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Western Clarion Nov 1, 1920

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Array Western Clarion
X Journal of
Official Organ of
jhSber 830.      Twice a Month
These Days of Plots
ONK can scercelj pick up a newspaper these
dayi without being confronted with the discovery ol sonic plot.
On October 18th the papers very seriously inform
h ■-,,,! the ex-Kaiser of Oermany talks loud enough
•, | personal friend ao that a cross Atlantic news-
;..,'.,; service agent has no difficulty in over bear-
Dg the whole plot It will be remembered that nol
to long ago this terrible Kaiser was to be bung
publicly   in   Knglnnd  or  somewhere,   hut   perhaps
Uoyd George or Gemencean g<>t mixed op in some
• bj  which it was discovered this "scapegoat"
via nol auch ■ public nuisance as his detractors
|   ed.    At ni.y rate, bating our deductions from
newapapei   methods,   there   must   have   been   some
* here.   Everything is done by plotting
nowtdaya    The grcateai "plot" of all. though, is
• • Social Revolution.    This is the most dire plot of
history. In fact, tbe press gives one the impression that the revolutionary atage upon which
vehave entered is I regular epidemic of plots break-
% ■■ :   n .1 s.ot of "Red" rash, accompanied by
bomb  explosions  and   fiery   Llluiningtipna   around
dil gs, holding cotton, sugar and each like com-
moditiee that evince a falling tendency in their price
• ationa with other comodlties. The terrible plots of
:     D snd Trotsky to overthrow a system that we
tllegedl} desire perpetuated will prove a veritable inme of humor for tbe moving picture producers
"'' the future. No doubt wv shall hear of the great
plot in connection with the British coal strike before many days, despite the fact that publicity has
not been withheld as to the causes bringing about
this crisis in British industry,
1' must always be borne in mind these days that
Our newspaper! are organized for propaganda. The
forces of the State have to be presented to the people ik the saviours of society. There is ahvays a
menace, either from without or within. When there
ls a menace from without it is the danger of en-
'"'"" hiuent from another State, a foreign nation.
Todaj siiih | menace is trade competition, which
s Datura))) backed up by fow in the c\en» of ■
challenge If there is a menace fro, - within it is
evident thai it is the people confined within a terri-
Wrj under tb0 sway of a certain form of State
Powei republje, empire. &c To call upon the
'01*ea of the State to "save" society implies some
",1r Or some group that feels a need of protection
'■mn some one or some group tbat menaces it.
"Here there is no feeling of insecurity there is no
Mooting, as a n,j0     |( ftjK0 ^H,,.oinos noticeable that
" ls 'society" that is threatened according to the
s<IVil"ls for help. In other words, it is always pre
"eated on the surface as though the failure to suc-
Wr the oppressed was sure to be a calamity of a
social nature. Evidently the police force arc not
"Efficient,—the  other    forces   of  the    State   that
Wve" society periodically must be utilised. NoWi
jH>M' m|'<-»»» are made tip of human beings, who are
"ttUghl up j,, the Confines Of a certain territory ini-
U*> with ideas of various kinds, depending on the
^V1"»nn,ent in which they live and work, the trn
ntm»s handed down from the past, and with a
'"0l'<' Or less ability to adjust their movements to
^rees that impel them to hang on to life. The
J*nty, navy, the police, the judiciary, &c. are all
^••'ntcd from the people of the country. The con-
ro Of auch human forces that must be used to sup
press other human forces within a definite territory
must he in the hands of those who can distinguish
the real" cries for help and so send the required
assistance, It is also desirable that the individuals
sent iii vast numbers on punitive measures do not
question the sanctity of their mission,—Law and
Order, Before the days of popular education this
was very simple. Things have changed somewhat of
late >ears. The missions of the State powers have
been somewhat tarnished to such an extent indeed.
that an individual holding high office in any branch
of the State service is suspected of having sacrificed his personal honor in some way—in popular
parlance, he has heen bought or sold, as the case
may be. That the latter statement is not an exaggeration the reader can compare the popular
esteem in which the following names were held some
years ago to what prevails today: Lloyd fleorge, in
Britaiuj Clemeneeau, in France; Sir Arthur Currie,
in Canada; Premier Hughes, in Australia. The
Rorruptivettpowen of capitalism are directed with
specie) force on its executive state functionaries.—
and those are the ones who feel the necessity of
"saving*' themselves, or rather "society." which
means for them their masters and themselves—naturally the most important part of society to them.
On the other hand, the individuals who are to be
suppressed and whose clamor has developed into
11nerttening proportions, come into direct collision
with the powers of suppression. As these are all
human beings, the reciprocal actions of suppressing
and being suppressed are bound to have an effect on
the peoples involved. The competitive wage system has placed at the disposal of capitalist States
an army and navy that arc generally recruited in
large numbers during periods of industrial depression lt therefore brings into the forces of State
repression many men who have had their hopes destroyed in the industrial system. The conscript
systems of Europe helped to cover up this disturbing feature to the individual brought up in a State
that had always to be prepared for invasion. It is
obvious that such an army is a dubious factor in the
event of civil war. The insecurity of the lower paid
i mployees in government service is somewhat sim-
ilar to the industrial wage worker, and the fact that
attempts arc made to throttle any political activity
in the ranks of government employees, is sufficient
evidence that the growth of intelligence and understanding is not I prerequisite for State employment.
Loyalty and understanding are not birds of the
same color.
The overthrow of the State, however, must appear as a "social" calamity. Not only the positions of the higher functionaries but all the smaller
fry arc involved. A great proportion of the executive positions arc tilled from the ranks of what is
called the Middle Claaa, They always consider
themselves the "saviours of society," and what better function ean they perform than at the head of
salvage corps in the wreckage of the storm of 1914-
l'HS. They have been navigating for some time,
und when everything appeared to be going all right
with the antiquated charts they went by, they prided
themselves Qn their wisdom and farsightedness, hut
now with mutinous crews aboard and a strong sea
around, what can it mean but a plot,—a distardly
'Red" plot, for above tho turmoil the singing of
the "Red Flag" is heard.   Out with the slogans of
the old social order—Property, Family, Religion,
Order—society must be saved against the "enemies
of society."
The whole trouble with these so-called plots is
that they are discovered by those who imagine them.
The great plot discovered in Canada to usher in a
revolution will go down in history as a remarkable
proof of the "law of double discovery" in the realm
of political science, on the condition that it can be
shown that this wonderful discovery of plots for
social revolution has originated without collusion on
the part of those who made the same discovery in
other parts of the world. It may happen in the
future that those who fail to sell their stories to
critical publishers on the strength of weak plots may
be consoled by the fact that every modern State
now possesses Home and Foreign Offices where such
fiction may be sold at a handsome figure, on the un-*
derstanding that the author waives all objection
to int-rnational copyright, and providing that some
other employee has not already divulged a similar
plot. The essence of a plot is secrecy,—the details
of which are confined to a fevy. A social revolution
cannot be secret.—it is a public and general occurrence—not a matter of days, but of years. Its
growth is gradual, but none the less perceivable to
those who see. To those who did not notice its
growth, its reality may cause them (who imagine
it was a fiction) to look around for those they think
responsible for the plot, to scare them.
There is one peculiar thing about developing a
plot and that is that the end in view becomes ap-
apparent. A social revolution cannot be accomplished by means of a plot to change the framework
of society behind the back of society, i.e., against
the wishes of society. Any plots, real and imaginary,
could only be confined to a few individuals, and the
secrecy necessary for a plot cannot have a widespread effect of suficieut power to induce a social
movement unless backed by a force at least equal
to the forces to be overthrown, or able to affect
other forces to give the plotters sufficient power to
threaten the likely opposition. The so-called plots
in vogue through competitive business operations
bring into operation forces that the individuals
scheming behind the backs of society at large do
not anticipate. The causes of the resulting conditions are vague to the general mass, and this mass
moves along the line of least resistance. The instability of social conditions only indicates that
something has gone wrong with the social mechanism. Not knowing what the trouble is, those who
feel uneasy as to the development may turn to plots,
hut such efforts are futile. A knowledge of the
machinery is necessary to know what to do, and if
the damage is irreparable the machine is replaced.
The understanding of this fact brings into play tbe
necessary activity to attempt the solution of the
problem. Imaginary plots are simply an indication
of fears bred by ignorance, and it must be admitted
there are also those who profit by exploiting these
fears. The fate of plots to overthrow a social order
in Russia, which did not have the backing of a sufficient social force, are worth consideration by those
who depend on plots for development. Plotters
have eventually to come into the light of day and
woe to those whom the darkness deceived.
The present attempt to get away from the effect
(Continued on page 8)
<$ i
L.9   \
Economic Causes of War
Article No. 15.
THE two great schools of thought which confront the people of the civilized world today
are   Imperialism   and   Soeia'ism.      Although
they are diametrically opposed to each other, they
have' some things in common.    Both schools agree
that   Nationalism  is dead or dying.    Before  going
anv further, it may be well to arrive at the mean-
ing of the word Imperialism.    The Oxford Diction-
wry gives the best definition of Imperialism of all
the  dictionaries   1   have  examined.    It   says:  'Imperialism  is  the  extension  of  the   British   Empire
where trade needs the protection of the flag."    It
has been stand by many speakers that trade follows the flag, but  my close study of history has
convinced ine that the trade advances ahead of the
flag, hence I agree with the definition of the Oxford
.Mr. J. S. Ewart. K.C.. of Ottawa, one of the best
historians in Canada, says in his •Kingdom Papers."
No. 2. page 32, " British Imperialism in its relation
to the British North American Colonies has always
been based upon the ideas of profit. I now proceed
to prove." Mr. Ewart divides up Canadian history
into three periods,  namely:
1st.—"From the beginning to tlie advent of Free
Trade or say to the eight-en forties. British Imperialism was based upon the profit derived from
2nd.—"From the eighteen forties to the eighteen
eighties there waa> very little British Imperialism,
•because then- was very little profit."
3rd.—"Since the eighteen forties. British Imperialism has become enthusiastic and exigent, because
of the military as wo1) as the commerc*ial profit that
appeared to be in it." .... . "The European 00-
ti tne did not as a mere pastime right for colonial
possessions.    They wanted profit."
In the fii>t period the mother country prohibited
the colonists from engaging in manufacture, using
them to promote home trade. Mr. Ewart says that
Free Trade removed the monopoly in the second
period and British Imperialism waned because the
colonies ceased to be profitable. He does not mince
matters, for on page 42 he says: 'Nations must be
governed by self-interest." And on page 46: "The
reason for the extraordinary change in British Imperialism since 18!)7 is easily explained. In 18f>7
the Canadian Parliament gave to British manufac-
turers. preferential treatment, with respect to custom duties, all the other colonies followed the lead.
British Imperialism quickly aud enthusiastically
responded." .... ''Added to the trade-profit came
the new desire for the more important war profit."
.... "Since 1*'<7 British Imperialism had found
plenty of nourishment and its growth has been
phenomenal. The sentiment that is in it is founded
upon substantial profit." Mr. Ewart. replying to
criticism says, page B9: ''I know that, until very
recently, the United Kingdom had no love for us.
I know that Canada was treated as a dependency
as long as she was of commercial value; that she
was told to 'break Iwmds and go' wbyii her commercial value ended, and that only since she has
appeared to be willing to furnish trade profits and
able to supply military assistance, has effusive af-
feeiton been lavished upon her." On page 90: "The
sight of trade profits and war profits has worked an
extraordinary change in the last twenty-five year*.
Half-breed co'onials are now 'Overseas British
guests and kinsfo'k.' lt is the turn of the Canadians
to smile." That is the view of one of Canada'.* outstanding K.O. s on international law, and probably
one of the.l>est historians in the Dominion.
One of the principal causes of the economic friction among nations and behind war is the fear of
countries without access to convenient ports in
their own country, a condition which might hamper
their trade, not only in transit, but also by tariff
walls. This is one thing that made Germany uneasy, because she did not possess the mouth of the
river Rhine, and as I pointed out in an earlier article, a much similar situation obtained in Serbia's
desire for a port on the Adriatic Sea. ami a'so in
Russia no| owning Constantinople for an all-year
port Modern Imperialism aims at the political eon-
tro) of al! backward countries by the great capital
ist governments of today, for the purpose of .securing for their nspective capitalists the security o!
industrial enterprises which they may establish in
those backward countries. Also to insure raw material for the home industries and a monopolistte
market for the finished product of the home expb.it
ation. and the exploitation of native labor in the
newly acquired territory. .1. S. Ewart. as I have
pointed out. says tbat Imperialism waned with free
British capitalism  became pacific after the development under the factory system as the ideas of the
Manchester school of Free Trade became dominant.
When   the  change  came  to  renew   Imperialism,   ii
was not because as Mr. Ewart says the removal of
profits,  but as Boudin say.s  in his "Socialism  and
War." capitalism had entered  its  Iron Stage   Mi
Ewart dates this change from 1897.    In 1895 Joseph ,
Chamberlain    entered    the    Cabinet     representing
Birmingham.    Birmingham   is  the  headquarters  of
the* iron and steel industry, therefore iron and steel
became  represented  in the  powers of  government
If you want to know bow business is faring, if yoa
want  to  fee)  the  pulse of capitalism,  look  up  the
matket   reports  of the  iron  and  steel   industries.
Boudin tells us that:"The world at large was *ur
prised »t Chamberlain selecting the Colonial Office
M hi- particu'ar field for activity; before that  this
office waa considered a minor one in the Cabinet,
instead of taking the Chancellor of the Exchequer
which -I. Chamberlain would have done if be ba
fo loved trad.tion."    This was the entr^.f Bn* *
capitalism into modern Imperialism    Thw change
raised the Colonial Secretaryship from its former
minor position to a place of first importance in the
British Cabinet. The Boer War was a result of this
change of policy. Although Chamber'ain failed 10
carry his protection programme, England baa proved  by the  re.su'ts of the Great   War thftt  she  is  fore
moat  iii the Imperialistic procession.
ifodern Imperialism is an expression of the economic fact that iron and steel have taken the place
of textiles aa the leading industry under capital
ism. Textiles, being pacific, mean peace, but iron
ami steel mean war because the interests of this
trade conflict in forerun markets, as I wi'l point
out further on. The basis of capitalistic industrial
development is the fact that the workers not only
produce more than they themselves can consume
but more than society as a whole can consume   Thl*
permits an accumulation of wealth that must find
a foreign market, and that market is generally in
a country of a lower degree of capitalistic develop"
ment. A market in a country equally as highly
d veloped has no effect in disposing of the surplus
wea'th as it generally pays by exchanging other
goods. The foreign market, therefore, must be an
absorbent market, which results in the highly developed capitalist"countries competing In the back'
ward countries of the globe.    Of course this cannot
go ou forever, as more countries reaching tbe stage
or producing a surplus the riuml»er of absorbent mar
kets  becomes less ami the competition  for control
of them  becomes intensified.    The capitalist  world
is to create new markets by means of obtaining eon-
'•essious to build railways and canals and other pub.
I e works.    This gives an impetus to the iron and
stee! industry, and incidentally it creates a market
for textiles.    The highly developed capitalist eouu
tries produce the machines and means of production
and h'ss of the meana of consumption. Consequently, they have to import raw material and foodstuffs,
and this is particularly applicable to the European
eountries.    A country in the early development of
capitalism genera'ly produces consumable products
with machinery produced abroad, and when it Incomes a competitor instead of a consumer it does not
compete in all the fields of production.    It eontin
nes as a customer mostly in machinery and begins t<
produVc textile goods and other consumable --
modifies.   This is why. in highly developed eanV?
is1   countries,  the  leading  industriea ;i,,, lrJ
as they put their accumulated wealth
means  of  production,     Whele  there    » | n y
csmuh'ition  of wealth  the  iron and  u,,i ,„ ,
have  become  more  prominent  am|  have t >.•■
..ad  ovt r  the textile  industries    Thii is th.     '
e.u-se of the change of eharaeter ..•  ,..... •
the pacific mood of the Free Triolets !\k* l;f  .,.
i •    I    i « ,-, TlglH It.,]
Iooden to th-   warlike ami imperialistic „   ,,
JOMph   Chamberlain.     Capitalism   boa   entC
era of Imperialism, and the reason ••>: j]
simple.     Iron and steel cannot  lie told like tex-
For   uistHuee,  c'othea,   bats  aml   we.,-
can be sold almost nnywhere, «here D    m nun
has been sent; yotJ "lily  nee! to «..-:;i| | ,,,„.. B
man and yon  need  not  worry  under what  f:.If rh-
native if ruled     The situation i* greatly <•!),„' I
yon want fo sel' locomotives or rails, M .* y ..,
cannot  take a  cargo of  them and iell  iheB
natives     The only way this can be dot*   i t« bu3d
tbe   rail wax   yourself.     While  a  Qcrmac eould -
textiles in any  British colony he would find i
difficulty in buildings railway through
colonies    Rence, it w.ll be seen boa free trade
textiles does not apply jto iron and »teel  N'ot
do  (he capitalist  countries that are highly ij*M-
■ d reserve the right  to build their ok enn
but they have all been rery  jealou*   •   ■
in the matter of building railways   '   '
countries sueh as Turkey. Persia, Chin \
M..r\ tells us   "The capita I tsl pi ■ • -
i  poti ista es-.. Mialh   in ib< I
plus valne.    It  is not  to ndministei  eertsii
but to produce pro's?-,    fie does not ;>.
ital merely f*r reproducing it, but \»:<t tin
producing «  surplus in exeex-. of
vanced       As no "iie can build railway* •
ward countries to produce dti den :- -   ■
I mature  Is brought  to bear 00  the  I
that country for concessions, auch an   ^
money from tlie Government, a inoitopoli      rteti
themselves, or  vast   tracts of mineral  Isi s   v
timea i reluctance on the part of a bad
try  to grant concessions is altered hj I ■•
threatened or actual.   The trad-  ol ' ns
tions has eeaaed to be that of individual! '•"
become   a   matter   of   armed   force   naed
groups   ca'led   nations.    Owing   to   this   int "*"
industrialism,   statesmen   must   think   in   terms al
commerce, about markets for manofaet     I
and   Supplies   of   raw   material   fOT   then 'rv '
I might here draw u.iir attention to th-
of coneeaaiom ami the building of ri
are inert woven in every article | have wi
have  the tap-  to Cairo  railway  aril      '•   »BS otl
railways in South Africa, a part of the gh      ' '
not  tombed on     You have the railwaj
Worm     The struggle for ownership   •'  ''■
w.i\  in China when it changed hands to Japan
the Russo .Japanese war.    You have "II th<  rai
and folictiealtina Oermany forced  from < nn
to aTapan,    The  British.  French, and  the 8tamlar'
Oil Company, with their railways In Ch ! i   i;    '
i\nt\ Oermaiis both owned  railways in  Aaia
Kathmore presiding at  the half yearly   '"'
the  British  company owning the Ottoman '••''
from Smyrna to Aden, in 1017, said i "<>»' rat>.*■■■
still remains iu the possession of the  rurKtafl
emment by which it was lawlessly aclsed <"
ember, 1!M4. and from tbat time we have nol rCOt''
ed  any  dividend   from   it."    When  he  reft>rr™\
the start of the company he said the? hud a >,r
g'ing   existence,    but   were   becoming    p^*Pe
with the intention of extending to Baghdad a
Persian Onlf, when the German enterpria*' p' ^
trated into that territory and thereafter with  °
diplomacy and systematic bribery of Tursis
ials received advantages over the British CO  P»-
The eompany lodged with the Foreign Clatma
(Continued on page 8. WESTERN     CLARION
Materialist Conception of History
To gat to the subject proper, what do we mean
|,\  the Materialist Conception of History, or
Economic Determination, as some express it"
. .. ini. try and make it plain, b< cause there is cant
Socialism just as there is cant in religion.
Maui   of us are apt   to  Use  the  phrases Midi  as
Materialistic Conception of History . Class Struggle,
i ia** Consoiouaneea, with no more idea of then
pgnjug then some Of OUT religious Iricuds who re-
• theological phrases in poll parrot fashion. When
.,,,.;., K intelligently of the Materia!iatic Conception
Uistorv, we mean what everywhere proves to m
n•;... (bal the bread and butter question is the most
j.,riant question in life.    All the rest  of the life
;   t!,,- i dividual is effected, if not dominated, by
way he obtains a living.
A« tins is true of individuals so also »* it true ol
,   -\   nnd this gives us the key to understand pant
.   n and, within limits, to predict the course of
-,■   development.
• • ,, the study of the development of society aud
Mi   pty ia meant all the people, with their faeilit-
v oi getting a living, their institutions and ideas.
traces the way m which the races of men obtain
iving and all other d- velopment depends upon
Mlgea and  improvements in the  way of pi"
■j food, clothing and shelter of the human race.
•    d, legal, moral ami all other institutions
ii roots in the economic soil    As one writer
-    ...        <hiV morals arc  not   tin   loots but   the
civilisation."    Marx pots it thus:
"lt  ^ not man's eottaciousnos* that det<
■ ■ - man a existence, but hia social exist nee
determines bis consciousness
• is, yM conception of good or bad, rtghl or
• , out of man's social relationa with his
and tlie social  relations are a  result  ol   the
herebj be procures Ins living
>•   and  others,  progress   ol   societj   v- Si
ited  to er  appeared  as  a   triumph  ol   know
• over auperstitition.   T<> Spenceiyil appeared
eonsist   essentially   «s   tin-   political   power  and
cstigi from a claaa ol werrion i" a class ol
hauls, from militarism to industrialism. Bach
these views has contributed a little to history,
Ntt to understand the causes of tbe change, it must
be remembered that the production of wealth is a
phenomenon more fundamental than science or re
ligion, war and |H»lities, and the vagn< generalise-
tions must give way to economies, This view is ex
pressed by Marx in his "Critique of Political Beon
"In the social production which men carry
on, they enter into definite relations which are
mdispeusible and independent of the will \ these
relations ottoroduotlon correspond to a detinue stage in tbe development of their material
powers of production.    The sum total of these
relationa of production constitutes the economic structure of societv, tbe real foundation
"it which rise legal and political forms of social
The mode of production in material life *\i'
tcrmiuea the general character of the social,
political and spiritual processes of life."
o Moral code grows up in society  and changes
with the suceeeding stages of society's growth. The
moral code operates in favor of the ruling class, to
Whose interest it is to perpetuate our belief in the
Mll"'rnatiirnl  and  to keep us ignorant of the true
!l,lK Of historic growth.
Darwin says m his "Descent of Man ':
"It is worthy of remark that a belief con
stimtly  inculcated  during  the  early  years  of
'ife while the brain is impressible appears to
acquire the nature or an instinct, and the very
essence of an instinct  is, that  it d* followed
"^dependent of reason."
A11 human institutions* having their roots in the
economic soil makes reforms abortive, because they
' ° n°l go to the rooti of our economic structure.
, Tu« reform tinker who has no higher aim in pol-
"'* than to mend passing pots we do dot endorse.
' sI>hI1 pass through life mending pots and leave
Us world with more pots to mend than he found
when he started his mending. But anything which
::<'cs to the roots and modifies the economic structure will eventually modify every other branch and
department of human life, political, ethical, legal
and religious.   This makes the social question an
'' lOmle question.    If this be true, some of you may
ask why do Soeialists, instead of using economic
methods to solve an economic question, organize into
;< political parly. To answer this question we must
understand what the State is and what relation it
hold-, to the economic question.
Gabriel Deville defines the State thus:
The State is the public power of coercion
created and  maintained in human society by
the division into classes, a power clothed with
force, to make laws and levy taxes.    As long as
, *"     the  economically  dominant class  retain   full
possession of the State or public power of coercion they are able to use it as a weapon to defeat every attempt to alter the economic structure  of  society,   therefore  every   attempt   to
alter the economic structure of privilege and
establish industrial democracy inevitably takes
the form of a political struggle between the
owning claaa and the exploited class."
Let us take the doctrine of the Materialistic Con-
eeptiou of History held by Marxians.   Engels says,
in the ' Communist Manifesto."
In every historical epoch, the prevailing
mode of economic production and exchange,
and the social organization necessarily t'ol-
owing from it. form the basis upon which is
built up. itnd from which alone can be explained the political and intellectual history of that
Or take Chas. Vail in his "Scientific Socialism":
'The laws, customs, education, public- opinion, and  morals are controlled and shaped by
the economic conditions, or in other words by
the dominant ruling claaa which the economic
system of any given period forces to the front.
The ruling ideas of each age have been the
ideaa of ii** ruling claaa, whether that claaa was
the patricians of ancient Rome, the feudal
barons of the middle ages, or the capitalists of
idem times. The economic structure largely
controls and shapes all social institutions and
also rcligmus and philosophical ideas."
Take Mat \ himself:
"Th. mode of production obtaining in material life determines, generally speaking, the
social, political ami intellectual processes of
Kerri. the  Italian, calls it economic determinism.
Petri points out that we must not forget the various
other factors which, though they themselves are
determined by the economic factor, in their turn
become causes and work concurrently with the
economic factor.
laoia. another Italian, states the doctrine in
somewhat the same fashion. Oabricl Deville. the
Frenchman, who has popularized the Marxian ideas
in Prance, has pointed OUt the various other factors,
11«   says:
".Man, like all living beings, is a product of
his natural environment. But while animals
are affected only by the natural environment,
man a brain, itself a product of the natural
environment, becomes a cause, a creator, and
makes for man an economic environment, so
that man is acted on by two environments, the
natural environment which has made man, and
the economic environment which man has
made. Now in the early stages of human de-
ve'opment it is the natural environment, the
fertility of the soil, the abundance of fish ami
game that is all important, but with the progress of civilization, the natural environment
loses in relative importance, and the economic
environment (machinery, factories and improved appliances| grows in importance, until in
one day 'he economic environment as well-nigh
all important. Hence the inadequacy of the
Henry George theory, which places all its
strength on the element of the natural environment, land, and wholly neglects the dominant economic factor.
"But while the economic factor is the child
of the brain of man, man in its creation has
been forced to work within strict limitations.
"He had to make things out of the materials
furnished him by the natural environment, ami
later by the natural environment plus the inherited economic environment, ao that in the
last analysis the material and economic fact-
tors are supreme.   We Marxians are often accused of neglecting the intellectual factor and
other factors, but we do not forget them.   We
recognize their existence but refuse to waste
our energy on them when we plainly see the
decisive, dominant  factor, the economic  factor."    .
As Deville says: "We do not neglect the cart because we insist in putting it behind the horse instead of in front or alongside, as our critics would
have us do."
Our next lesson will begin from primitive man upwards towards civilization, accomplished by the improved methods of procuring food, clothing and
shelter. PETER T. LECKIE.
0 country has suffered more during the past
war than Armenia. Due to religious and
racial prejudices, hundreds of thousands of
Armenians were massacred by tbe Kurds, semi-
savage tribes of Asia Minor. Christian Oermany did
not endeavor to stop these massacres. Patriotic
Germans maintained that the Armenians were pro-
ally, and therefore deserved to be massacred. As
soon as Germany capitulated, the V. S. was asked to
assume a mandate over Armenia. America was the
saviour of humanity. Why not take helpless Armenia under her protection? President Wilson
gratefully accepted this kind offer and asked Republican Congress to vote him money and men for
that purpose. Why men'? You see quite a large
number of Armenians objected to this mandate.
They made quite a fuss about the fourteen points.
They believed in the self-determination of small
nations. So it was necessary to use a little persuasion in the form of bullets. The Republican Party
immediately opposed this move, lt contended that
it would require over 100,000 men to pacify Armenia. So there you have it. The Question of a
mandate over Armenia is assuming national proportions. It js one of the issues of the present political campaign.
Why is it that there is so much discussion over
this   mandate.'    No  one   grumbled   when   Eng'and
took over Mesopotamia, or France Syria.    The Republican Party represents the industrial capitalists
—tbe manufacturers of America.    These men want
a strangle hold on the world markets.    They are
essentially   anti-British.    The  Chicago  "Tribune,"
one of their chief organs, is one of the most extreme  anti-British  dailies in this country.   They
are opposed to the League of Nations, not because
of its nature, but  because England has six votes
to   America's  one.      They  want   a   mandate  over
Mexico or Mesopotamia but Armenia never.   They
want oil wells and coal.    They want to exploit the
natural resources of a country.    Armenia as far as
they are concerned is worthless; Armenia does not
contain any oil wi lis nor has it any iron or coal of
impi'i taucc
The Democrats on the other hand represent ihe
bankers and financiers. These men have loaned
England and other European countries fabulous
sums. They desire to sec Europe rehabilitated.
Their interests ami British interests are identical,
Phey are pro-British, The N. Y. "Times," an ex
tremely pro-British daily, is one of their chief or-
vr.ins. Armenia is the bridge between Russia ami
Mesopotamia. Russia is Bolshevik. She must not
be permitted to come in contact with Turkey so as
to endanger British interests. And again, England
is not interested in Armenia so far as the exploitation of natural resources is concerned. She would
he willing to sacrifice the lives of British working-
men for the maintenance of order in India or in
some other country rich in natural resources.
Although not the chief issue of the present political campaign, it serves to show that the capitalist class does not present a united front to all questions. It also shows that the humanitarian aims of
tbe allies have an economic background.
Western Clarion
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy.
and Current Events.
Published  twice   a   month   by   the  Socialist   Party   of
Canada 401 Pender Street East, Yaucouver, B. C.
Phone  Highland  2583
Editor Ewen MacLeod
Canada. 20 issues   $1.00
Foreign.   16   issues       $1.00
If this number is on your address label your
subscription expires with next issue. Renew
SOCIALIST study classes have commenced for
the winter season. In another column will be
seen particulars as to the studies undertaken by
Vancouver and AVinuipeg. Other places show a
determination to organize classes for this season,
and it is likely that as the winter months advance
various groups will be organized for study throughout the country. It has always been the case in
past years, that no matter what effort was put
forth towards co-operation of student groups in
different places, as between one group here and
another elsewhere, these efforts towards cohesion
have failed. For instance, correspondence between
secretaries of classes has been instituted, in an endeavor to outline subject studies and problems for
mutual consideration; notes, minutes of class proceedings and discussion, general conclusions arrived at on debatable paragraphs in the book used
for study—these have been in past years printed in
the 'Clarion/' in order to centralize educational
work and bring forth enquiry from isolated points.
Past experience goes to prove that if classes are to
get in touch with one another for mutual help,
then other methods must be adopted.
Time and again there have come forward suggestions regarding the formation of a labor college.
Our last issue contained a suggestion, well made,
as to methods and the general need for such an
institution. Already in Great Britain labor colleges are doing good work, and in the U. S.. correspondence courses in economics, history, etc., are
being conducted.
No doubt the need for a labor college is felt in
Canada. A labor college, it is presumed, would
have competent instructors and lecturers, and Would
direct courses in correspondence. The stumbling
block seems, in the main, to be finance. Without
the solution of the financial difficulty the Labor
College is still a problem.
COMRADE O'BRIENS name is familiar to
all who are acquainted with the history and
growth of the Socialist movement in Canada.
A dozen or more years ago he was actively engaged in spreading sound Socialist education throughout the country from coast to coast, and he recognized no ordinary obstacles. He earned for himself a reputation as a wholehearted and indomitable
worker for Socialism, whose characteristic feature
was always a modest self-effacement and whose
stock-in-trade was the general good and welfare
of the Socialist movement. In spite of himself he
was nominated and elected as Socialist candidate
for a constituency in Alberta, and he was an eruptive and antagonistic nuisance to property interests
represented in the legislative assembly of that province during four years. In course of time he wandered back to the eastern provinces and ultimately
arrived in New York State, where for several years
since he has worked as a Socialist educator, notably
in Rochester. The steady growth of sound educational effort among the workers of Rochester has
been apparent in the past year or two, and O'Brien
has been instrumental in directing the educational
work. Finding himself in a neighborhood where the
main body of Socialists, so-called, devoted them
selves to the advancement of reform policies rather
than  to  education,  to gaining numerical  strength
rather than to an understanding of the foundation
of class strife within capitalism, he set out to work
for the establishment of educational classes wherein
the workers might gain a real knowledge of society's historical growth, and of the operations of present  day society, through the study of economies
Last  December, the D. S, Palmer agents arrested
him for this and charged him with   ■Criminal  Anarchy."    The exact details and nature of the events
following upon that are unknown  to us. but  we
know that he was released On '>ail in January, and
that   he has  been  twice arrested  <>u  I  deportation
warrant  by the immigration authorities.  As  far as
we know now he is on bail yet on two counts, lie
was last arrested between the Sth and Pith October,
and he is on bail now, his case being slated for hearing by a Federal Judge in Buffalo early this month.
An  appeal  has  been  iscued  by  the   Defence  Committee of Rochester for funds to obtain I writ  ol
habeas corpus, and the I). E. O. of the S. P. of C.
decided to open a fund in these columns in order-
to help; Local Vancouver also pledged support and
no doubt other locals of this Party from whom we
have not had advices in the matter have done like
wise.    However, for the time being we have stayed
our efforts, as we have just recently been advised
that   the   writ   required   has   been   obtained   ami
O'Brien is on bail, with the ultimate decision of bis
ease pending.      What that decision may be. ami
what  may be further required as to finances,  we
shall announce as soon as we can.    Iu the mean
time, while maintaining a jealous eye on Rochester.
we hope Charlie may be able to continue to educate
whom he pleases in New York State as long a* lie
These remarks are made, not in order to extol
the virtues of one for whom we have a personal regard, but in order to satisfy many enquirers who
are acquainted with his plodding spade work in
Canada in past years, and who constantly ask for
information concerning his case. I^ong ago the
late 1). O, MeKenzie wrote: "The Socialist Party
of Canada owes nothing to any man but one. and
he denies it." The man was O'Brien. If the
impending decision is "'unfavorable," Rochester'i
hiss will be our gain.
A GENERAL B. C. Provincial Section will
be held on December 1st. In another column
will be seen notice of a special business
meeting of Local Vancouver to nominate candidates.
There will be, no doubt, many candidates repre
senting other parties in the field. We shall bear
the usual clap-trap advanced from their platforms,
and we shall not he surprised if they manage to
reach the ear of the multitude this year as in past
There are some among us who, in their zeal for the
purposes of working class solidarity would have u-
close one eye to the defects we have hitherto de
tected in our supposed next-of-kin. the F. L. P
The F. L. P. propaganda that we have listened to
off and on for a year or two is not of the same
order as our own. Much, indeed, of our own pro
paganda is devoted to eradicating the ideas they
are busy in disseminating.
It is actually urged by our "tacticians'' that as
we ''compromise" every day in the week, by work
ing for wages aud everything that goes with tbat,
sometimes with those very people of the F. L. P..
we therefore would not he illogical in allying ourselves with them as a political party.
Whether we think the alliance advisable or not.
this "logic" is plain ordinary bunk nnd nothing
more. By the same ''reasoning" nothing is to
hinder us from alliance with Liberal and Conservative workers also, in their parties, since we daily
"compromise" in their compatly also. It will he
said no doubt that the F. L. P. is a declaredly working class party. Indeed, it has been said already.
Some excuses have been made that are connected
with "Labor Party candidates already in the field
who should not, for that reason, be opposed by us."
We do not know what this exactly means, as at this
moment of writing there are no F. L. P. candidates
nominated.    So. that prop to the argunieiH
stroyed, yet the argument still persists,   Th    f
the proposal does not rest upon that     It n.    "0re
something ehsc. uP°n
Concerning parties in the li.ld. the s  p ()1(.
been  in  this ,,tield"  fifteen  vears.    |is ..,|„     .'   M
work is acknowledged as tar reaching,   The p ,
P. cam.' into existence here sum.  three years   *
to till the shoes of the departed 8. D p   r* •
members had desired to advance the eauae of tk
workers IVom a elaas standpoint, the) tnighi h
considered   the   Party  "already  in  (ne  field " ,('
Socialist  Party of Canada.    But these political',
fants  had  in  their  ranks a  plentiful aprinklhut
aspirants for office, and some of these had left tht
s. P. of.'.. in order to give their ambit .ua polities]
wings room to spread.   They are Bpreadiog thea
now.  We have  found it  necessary m  times out
clip these wings when they needed it   An. Kl.j L',1
with them must lead to confusion on one uju<
t*ass struggle and its outcome     We tn   told thai
with changing conditions we must change the ord
Of our efforts.    We do not dispute that, hut »<
point to the nselessoeee of changing our mindawitfc
every changing wind 8ome enthusiast;, folk haw
followed that practice before, to come back alwari
to hammer home t<» the workers, not ''tactics" tad
the way to the revolution, hut education. [c • ,
efection campaign} we venture the opinion, tat
workers, to their sorrow be it said, will he more in.
terested in the government liquor law than in their
own slave status. In these circumstances, eoasii
at ions of "'tactics" are considerations not josti-
fied by any immediate definite ends from a clan i :.
scions standpoint.
An   error   in   these   "Notes"   m   our  last  taw
We said the History Class (Vancouver   had  .
taken  the study of  De Qibbins1 "Industrial Ba>
lory of England."   This should have been Bagels'
"Socialism:  I'topian ami Scientific."
• •    •
A letter just received- from Comrade John Trial
states that his recent article In the ' Clarion," "ll
st the Dictatorship of too Proletariat" contain a
statement that misrepresents hi* meaning. Tail *
the sentence: "No. F. S. F.. you eannot fet >•
ism by a Dictatorship of the Proletariat"   He BJI
this is no? In accord with hi* retained notes of the
article, and that it should r-ad By a Dictat rati]
of a minority." We have looked Op hi- manuscript
and find we are not in error (for 0OCC , sad 11•*
returned it to him. However, this correction M is-
terted, as "minority" :* evidently the word be metal
to Use.
• •    •
We   hove  several   times  tried   to   nail   package!
containing the ".Manifesto" of the 8   P. "' '   !'
eastern points in the l\ S  A.    Th. dictator! ol thai
democratic land decline, however, to Import it Wi
have been told that it is on the U. 8. proscribed list,
and   last   week  we  had  a  parcel  returned  marked
"Prohibited   Importation," and this .seems to     -
firm our information.    The "Manifesto" baa WO*
how found its way in the past, however, to placet
where it  was officially despised.
"•    •    •
The last article of "Economy Causes oi Uar
commences in this inane. These articles will be COD*
eluded in next issue, whereupon ere shell act ,ilir
selves to their reproduction in book form We aball
soon be able to announce prices, and we >M"v!
comrades throughout the country who see the ""r!;
of these articles to inform others, so that the book
may have the wide circulation it deserve-.
• •    •
Look at our "Here and Now" paragraph °'"jr
mailing list is thinning out and we need renewal!
and new subscribers. We are nearly over the raara
of our HUH mailing-lint Indebtedness, but not quite-
Increasing printing costs may compel us to raise tne
price of the paper, and that is what we don't wis]
to do.    Numerous addition! t<> the mailing l»t w"
enable us to get new renders.
• •    •
Comrade   Frank   Cassidy   was   in   fcfacL '   •
berta.  last  week.    The comrades in  Edmonton are
expecting to see him  there  in course of tini''
finances warrant  Frank will  reach Edmonton, s
will visit other Alberta towns,    lt is hoped th''
i      c    T   P  t"
ay be able to travel westward over the (.   i • ' ■
We shall have more to say of this later, but in '"'
meantime,  comrades  in  Alberta ihould  write
garding Frank's whereabouts to John P. ^'f'"  '
secretary,  Alberta   P.   E.  <\   10016—03rd  *'"'«'•
Edmonton, Alberta.
Prince Rupert, stopping off at places on the
■*- ■"      *i . • __ j WESTERN     CLARION
Is it a Democracy.?
v the    Western Clarion" of October 1st, John
ft Tvler takes issue with Faulkner and Cassidy on
X he question of a Dictatorship of the Proletariat.
■VL, writer of this article is not interested in the
mental gyrations of Faulkner, but is main*
,,,,,.,1 with the ill-considered itatements (not
,, harsher term) of Tyler.
(ie introduction  of  Kautsky  and  the S.  P.  of
a in the second imrapraph of Tyler's article d-
, the whole.    Tyler states:
• lhctatorship as a form of government In
Russia, means disarming the opposition, by
taking sws) the franchise, liberty of the press
;ill,l combination of opponents."
he ask-
"Doea   the   working   (dass   have   to   employ
guch measures!
I'ossihh   the propounder of 'his question  is a
■ .,,,;,, Hocialiat; if •HU' then both Marx and En
,.,.. bus we I   Ins question.      Engels  in  a  letter to
Bebel i
"The Proletariat need the State, not iu the
interests  of  liberty,   but   for  the  purpose  of
.rushing opponents.,;
PtgC   ;:<'-   "Communist    Manifesto"    (Whitehead
the question  is answered more eaten-
"And yet/' says Tyler, "we are asked to
defend ■ dictatorship of a minority which help-, to
.   e anarchy and chaos."
. ..Tiipiaccucy with which this parrot-like repetition Of the mOUthingS Of the capitalist press.
dip from the pen of Tyler Would do credit ' ! to a
•   ig bourgeois.
baa produced anarchy aud chaos in Bus*
"The Communist*' answers Tyler.     Not a
•out the world-intervention of the capitalist
lass, the Woekade, capitalist  and pauedo-SocialisI
lege, the breakdown of industry caused by the
1 war.      No  doubt   the   ' Bolshevik-"  ar.    re
• the latter, etc     Facta ae< n to be mere
Irifles to John Tyler.
tal ■■- it for granted tbat we have a demo
. but does not state its percentage, or whether
- "pure      I might ask if Democracy can exist
•\  based on Capitaliat ownership of the
production   in short, s aociety of masters
ulavesl   Perhaps John Tyler takes the same
s ' on .i-  Sir  Richard   McBride.  who  frequently
•   ered:    "There   are   no   wage   slaves   in   British
Co umbii ''
Faulkner is quoted as being "fearful that the
ipittliat  class  would   not   surrender  their  power
lOjJt a  struggle  shoultl  the   worker-  be  victor-
•om at the poll- "    If tbe experiences of the past
Qw present are still to be relied upon as guides
for the future, the probabilities are that the capital
!s* Claaa will resist any interference with their dom
' ""     No  ruling  class  ever  voluntarily  surren
""''• their supremacy.    Finland, where the Social
l*lected   a  majority   of   representatives,   in   ae
,roanee snth the bourgeoisie constitution, is a ease
' i""1'     Finlnnd enjoyed tbe most liberal "Demo
'from a voting viewpoint) of an] country
ttie world.   They "took over" the bourgeoisie
''" *ith all its machinery, and proved the eotfreet
' ol Marx's Rssertion in the "Communist Man
"  mat the workers cannot use such ready-made
machinery in their own  interests.    Capitalist  eoui.
evolution, supported  by  German soldiery and
Wna, Qtdc short work of the "democratic power"
'Ihuned by the Pinniah workers.   Ireland, where
■ \t-iit.y-nine per cent, are in favor of certain "re-
"!!us " mighl also be mentioned.
yaptain Colin R, Coote, M.l\. an able British apol.
j  -N! ofthe present system, in a reply to the argu-
' s"t the advocates of "nationalizing" the mines,
I say s:
B  B labor government  were returned  t0«
"(U,,'';"W and proceeded to nationalize by Act of
"niaiuent every industry.it is idle to contend
'"'.IlK' capitalist would submit.    In the hypo-
"ticai ,.„M. j |)ave NUppOS0(| there would un-
toubtedly be a civil war of property owners,
arR« mid small, verstis those who do not own
Property,   The nntionnlizer may say he only
\n,l,s.to nationalise because he thinks nation-
Ration the most efficient system.    If so, then,
1 luK>e, he must advocate universal nationality
ation, aud upon his own definition of that system, he must advocate the dictatorship of the
proletariat.    This involves, of course, the temporary destruction of our industrial system and
the permanent destruction of our political system.    If you get as far as Kcrensy you will be
forced to go on to Lenin."
We arc told by Tyler of the ''necessity of the
working class to defend democracy tooth and nail."
According   to   the   most  "democratic"   organs  of
opinion  the  workers were desperately engaged  iu
this heroic task from August. BU4, to November,
1918.   Democracy should  be tolerably safe after
auefa gigantic efforts.
Again I quote Tyler: ''The mass of the people
are everywhere too attached to their political privilege- und will not abandon them without a Strug-
gle." Thia is more in the nature of a pious wish
than a fact. The history of the past five years
proves that the mass of the people don't give a
hang about their political privileges so long as
their economic privileges are fairly secure. In
other words, if jobs are plentiful, and hay and oats
are coming regularly to the masses, they are not
hang about their political privileges so long as
tion iu Great Britain and Canada, United States
espionage acts, government by order-in-council or
court injunction, "Dora." jailings, deportation, expulsion of regularly-elected representatives, etc.,
were of less importance in the eyes of the masses
than the price of .sugar, or the latest baseball scores.
" Well fed they snore,
Or being hungry, whine."
Speaking further regarding the political privileges which Tyler says will not be given up by the
workers "without a struggle." he continues:
"Tlie ruling classes realize that and are
therefore not attempting to antagonize the
working class by taking from them their political instruments. A few ignorant public
officials have done so, but their actions have
been condemned by all sections of the ruling
class. "
If John Tyler could but cut himself adrift for a
time from his philosophical environment at the
cosst * ami get out into the real world of happenings he would find in New York and elsewhere that
"political instruments" are being taken away not
only by a "few ignorant public officials" but by
the highest powers of the ruling class. A ruling
eiasa thst does not rule is an anomaly. Innumerable instances of the invasion of the alleged political privileges of the workers can be mentioned;
those invasions are either justified or ignored by the
ruling elaas.
Putting on the mantle of the prophet (and surely
it is a poor fit), Tyler proclaims: "You cannot get
Socialism by the dictatorship of the proletariat."**
We can hear the loud chorus of approval from
Scheidemann. Noske. llytidman. Kautsky. Wilson.
Lloyd-George, Billy Sunday, the Holy Rollers and
the S. IV of Ci. B. Friend Tyler is travelling in the
company of the "best people."
It is interesting to recall the withering sarcasm
of the past in regard to all schemes, plans, "wheels
of fortune," etc.. and in recalling this sarcasm of
the S P. of 0. B. it is well to place it alongside the
attitude of that party today. Now we find them
with a blue print and. in their official organ 'The
Socialist Standard." of August, "action within the
confines of the parliamentary system" is given as
all sufficient for the emancipation of the working
,'iass F. CLARK.
(•)    Note:   John   Tyler's   "philosophical   environment"   is
Detroit.- -Editor.
•*V,.t.- sec reference to ttii* sentence la Secretariat Notes-
Cost of Living
HAT is this II. 0. of L.I Simple as is the
query, and simple as the answer would
appear to be, nevertheless that answer can
be supplied only with an analysis of the capitalist
system   of   production,   superficially   in   the   brief
space  of  fliis  article.
Capitalist society rests on property right in the
social means of life, and its form of production is
commodity production by wage labor. Society is
thus automatically divided into two main classes;
the wage-laboring class and the employing class,—
either one alone beir.# an impossibility. It is in the
relationship of these two classes that the solution
to our question is to be found.
The implication of property right is that the employing class possesses complete ownership and control of the machinery and material of production
requisite for the maintenance of social life, and
conversely, the wage-laboring class can have access
to that essential machinery and material only on
the terms and conditions of the owners. Those conditions are production for sale, at a profit.
Capitalist production of the necessities of life
is carried on entirely for profit. Coal is not mined,
lumber is not dressed, wheat is not grown, nor cloth
manufactured to satisfy the material wants of society, but solely to supply profits to the owners of
these industries. The use-value of production is
but an incident—a pre-requisitc condition of sale.
It is their exchange-values alone that figure iu the
calculations, and if conditions of exchange are unsatisfactory and profit therefore not to be realized,
industry stops. "What steam is to machinery" so
is the market to capitalist industry.
But capitalist industry is necessarily competitive
—even when it passes into the stage of monopolies.
For. since profit is the great objective, the wider
is the field of operation, either of individual or corporation, the greater is the volume of profit. But
the widening of the field of exploitation carries
with it another fatality to wage-labor. Because,
although the accumulation of capital means the expansion of industry, and therefor the expansion of
labor, it. at the same time involves the concentration of capital, and the progressive curtailing of
the effective market. By the increasing efficiency
of competitive production; the elimination of waste
and overlapping; by the installation of greater and
more effective machinery, and therefore the continual increase of unemployment, the productive cost is
lessened in terms of the market, and although the
total volume of profit is immensely augmented, the
profit per unit, is decreased.
The net result of this competition is that commodities are placed on the market at their value—the
cost of production—and sell—or exchange—on the
average—for one another, in such terms.
But in the capitalist system of exehange, this
transference of commodities is accomplished through
the medium of money. Money, therefor, becomes the
measure and standard of value and price. This
money itself, rests on the law of value—the cost of
production of gold. If the cost of production of
gold is lessened, its value is lessened, and its purchasing power decreased. But over and above this,
the enormous increase in the total production of
commodities, renders their exehange, in terms of
actual gold, an impossibility, because there is not
sufficient gold to cover the transaction* Commerce,
therefore, has recourse to substitutes. It issues
paper money, resting on the value of gold, but secured wholly ami solely by future production. Thus
credit and the fiction of payment conies about. And
obviously, the greater the amount of paper issued
against the actual amount of gold, the more paper
it must take to circulate commodities, since the
actual value of gold (or commodities) is not affected in the process. The world may be flooded
with paper money, but labor alone is the final arbiter of value.
Now. the power to labor is the commodity of the
worker, aud he must sell his commodity in terms of
capitalist production. As we have seen, commodities exchange on the average at value. What is
the value of labor-power* Precisely, the value of
those things necessary to maintain life—food, clothing, shelter, recreation, etc., requisite for the creation of energy to function effectively in industry,
in order to produce profits for the master class.
Since all the social necessities of subsistence are
the stepping stones to profit, there can be no boycotting, or striking against them. And since competitive production involves the exchange of commodities at value, the value of labor power is reduced to its lowest terms of subsistence, compatible with efficient functioning in industrial operations.
(Continued in next issue).
1 fi
t J
Concerning Value
By H. M. Bartholomew.
Article m.
WE have seen in the previous articles that in
two commodities of equal exchange value
there exists, in equal quantities, something
common to both; that each of these articles is equal
to. and   is  reducible  to,  a  common  third.      This
common third to which all commodities are reducible is human labor, or in the words of Karl Marx:
•We s.e. then, that th*t which determines
the magnitude of the value of any article  is
the amount of labor socially necessary, or the
labor time socially necessary for its production."—"Capital," vol. 1. p. 46.
If the reader will compare this statement of this
phase of our subject with the exposition made by
the  leaders of the classical  school  he will  find  a
marked difference.    The latter economists are eon-
tent to talk of "labor" and "quantity of labor"—
and there they rest upon  their investigations.
But what do they mean hy these phrases. And
how do they measure the "quantity of labor" in relation to other commodities.' Th.se are questions
of the utmost import, and they demand careful consideration ami exact answer if we are to arrive at
any definite conclusions regarding Va'ue.
But it is upon this important phase of our subject that the classical school of political economy
has little to say. ami the great service which Marx
rendered to economic science becomes apparent.
It is essential that we enter into a somewhat ah
-tract    investigation,   and    the   ordinary   man    or
woman instinctively shirks from such investigation.
This, despite the fact that such abstract investigation lies at the base of all scientific progress.
In the first place, 'abor, per Be, pos>esscs absolutely no value.    Labor has no more value as labor
than weight as weight.   If men are employed aa
.they were in the French Revolution, to dig holes
in the ground  for the  purpose of filling them  up
again they have created no va'ue.   Labor possesses
value only when it is embodied in socially useful
commodities, and when embodied in such commodities it is the sole measure and basis of their value.
So far everything has been perfectly dear sail
ing.    It   is   here,   however,   that   the   confusion   of
thought   prevalent  among  the  classical   school   be
comes apparent.    What do we mean by labor?
It is incorrect to speak of "labor." The creation
of wealth and the production of use-values is the re-
suit of the application of human labor power to
land and capital.   Or, to quote Marx:
"Labor is, in the tirst place, a process in
which both man and Nature participate, and in
which man of his own accord, starts, regulates,
and controls the material reactions between
himself and Nature. He opposes himself to
Nature as one of her own forces, setting in motion arms, and legs, head ami bands, the )iat-
ural resources of bis body, in order to appropriate Nature's productions iii a form adapted
to bis own wants."—"Capital." vol. 1.
The eonfus'on of the classical school resulted from
the employment of the term "labor." This confusion vanishes if we substitute the more scientific
t^rm "labor power." Cpon this difference of terms
Fngejs tells us that:
"What economists had regarded as the cost
of production of 'labor' was not the cost of
labor, but that of the living laborer. And
what they thought the laborer was selling to
the capitalist, was not his labor. 'As soon as
his labor really begins.' says Marx, 'it ceases
to belong to him. ami therefore can no longer
t>e sold by him, and therefore can no longer be
so'd by him.' At best, he is able to sell his
future labor, i.e., he can assume the obligation,
to perform a definite labor service at a definite
time. But by doing this he does not sell labor
(which is only to be performed) he transfers
to the capitalist for a definite time (in case of
time wages) or for the sake of definite labor-
power (in the case of piece-wages) the control
over his labor-power for a definite payment; he
leases, or rather sells his labor-power. This
labor power is coaleseent with and inseparable-
from his very person, ita coat of production
therefore with that of the individual; what the
economists  called the  coat of  production of
labor, is that of tbe laborer and at the same
time that of his labor power. It is thus that we
are able to go back to the cost of production of
labor to the value of labor power, and to det< r.
mine the amount of socially necessary labor requisite for the production of labor-power of definite quality, as Marx has done it in the chapter on "The Buying and Selling of Labor 1'ow
"Tin difficulty which brought to grief even
the best economists as long as they started their
reasoning with the value of labor' disappear-
as soon as we start in its stead with the value
of labor-power." Bngels' Introduction t<»
"Wage. Labor and Capital."
But   human  labor-power has two sides  to  it.     It
is ln»th qualitative and quantitative.
The qualitative side of labor-power is easy to
comprehend. Commodities, of different kinds of
labor-power are exchangeable, but commodities of
similar labor-power are not generally exchangeable
Boots do not exehange for boots; but boots are ex
changeable for hats, or books, or clothes. In other
words, use*valuta are exchangeable only when qualitatively different labor-power is embodied m each.
But the quantitative side of the value of a com
modify is not so easy of comprehension. When two
workers are engagedJn the production of two different commodities, aach as boots and shirts, each
worker is clearly exerting his own individual labor
power and is embodying in the finished product blown individual work. Do we measure the value of
th.- boots ami ihe shirts by the individual exertions
of these two workers* This is obviously impossible. In any given trad, or industry, tlie workers
engaged are not of equal skill, nor of similar pro
duCtivity. Nevertheless, the value of 'he commodity which this aggregation of worker-, produce i-
the same, whether produced by a fast, skilled
work'-r. or by a slow and unskilled artisan,
llcsv then, do we measure the quantum of human
labor which is essentia] to the production of en)
given commodity I
Let us consider the two worker* producing bootl
ami hats. Each individual is expending his vital
force as an individual worker, but he is, at the same
time, creating value ss a social unit. Each worker.
that is, is embodying in the commodities produced,
human labor on the average; is incorporating in the
finished commodity the average quantum of human
labor power which is necessary to the production
of that commodity.
Upon thif phase of our subject II. M. Ilyndmaii
■"Two joiners set to work to make *i cabinet.
Here the quality of the labor is tbe same. When
finished,   the   two   cabinets   are   exactly   the
same.     It is impossible to tell the one from the
o»her.    But   the  one joiner  has  Worked   with
old-fashioned   tools and   without   any   machinery, thus entailing the expenditure of a gri at
<lcal   of   labor.    The   other   has   used   all   the
most modern labor saving machinery; and thus
his cabinet, though  as  good  in  every  respect
as the other, has been  Constructed  at   the expenditure of half the quantity of labor.    The
tirst cabinet, therefore, made on obi-fashioned
lines, does, beyond all question, contain in itself the embodient of twice the amount of Individual  labor tbat  the second contains   Vet.
both being equally well made, they have precisely the same exchange value in relation to
other goods on the market. .... If individual
labor measured  the exchange value, the  first
cabinet would be worth twice as much a*» the
second.    It  is really of equal   worth.    Consequently, it  is clear tbat   it  is  not   individual
labor which  is  the  measure of va'ue  in  this
ease, but the quantity of social necessary labor
required to make each cabinet at the time they
arc offered for exchange.    This comes behind
both the joiners while they are at work, and
determines the amount of their respective values in exchange, without the alightest  refer-
ence to the desire or convenience of the two
workers themselves."—"Economies of Social
iem," pp. 47.8.
It will be seen, therefore, that when the quality
of the lahor ia equal, snd the product is precisely
identiesl that the actual exchangshle value of any
two*commodities is not dependent upon the quan
tity of the labor embodied in then bj either of
two workers eoncerned as Individuals, i,m r.,h"
bv  the general  SVCmgC social  eost  in ineial I
labor   power   ol   producing   precisely   similar,,
We   sec,   also,   that   skl'l,   speed,  etc     in »,, ;,
•dual worker docs not determine the exchaatM
value of anv   given eomutodit)     That value L U
terrained. as it ia measured, by the quantum of soc.il
human labor power which ia essential to the pr>.
duetion of the use-value.
Mars   tell-  us  that
■ The   \ aloe   ••!   *«   commodii
human labor in th-   abstract, the •';•
of human 'abor in  general   . It is thi   i
penditure of simple labor-power, i.e.,     •>
labor-power, which, on the average, spirt
aliv    special   development.   . \M,    ;t   ",     ..a.
ism   of   .very   ordinary    individual
average labor, it  is tree,  vane- ui ehsrscl
different couu'nes ami at different ii
: .» patieuiet society n ts given.   Skill.-.;
counts only as simp's labor intensified ,»•
tiplied simple labor, a given quantity
being considered equal to ■ greater «j
simple labor.   Bxperier >■ shows ••!,(' tbis reduction is constantly being made     \
it)   may  l»e of  the  most   skilled
value, by equating it t<> ;!;• prodnei •■ -
unskilled labor, represents s del
ol  the latter labor alone "     ''    -
PP   M J
" Whilst, therefore, with refei • •
value,  th.   labor   contained  in  .« •
counts only qualitative1)    writ]   i
\ slue, i* counts only quantitative
fifsi he reduced fa hum n  lal ••
pie "    "Capital," vol   1   p   52
Next Article: "Value and Price
CAi/tARY,   ALTA.    Atesssdei   Kewi   -'■
\ ease West
Utter  New*  Stand. IMa-  tal  Itfstl  E   •
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\KW WE8TMIN8TEB   News itaad, B C  B B rv?;-
skatti.k   KaymM* old Bed Uses, ISM Rrst a
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VAMWVKB — Columbia N>«» Btsad, esrssf Haatls|
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Post Paid W ES T E R N     CLARION
Family Life Through The Ages
Part IU.
Irwe.Ul''       jiieleristics  of   nialeiiess  and   lemal
'5   i-i ha'•«' manifeeted themselves in' human
al    »eiety from the earliest of times.   The un
activity oi the male member oi the hutnau
nrked him for the position ot breadwinner,
.J | pjodueer, ol the social group, lie tamed the
\\*   ui  all     probability, discovered  the
     , ,|si ig tfiai'is, vegetables, and grasses ,ji-
s   ...     in)pi iVrWlCUt*   made   iu   tbi-   tie'd   from
. . ,,       !'.•   armed   lliiiielt   with   elude   S'CSp-
_,_,■ .-ion and defence, and marched forth
• ,!.• members of h«»^t11•   tribes  win.,
.        .     •   n-ere seeking what tbcv might devour
w. ,,,i e section were thu- engaged, female
•      '.ui.,i in another capacity    sin- was the
• it c propsgstiou   the mesna for keeping
rth   n p'< ii-hed   with   others   of   their   kind.
■ ,:.i' mite- -eine adapted her lor the position
■ : [ha liome tires burning, while her restless
...,-    entured. on   new   in vest tgst ions into  the
- of the ki own and  unknown.    She cooked
Retted, and otherwise attended to domestic
fairs     Doubtless,   many   of   the   early   inven
ould be traced to woman did but history
efibly- record their inception    Her manipu-
the methods and utensils pertaining t<» the
■.» •, .i equip her with the knowledge neeeu
■ institute ehangea.
- renirict ou «>t woman to the confines of the
inhibiting  any   part:epiatiou   in   tribal,   na-
r world affairs   would natural!)  tend to
. the attributes "' passivity and eonserv-
k ;   :. .. biological basis    Her narrow
.  'tn lite v.as render< d still  more  narrow  bv
> ■•■ bed boundaries within which she lived
eta of antiquit)   have pictured  tribes ol
■ • • lived by themselves    These Amssons
l brook the presence of males excepting
tttervsls,   They were practically sufficient
I ■   aelvea   Recently,  the  ma^axine section
Hearst Sunday papers contained an srticl*'
'ten bj   in equally antique    .id poetic professoi
i tC have knowledge Ot a tribe ol "wild
•■.   \ ■ table viragos, after whom the Amasou
I   •   n'>- named,   This phenomeual tribe hsd its
•; • forests of Draail,   Male- were exclud-
thiii society excepting fot a brie! period
'■"" B Veai      Then, they  were forced l<> depart on
*ing »1,,: - lives at tho hands of the
" v-" i ra who  were  thorougOly  trailed  in
''•' mcth       of warfare.    The male children, a-
""i1''.   Wi   .•   Miurdered   if   tlae   men   refused   to
•l»eni hi   k to 'heir own tribe-.
' ,"'" ;i      '•    ".on,  bow-ever,  is  found  to  be  ito-
; issthle wi-e   subjected to th. acid test of scientific
ligation,    >r an  appeal   to   facts.     There   is   no
"'ll!'i;"i••(    . •  sued) a contention.    There arc phy-
;,i'''   sociological   barriers   that   preclude   the
; ''''!■'' ' ' such a tribe, and the spectacular tale
•• p i t-professor must be relegated in the ranks
tegeun*,   aides, and traditions with which no-
' !,,i historj is replete.
'uU' the period of the Katriarchate existed, the
' u«mg iu„. between the functions of male and
'"'•i.e wan plainly marked.    He worked on the out.
M"' ;1I"I she at home.    There was little overlapping
'"1|,s    A Roosevelt would have been quite cor
," J,"*OUgh superfluous, buck in that age. in 00U-
" n8 thai "wpman'a place was the home."   Nn
*•^ Would dispute the fact. There she live,!, moved.
|   u"1 l><vr being, so it was to thai  position that
nre ,UI,, f*»ciet> bad consigued her.
ev U< ',l(' ^vvu^ <>t inatsrnal law did not lust for-
"ike all Institutions it existed only as long
''N ''«' economic conditions warranted.   With the
'" property a change in sex relationship was
c<! Imperative.   The new property made its ap-
UlPftnc6 ""tside the home.    Land, cattle, minerals,
Were  all   confined   to   man's   realm.
"  Position was greatly enhanced by this newlv
,,^1 :l',|'1 Wealth,   To leave his property to bis ehil-
Uv father must be recognized.    He must as
sume the dominant position in the family councils.
He did Woman, deprived of a material basis for
her authority in the home, soon relinquished her
control. From the dawn of the property institution woman has been subjected to the will of man.
Hei position iu the social organism was removed
to a lower plane.
While this change from maternal to paternal authority appears to he such a marvellous transformation when viewed through the glasses of today, still it would not appear to be anything extraordinary at the time it happened. All the factors
that brought about this transition had previously
ex.-t'i|. They were slowly but surely moving in
inut direction When the combination of forces
reached ;» certain stage the old form merely merged
into the new. It would not be regarded as 8 violent
or dra-t ic change.
(liven monogamy, and paternal law, and many
■ enturiea passed with but slight variations in the relation- between the sexes. Through the periods of
chattel slaver) and feudalism, with few exceptions.
no   very   important  changes  are  noticed.    True,  in
ihe time of the Roman Empire, due to the fact that
eonsidcrabfe wealth had come into their possession.
woman s place in the social circle was greatly advanced. Her equality was again conceded. Econ-
ouiie seeuriiv  has always asserted itself.
It was not till the dawn of « new social system—
capitalism-   that a complete revolution in family af-
..!- w;ts accomplished.   Slow, steady, scarcely per.
eeptible at tir-t, it soon became violent and sweep-
ing sn character.
Before the advent of the present system, while
ihe domestic stage of industry existed, woman's
sphere was still confined to the home. Her duties
were \<> supply the domestic needs of the family.
Industry of | manufacturing kind was still in its
incipient form The age of machinery had not arrived. Agriculture was the main occupation of the
people. Work in the fields and about the home was
conducive to a healthy, care-free, natural exist-
ence. The relations between the sexes had ample
reasons to be pleasant In such an environment it
was just as natural to Jove as to live.
The plays <>t Shakespeare afford an opportunity
of viewing domestic affairs in England. While
shrews, viragos, snd vampires frequently interrupt
the pleasantness of the scene, and rudely remind
US of the normal -late of family life today still,
beautiful   female   characters   abound   in   profusion.
Desdemoua, Opbelie, Rosalind, Narissa, Cordelia.
and Jessies are types apropos only in a medieaval
setting. Tne poems of Bnrns portray the domestic
situation in Scotland at a later date though in s
-oiiicu bat similar stage.
I,ut, at the 'i.d of the middle ages, a something
of moinentuous import occurred in the social process Soeictv had reached that stage of develop-
ment where the old feudal methods of production
were no longer sufficient to feed, clothe and shelter
the human race, A new age was dawning. Necc-
-,«v   demanded another mode of production.      ^la-
chines previously unknown and unthought of be
cause onneeded found their way into the productive
process. Factories, mills, mines and workshops
were now at the threshhold of a great development.
The industrial methods of other times began to appear crude and wasteful. The home was no longer
ihe place for woman, lt was soon noticed that the
cheaper the slaves employed in production the
greater the profits to those who owned the machines.
This demand for cheap profitable labor shifted the
location of woman's toil to the factory and mill.
Her fingers, as well as those of the children, were
found to be peculiarly fitted to tbe new machines.
Here in the dust, ami noise, and work of factory
life, a change was authorized in woman's condition.
The new economic environment had asserted itself.
The old female characteristics of passivity and ease
were removed, ami in their stead the male attributes of activity and unrest were instilled. She became more manlike as her social standing forced
her into the position of performing man's function
ln factory and mine,    This effect is seen in Kngels'
"Working Cass in England iu 1844." It is emphasized in the reports of all the commissions appointed to review the industrial situation during the
past century. The unnatural toil, and inhuman suffering, induceti by close proximity to work, wrought
a great havoc to woman's attributes. Many of them
smoked, and most of them drank. The ale-house
was practically the only source of amusement or
recreation to which they had access.
In recent years this deterioration has not abated, lt lias on the.contrary become more accentuated. The participation of women in industry during the great world war has hastened the evil effects. In a recent statement to parliament, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer reports that the smoking and chewing propensities of the English women
are responsible, to a great degree, for the increasing price of tobacco. Their drinking proclivities
are  likewise  enhanced.
Now. Ihe delgbtful„ delicate, and ethereal creatures of which poets have incessantly sang, and
spasmodically worshipped; those weaker vessels.
drooping lilies, and clinging vines, clad in greasy
overalls, ami spiked boots, indulging in all the manly vices with feminine alacrity, present a rather inartistic and unrohiantic situation. The sweet and
loving Desdemonaa are transformed into the shameless and vicious Kaustines. The bashful demure
Ophelias make way for the advent of cruel and venomous Dolores. The winsome devoted Cordelia finds
her successor in the grossly materialistic Felise.
The capitalist system has shattered the home and
family. There is no opportunity for domestic bliss
and harmony among the numbers Of any section of
society today. In the ranks of the bourgeoisie,
woman has become a plaything in the hands of man.
She is wholly dependent for her existence on the
supposed partner of her joys aud sorrows. She has
no function to perform even in the home apart fro-
being the legal mistress of her husband. Cooking,
baking, sewing and mending, she knows nothing
about. Hired servants attend to these details. Between husband and wife there is no basis for a harmony of inclinations, of mutual desires, or conjugal
fidelity. Above the bourgeoisie, in the ranks of the
nobility, and royalty', there is little necessity to investigate. Their mode Off existence would only entail a repulsive and putrid story.
But what about the lower strata—the proletariat*
Here, and here alone we find that al! the conditions
that forced monogamy on the human race have been
eliminated. The main essential—the possession of
property—is lacking. Then, the development of the
machine has caused the woman of the working class
to take up a position around the wheels of industry
and, consequently, become more independent, and
self- assertive, than their wealthier sisters. "Should
success not attend her first matrimonial venture,
divorce is cheap and easily obtained.
But, another dark cloud appears on the horizon in
the shape of class society. Working men and women
sre both wage slaves. They have no other means
of securing the requirements of life but by Belling
themselves piece-meal to a master. They must toil
in the worst of conditions in order to exist. This
situation places a damper on sex love. It makes impossible tbe proper development of inclinations,
tastes and desires, that may exist in embryo.
What of the future? Morgan and Engels have
both pointed to glowing possibilities when the conditions engendered by class society shall have been
swept away. Then, and not till then can anything
resembling love and happiness make their abode in
tbe family circle. What can be accomplished at
that time is vividly explained by Alexander Kol'on-
tay in the pamphlet ''Communism and the Family."
Giant strides have already been made in Soviet
Russia towards domestic reconstruction. Greater
still would be the achievements in this direction
were it not for the attitude of the capitalist world.
Our  funeion,  as members of the revolutionary,
working class, is to spread a knowledge of Socialism among our fellow workers, and hasten the down
fall of class soviet v. J. A. Mcl>.
'■ 'ft
■ "fi
i l
■ ':'
tK4 i
(Continued from page 2)
fice a statement of their claims in respect to their
losses which might amount to five million dollars.
Lord Rathmore had written to the Foreign Office
and had said: "The frequent intrigue of the German companies against all similar enterprises, and
the wholesale corruption of the Turkish officials,
must make their continuing influence a constant
menace to the peaceful and prosperous workings of
other railways in Asia Minor." "If the control
of the Anatolian and the Baghdad railways be
taken out of German hands my council would most
respectfully suggest that our company be entrusted
»vith their management." The Foreign Office had
acknowledged the letter assuring the company that
their claims and contentions would be most carefully borne in mind. This German railway was controlled by Herr A. Von Gwinner. of the Deutsche
Bank. They operated 641 miles of railroad, the
net profit of which in 1912 was 4% million francs.
They began operations in 18S8 and induced the
Turkish government to guarantee them ai\ annual
revenue of from £658 to £885 per mile. There is a1 so
a French concession railway in Turkish territory,
the Smyre Cassaba et Prolongement.
H. N. Brailsford in his 'War of Steel and Gold,''
tells us that foreign contractors paid by the mile,
built railways zig-zag across the plains of Turkey,
and when the railways could not pay dividends seized the customs receipts of the country for security.
Germany used Austria for the purpose of expanding
to the East with railways.   Turkey was so heavily
indebted to foreign capitalists that her revenue waa
placed many years ago under the supervision of an
international   commission   representing   the   great
European powers.    The duties Turkey imposes on
imports are prescribed for her by the same powers,
and she could not increase her revenue by increasing her custom duties without their consent.   As an
increase of duties was practically the only source
by which Turkey could pay a subsidy to the Baghdad Railway, the financing of that railway became
a  matter of international politics.    England  being
one of the great exporters to Turkey, the duty on
her goods would be really paying the profits which
would be reaped by the Germans owning the railway.    England vetoed the plan of paying the subsidy out of the increased import duties and therefore endangered the enterprise.    Russia's objections
were mostly of military and strategic nature. Britain had other objections besides the purely financial one mentioned.   She was at first rather favorable to the project, and even helped the German
concessionaries in the initial stages with her influence.   This was the time that England was pacifist and making Germany gifts of Heligoland, etc.
But by the time the project began to be realized
Britain herself was in the era of modern Imperialism, and assumed a hostile attitude, which led to
the   "Kowiet   Incident."     The Baghdad Railway
was not to Rtop at Baghdad but to extend to the
Persian Gulf, the only logical terminus for such a
railway.   For it to end at the Persian Gulf was the
chief British  objection, and Britain  therefore resolved to stop it, and she did so when it became apparent that Germany was reaping great diplomatic
victories at Stamboul and that the Sultan was irrevocably committed to German plans.    Britain discovered that Turkey's sovereignity of Kowiet was
of a doubtful nature, and her interests demanded
that she take an interest in the quarrels of some native chieftains with a view to eliminating the Sultan from the situation.   One fine morning a British
man-of-war appeared in Kowiet harbor and Kowiet
was declared an independent principality, care being taken that the independent ruler looked upon
the Baghdad railway scheme from the British point
of view.   Although the work continued on various
sections of the railway, the original idea was defeated and Germany gave up the idea of reaching
the Persian Gulf, being thwarted by France and
Britain coming together.   This made the railway
futile and robbed it of its importance in an ocean
to ocean Empire scheme.
(Continued in next issue).
(Continued from page 1)
of the workiugs of au economic law in respect to
the falling price of sugar is today a striking example of the effect to scheme or plot some way out of
the difficulty by those directly concerned. Even
though the price be maintained the demand will regulate itself so that stocks pile up. and, the cost of
storing and, if necessary, destroying, will eventually bring about the same result as an immediate
loss by the fall in prices at the present moment.
However, it will be noticed that it is the immediate
situation that brings into force th*1 activities of those
who wish to avoid a loss. It was the activities of
these same individuals who recently advocated public economy that has brought about the trouble they
have now to face. A falling price is looked npon
by other sections of society as a boon, and any attempt to prevent such a development takes on the
appearance of a dastardly plot on the part of those
who want to run out from nnder the threatened
calamity. These viewpoints only show that the individuals involved only react to conditions brought
about by a mechanism they do not understand. By
all outward signs, the activities of the individual*
eoncerned are motived by evil or good intention-
according to which group in which they happen to
he involved. So we can expect to see all moves by
interested groups shrouded with the mysterioosnesa
of plotters in the shadows east hy coming events,
that must look sinister to those who feel that things
do not move the way they would like.
From now on we can confidently CXpCCl to yet
an answer to our prayer to the agents of government anil the press of the world: "Give us this day
OUT daily plot." The only thing we would like how.
ever, is that they give us a variation on the BIOOCOW
scenario. We are Anglo Saxon and phlegmatic, but
we have no objection to a little attempt to use our
imagination onee in a while. 11. W
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