.
If we really want to understand capitalism, we
will have to view it from a different angle; not one
of ethics. nor of how near it has' approached to t
predetermined plan or scheme. We will have to
enquire into the conditions prevailing at the advent
of capitalism: what alterations have been made, how
much more man understands of natural force-*,
whether improvements have been made in methods
of obtaining I living, and what are the tendencies
of social evolution today. In other words, what
has been the historic mission of capitalism.
A proper stujly cannot be made in the pages of
the "Clarion,".least of all in one short article, but
we urge the reader to make ate of the literature
advertised elsewhere in this paper, wherein a much
fuller and abler analysis is made: but we may I*
able to arouse the interest of someone to whom
Socialism Ls new.
Feudal society rested upon land ownership and
military prowess; production was mainly agricultural, and the workers were tied to the land, forbidden as a class to leave the manor or feudal domain upon which they were born. They hail some
land of their own upon which they worked to-produce their needs, and in addition they were compelled to till the land for the requirements of their
overlords, the feudal nobles, and their families.
The food they ate was simple, but wholesome and
plentiful at all times, except during such natural
calamities as periods of famine, pestilence, etc.. or
perhaps during a war. They were certain of their
living from day to day.
In the towns* which arose, the making of necs
sary articles other than food products whs carried
on. The tools in u«e were simple, everything was
made by hand.—it was a method which wc know of
as handicraft production. Oat individual owned
al! the tools necessary to his trade, and made an
article from start to finish. If a carriage *mak- r.
for instance, he made body, wheels, scats, etc.. and
probably painted and finished everything completely. Owning the tools, he was the owner of the product of his lal»or. He worked by himself, or at the
most, with one journeyman and one or two apprentices. The process was glow, but for quality of
material, workmanship, and beauty of design, the
goods of this period are not approached in modern
Life in general for the mass of feudal society,
was simple. The horizon was limited to tbe doings
in village or town, and its immediately surrounding
country. It was a life of ignorance and superstition. A plague was construed as a visitation from
Ood, and the remedy was prayer and fasting. The
universe appeared peopled with devils and ange's,
fairies and witches.
The nobility bad a somewhat wider field of activity. They carried on wars of plunder for the
acquisition of more land. They had sj/ices and fine
raiments brought from the Orient, they engaged in
statecraft, were wealthy ami lived a life of splendor and comfort.
The clergy spent their times gathering tithes and
doles, lived in considerable comfort and taught
submission to tbe King and nobility, the Pontiff of
Rome, and Holy Mother Church. The most, influential of them bad control of nearly all the education in such arts and sciences as existed. They also
engaged quite considerably in statecraft and court
There was in addition a class of merchant trad-
ers, which along with the serfs, as the workers under
feudalism are called, are the classes most important for our present study. The traders took wool
from England, finished cloth from Flanders, weapons from Spain, etc., and exchanged them for one
another or for spices, silks and luxuries from Hast
em countries.
At first, they served the needs of fendalitm quite
well, and without clashing, but in time they amass
ed wealth and became important enough to desire
a voice in the management of nations. They were
harassed and oppressed by the nobility in control
of the State. Taxes were Levied upon them when
their trading caravans passed through a feudal
domain, and at times after taxes and tolls were
paid, they were robbed o! their merchandise Outlet were placed upon the goods brought in four
ships They needed the aid of scieniv in their
struggles to navigate the world, and the Bomtn
Catho'ie Church placed a ban upon the develop
ment of science.
Oetting their living by buying and telling, the}
needed cheap and  plentiful production, and  the
craft   guilds   (organizations  of  master  handicraftsmen!   had laws limiting production tad  keeping
quality at the highest pitch.    All tkttt irksome re
strietioiis forced upon the merchant traders the need
to obtain control of the politieal powers, to dm them
in their own interests, and after a struggle usor«- or
less protracted, they acquired the reus of government, and society became geatly altered The}
set about alK>lishing kings and nobles, or limiting
their power; saw that trade was unmolested, gad
overcame the opposition of the guilds by tbottthing
them or appropriating their lands and property.
The  method and  motive of production  changed.
Whereas, formerly the necessities of life were pro
dueed for use. only the turplnt l*eing exchanged,
SOOn things were produecd. not for use. but for
sale,  for the realisation of profit.
In the p!a«e of the artisan, working by  hints-!•
with his own fools and marketing the product, thl
merchant now supplied raw material to the worker
and took the finished gOOdt to the market.
In the course of time, the merchants gathered together the workers }., the txtgat of fifty or a hut*
dred  under one  roof, and  supplied tools and  raw
materials, paying the  Worker only a wage; | price
for his energ)     hit labor power.    The men-bants be
came capitalista, exploiters of wage-labor.     At
tir*t. only the old hand fools were used, but eo operation and division of labor were introduced To go
back to o»*r illustration of the carriage maker, in
stead of an individual making the full carriage, th-
work was divided between wheel -makers, body-mnk.
ers. painters, etc . tin- worker thereby losing his abi!
Ity to produce a complete article.
With the ever-widening markets, consequent upon
the discovers of the new world and of sea routes to
the Orient, arose the demand for still  more wage
workers, and it  was met  by laws forcing freedom
npon the serfs.    Not only were they given freedom
to leave the manor or feudal land, but tbeir own plots
of laud were taken from them by legal or by open
violence.   They were made free from all property
in.the means of wealth production.    Without land,
without tools, they too were forced to sell tbe only
thing they had to sell—their labor-power.    Production had become organized entirely upon a OOinmod
ity basis.
A stream of profits flowed into tbe coffers of the
capitalists, while the workers suffered poverty and
degradation Instead of living upon the land, and re*
eeiving wholesome food, they wandered iu rags up
and down the country, begging a meal aud selling
their energy wherever they could. In place of work
in tot Open fields, fhey were crowded into ill ventilated, poorly*lighted factories, for long hours of the
day At night, they crept into garret or cellar and
slept fitfully amid dirt and vermin. So great became
the greed for profit tbat men, women and even cbil
drtU of seven years of age were forced into factories and mines for twelve, fourteen and sixteen hours
a day. Such was the realization by the workers of
the promised "liberty," "equality," and "iratem-
During the period undci review, other things bad
transpired  which appear j„ more  favorable light.
Science had been freed from the ihaekle.
church, and great strides h;td been tnadt    Ih ,  ,
the   narrow   confines   of   Feudal    •..,.   ,
, ,        . • '   IIie'l Bo*
spread out to the Americas and round Ute
Africa (SO India.    Instead ol  | comet b*h*»
raumcated as a demon    which aetuallv <„.,.,■.
HI '
the 12th century   the telescope was invented
man started to study  the httVeOS
to formulate law* explaining •     •.-
■I   41(1]
movements of heavenly bodies.
Qeolofitta examined the earth 'a ernsi        ,„ ,
to bt millions of years old. inst •    ,,„,
years, as taught  by  the ehnroh     A
was struck at religious dogmt ahet        |>. .
discoveries m the field of biology, ibowi   thai V
from mas being created perfect, he bad pa nl,
slowly evolved from primitive, ape-like, animal.
The greatest discoveries tad iavei I
In the toolt of industry.    The sptmf.1 g ,.        .
way to mechanical device*, soefa u the ipt-mia*
jenny and spinning frame       The powei
the place of band-weaving, and most       .•-.■•
til. thesperfeetion of tbe steam ei - a ••
middle of the 18th century    Prevb nplessr
chinery had l>e« n run by mean* .,< ,,-,; ^
bal the use of steam gave man a motor power I
would work at all time*, and in relbntgt I
Since that tune  improvements in machiaerrud
new diteoverttt and iaventiotts have increasedsoatt
We have bad  the diooOVtry and u-    >' <
telegraph  and   telephone   system*,
automobile,  aud  lately  the airplane     .VI Iheat
creased the productive power of man to an •:
degree     Wealth has accumulated to an
eeivabtt m the Middle.Ages, and oalj  faietit r-»
ixed today.
Did all. these improvements lightei  c
the workers?   Not at all. tverythij
longed a* always to the owners of the I
ehiiies,  who  were  intent  upon
ihe surplus instead of easing mans I     - -  rest
for greater eipantion nnd net n nrkel
til over the globe, Whole races and
were subjected to capitalists    Instead o  fifths*
tween petty princtpaJitiee,war iavolvi
tries in many parts of the world
The..- huge undertaking**, whether ol
dustry (such as the building of ratltraj
ships)  could not Ikt earned OU b)  ittdividm
m. \ast bodies of worker* have to eo operate   '>.?*:
tie plants w:th modem maehiaet eaanol be saw
individuals. s,» joint stock companies, eonihineiwn
trust* develop.
All this has sti'l further increase,1 the j>r •
of the worker, but be doe* ooi benefit bj it, be    •
us pointed out before, be does „ot own thai Wtici
produces     He receives  in  the  form of Htges j**!
sufficient to keep him fit to work.   Non thai eaptti
alism has spread all o\, r the world, tlit-
markets for Ihe surplus produced. SO thai pet"
slly we have industrial erites such a1* ae see ! "•'l
periods' when tht worker eannot sell bis Itboi
tnd fare* starvation, or tl best, bread lini - snd
.kitchens, a liff'e of the wealth he has made, doll
out to him as charity.   During so-called periotwoi
prosperity   he  has  to  work  long  hours si  »'   °
*Wet\.   to   live   on   adulterate.I   food   snd   ,'n'v> '
shoddy clothing.   Oreen fields nnd natursl bet ■'■
he s,-,.s perhaps once a year for a dm) OT f«" i ''"' ""
of his time, when he is qOI working. IS speol ID '"
slum districts of cities. Al work, be is Itrgel) reduce
to the position of a mere machine tender, and "lilv
suffer the tiekaning monotony of doing one ort
simple operatiom hour gfttr hour, dnj sfter <»'
Iraprovementt in nuchlnerj tnd tfficienl sysieia
tend to displace more and more workers, tr«0
pttt with him for a job.    In spile of his i™*
ductivify, he receive* m far smaller percentage0
bis product than the  workers of any other soe»
system   llis potition grows steadily tvorsc, w
»H the time he is harassed by thoughts of >'"' l""1'
Ulnty  of  bis   livelihood.
(Continued on page 8)
EVI-'.UV coiiiitryfin the world today within the
confines  of   the   capitalist   system   has   its
tt*****y of unemployed workers; its problem
t CTime, vice, and race degeneration as the result
, ., private ownership of the meant of life   So
oroVed  is the  machinery  of wealth   production j
, thoroughly understood the science of mechanics
I    1 economics;  SO  widely  extended  ate  the  fields
11   IIU     " <*y
j . ,,,,,,,• application that labor today can produce
r,ore commodities than there i.s demand for.    And
[,!„. j-, suit of this is seen in an ever Increasing surging piled in stores, cold-storage^ and ware-
Tin underlying principle of capittlitm is profit
i | ,.,,.. luoditiet tit produced for sale, and until they
I ,,. M,\| hi the world's markets there is no profit.
Win ii the stores, cold-storages and warehouses
(,., overflowing with commodities, which there is
demand for, the workert'engaged upon the pro-
[duetion of wealth are turned loose from their job*
And until this congestion has been relieved by the
of these commodities!! they must  re-main idle.
\s tbe productivity of the machine increases, a*, each
•   becomes   more   perfected,  as   the  skill   of the
• s develops, it becomes tpparenl to the cap
ass, who own the machinery of wealth pro-
tion, thai less "hands" arc needed, even in nor
times wlo-n congestion of the markets is cleared, and B permanent  pauper and criminal class is
■ roughl into existence.
The only remedy the State has ever applied to
• em conditions is the building of workhoutea and
ions     The   portion   of   wealth   that   a   capitalist
MS hands tO labor for work done in fields, mines,
| factories is summed np in rags, bones and beds
to lit ou.    The workers must continue to have these
gs whether they work or not.    And when thej
rase 10 work they must borrow, beg or steal to have
them,   lb-nee it follows tbat in the older countries
workhouses, and of every country the prisons.
filled   with   physical   and   mental   wrecks,  the
n of capitalist  society. *
!' the prevent form of society remain in exist*
■ •   for another generation, and the rate of im-
m? in mechanical tppliances increase (and
rush for oil as motor power, the potentialities of
"■i   navigation makes this likely), there mnsl
eonae a time when  the workers  must  either fight
•arii other   the tiitest feeding on the bodies of the
in order tO live, or their toasters who own the
MS Of lift will resort to lethal bullets tnd thus
keep down the surplus of workers to suit their own
needs.    In France tremendous enterprises are toppling over from their inability to sell their commod-
      Banks are fai'ing to supply credits to save
these enterprises from disaster; idle workers throng
the cities; crime runs rampant; and. as it is in
France, so is it in every country on a more or less
prodigious scale. The future of society depends
opon the working class.
when this class feels and umbrstnnds the cause
Of all theft troubles    the private ownership of the
means of iifc, ft class ownership of the machinery of
production   and   distribution    they   will   begin   to
''"ink intelligently as to bow they can remove the
'n,ls<'     Intelligent   thought   will   determine  intelli
-"'it action., and intelligent net ion will express it
•ell in the reorganization of society; of production
!" "s" instead of for profit *
A*- surely as the means of life controlled by n class
nr its own profit begot unemployment, pauperism.
erintia ami war, so surely will production for use
ffifd abundance, peace snd social morality, and so
l,niH* into   existence  a  greater   degree  of   happy
humanity. R. K.
-:o: -—
(Continued from page 2)
Capitalism has tunnelled mountains, spanned the
Weans, harnessed the wind, nnd brought tht ends
1,1   1'ic earth   Within'Speaking  distance.       It   has
dratted from Nature ninny of its-secrets, has delved
ln1° Past history and laid it  bare  for us to rend,
Mowing us that all things, this earth, man and tOC
Sties tre constantly Changing and developing—
Bo fleet  tlie workH of men,
1!'"1( to their eiirtli aKnin   •
A,"''eut ana 1m.1v things fade like s dream."
It has taken the workers from their limited surroundings and narrow life and forced them to wander all over (he world in the maelstrom of modern
Such is the history of capitalism. What has been
its historic function? Society was organized in
small, somewhat isolated groups, full of superstition and ignorance, producing with simple individual
hand tools. Its mission has been to accumulate
huge masses of wealth and centralize its ownership,
to vastly increase man's knowledge of natural forces,
and most important, to change the simple tools of
the handicraft stage into the complicated machinery
Of today, which compels social production, thereby
laying the basis for social ownership, to which it
must ultimately give way.
Today it has reached the stage whereby all classes
• tcept two, are eliminated, leaving but a small class
owning the means of production, and the large mass
of society, the proletariat, whieh has no subject class
to exploit, and therefore by winning its freedom,
will bring slavery to an end. W. II. C.
— of the —
(Fifth Edition)
Per copy 10 cents
Per 25 copies   $2
Post Paid
Preface by the author.
132 PAGES.
Per Copy, 25 Cents.
Ten copies up, 20 cents each.
Post Paid.
Socialist Party of
Wo the Socialist Tarty of Csnadai affirm our allegiance to,
ami support of. tho principles and pro-;r»ianie of the WtoIu-
nonary  workin*; claaa.
Labor, applied to natural resources, produce* all woaltb
The present economic ST*tem ia based upon capitalist owner-
•hip of tho mean* of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist flat*. The capitaliat
ii    therefore,  maater;   the  worker a  slave.
So long as the capitaliat class remains in possession of the
reins of -pmtUMBt, sll tho powers of the State will be aaed
to prvli'-i Had defend ita property rights in the means of
wealth production and ita control of the product of labor.
Tht capitalist system (circa to the capitalist an eret*-awell-
lag stream of profits, ami to the worker, an e»erincrea»in*;
measure   of  misery   and   degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in setting Itself free
frtWB capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage
tjwUm, under which this exploitation, at the point of production. Is cloaked. To accomplish thia neeeasitatea the
transformation of capitalist property in the means of weatlh
production   into   socially   controlled  economic   forces.
The irrepressible ocmfliol of interest between the capitalist
and the worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for
political   supremacy.     This   is   the   Class   Struggle.
Therefore, we cull nil workers to organise under the banner
„f ,!,„ Socialist ■•arty of Canada, with the object of conquering the political powers, for the purpose of setting np and on-
forcing   the   economic   programme   of   the   working   class,   as
1. The transformation, as rapidly at possible, of csp-
ilalist properly in the meana of wealth production
(nttoT*] resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.)
into collective means of production.
9 The organisation snd management of industry by
the working class^ .
The establishment,  ss speedily as possible, of production for use instead of production for profit.
Literature Price List
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Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy.
sad Current Events.
j'ublished  twice   a   month   by   the  Socialist   Party   of
Caaa-it 10] Pender Street Bast, Vancouver, B. C.
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Canada. 20 issues .
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*u ;>*<.-rip* ion ex j ire* with next issue. R<?d»»w
EVER *j!<.i the ending of the war the wage
workers of capitalist society ha\<  been subjected |o an incessant propaganda directing
their efforts towards increase*! production. States-
men. banker*, .pulpiteers, newsvendors and persuasive folk generally, have held up to our eye! a picture of the miserable situation we would fad our
selves  in  if  we did  not  enthusiastically  put  our
shoulders to the industrial wheel and k'-ep it turning.    The reconstruction of a war-weary »oeiety depended,   we   were   told.   u|H>n   the  co-operation   of
capital and labor, to the end that the channels of
industrial life might again he lubricated, to allow
the regular interchange of commodities between the
various couutri's and so re-establish commerce upon its former business-like basis.    The workers appeared not unwilling to enter the game of more pro-
duetion.    In fact, from present evidence* it would
seem that they haw given more than was retained
to them, for they are now assembled in the various
cities  of capitalism   in countless  number,  willing
enough still to go on with the game of more production, yt-t with all the rules of the game against
th* m.    They are now out of a job.    Tion  are familiarly known as the unemployed.
The ordinary needs of man are food, clothing and
shelter. When the worker of present day society
ftndt himself in med of any or all of thete things,
what does he do to get them! Does he proceed to
the store-house where food ami clothing lie in
abundance and lolp hirnseh'*. Doet he proceed to
the occupation of a suitable unoccupied dwelling
house ?
He does not.   He looks for a job.    These things
are not his property.    He knows that in order to
obtain food and clothing he must buy them, and he
knows that in order to buy them he  must  have
money.    To get this he knows that he must find a
job.    The processes of present day production are
so complex that he cannot employ himself directly
in supplying his own needs.   The labor proems in
present day society is tab-divided.    The worker has
beta trained, for example, as a carpenter, plumber,
tailor, shoemaker, ironworker.    As an individual he
is helpless in supplying his own needs.    His energy
in production is spent in the company of his own
kind in the workshop or factory, where the- labor
of all is necessary to the finished product.   The factory or workshop belongs, not to the workers, but to
an individual capitalist or group of owners.    So, in
order to find a job the worker must ask leave of the
factory or workshop owner to be allowed to enter
the productive process.   He makes his bargain. As
a skilled or unskilled laborer he sells his energy,
delivered daily at a  given  price; wages.    Having
delivered his energy he receives his wages, and with
these he supplies his individual needs  -food, cloth
ing and shelter.   The experience of the wage work-
el's of present day society ia that their "needs"
under the system now prevailing are, speaking generally, sufficient only to maintain them as fit workers in the productive process.   When  the job  is
completed, and there is no other job at hand, while
there is plenty of the needful things of life to be
seen all around, these things do not "belong" to
them. These things are for sale. To buy them
they require the money th-y receive as wages when
working. Winn they have no job they cannot pay.
When working, they have produced more than
they have received in return for their energy Spent
in "the piaeeta, The surplus has been retained by
their masters. Their masters own the machinery
employ, d in the manufacture of commodities today.
They own the work-hops, mills, mines and factories. The labor of the workers attending this machinery of wealth production is to prodaetivt that U
produces more than can be sold m the taste tpaee
of time.    So  that  periodically  a  k'lut  OCCttTS. CoBV
modifes are piled high m warehouses, awaiting
sale, and in the meantime the workers stand idle
awaiting   a   job.    The   more   productive   the   labor
proeett, the store frequent are the periods ol ever
production. Commodities, in one form or another,
which constitute the wealth of society today arc
produced for sab-. The lahor process is so productive that the markets of capitalism cannot consume
th. output equally with it. When there it BO mar
tret, production moat stop until the -roods on hand
are disposed of by gradual sale. Therefore WC have
unemployment. Regular employment m-an* regular exploitation, lio mpb>\ merit means hanger and
want. Hunger, tnd want, if it lasts long enough, is
dangerous for the owning class. (Jood** ar» !'»r s.ab-.
but if theft it no way open to the worker to find
employment whereby he may sell h;s eaergj and
thus obtain the means to buy. he comes daagerotsely
near to a real consideration of th* matter of property rights. This consideration is troubling tlo
statesmen of the world today The system they up
hold and represent stands eondeamed as t syttett
that cannot maintain its working population in pro
dij'-tion.    By the same token it cannot fcl. clothe
and shelter them, and maintain its -.tatus as a *y*
tern of private ownership in the machinery of wealth
production.     Jt  is furtlo-r threatened  by the increased comprehension OK the workers of their par"
in the proeeaa   They are learning that thesr tuppl.i
of food, clothing and shelter Is curtailed, not through
th»ir inability to produce th>**e thine*, nor throng*.
their unwillingness to work, but through the f»,,t
that the things they produce, and are able and will
ing to produce in abtindame 'are not theirs, nor the
means they must employ in production. The) tit
beginning to understand that capitalism hat served
it- daj and that the real obstacle to human happi-
ness ;s the ownership of private property in the
machinery of wealth production. No statesman oi
capitalism can find a "cure'' for unemployment
Unemployment, as the problem pretenti itself to
the statesmen of capitalism is a harder task to *to|\e
than they can tolve. It will exist as a problem h»
long as capitalism lasts
Our immediate problem is to engage the attention
of the workers so that they may understand, not
only why they are out of a job, hut that they may
understand also what happean when they art fa one
We are trying to make them sec that their masters
are just  as anxious as themselves to see  them cm
ployed, for employment means production, and pro
duetion means profit.    I'ncmplny merit  is a  capitalist problem.    No relief measures can solve it. The}
may momentanly  relieve distress in loeal districts
They  may appease the angry  wrath of th«   hiingn
stomach.    But   capitalism   itself  cannot   solve   th*
problem its own  workings have engendered, This,
along with its other troubles is throttling the sy*
tem.   Let the understanding of the workers them
selves awaken to the fact that, they must undertake
to study their position an workers, employed  and
unemployed.    In   this   way   they   wall   understand
more than their masters ami  their spokesmen unwilling to accept as a solution   -that capitalism is
doomed as a system of wealth production and dis
tribution,  and   that   the   workers   themselves   must
build the society that will take its place.    The malt
of them th«re are who understand the better will
they build.
W. K. Bryte, tl; a. k. K^an, tl; 0. K. Ishasos, 11;
Burnell, $1| .7. Moon, SI; J. wsrffOP*, $1J0! J. AK.. |1;
W. If. Herman, *2. Totsl from 11th to 27th DtSSOber, lr«-
fluwive, $0.2."5.
The Party Attitude: Adopted August 2 1909
N   riew  af  the  fact   that   „  ,,. . •
.     • ! '•** mat
made in varioat quarters that •
take steps to affiliate with the bten■•■
Socialist ltur.au, it has now bteoma run.*.
"r ■*' 1 entry \\,lt
the committee define its position on thit      .'
1 'WtlOli
Whereas, th* 1. 8. B. hat see,, fit to ■
noo-So. ,,
hership    and    representation    eertaii
bodies, particularly the British Labor I
And whereas, such ptrties arc 1  1 ,.
of the principles of Socialism, bat ;  .
the most it sit. sat policy of ft-anoa ruuj .-.   ; •
with capitalist parties, tdvoeating tl      ■ ,'
of petty, and m many eases reactioi
Al.d   whereas,   sijeh   tOdorst' iog   |      "' •■   1   *  '.
eaa onlji rtsult in the encouragement sad ttrnterm
of •fake" Usborand pteado-Soeialist >-.•.,
d< triraeat of th«- s,,r'alt*t Party prop* r, sad 1
leatling ami  betrayhtg of the  aorktag class.
And such action also affords
justification for that rb-ment. .a.*- :..- •
or !es.s extent  m all Socialist  Parties
favor of opportunistic methods tnd
And whereat, this committee •••■•    . •. ■
Party fendt run bt txpeaded more 0* •   -
j...*.-^ of r)ropagandt and orgs* cation ihsa iasvn
that has little more than Sentimental >ai.-
For these reasons, thts committee dee iaei to eta
stder any affiliation which eats   • .
picioo of fusion or eoaSpromise **. ;. 1 ■•     .»
taoreovar, be a direct eiolstion of the <
of  the  l'.»n..   which  expressly   forbids saj ate)
• Br t *
This resolotioa, in the shove term* to       rwtri
ed   1"   tht   International   Socialist   Ban
affiliated Socialist  Parties, sad ta the Pi
Kxeeut rt Cotamitteet       In point ol      I      h
given the widcal possible publicity
f. issed   n regular meeting, r\ogn»i  '  '•
PoUowiM II  em '■    W   ><*t'- .   i   • •
f    T.  IMnur.  1    ff   ( tarter, T   Rkfc
1 McKioley. W   Grrett, J   B        1   v ■*•
p Do«m f. jBod< rum Mkw I lark, H -'
I   Liwimititsr,  I'   Gsrvia Ssai  Bseh *   Mat
\wik < >   Urn p I i   \«   Kaiser, B. Dttort
n.o<b. w   C Trt-KSBBB, M   P Crshss v
Fotl..w»r,« $J rath    j    Mc[V^M. 0   ' I    '
more, J- Scts-oW***, I \  UiD^ I   I
\\m Power, \s   S ltstthews,WH  Herrsssits K
s   I-   White
A   S»»cj>hrfr|   $1 »;   D   Kl.m{»n.r.   SO      -
Pkh. W; u. BcMctt- |t>; I   Moo- V*. G   v  v
sIPl   B  Bail, lb; T  j   Dsvicsi |3; K  »
T.o!.r.  ||;   B    J     l'"ln.k-»«. 1$
Total, froa* I lth to 27th December, i
0ALOABT,  ai.ta  -Alessstsfl   Ksws  Btsi
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Labs* News sian.l, Ills- M Btvstt matt
hi! '\TKI- M.   Popolsj   Booh Bad & •'
i jili«-fit< i Si   U ml » .  i-.,t.
ntatmsa »n<i  BsrssswBkl, 11 Ostarie 8trs*H
rBBSlSI   H««k    an!   BtSttSSSty   BtSTB,   !'
Hrrft   Woat   . _   -    ptpflt
NKW   WH.STMINSTF.I.'    N.-ws  BtSSS,  P.  «     '■
BSATTLS   Ba-mer's OU Bse* Bta-tts, UtO Wi»( a
POlt   AliT!irH*-*-VikinK  Hook  8t<»rr. MH   Bs; >'-^
TOBONTO    D.  <»<»o.Jman.  lUinl   N>*»  Agtst,
tttxl   Chestnut   Street!   .
The   Amrr«,.o.   N<«h   W««<T 81   <>;': ^
The Thestrksl Book Store, tstesei Baj , Klli(.
The l«a«l.r Lane Book Store, I eadei  i -
St  East (near Kin« Edward Hotel) Hssttsg*
VANcorvKU       Ootessbis Ksws Blssa, eerstr
titol   ColiimhU   Htrfrt*i.
•I(»hn   tirevn, CartaW  Htreet
W   Estva,   Hisstin-rt Htrrot   K»*t.
IM l-l-.M.O. N. Y.   Onward Bock Shop, H ';
CHICAGO   W,l«l«n H.K,k Sho,., 307 PlynwutB
The dariofli JM N  {'Ij'I* St
'aul WH
IWM,i|^TKUrN.Y.--rroleUri»n Psrty, MO Bt    " ^ ^
TAOOhtA —Biymsr'i OU Book Store. i:u; i''"",
P. K. M.,ff,.r, lfr.i'i, Bresdwsy .|KTv ^
Adslsids Ht. Ka*t, Dftroit, Mi<*'>-
Houm oi Hume*. Grstlol and St  A«»n .   u,
PORT WILLIAM   StewBrt'i Book Store, ou  n,,mertWrt
KredK. Moore, 224 I-   Mary Si. .All "* '•"""   "
on %a\v at  Ifoort's). WESTERN     CLARION
McKenzie Continues the Criticism of J. A.
McD'S Article "On Copying the Bolsheviki"
Editor's Nets-*- I" this article Comrade kfcKetttie con-
,,,,,,,, Kis criticism oi Comrade McDonald'* article "On
Copying the  Bolsheviki."   In view of the length of tin*
rtjcl, ;i further reply by J- A. Mad)., printed in the tame
i, | ,,,ik possible,   He promise* a farther reptj which
u(. |.,,,. to prim m next issaa
MY criticism of Comrade McDonald m article
■(»„ Copying the BolahtvUri" was inspir*
id by the fact that the parts objected to
,_..,,. the -.iid article a Mcnshevik. or if you 11k• 8
Kautskitn tone. In hit reply he has not tltered
tiat tone, but seeks to prove the eorrcctness of his
attitud* by quotations from the Botthtvik writers
Admitting the truth of tht quotations spoken of
above, 1 must beg to differ with Comrade afcDon*
ald'fi interpretation of them as proof that Socialism
,. •. nol exist in Russia.
He says thai I have not offered proof of where
par's   objected   to   contradict   the   rest   of   his
irticle    Unfortunately that I hail left to the ever
■•„-. reader's intelligence.   So. in order to make my-
more clearly understood, I shall have to efah"
ite on jh<- points at iatUt (the parts objected to
til   for lack of spae--, ask the reader to carefully
-• vl.  the Original article of my opponent and then
In* own opinions therefrom.
Following is the part of the tirst paragraph 1 have
■i issue with: "We understood, as sre still un.
aid. that   Bolshevism is  not  Socialism.   Our
iwledgi   of   Russian   conditions,   though   perhaps
.il"'   wan sufficient to acquaint us with the ftel
this country was not yet read)  for Socialism.
! and social development bad not reached
it stage where social ownership of the meant of
ictioil was possible."'
ft lahevism i* not Socialism!''   01 course not!
■ the Menshevik. who is atao a Marxian tbeoi
is| .,- KMj!i<> reptile, says so.    Kautsky  sav*. s.t     And
thi opponents of Bolshevism in every land
snd clime.
To s,,v that Bolshevism is not Socialism is hard!)
ect   For. were not  the Bolaheviks a political
psrty   advocating  Socialism I    In   the  appendix   to
Lessons of the Revolution," by Lenin, "BoUhev*
'    is denned thus: "The most powerful wing of
the Social Democrats, and the revolutions!*) party
which achieved the October revolution, now in control ot the government. This party expresses tin
desires of the whole toiling masses of the people,
P°or peasants as well as factory workers, to replace *
ui the eroiiomico industrial foundation the principles
"' private property ami capitalism by that of 08
honsl ownership and Socialism. Tht name "Bol*
'nevis does not mean "Maximalist ' as eommonl]
supposed, but •• member of the majority," and it is
derived from the fact that at a former congress of
Ihe Social Democratic Party, the delegates split into
|*o factions, the majority or Bolahtnttvo, ftvoring
'"•mediate proletarian action to hasten the coining •
"' Socialiam.   since 1906 the Bolsheviks have reall>
"'•""  ">  a  minority,  until  September,   1917,  while
''"' dominating faction was the Menshiviks '
■" his reply Comrade McDonald says that "Social
M" ls a philosophy, a propagandist movement, and
;| ,""" of society."   If quibbling over terms would
tecomplisth any thing 1 would be justified in main
'" *-'  that   Bolshevism,   "being   a fcropaganditt
"•OVen-ant," teaching scientific Socialism merited
""' a&0ve definition. Hut that would get us no-
wi,"v-      The   Bolsheviks  now  call  themselves  the
'''/"""'"'"st Party of Russia.'"
T"' iclutions between the terms Bolshevism and
" 0cia**sm is similnr to concrete and abstract. Special
iU1'1 general. lad us consider Russia as it is today.
' ' ••■al on tho basis of such information as we can
depend upon.
-nun, i„ reference to the Menshivik group says:
1,1,'s'' fjentltmen want Socialism dished up to them
on a silver plater. It cannot he. It will never be.
The only way to Socialism is through a dictatorship
of the proletariat.1'
Evidently   Comrade   McDonald  does   not   agree
with the above, for he is waiting for time to prove
n.      According to him, Bolshevism may lead to
something other than  Socialism.
It may be remembered that before the Bolshevist
revolution took place most Marxists, including ourselves, were of the opinion that according to all the
theories of Marxism, that Proletarian revolution
would naturally take place first in the most highly
developed countries, and if anyone would have told
us that Russia, backward, illiterate Russia would
be the first couny-y to overthrow capitalism and
Introduce Socialism, we would have proved by every
tenet of Marxism how that would be impossible.
But it did btppen in spite of the fact that ''Economic ami social development had not reached that
stage where social ownership of the means of production  was  possible."
This caused many of us to again delve into Marx
ami wc found out by the application of the materialist interpretation of history to Russian conditions
how it did happen without committing heresy
a gains! the accepted faith.
In   his  pamphlet.  "The  Development   of Socialism from Science to Practice." Karl Radek writes
thus. pag«s PJ and PL Socialist Labor Press. Glasgow'  "The transition from capitalism to Socialism
will begin when such sufferings have accumulated
on   the  shoulders  of  the  people  in   the  capitalist
state that, they will no longer be able to endure the
condition •created for them by the rule of capitalism,  they   will   rise   against   it.    When   in  such  a
countrj the development of capitalism has proceed*
ed so far that  the most  important  branches of in-
dustr|    trade ami  transport—are  in  the hands of
capitalists concentrated into groups, then the conquering proletariat, organized as a  power in the
Slate, no! only can. but must, endeavor to get into
•ts own hands industry, transport and credit.    The
extent of the alterations to be undergone by these
departments of the administration will  depend on
the degree of development of the various countries.
<>nly those branches of industry which already are
grouped and concentrated should perhaps be Socialized  straightway,  while  agriculture,   for  example,
should be Socialised only gradually, because of its
dependence on industry and the cities.      This has
been done in Russia  (emphasis mine1!.    There the
proletariat forms a minority of the population, but
the Russian  iron  industry, coal mines, and naptha
wells, railways and telegraphs, are found together
in the possession    of a few persons; thoy  are conducted bv a small number of bankers, and they impose  conditions  on   the  who'e  of  the  agricultural
country."     And on ptgt M he sa.vs, "The Socialist
revolution begins in the countries where the capitalist order is weakest. tun\ where the organ of oppression is iii process of dissolution.     Here is the
breach where Socialism enters (emphasis mine), lt
is difficult  to make a social revolution within the
boundaries of a single state, for though it overcome
the bourgeoisie in the one country it will be threatened by  the capitalism beyond its borders.      The
Socialist  Revolution can be victorious only when it
prevails over the whole continent.    Put the Socialist
revolution cannot  wait until the proletariat of the
world  rises at  a signal.    Ami conversely, national
revolutions,  themselves a  product  of international
dissolution,  furnish the elements which hasten the
revolution.    Therein is found the answer to the tirst
question which has forced itself on the attention of
the   proletariat.    When  can   the  social   revolution
begin f    P can begin and it does begin in every country where the conditions created by capitalism for
Ihe workers are unendurable."
Note the above. In other words the revolution
is the starting point of the new form of society—
Socialism. Radek calls the revolution the Socialist
revolution, and shows the conditions necessary for
it. He speaks here of the Proletarian revolution in
general, and the Bolshevist revolution in particular,
and refers to it as the "breach where Socialism enters."
According to Comrade McDonald. "A revolution
has taken place in Russia," Not a Socialist revolution mark you, btit "A resolute Marxian minority
succeeded in overthrowing ')$ weak bourgeois re-
',';me and inaugurated a systero of proletarian dic-
tatoi-ship in its stead. While the new social form is
not Socialism, but dictatorship of a Minority, it warrants *he support of all revolutionists, the world
over " And so on to the end of tlie paragraph,
page 2 last issue of "Clarion,'" whichthe gives us
as an outline of the Original article.
After reading the above-mentioned outline one
gets the impression that a dictatorship of the proletariat will not he necessary in these more highly
developed countries as a transition period to Socialism.    Now listen to what Radek has to say in relation to this, taken from the aforementioned pamphlet, pages 17, 18: "In no country can the revolution begin as an action of the majority of the revolution.    Capitalism   implies  not  merely  a  physical
mastership over the means of production, but also
a spiritual dominion over the masses of the people,
and in the most developed capitalist countries, under
the stress of misery and dire need, under the burden
of such consequences of capitalism as this war, the
whole body of the oppressed arises.    The most active
are always tho first to rise, it is a minority which
carries out the revolution, the success of which depends on the fact whether this revolution corresponds with the historical development, with the interests of the masses of the people, who can shake
off the rule of the class hitherto governing them.
Hut  first  the creative and impulsive force of the
revolution is required to rouse the great body of the
people to liberate them from their intellectual and
spiritual slavishness under capitalism, and to lead
them into a position where a defense of their interests can be made.    It might fairly he said that every
revolution is undertaken by the minority, that the
majority only joins in during the course of the revolution and decides the victorious issue.   Were it
otherwise, not only would a dictatorship in the country with a proletarian minority like Russia he harmful, as the followers of Kautsky maintain, but in a
country with a proletarian majority, for which Kautsky and his school are graciously pleased to allow
of t dictatorship, it would he entirely unnecessary.
In such a country the capitalist class would be so
few in number that they would not be in a position
to  take  arms  against  the  proletariat.      Thus  the
Marxian conception of a proletarian dictatorship as
an unavoidable stage on the read to the realization
of Socialism either is an antiquated conception, or
his dictatorship is as much justified in Russia as in
any other country."
History proves the correctness of the above.
Comrade McDonald does not need to prove to us
that private capital still exists in Russia, and wage
slaves are still exploited for profit. That is not
denied. Hut will he deny that capital is restricted in Russia by such Soviet decrees, as for instance, "Workmen's control" labor laws, and by the
fact that foreign trade can only he carried on by
the State, and the gradual doing away of the monetary system (see "Soviet Russia," November 6th,
1920, page 454. by A. GoldschmidO. Besides industries already nationalized, such as those mentioned in my first quotation from. Radek. and the
(Continued on page 81
Books Reviewed
FIRST PRINCIPLES OF WORKING CLASS  EDUCATION',   by   James   Chute,   Glasgow.—Primed   by   The
Socialist Labor Press, SO Renfrew Street, 1920.   \\ - post
One of the greatest and most difficult  tasks of
the Socialist movement it to educate the working
class to its   class   interests; which  necessitates a
knowledge   of  Economics.  History,  Sociology   and
Philosophy.  The so-called abstract sciences, which
the apologists of the present  system dare not tc-
knowlcdge as'sciences, or if they do, in a pseudo
vulgarized form, as a scientific knowledge of such
shows them to be the robbers they are. and therefore means their desjruction.
Credit is due to, Karl Marx and his co-workers.
Frederick Kngvls and Joseph, Dietzgen for tirst
placing the aU;ve subjects on a scientific basis, now
known as Marxism, or Scientific Socialism.
Various attempts have been made to simplify or
popularize Marxism, especially economics, to induce
a greater number of workers to take up the study
of these subjects. As a matter of fact all these attempts at popularizing Marxism are solely for tin-
purpose of stimulating a desire in the worker for
study by introducing him to the elementary principles of the subject matter itself.
Indeed, Marxism can hardly 1>e made any .simpler than the authors have made it themselves
without losing its scientific character.
The above named work by Comrade Clonic, bids
fair to be a very interesting and instructive method
of introducing the workers to the more serious study
of these subjects.
The book is intended as a text book for classes
and individual readers. It contains thirteen chapters with an appendix. Each chapter is illustrated
by simple objective diagrams, which have proved an
invaluable method  fo  make  the  study  interesting.
The first chapter, which is divided into four see-
tions, deals with the historical and-sociological development of the human race from primitive savagery to future Communism. The others deal mainly
with economics. Tho appendix contains useful
data and information which can be used in illustrating the various chapters.
As the author says in his introduction: "The
actual lessons I have made as elementary as possible, classifying the method and leaving a great deal
of the evidence to he gained by the reader and the
class tutors." And: "My book does not pretend
to be a treatise on economics, sociology, history or
philosophy, but a suggested method of study to show
the place, nature and purpose of these great subjects. The irresistible processes of evolution are
about to impose a duty upon th* working class
wherein a knowledge of the nature and life of
society will be required. My sole motive in writ
ing this work is to stimulate in the minds of my
class a burning revolutionary desire for education,
for the logic of soeio-human development now decrees that it is the mission of the toiling masses to
mould a Communistic future."
lie lays great stress on the fact that the great
achievement of Marxism is its method. When we
understand the method we can apply it to modern
events, and thereby make the teaching of Socialism
more interesting and useful.
Knowledge docs not drop like manna from heaven,
but the acquiring of it requires hard Work on* the
part of the wage-earner student, more especially
when he is employed at hard manual labor. Hut
once he gets an insight into real knowdedge, he will
soon acquire the taste for more.
Like our great philosopher, Joseph Dietzgen, the
author of this work is a manual worker too, as John
?faclean describes hirn in his foreword to the book,
It shows what a working man can do even with so
many difficulties; that are the general lot of the
worker. That fact alone should be enough to awaken some of the latent genius in our ranks.
As an   introduction to the  Classical Works  of
Scientific Socialism, this work of Comrade Clonic \
can be well recommended to all those, whose duty
it is to acquire the knowledge whieh is so essential
to destroy the present system of production for
profit, and to build up «» better world.
THE   SKILLED   LABORER.'   I   ngsasns,  Green   X   (
Londotii England
This companion vdumt o> the books, 'Tht Town
Laborer," and the "Village Laborer." by .1 L. and
Barhart Hammond, is in every way worthy of being accorded a place in the library of students of
real history. For this is a most stirring narrative of
the lives iif our fathers, based upon facts gleaned
largely from Home Office records, and presents
a noire thrilling recital of wrongs endured, and
st niggle* waged und lost, yet not in the- largee
sense, -r out of them has grown the modern labor
movement, than pen of author could contrive. At
the outsit wc are told: 'The history of Kngland at
the time discussed, reads like a history of civil war."
From the struggles of the coal miners to organize,
through the fortunes of the slave* in the silk. OOt*
ton. and woollen trades Wt art taken to the famous
Ludditt riots.
There is inch a wealth of material, that one hardly
knows how to do justice to it m any review, nor yet
what  extracts to pine,   before prospective reader*
We have the miserable spectacle of men and
women driven down from a fairly comfortable living, in their various handicrafts, to tht most degraded existence possible. We see how it was that
Uie early English fortunes were made. Out of the
utter wretchedness when in men, womeji and little
ones died of sheer starvation, rose on the one hand,
the present English oligarchy, and on the other
organised effort, that will yet result in the e,,in
ptete abolition of the damnable condition.* we, the
descendants of those sufferers, still mdure It )*
interesting to learn tbat at a Striking cullers me«t-
ing in the Tyue district, in the rammer of 1832, n
proposal was made to form a big general union, that
would spread through out the country. DeLeOO
il'd not show the "how"' of this: he was not y.-t
We also find in every strike that tin   sinister figure in the background was named Jacobinism, even
as  today  all   labor unrest   is  labelled   Bolshevism
These masters learn nothing new.
Just as intelligent working class leaden are per
scented and blacklisted in this enlightened age. s^
was Hepburn, the miners' leader, then. As the or
derly strike of today gives concern to the boat, so
did that of the spinners long ago. Ccneral Hyng
anxious'y declared: "The peaceable demeanor of
so many thousand unemployed men is not natural.'
Ami so then, a* now, wj find the "stools" and
agents busily stirring up trouble and disturbance,
so the military could have an exmne for action.
Did  the  poor htarve  in  meek  humility ami  pa
Uenee, they  were* congratulated  by  the  king and
the clergy.    Wrote the Vicar of Blackburn about
the hungry cotton workers On strike in  1826:"To
their praise be it said, there have been no symptoms of discontent, disaffection.,or sedition.    They
have trusted in Providence, and Coil's servants will
not   forsake them."    But as the author,  with  fine
irony  remarks: "Their  trust   in  Providence   gave
way before the end of the month, ami they trans
greased thg bounds of propriety in a serious fashion."    So long as the woollen and worsted workers
sent   petition   after   petition   to   parliament,   Lord
Brougham   could   complacently   say:   "The   people
were still sound at heart."
I'm  when the shearmen began destroying the gig
mills, that interfered with their livelihood, it was
suggested that "these turbulent spirits be the oh
ject of the press gang's attention."
The King could state to the starving Spifalficlds
silk weavers. "li.s royal belie! thai and*,
eunistaiices they will remain steady m v
ment to his person, and will eontinue to
ample of industriooanett, and go  , ittt'
thej had always been eonspicuoati "
t   But whenever this good order    it-spicacnaiy J
appeared, and the distressed  ,
broke windows, and cut silk, then
bv the soldiers it taken against tl
These SpitaJfieldt weavers. •.. .      ^
the . ream of the working .... ^
lial of their intellectual purs;,
give   here,   but   it   goes,   far   ;.,
heights of culture can be attained bj
clothed, and boated working §j
Stances of care for better Iturronn lingi
Well paid, are given of th. ttotj tl
ers.   Drunkenness and degradauoi
where misery and desperation trt        . ...
tory of this period it a lament of th - ^
crafs.    A strugKie between progressive
installing modern machinery, tad s workisg m
that clearly saw their indepen
lebor displacing menV and the _,       f,
factories of a class of people irho ftr moi   I
b-rn   operative*  **trong!y   resented this
ami  degenerating change  in  their
Considering  th< tr  lack  of scientii
they most certainly cannot be blamed for
ing  the  destruction of the hated
Theychapters on the Luddife riots bril .•
case* of nobility and heroism on the ptrl        i
starving men and women.    Think    ' :-'.■*■
being offered Jn order to get infoi
took   part   in   the   Yorkshire  rets       A.*
eotttttryeide, where children liters   "
itarvttios- no takers tould bs
Take  the  attack  oti  Oh- Cartwrigbt M
two young workcrt in tht
wounded, left dying til night in tl
Taken into the nods? of their eat    ••
later, and in the certain*) ol tin
Ood was kepi aa hand to Lnci
with   beseeehingt and   threat*-     .
their   companions     Think   •■•   brave
when   he   felt   his  )a*t   moments  04
the   eager  clergyman   to  come  closer
keep   a   secret**'   gasp, d   Bootk.        > v   fl,
pectantly raid bis holiness   M8o taw h
the dying man      And  both he an i  his   -
without telling one single thing tboat tbe *n*
The chapters on the Luddite riots i     I  '      '
also, because thev thOW clearlv  that tho W»»*
and leading spirits in the destruction, in itrts
tnd Lauoathirt tt least, were sp,-* ai..i ■>*-■ "-^
provaeatcur.  detailed   bv   the  Homt <' '"    '
local magistrates.    Some amu-iug dtshtl tool
to... between the npies working for differ*01
unknown to each other.
Many  brave but  misguided tuthusitttl ****^
frayed to the gallows or transport', an
enct  Of these  vermin. ^
Yet.  in all  the turmoil and tgony, »« ■*"
tinctly the ri*e of the unions, fighting CM*1 ^
Acts,  treachery, starvation,  any  th""*'   "! .   ,
lilt    1H''V '<
as to their real statin*, in society, "'" ^ ^
destined to find out in the course of ytt* ^
procttt is slow. The genius for orgs**"*" ^
not be downed.     The class instinct txisW-     '
i     I .ail   emil'"'11
was needed then, and It needed Biosi     **    ^
now,  is what  has come fo be known "s   '
The outstanding fact in this 1 k, lo lW m>\
While these working 1
heir **
the writer, is this:  ^^^^^^^^^^
were well aware that their mttttrt wert^
mies,   and   they   could   fight   ami   hate
heartily, yet, they were always willing i""^
arc today) to concede them a pl»CC >» ' "'st        „
things;  they  could  not   conceive  ol  ■
(Continued on pa*« 8 I
Materialist Conception of History
v' our Ittl ItSSOtlfJ said that Common ownership
0i (and was disputed by some of the capital-
ists' supporters.
Professor Huxley, who in a noted discussion with
.|H.rt Spencer, ads as tt champion of capitalism
i(i (.;i|!, Konsseau an ignoramus, has given " re
i. i,i,  i.roof of his ignorance of the customs of
     uliich he discusses with such assurance.
|i,,   confident   assertions,"   wrote   the   learned
,.,„.,:■ in the    l!«th Century" magazine of .Ian-
|       sio. -that land was origina'ly held in eom-
.„', i,v   the   wholt   nation,   were   singularly   >II-
j, ,   ,„i     I.und was held in private or several pro-
[rt,    . ihe property of the public or the general
,jv ,,f the nation."
ii,., ,ls iee if we can find proof of the eommon
•hip of  land.
!. German tribes, when first known, were in the
v„' status of barbarism.    They used iron in lim-
ifititie*. possessed flocks and herds and cul-
ceresls, but had not Obtained the idea of
ivale ownership in land   According to the account
Cesser, the arable lauds were tllotcd yearly by
\. vhiie the pasture lands w< re held in eoni-
When  the Spaniards discovered  Mexico, the
ived in COmmuntl houses, and held the land
common    'the Pueblo Indians held their land in
ii-      The   Iroquois   Indians   had   communal
ue-i 100 feel by 80 feet by .H> feet high.    Then
aoii the food in common, but each household pre
red if for its own use.   They had neither formal
fast*or supper, but ate when they were hun-
'-■• tht   communal   houses   were   divided   into
ivate houses containing single families, the com-
LStS in remembrance of the dead  became
-' • * gatherings.    The Mexico Indians had COin-
Itores looked after by the women, who kept a
s iupply of food ahead
Mays Indians cooked their food m common,
esrried the food to their dwellings to eat it, sep*
atdy. * . *
fhlfl Ol   Alexander's generals, 4th  century  B. C.
pesrehus . speaking of Egypt, says    "The bind*
''•<■ cultivated in common by tribes or groups of
Istious who shared the fruits of the crops in
Th.- Scotch Highlanders in their clans had com*
posl cultivation of laud. We had the common land
Selkirk, Where they had their communal riding
bf\ year to hob! Ownership of the land, ami En-
Ni history is full of data concerning the enclos
r "' 'h'1 eommon lands.
wre is not a human race or nation known, thai
f8 nol had its communal village Eskimo life is
H'1 "" COmtnunism,    What   is obtained  bv   hunt
N "!"i fishing belongs to the tribe.   Aii Eskimo
pnoi own more than two can	
"   Brazilian natives bunt* and fish  in Common,
"in mg captured game, never leave the spot until
p have consumed it.
"' Biblt shows the distribution of the common
f'"U'' ny the dews.
""' Austridian  ami   New  Zealand  natives  were
th* COmmunistlfl stage when discovered.
L . dually the Saxon tribes were an association
,,(' communities, owning the laud  iu common
'    'he common ownership of the land  in  Eng*
*    und-» the Mark system all Markmei. possessed
iaa°m,C   fpe«dom   ami   equality.    There   were   no
flss Wars because there were no classes.
'""nils and ideas under this common owner
[  ' ff«fe vastly different  from the morals which
?rtn« rm„. ,i
mm (|1(. pnvaltl ownttft£ip Qf t|H, meanj 0f
l0'i today.    All moral codes are a reflection
the cyi i•
•u«mg economic conditions.    This comiiiun-
« moral code of equality.    The hushmeii
""'" wll° •cceives a present, divides it up with
the members of the tribe. A captured animal or
booty he shares, and keeps the smallest share himself.
Kropotkin, in "Mutual Aid,'' tells us that the
Puegian, in times of famine, scours around in search
of food, and when he finds it, returns to inform the
rest of the tribe. The oldest members of the tribe
proceeds to portion it out in equal shares.
In the Caroline Isles when a man sets out on a
journey he carries no food with him. When he is
hungry he enters a house, and without waiting for
permission, helps himself. When his hunger is satis-
fled, he haves without even saying thank you. He
hss but exercised a right of the tribe.
Morgan says, in "Ancient Society,": "If a stran-
trer entered an Iroquois house, no matt* r what time
of the day. it was the duty of the women to put food
before him. If he was hungry die would eat it, if
not hungry he tasted it. as courtesy required he
should tio so and thank the giver. The words thine
and mine, have no equivalent in the Indian language."
Kropotkin gives an illustration of Communism in
India, am] shows that in parts of Siberia, although
three centuries under Cztritt rule, they still stick
to the communist customs.
The communistic trait is so strong in Russia that
the colonisation of Siberia is a history of hunting
and trading guilds. All traders from the same
locality going to the town hire rooms and a cook
and eat in common, al! paying an equal share of the
expenses. The gangs of convicts on their way to
Siberia had the same organisation.
In some of the Caueasiou districts of Russia up to
the time of tin- war. even although they divided up
the hay when cut. it is noteworthy that whenever
th- cuckoo announces the coming of spring, everyone in need hta the right to go to his neighbor and
take tin.- hay he needs for his cattle.
In toother part of Russia 'the Kabyles) although,
they have private property, if anyone kills a sheep
on a day which is not a market day, the village bell
crier announces it. and all the sick and pregnant
women of the vi'lage may partake of it. Kropotkin
tells us that when the peasants arc broken down in
misery they will migrate in communities, and build
houses aud till the soil in common.
Not only did communism maintain equality, it
developed ■ fraternity and liberality that would
shame the alleged brotherliness and charity of
Christianity, and which elicited the admiration of
all observers before the people had been deteriorated by boose, bible and brutal commercialism, and
various other diseases of civilization.
WA missionary named Heckewelder. who lived
among the Indians, 1771*1786, says: "They believed
a great spirit gave all thing* to all men, whatever
liveth or groweth. They would lie down with an
empty stomach rather than have it laid to their
charge that they had neglected their duty to a stran-
ger or the sick, because they had a common right to
be helped out of the common stock, for the meat
that was taken from the woods was common to all.
before the hunter took it. Hospital ity'was not a
virtue with them, but a duty."
Dr. D. R. G. Briton, speaking o£ the religion of
primitive peoples, says: "All tribal religions preach
a dualism of ethics, one for the members of the
tribe who are bound together by tics of kinship, and
by union to preserve existence, the other for the
rest of the world. To the former (own tribe) are
due: aid, kindness, justice, truth,' and fair dealing:
to the latter enmity, hatred, injury, falsehood and
deceit. The latter is just as much a duty as the
former, and is just as positively enjoined by'both
religion and tribal law."
We did not have to go to primitive people to see
this dualism. We had it illustrated during the
war. In Ottawa, for instance, a recipient of tho
V.C.. was placarded to be at a meeting, who had
killed 58 Germans. He was under arrest some time
after for killing a man at home. We have quite a
number ot our savage traits with us yet, with all
our boasted? civilization.
The manufacturing class of England brought
forth a swarm of economists, ministers, and other
publicists, the general principles of whose teaching
was a reflex of the edde developed by the factory
lords. It was Nassau W. Senior, the first political
economist of Oxford, who sought to prove that the
factory laws would be disastrous because all profit
was made in the last hour of the day. The others
who opposed were Bright, Cobden, Roebuck, Joseph Hume, and even John Stuart Mills, although he
recognized that "upper class" morality was being
brought to bear on the subject,. fn*%is essay on
liberty, he says: "Wherever there is an ascendant
class, a large portion of the morality emanates from
its class interests, and its class feelings of superiority, and the morality between the planter and
the negroes, princes and subjects, has been for the
most part the creation of these efass interests and
feelings. /
The High (fhureh of England, for instance, took
the side of the landowners, while the evangelicals.-
non-conformists and independents generally sided
with the factory lords.
Under feudalism, when land was the dominant
factor in the exploitation of labor, it was unlawful
to lend money for interest. Up to the reign of
Edward the II. the common law. seconded by the
municipal law, permitted no Christian to take interest. Luther said: "Every usurer was a thief.*'
By the Mosaic law no usury, no interest, was to be
exacted on any pretence. Luke VI., 35: "Lend
hoping for nothing to gain." Now the banker and
financiers are the pillars of the church. Law is also
a reflection of economic conditions. Locke says:
"Where there is no property there is no injustice.'-
And again: "No property no law."
Maine, in his "Ancient Law." sees in economic
development the cause of the modern renaissance
of Roman law. and of the substitution of individualistic 'aw for feudal law.
Stein expresses himself thus: "Property is the
principal factor in the development of law."
Savign recognizes "that the* earlier re-establishment of Roman law in Italian cities was due to the
flourishing conditions of the cities. It was not
by chance, but through the necessary course of
events that Roman law was re-established and pass-
to German and French cities to correspond to like
needs." In speaking of the legal ^system established in Italy towards the close of the barbarian invasions he says: "Had landed property been taken
away from the Romans the preservation of the
Roman Constitutiom would have therewith rteeoine
impossible." Therefore property expresses law
and property is an expression of economic conditions, so that law is not the gift of the gods any more
than other ideas. The lawyers of France claimed
that water rights belonged to the agriculturists in
as much as manufacturers could substitute other
power, but today these considerations have lost a'l
authority because the manufacturing industries
have become supreme.
Even our criminal law is an expression of the
prevailing conditions. Thus an agricultural state
has heaviest penalties against invasions of landed
property, while capitalist or commercial countries
punish more severely the crimes of forgery and the
issuing of false money.
1 have endeavored to point out that ideas, laws
and morals are a reflection of the means of production. Our next lesson will be on natural environment and its effects on the human race.
(Continued from page 5)
others are gradually coming under the control of
the Soviets .
To show the nature of some of'the restrictions. I
quote the following on "Workmen's Control," taken
from the "Bolsheviks and the Soviets," by A. R.
"I mean by control," said Trotsky, "that we will
see to it that the factory is run not from the point
of view of private profit, but from the point of view
of social welfare .... For example, we will not allow
the capitalist to shut up his factory in order to starve
his workmen into submission, or because it is not
yielding him a profit. If it is turning out economically a needed product, it must be kept running.
If the capitalist gives it up. he will lose it altogether,
for a board of directors chosen by tin workmen will
be put in charge."
"Again, 'control' implies ^hat the Iwoks and correspondence of the concern will be open to the
public, so that henceforth there will be no industrial, secrets ]S this cone em hits upon a better
process or device, it will be given to other concerns
in the same branch of industry. Thus* the public
will promptly rfalize the utmost possible benefit
from the find."—From an interview with Trotsky
by Professor JE. A. Ross, of Wisconsin University.
As to paragraph 18 of the original article by Comrade McDonald, it must be stated that if we take it
as it is written it gives the impression tlmt the "Bolsheviks were guilty of a breach of Socialist principles by compromising with their enemies, etc.. and
:t would have to be stated otherwise to offset that
impression, and I still maintain that the majority of
Russian workers are solid for Socialism. Otherwise
it would have been impossible for them to withstand
the repeated assaults of world capital.
As to the statement that while the revolution
might be a good thing for the Russian workers, as
many impartial persons and delegations had testified, it had a detrimental effect in many ways on
(he working class movement in other countries.
He refers here to the supposed attempts of various
organizations in America and Europe to imitate tin
liolsheviki by advocating "mass action," "suspension  of education," and similar "actions."
One must remember that movements "founded
on enthusiasm alone" and advocating such action as
stated sloBC .existed long before We ever heard ©f
Bolshevism. What about the anarcho-syndicalist
movements such as the I. W. W. in America with
various counterparts in Europe founded wholly or
partially on the anarchistic philosophies of such
famous characters as Michael Bakaunin. dohann
Most. Enrico Malatesta. and others. These movements have lots of "revolutionary ordor'Vand plenty
of enthusiasm.
As a matter of fact these "mass action" movements that my opponent speaks of are not "copying the Bolsheviki." but are simply practicing anarchistic methods hieii are as old as capitalism itself, in spite of the fact that they may imagine they
are "copving the Bolsheviks."
The Bolsheviks did not act in that, way.
I wish to call the reader's attention to this fact,
that Comrade McDonald asserts and tries to prove
that Socialism does not exist in Russia.    Ask yourself this question: If I am building a house, I commence with the foundation and build gradually up
from  that.    I cannot finish  the structure at once.
It takes time.    Nevertheless the foundation is not a
house, but one in process of construction.    Apply
this analogy to Russia.    The Bolsheviks are laying
the foundations of Socialism.    It will be a long time
before the structure is built to suit such an exquisite taste as Comrade McDonald's; but eventually
it will be built, unless an alliance of the capitalist
powers should succeed  in  destroying it, which  is
highly improbable now.    To say that Socialism does
not prevail in Russia is like saying that because I
haven't finished the building of my house it does
not partake of the nature of a dwelling.
In conclusion 1 quote the following from Radek't
pamphlet mentioned previously: "The workers of
Europe will, without a doubt, advance so rapidly in
the near future that they will not have the time to
study the Russian revolution at work out of learned
books; they will get a practical understanding of it
before they are in a position to make themselves acquainted  with its documents."
Anent the "imputations" against my opponent in
my last article, they were based On bit article, and
not against him personally.
As tO the "more vigorous means" of spreading
our propaganda, 1 intend to write something that
mty help along at some future time.
periodically weed out (by re-regietrtuonj t|
sound of the Party organizations, j*. Qr^      el*<
tht  Party systematically  from  tl]  the nanli
geois elements which inevitably
(Continued  from page 6
square deal, fair play, relief from  the grind.      To
tind out  the absurdity of such a position, however
much  it  may  have  been justified  then  bv   the gen
eral  ignorance, students  must  study   the works .»;
Marx and Engels. they will grasp a philosophy there
that nothing can shake, or disprove.
The book under discussion is published by Longmans, Green tnd Co.. London, England.   This feeble attempt to stimulate interest may not be entire
|y in vain. P. S. F
 :o : 	
Conditions for Joining Communist Internationa!
Continued from page I)
ities is necesary. Each party desirous of belonging
to the Third International shall be bound tO denounce without any mercy all the tricks of its
own " imperialists in tht colon es, supporting not iu
words only, but in deeds, all liberation movements
in the colonies It must demand the expulsion of
its own imperislists from such eolonies, tnd eulti
Vttt in the hearts of the workmen of its own country
a truly fraternal attitude towards the worker pop
illation of the Colonies and oppressed nationalities,
and cariy on a systematic agitation in its OWS arm)
against   any  oppression  of  the colonial  population
9   Every party desirous of belonging to the Com-
munist  International shall be bound to carry on a
systematic and  persistent  Communist   work  iu  the
labor unions, cooperatives and other Jaltor nrgani/
ations of the masses.    It is necessary to form Com
munist nuclei within these organizations, which by
persistent and lasting work must win ov.-r tbe labor
unions to the side of Communism       These m mbi
must constantly denounce tlie treachery of the social
patriots and the fluctuations of the "centre " These
Communist nuclei must be Completely subordinated
to the Par*y in general.
10. Any party belonging to the Communist inter
national is bound to carry on a Stubborn Struggle
against the Amsterdam "International" of the
Yellow Labor Unioaa It must insistently propagate among the organized workers the necessity of
a rupture with the yellow Amsterdam Internationa'.
It must support by all the means in its j>ower tin-
international unification of Bed Labor Uniottt, adhering  to   tin-  Communist   International,   which   is
now beginning.
11. Parties desirous of joining the Third Inter
national shall be hound to reitttpecl the personnel
of their parliamentary factions. r«move all unre
litblt elements therefrom, subordinate such factions
DOt verbally (tidy, but in reality, to the Central Com
mittee of the Party, and demand from etcfa prole
tarian Communist to submit his whole work to tht
interests of real revolutionary propaganda.
12. In the same way should all the periodical and
other press anil al! publications be fully suborditi-
tted to the Central Committee, whether the Party
as a whole at the given moment is lawful or illegal;
it is quite inadmissible that any publishers abusing
their autonomy might carry on a policy different
front* that of the Party.
13. The parties belonging to the Communist Inter
national must be organized on the principles of democratic centralism. At the present moment of
acute civil war the Communist Party will be abb-
lo fulfill its duty only if it is organized in the most
ccniralized form, if it is ruled by an iron discipline,
almost a military one, and if its Party centre is on
organ of authority with full power, enjoying the
complete confidence of the members of the Party.
14. The Communist Parlies of countries where the
Communists may carry on their work lawfully; must
rn*P into it
15. Each Party desirous of belonging i„ jk
munist   International shall  be bound to rem*
possible aid to the Soviet Republics in weirsn*
against   counter revolutionary   forces      Ti    p
munist   Parties shall carry on an unfailing
gtnda to induce the workers to refuse to In]
objects of military equipment tddressed to tl-T"
mica of the Soviet Republics, rwd also u j^JJ
means or illegally to carry on a propefaOdi ■       i
the troops sent out against tin   Workers.R*.  -. .
16   The Parlies which up to the present
have stood upon the old Social aud Den*
gramme* must revise them within the morteti •
d.« and draw up a new Commm n pi p,
m conformity with the special COttdhionj        ...*
Country, and m accordance with the re
tlie  Communist   International    As  .,   -    ...
gramme of each Party belonging to the Coi    ■ ,
International  must  be confirmed bj  the uerj I
grew of the Cummunisl Intcrnttionsj   • -. \\
tf?t Committee,   In the evenj of tool   tht  programme of any   Parfv   i-v  the Exi
( ooimittee   of   the   Communist   Intjernat in.!. ^
Paitv thai] he entitled to appesl to the Court	
the Communist Internttiona]
17. Alt the resolutions of the eon**
Communis! international, at wel
of its Kaeeutive Committee, are bin     •     *. •• ■•
its joining the Conrmonitl Internal
munist International, operating under thei
of moat acute cud warfare, nasi   -     • ■  .« •t
moaj eentrtlited form than tht Second Inn
al    At the same time the Communist Interns!  V
and  it*  Executive Committee  §j
in Sll their work to COtttid< r tin- \<<r • ".
under which the differ* tit Partn-
stniggle. ami generally binding rest
pass,.,* only on such questions, on w\
ntiom ur.   possible.
1**    In connection with the (hoi    i   '.'"■• i
sirsnj*   Jo  join   the  Communis?   1   U n ■' *
alter their name.
Bteh    Party   desirous   of   j<»;n Og   thl    I
htternatjotta] most bear tht follou   $
Communisl Part* of such tnd such
tion of Third Communist Inten        *
fnoi of denomination of « partv  M t U
one. but h Est political question of greal
The Communis! International has d*
war sgs nst the whole bourgeois ao
low Social Democratic Parties     I*   *      !  ■■■'.•
etch rank-and-file worker should bt tl    tt
guish  clearly  the difference  between  thl I
isl Parties ami the obi official ''Soeitl Dm*ottt1*
or ' Socialist" parties, whith htve
aa;i4isc of tht working class
Prevtotnl*  i Iritowlcdged, M6»70 »■
Pcsraoo, 10c; )'  Ursea, Wc; A. SU     I
/..furc f 1; Zrmmrll. $1; McKrtmr, 2      Smith 3
hsn, ♦»: \>   ! *•*-.*   II; \\    Enrol, »l; <    S  ■
A. S- Wells, IS; !    Pkard (edketed), *>   ' }■'      c
Wm. Allan, $1;  H  E   Pdtntm, $1; W   H   li■"
H  A. Wierts (cottected), II1<
Toll)  l.i ;oirf inebidim* J7lh  December, $8 I •'
mmm ,— :o ;■»'
A   Journal   Of  History,   Economics,   PhUoSOpbj
Current   Events. r*kn_
Official Organ of tht Socialist Party of ow
Issued twice a month, at K>1 Penh    Street
Vancouver.  It. C    Phone-  Rig!    '-'"'.	
Rate: 20 Issues for Ont Dollar (Foreign, w
.1 I'M   irl.C'ld.
Iftkt all raoneyt ptytblo to k «*
,     i hercfril*1
,.„clo-.      1     I'< '
s   tO!


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