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Western Clarion Dec 16, 1922

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 C V
CLARION
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADA
HISTORY
ECONOMICS
PHILOSOPHY
No. 881. EIGHTEENTH YEAR     Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C. DECEMBER  16, 1922.
FIVE CENTS
The Farmer's Misery
"W
E appeal to you. The farmers of this
country are ruined." •*.
This is not the voice of the Industrial
Proletariat in the Avilderness of despair looking for
a job, but that of H. W. Wood, the leader of an organized movement which was 38,000 strong one
year ago, but has since dwindled to around 16,000.
Mr. Wood Avas sending an "S.0.9." for help to the
Mackenzie King government at Ottawa, to help them
out with their wheat pool. The wheat pool, I may
add, was a red herring that was drawn across the
trail previous to the stampede that drove the farmer
candidates to poAver in t,he Alberta Legislature. The
move has since been held in abeyance by Wood &
Co. after they had received full poAver to proceed
from the Mackenzie King outfit in Ottawa.
The farmers are ruined. Wheat pool or any
other palliative in the way of political or social reforms' will not save him from damnation. Mr.
Wood and his political alliance with past masters at
labor faking, with their empty ravings about group
government and other political novelties, can avail
nothing for the farmers, when the world markets
are the dominating factors under Capitalism, that
rule the price of farm produce and all other forms
of commodities.
The slough of despond in which the farmers find
themselves, can only be explained through the historical method of analyzing capitalist production.
To the superficial observer Avho has not made the acquaintance of Marx's Capital the farmer's problems cannot be anything but a mass of confusion and
perplexity. The farmers are easy prey; they see
around them property in the shape of land, machinery and live stock. They never give a thought that
they are allowed these things around them, that
their real masters can more effectively fleece them
of the wealth they prodnce in abundance. If the
farmer had to produce, with primitive implements,
there wouldn't be a vast surplus produced for the
capitalist to fleece.
Modern farm equpment plays a great part in the
skinning game.   The gigantic machinery companies,
with a mighty organized capital, are in business to
make the maximum of profit.   The farmer, finding
himself in the 'vortex of capitalist production has
to use high priced machinery and Avork long hours
to produce a larger volume of low priced commodities.   The farmer Ave must bear in mind, is an individualist with small, ill organized capital.    In
fact today there being only around 3 per cent of the
farmers solvent proves that as a bunch they are
practically not even in the category of the petit
bourgeois, their small capital has practically been
gobbled up by the real owners of all wealth.   The
Avealth the farmers produce goes to the machine
companies with their 10 per cent interest, the bankers and mortgage and loan companies with their
8 to 10 per cent interest.   The transportation companies and elevator companies have all got to have
their toll; a host of smaller parasites too numerous
to mention are all eating off the farmer's wheat bin.
The modern mechanism of Capitalist exploitation
has drained the last vestige of bourgeois vitality out
of the farmer animal and has left him insolvent.
We find that the bankers, machine companies and
BY D. MACPHERSON.
the other parasites on the farmer's back have not
decided to oust him from his nest of misery,—the
farm. They own him anyhow and what is the use
of driving the present bunch off their farms and putting another bunch with less experience in their
places. The present beast of burden has shown himself to be a hog for work during the prosperous times
of war, but now that the gods of the world's market drought and other eonditions are against him,
they have mutually decided to leave him his hide
anyhow.
The farmers grow wheat not for use but for profit. In the great process of wheat production the
farmer only play a part. Under modern conditions
it takes a multitude to produce a bushel of wheat.
Modern machinery and a never ending string of industries are linked up and take, part in the process.
The farmer, with practically a low capital of his
own, gets a price as "Geordie" puts it, below value.
The highly organized capitals get a price which is
above value. The law of value holds good taking
an average of the capital employed over a period
of time.
The U. P. A. Premier Greenfield and his farmer
legislature, cannot function even as social reformists ; all they can do is to carry on the business of
the capitalists. The money barons of Wall Street
call the tune, Farmer legislators merely dance to
the capitalists' music of bonds, dividends, interest
and profits. Whatever pipe dreams some of the
farmer members may have had when they were
talking to the farmers during the political campaign, they got rudely dispelled, when they came
in contact with the grim reality of doing the dirty
work of their masters.
The farmers are ruined and disappointed, no
Avonder the membership of theU.F.A. has slipped
from 38,000 to 16,000. We don't wonder, as Marxists
that the farmer legislature can do nothing, even if
they were capable of carrying out petty reforms.
That cancer, that running sore of capitalism that
is draining the vitality of society can never be
healed by reforms. The present social order like
previous ones had its birth in the throes of revolution. It will take its course no matter how many
social and political quacks will come on the scene.
Changes will take place and social undercurrents
will ripple occassionally on the surface, driven for
ever by irresistable economic forces.
The cumbersome mechanism of capitalist exploitation will grow more clumsy, Avaging war
against its own vitality. New forces will appear to
hasten the pulsating death struggle. The present
order will die a natural death of ripe old age. Everywhere we see serious complications - we can almost
hear the de"th rattle of a fast decaying social order.
The farmers' miserable condition and its cause can
only be understood by the class conscious slaves,
who have been stripped of the last vestige of property, except their power to labor. The haze that
obscures the issue with the farmer, is the concept of
property. During normal times of peace, and as
time goes on he can be seen more clearly in his real
rtopition as a beast of burden, whose real fnne+ion
in sooiety is to nile up mountains of wealth from
which he is separated, by the complicated and cumbersome mechanism of capitalist exploitation.
This year 300,000,000 bushels of high grade wheat
have been produced in the western provinces of
Canada; over and above there have been thousands
of fat cattle, sheep, swine, butter and cheese, fruit
and other foods produced. Sufficient to feed the
whole population of Canada for five years.
The farmers who produced all this wealth find
it hard to buy themselves a suit of overalls or a
plug of tobacco. Usually they sell all their cream
and use skimmed milk for their own use. They sell
all their fat stock - if there is a cull among the bunch
they keep it for their own use. Volumes could be
Atritten on this theme, about the peculiarities and
characteristics of the docile and humble creature
under discussion.
There is a small percentage among the farmers
who think they have made good. As far as their
credit in the bank is concerned, they may have got
a few thousand dollars, and a title deed to show
for a whole lifetime of self denial, hard toil, and possibly extra fertile spots due to good luck, etc. At
what a price have this "faithful few" gained their
prize? Usually their youth has been spent, isolated
from the real good things of life.
The wave of discontent among the farmers following the slump of war prices of farm products in
the fall of 1920, shows that he is capable of moving,
even if his energy is guided and moulded by the
press, U. F. A. leaders, politicians, and other capitalist flunkies, as was seen in Alberta during the
election of the year following.   The capitalists who
know, do not fear the farmer's political movement,
as long as they control their minds and their financial mechanism.    Shortly after the farmers took
control at Edmonton, their first job was to borrow
from Wall Street sufficient funds to   run   their
capitalist government.   This was readily forthcoming on condition that their policy would be a safe
and sane one for capitalism, which entails, of course,
a policy of exploitation-of wage slaves, and a continuation of fleecing the farmer slave who elected
this bunch of legislators.   The farmer who really
does not want the abolition of capitalism has his
brains running disconnected on an endless pulley.
He has been fleeced under a liberal government, then
he was skinned under the Onion government, but
taxation has increased and farming went to the dogs
under representatives of his own calling at the political helm.   Mr. Farmer Slave has lost confidence in
his fellow man; to him they all appear to become
traitors whenever they are elected.   It never occurs
to him that the system of profits which he has for
ages cherished and hugged to his bosom is the cause
of all his misery.   It never occurs to him that the
present svstem is chansring rapidly, developing abnormalities and contradictions as it approaches its
final collapse.   Social systems take us along with
them, we are drawn into the vortex of their political whirlpools, unless we are guided by the chart
and   compass   of   understanding   in accord with
science.
We of the Marxian Socialist movement appeal to
you. Mr. Farmer, as members of the working class
movement,  working  for   economic   freedom.   We
know that whatever you may have thought your-
Continued on page 6.
**. PAGE TWO
WESTERN    CLARION
The War Documents
I
PART 2.
It had been agreed by treaty that Belgium and Switzerland be made neutral, but I am not disposed to attach
very much importance to such engagements, for the history
of the world shows when a quarrel arises, and a nation
makes war, and thinks it advantageous to traverse with its
army such neutral territory, the declarations of neutrality
are not apt to be very religiously respected.
Lord Palmerston (a signatory of the Belgian Treaty
of 1839), Hansard, June 8, 1855. ..See "Economic Causes
of War," p. 53).
WHETHER or not the British Cabinet as a
AAdiole Avas fully advised of its Foreign
Office commitments during th.? period Ave
have been considering is a matter that is still being
discussed in some quarters. The evidence, however,
is against any such notion. Indeed, affairs in the
Near East reported in the press just a Aveek ago indicate that in the British House of Commons and
House of Lords Mr. Lloyd George, Mr. Chamberlain
and Lord Birkenhead have denied ever having seen
a letter sent by the late Greek Premier last February to Lord Curzon, Minister for Foreign affairs,
in which the uncertain nature of the foothold of the
Greek Armies in Asia Minor was stated. Curzon
had replied, encouraging the Greek armies to hold
on. George, Chamberlain and Birkenhead deny that
they were consulted by Curzon and place the responsibility for any advices tendered the Greeks on the
Foreign Office. So it would seem to be still a practice to hold such matters as Foreign affairs secret,
and to withhold information from responsible members of the Cabinet itself. At any rate, Sir E. Grey
on 3rd Aug. 1914 spoke someAvhat in an offhand
Avay of "the conversations" that had taken place
between his department and the French Foreign
Office, which "conversations" were later to appear
as actual agreements. The Anglo-French agreements being in existence, Sazonov, Russian Minister
of Foreign affiairs, in pursuit of the "encircling offensive" visited London in Sept. 1912 and the Russian Imperial archives reveal his report to the Czar
of the outcome:
After I had confidentially mitiated Grey into the contents of our Naval agreement with France, and pointed
to the fact that according to this settled compact, the
French Fleet would be concerned with the safeguarding
of our interests at the Southern scene of war, in that it
would prevent the Austrian Fleet from breaking through
into the Black Sea, I asked the Secretary of State whether
England on her side would not render us a similar service
in the North by diverting the German squadron from our
coast in the Baltic? Without hesitation Grey stated that,
should the conditions under discussion arise, England
would stake everything in order to inflict the most serious
blow to German PoAver. In the competent departments the
question of war operations in the Baltic has already been
discussed, but it appears that the English Fleet, which
would certainly not have much difficulty in reaching the
Baltic, would be exposed to a serious danger there, as it
would be shut up as in a mouse-trap owing to Germany
having the possibility of laying her hands on Denmark,
and blocking the exit through the Baltic. England would
probably have to confine her operations to the North Sea.
Arising out of this, Grey, upon his own initiative, corroborated what I already knew from Poincare, the existence of an agreement between Prance and Great Britain,
according to which England undertook, in case of a war
with Germany, not only to come to the assistance of France
on the sea, but also on the continent, bv landine troops.
Russia's interest lay directly in the hope of dominating Constantinople and the Straits, and the documents of the Avar period reveal clearly her interest
in using the Balkan League tOAvard that end. The
question of the Straits had not approached a definite settlement among the Allies until March 1915
when the World War was in the first year of its progress, but already in October 12th, 1911, Izvolski,
Russian Ambassador at Paris sent this telegram to
Neratov, Russian Foreign Minister.
If we really decide to raise at once the question of the
Straits, it is very important that steps should be taken
to insure a good press. Yet in this respect I lack the
principle weapon, for my insistence that I be provided with
special funds for the press have had no result, . . An
instance of the advantage of spending money on the press
here is furnished by the Tripolitan affair. I know that
Tittoni worked up the principal French papers very thoroughly and with a very generous hand. The results are
evident. ■   j ■■ ; # j
Izvolski, in previous despatches to Neratov, had
written of "his success in "influencing" the "Matin"
and the "Journal des Debats," and his hopes concerning Tardieu's "Temps,"—that he might succeed, by monetary persuasion, to secure the presentation of a pro-Russian vieAvpoint in the French
press. Sazonov succeeded Neratov as Russian Foreign Minister, and in May, 1912 Izvorski, referring
to some press excitement over the recall of the pacifist Georges Louis, French Ambassador to St. Petersburg, sent him a message in whicii he said:
This renders even more serious the fact that it is impossible for me to bring sufficient influence to bear upon
the lesser papers which live upon blackmail and "gratifications."
This press "friendliness" was promoted in order to prompt French public opinion toward a
Franco-Russian unity policy. In the meantime, in
August 1912 Sazonov reported to the Czar that he
had concluded a naval agreement with Poincare,
"BYench President and Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Incidentally his letter mentions that Poincare indicated the desire of the French general staff that
the carrying capacity of the Russian railways run
ning toward the western frontier should be increased by double tracking the lines. In this letter
to the Czar Sazonov reports:
The relations between France and England formed the
subject of the most candid exchange of views between M.
Poincare and myself. Having pointed out that these relations have lately, under the influence of the aggressive
policy towards France on the part of Germany, assumed
the character of especial closeness, the French Prime Minister confided to me that although no written agreement
existed between France and England nevertheless both
the military and the naval general staffs of both countries
maintain with each other a close contact and continually
communicate to each other with complete frankness all information that may interest either of them. This constant interchange of views had as its consequence the conclusion between the French and the English governments
of a verbal agreement by virtue of which England stated
her readiness, in the event of an attack on the part of
Germany, to give assistance to France with both her naval
and her militarv forces. On land England promised to help
France by sending over to the Belgian frontier an army of
100000 men in order to resist the German invasion of
France through Pelgium which is anticipated by the
French general staff.
Lord Haldane had apparently brought his task
to a sncessfnl conclusion. The military and naval
agreements we"*e reached and the plans perfected
Avhich he fcad uncWtnVen to fcrn-mlnte. In the event
of an anticipated clash between Russia and Austria,
France would enter a war in alliance with Russia
provided Germany entered in alliance with Austria. Britain would enter a war in alliance with
France and Russia in the event of German intervention in alliance with Austria. So it worked out.
Izvolski advised Sazonov, Dec. 18, 1912:
According to the information received here (Par's)
Austria is at present carrying out the complete mobilization of ten corps, a part of which is ostensibly arrayed
against Russia. This mobilization weighs heavily upon the
Austrian budget, for the financial situation is already difficult, and a decisive step by the Austrian Cabinet may be
expected, any day. This step, it is believed here, may
provoke the intervention of Russia, which in turn would
automatically and inevitably bring in first Germany and
then France. The French government calmly recognizes
this possibility, and has firmly decided to fulfil its obligations as an ally. It has taken all the necessary measures : the mobilization on the eastern front has been checked up, supplies are ready, etc. . . (Here follow more
references to the prooess of influencing the French press).
By May, 1913, Poincare was writing to the Czar
urging again the need "of hastening the construction of certain railroad lines upon the western (Ger.
man) frontier of the (Russian) empire. The great
military effort Avhich the French government proposes to make in order to maintain the equilibrium
of European forces renders particularly urgent today the correlative measures upon the necessity of
Avhich the general staffs of the tAvo countries have
agreed," etc. No Avonder Izvolski wrote to Sazonov,
Jan. 16, 1913, Avhen Poincare's election as President
cf France was still uncertain: "If—may God not
Avill it—Poincare should be beaten, if would be a
catastrophe for us."
Poincare Avas safely elected. As Baron Guil-
laume, Belgian Minister at Paris wrote to his chief
at the Belgian Foreign office, Feb. 14, 1913:
The new President of the Republic has in France today
such a popularity as none of his predecessors experienced.
....   This popularity is made of diverse elements;
his election was skilfully prepared.
It Avas folloAving Poincare's election that Del-
casse replaced Georges Louis, French Ambassador to
St. Petersburg, a course which in 1912 Izvolski said
in the interest of Franco-Russian relations would be
necessary sooner or later. War Avas even then considered an immediate possibility. The campaign in
favor of the three years' military service law Avas
raging in France (and which, incidentally, was supported by the Northcliffe press in England). Germany had raised her army estimates. Russia, it is
agreed on all hands, was even then conducting
trial mobilizations and Guillaume was informing
the Belgian Foreign office that France was favorable
to war. Already, while Poincare was French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Isvolski was writing to Sazonov :
M. Poincare has not ceased, on every occasion, to invite the London Cabinet to confidential conversations, with
the object of clearing up the position which would be adopted by England in the event of a general European conflict. On the British side no decision has been taken hitherto. The London Cabinet invariably replies that this will
depend upon circumstances, and that the question of peace
or war will be decided by public opinion. On the other
hand, not only has the examination of all eventualities
Avhich may present themselves not been interrupted between the French and British Headquarters Staffs, but the
existing Military and Naval. Agreements have quite recently undergone a still greater development, so that at
the present moment the anglo-French military convention
is as settled and complete as'the Franco-Russian convention; the only difference consists in the fact that the
former bear the signature of the Chiefs of the two Headquarters Staffs, and, on this account are, so to speak, not
obligatory upon the Government. These last few days
General Wilson," the English Chief-of-Staff, has been in
France, in the most rigorous secrecy, and, on this occasion, various complementary details have been elaborated;
moreover, apparently for the first time, it is not only military men who participated in this work, but also other
representatives of the French Government.
Yet on August 4, 1914, before an extraordinary
session of the French Chamber, Poincare opened his
speech by declaring: "Gentlemen, France has just
been the object of a violent and premeditated attack." Nobody need be astonished at the contradictions manifested in the official utterances at one
time and another. For instance, referring to Lord
Haldane's visit to Berlin, February 1912, Isvolsky
wrote to Sazonov:
From my conversation with Poincare and Paleologue,
(French Ambassador to Russia) I have been able to learn
in the most confidential way that in the course of the
famous visit of Lord Haldane, to Berlin, in February of this
year, Germany made a quite concrete proposal to England
to the effect that the London Cabinet should undertake ln
Avriting to maintain neutrality in the event of Germany
finding herself invloved in a war not provoked on the
German side. . . . the London Cabinet rejected the
German proposal, which caused great umbrage in Berlin.
m^m^^mm
******** WESTERN   CLARION
PAGE THREE
Yet concerning Haldane's visit Mr. Asquith said,
July 25, 1912 •
Our relations with the great German Empire are, I am
glad to say, at this moment, and I feel sure, are likely to
remain, relations of amity and goodwill. Lord Haldane
paid a visit to Berlin early in the year; he entered upon
conversations and an interchange of views which have
been continued since in a spirit of perfect frankness and
friendship, both on one side and the other.
He (Asquith) had another vieAvpoint on this
"perfect frankness and friendship" by Oct., 1914:
f| ««jj
They (the German Government) wanted us to pledge
ourselves absolutely to neutrality in the event of Germany
being engaged in war, and this, mind you, at a time when
Germany was enormously increasing both her aggressive
and defensive resources, and especially upon the sea.
They asked us—to put it quite plainly—they asked us for a
free hand so far as we were concerned, if, and when, they
selected the opportunity to overbear, to dominate the
European world.
Of his visit to Berlin in 1912, Lord Haldane at
Leeds, January 17, 1913, said he found the Germans
to be "big men" who "tried to look at things from
something higher, from a point of vieAv Avider than
that of mere controversy betAveen nations, and who
sought to realise the standpoint of humanity."
Morel, in "The Poison that Destroys" outlines Avhat
attitude Lord Fisher proposed should be adopted
toward the "big men":
Lord Fisher was First Sea Lord from October 21, 1904,
to January 25, 1910. Extracts from Fisher's narrative, pp.
63-64; " . . on Mr. Churchill's advent as First Lord of
the Admiralty in the autumn of 1911, Lord Fisher most
gladly complied with his request to return home from
Italy to help him to proceed with the great task that had
previously occupied Lord Fisher for six years as First
Sea Lord, namely, the preparation for a German war, which
Lord Fisher had predicted in 1905 would certainly occur in
August, 1914, in a written memorandum and afterwards
also, personally, to Sir M. Hankey, the secretary of the
Committee of Imperial Defence, necessitating that drastic
revolution in all things naval which brought 88 per cent,
of the British fleet into close proximity with Germany,
and made its future battle ground in the North Sea its
l drill ground. . . When, on October 20, 1914, Mr.
Churchill asked Lord Fisher to become First Sea Lord, ho
gladly assented to co-operating with him in using the great
weapon Lord Fisher had helped to forge." In 1907, Fisher
states that he urged upon King Edward VII to "repeal
Nelson's Copenhagen," i.e., to seize the German fleet" in
time of peace without any declaration of war. It was
"peculiarly timely" to do so, in view of the "time of stress
and unreadiness in Germany" (p. 19). But he had been
urging this before, because he tells us (pp. 33-35 and 182)
that, in December, 1905, or January, 1906, the German Emperor informed Mr. Beit (the South African millionaire)
that he was cognisant of Fisher's plans to seize the opportunity of German unreadiness to provoke war, to make
a sudden attack on the German fleet, and to land 100,000
men either in Schleswig-Holstein or on the Pomeranian
Coast, and that King EdAvard VII sent Lord Esher (permanent Committee of Imperial Defence, Fisher's closest
friend, and both close personal friends of the King) to
see Mr. Beit about his conversation with the German Emperor. "He really was a dear man was Beit" (p. 34).
"In March this year, 1907, it is an absolute fact that Germany had not laid down a single 'dreadnought,' nor had
she commenced building a single battleship or big cruiser
for eighteen months . . " (p. 14). "Admiral Tirpitz,
the German Minister of Marine, has just stated, in a secret
official document, that the English navy is now four times
stronger than the German navy.   Yes that is so   .   .   "
■       (letter to Edward VII, p. 16).   Letters to Esher (1908):
"Even in 1908 Germany had only four submarines" (p. 18).
[} "But the good Frenchman . . is lost in admiration of
what moved Mahan to his pungent saying that Garvin
seized on with the inspiration of genius—'that 88 per cent.
of the English guns were trained on Germany!'" . .
"By the way, I've got Sir Philip Watts into a new Indomitable that will make your mouth water when you see it!
(and the Germans gnash their teeth!)" March 1, 1909:
"The unswerving intention of four years has now culminated in two complete fleets in Home waters, each of which
is incomparably superior to the whole German fleet mobilised for war. . . This can't alter for years, because we
will have eight dreadnoghts a year. So sleep quiet in your
beds; and I m'ght also add, "The Germans are not building in this feverish haste to frighten you! No, it's the daily
dread they have of a second Cpoenhagen. ..."
August, 1909, after the visit of the Tsar to witness the review of the fleet: "I told the Emperor (Tsar) it was a fine
avenue!—eighteen miles of ships—the most powerful In
the world, and none of them more than ten years old."
December, 1911: "I happen to know, in a curious way
but quite certainly, that the Germans are in a blue
funk of the British navy, and are quite assured that 942
German merchant steamers would be gobbled up' in the
first forty-eight hours of war, and also the d—d uncertainty
of when and where a hundred thousand troops embarked
in transports and kept 'in the air' might land.
N.B.—There's a lovely spot only ninety miles from Berlin." July 15, 1912: "But the most ludicrous thing of all is
that the dreadnought caused such a deepening and dredging of German harbours, and a new Kiel Canal, as to
cripple Germany up to A.D. 1915, and make their coasts
accessible which were previously denied to our ships because of their heavy draught for service in all the world"
(p. 216). September, 1912: "The one all prevailing, all
absorbing thought is to get in first with motor ships, before the Germans. . . We shall have sixteen British
dreadnoughts with the 13%-inch gun before the Germans
have one. . . Then came after this the 15-inch gun; then
the 18-inch gun, actually used at sea in the war.   .   "
These are not the ravings of an irresponsible
journalist seeking notoriety through sensational
'writing, but are authenticated extracts from the
memoirs and letters of a responsible British Admiral
and First Sea Lord. They have not, now that Germany is broken in naval and military strength, been
disclaimed by the British Government.
It is no doubt due to the deceptive propaganda
of the Allied Governments concerning '' unpreparedness" and the "unprovoked attack" that the great
mass of documentary material published by investigators since the war has seemed to present the
German government's part in the proceedings in
an innocent light. That is the natural response, in
a large measure, from many of the Avriters, themselves patriots, Avho were deceived by the war propaganda. The German and Austrian governments
in their negotiations presented to their populace
similar pretexts for their actions. The Kautsky documents reveal the workings of the deceptive process on the part of the German government toward
the German people. Lewis S. Gannett's article
(The Nation, N, Y., Oct. 11, 1922) is headed "They
All Lied,'' and there is no mistake about that. The
important thing to remember is that the workers of
all the countries involved believed them, or at least
the majority of them did, including the Avell "organised" Socialist parties of Europe, millions strong.
The various government officials are under no reproach from the propertied groups of their respective countries. Their lying was a form of loyalty
to those interests, protected in national garb. As
Trotzky very well says, (Bolsheviki and world
Peace): "Had Bethmann-Hohveg been an English
minister he would have acted axactly as did Sir Ed-
Avard Grey." The Avorkers, upon whom those propertied groups depend in peace and Avar alike, are
subject to the process of deception only because
they are ignorant of the factors which determine
it.
It is impossible to present here any more than a
brief selection of the evidence from thc documents
of diplomacy connected Avith the war. In conclusion,
it will help toward an understanding of recent
events in Europe and present quarrels in the Near
East if Ave extract a passage or two from the texts
of the Secret Treaties (first collection) from the
Imperial Russian Archives published by the Soviet
Government, Novr. 1917, which caused such consternation among the Avorshippers of President
Wilson's famous and fatuous fourteen points. Viviani, French President of the Council, in the Chamber of Deputies, Aug. 4, 1914, had referred to the
German attack as a "hateful injustice emphasised by its calculated unexpectedness." (He
did not mention that France's ally, Russia, had
mobilized her forces before Germany took that
step, Avhieh mobilization had been previously "understood" by the Entente as the signal for united
effort toward the commencement of the "encircling
offensive." (Readers of "Red Europe" will recollect that this mobilization, over which the Czar
was deceived by his own ministers, was dealt with
there in chapter 1). Viviani, in the speech above
referred to said: "Italy with that clarity of insight
possessed by the Latin intellect, has notified us
that she proposes to preserve neutrality." This
manifestation of the "Latin intellect" was no doubt
prompted by previous experience of joint success
in territorial plunder, as Italian occupation of Tripoli had been consequent upon French occupation
of Morocco. The Secret Treaties revealed that on
26th April 1915 the Italian government agreed to
enter the Avar on the side of the Allies provided
that Italy Avould receive (among other things), upon
the conclusion of peace, the Trentino, the entire
Southern Tyrol, control of the River Brenner,, the
city and suburbs of Triest, numerous slices of Austrian coastal territory and Islands, the province of
Dalmatia, the Adriatic Islands, control over the
future "Albania's" foreign relations, a share in the
division of Turkey, extension in Erithria, Libya
and Somaliland, and so forth, all good evidence of
the quality of the "Latin intellect." In addition,
Gt. Britain undertook to help Italy to a loan of
£50 million. The last clause of the Treaty provided that its terms must be kept secret.
Negotiations begun in 1916 in London and Petrograd resulted, on February 21, 1917 in an agreement over the division of Turkey, and the parts
to be sAvallowed by Gt. Britain, France and Imperial
Russia. Russia acquired Erzerum, Trebizond,
Van, Bitlis, South Kurdestan to the Persian boundary. France acquired the coast of Syria, Addansk
and territory south and north. Gt. Britain acquired
Southern Mesopotamia, with Bagdad, and in Syria she reserved to her use the ports of Harpha and
Akka.
On February 14, 1917, Russia agreed with
France that the peace terms Avould claim for
France Alsace and Lorraine, the industrial iron
basin of the Saar Valley, together Avith other territories on the left bank of the Rhine, in return
for which France agreed to the regulation of the
Straits in accord Avith Russian wishes, Russian occupation of Constantinople, western shores of the
Bosphorons, Sea of Marmora domination, the shores
of Asia Minor, etc. The "freedom of passage tie
merchant ships" Avas part of the understanding.
Russia Avas to have, in addition, a free hand in
determining her own Avestern boundary.
A recent AA'riter in the London "Daily Chronicle" is appreciative of present events in Asia
Minor Avhen he says: "If Kemal gets his Avay now.
the war might just as Avell never have been fought.
It was really a Avar for the Turkish succession.''
AnyAvay, Germany's "B. B. B." project—Berlin
—Byzantium—Bagdad—came to nothing, and thc
areas referred to have been since the war and arc
noAV the grounds of dispute betAveen the international property groups.
In setting forth this hurried sketch of these
matters we have in mind that Secret Treaties arc
still being made and Avar is threatened here and
there every other day, according to press neAvs.
The process of deception may be a little harder nexl
time.   This is devoted to making it a little harder.
E. M.
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VANCOUVER, B. C, DECEMBER 16, 1922.
"INTELLECTUALITY AND ACTION"
■*:
THE above title is from the "B. C. Federationist" (10/11/22). lt is purely arbitrary,
since, in fairness to the meaning of words it
can hardly be accounted action, and probably not
even its author deems it intellectual. '' Intellectuality," says tne Avrner, "without action has brought
tne workers ol B. C. just what could be expected, .
. . nounng." 1 et the very hrst sentence denies
this, im-jv^ng that it nas made Vancouver the con-
.      m ■ -    i   *•
smcieu centre ox human artairs (unless the author
stipulates ■"intellectuality" as the product and pos-
sfcswm-n of the uourgoisie.) .but there is the •"aivil
a uouut" but "action" without intellectuality has
brougut the workers,—the VV. P., laoor "politics,"
tne "•yellow" international and the White Terror.
Yvouia we could "say it with flowers."
Tne A\nter continues: "It is hardly good taste
to knock one s own town." Why not'/ And Avhat
is tne uinereuce between this and jingo patriotism'/
Ana now is it one s" own town?" Vet inthe very next
breath it is seated that'' V ancouver has too many in-
teuectuais and too feAV who realize that action
counts." it this is "action," may the statement be
true. And how well our friend speaks of learning.
"The working class movement," he tells us, "has
become subservient to the great knowledge of intellectual maividuals." There can be nothing so genuine as unconscious flattery. Surely that is a gallant tribute to the "Harrington Academy." May
we hope that it will afford inspiration to the W. P. f
His next paragraph is wierd logic. It is tAvo sentences connected by a "therefor," (not that we
are at all concerned Avith logic, but that its implication is distorted.) That "therefore" is entirely
misplaced. Because it connects an affirmative—
that only applied knoAvledge is poAver—with a negative—that mere action is more useful. And that
too, after "recognising that Avorking class activities
can only be stimulated Avhen knowledge is applied
to the movement of the Avorkers.'' Why not be consistent comrade?
"It may be claimed that the move made in Edmonton is not scientific." We agree, and nourish
the belief that the claim is secure. Our Avriter continues: "It is a move however, and if the effort put
forth results in the Avorking class of Edmonton getting a move on, Ave have no fear as to the results."
That is, the workers of Edmonton having gotten a
move on, there need be no fear that the Edmonton
Avorkers will get a move on. Doubtless. "If" and
"then" are poor causes to die for. Thc report of
the Edmonton "action" (same paper, same date)
says in conclusion, "Mrs. Mellard struck the keynote of the meeting when she appealed to all present
to lay aside petty differences, and advance unitedly
in the interests of the workers." Many hymns of love
and hate have been sung in that same "keynote."
H is merely a pious sentiment—calling forth a soft
smile from those of us who hold a job; a shrug, or a
curse, from those of us Avho suffer the pangs of unemployment. And if it rouses a new enthusiasm
among those of us who, like our author, are anxious
to "get there;" it shoAvs in its nondescript affiliations its ultimate ineffectually. It is all to the
credit of the manhood of its supporters, but it is
to their subsequent disillusionment that the "getting
there" can never be by the loose alliance and vague
hopes of separatist interests, temporarily non-clashing in the abyss of depression.
There is no "it" in the application of knowledge.
It is power, li it is not applied it is only because its
application is not socially desired. If it is not
desired it is only because the consciousness ot its
benefits has not been kindled in the social mind. To
"appeal to all to lay aside petty differences" is to
ask us to be false to ourselves; is to ask us to discredit, unanalytically, our life experience; is to ask
us to surrender our convictions of concepted things
,and go forth in a crusade Avhose motive Ave do not
comprehend, and Avhose aim Ave cannot visualise.
Any party so organised is a Aveakness to the '' Avorking class movement; and its component members,
not understanding the real,issues at stake, are ready
to listen, and fall out, to the first piping of immediate interest. If Ave have no social convictions we
can have no social principles. And if Ave have no
social principles, definitely conceived, and couched
in definite terms, the "casting aside of petty differences" is the broad road that leads to multiplied
class divisions; to interested office, to partizan reform, to personal ambition and labor misleadership.
In the same paper there is another editorial, ou
"Dual Unions," thus: "Any man Avho has the right
idea as to the objects of the Avorking class movement,
which must of necessity be, that thc Avorkers must
bc united, must see that dual organizations,
must be eliminated, and real unity brought
about, by absorption in reorganised labor
organisations." It has a "musty" odor. The
"right idea," apparently, being the idea "recognised" by the scribe. But, betAveen the "example set
by the Avorkers of Edmonton"—based on superficial
sentiment—and the "necessity of real unity of recognised labor organisations" there is a yawning
gulf, which can only be bridged in the real unity of
social understanding, and this same apostle of '' action," in the same "Dual Unions" question quotes
Foster (approvingly) that "the American Labor
movement has expended oceans of energy to bring
the new Labor movement into realisation. But they
avere pouring Avater upon sand." The result being
'' a poor bargain, for the enormous price they cost.''
Again, the same paperTias a paragraph or so on the
Fascist!. It says, "the White Guard of Great Britain" (the ultra Tories) "has assumed control."
After quoting a detailed summary of Fascist methods the Avriting concludes: "If the above words do
not stir the Avorkers of this continent to organise
they never will organize." Since then the Avorkers
of Britain have ratified the control of the White
Guard, and the Avorkers of "this continent" are fol-
loAving in their footsteps. So that the value of action, Avithout understanding, as exemplified in its
oavii advocacy, is no foregone affirmative.
At the beginning of the "matter" on action the
writer says:' • Conditions must eventually Force. . .
action,"—seeming to imply that it is not so. At the
end he says, "only by experience do Ave learn." We
agree. By social experience do we learn; by the
force of conditions do Ave act. The progress of the
"Avorking class movement" is thus conditioned by
the progress of social development. And as social
development is the amelioration of fettering social
circumstance, so-sectionally considered—class movement takes on thc cast of dominant conditions, and
develops—through the repeated failures and bitter
disappointments |of thc palliatives of "practical
politics." It cannot do otherwise. Not because the
Avorking class has no courage or lacks ability and
enterprise, or is devoid of mind or ideal, but because
all things, social or organic, invariably express themselves in the line of least resistance, by the means
Avhereby the minimum of toil returns the greatest
happiness, and because, in spite of the distortions of
history and the perversions of vulgar ethics, the instincts of peace are stronger in man than the strong
arm A\rastery of violence.
Direct action presupposes direct seeing. H the
social vision is the vision of reform, then by the barren ways of reform must development go till experience, thick-piled with broken promises and ruined
hopes proves its vanity. But, if the vision is the ultimate of straight issues—the utter abolition  of
Capitalist society, not panaceas for its accrued evils
—hoAv vain, hoAv futile and Iioav misunderstanding
i:i the "appeal" to cast aside the principles of
grounded fact for the already proven, reactionary
inanities of temporary expediency.
Action, like labor, must be necessary and useful
to be of value. The Avorking class movement does
not call for any action; it demands particular action.
Particular action is inspired by particular incentive; and that necessary incentive is derived primarily and mainly from the social experience of the
utter failure of capitalist society to satisfy the needs
and aspirations of humanity, plus the conscious cause
of its failure. That is the prime base of effective
action. The conscious painfulness of the former is
commonly felt, not so the conscious expression of
the latter. And although the initial difference of
hrst principles may be unnoticeable it is by no means
negligible; and its latest effects are both vital and
costly. Just as a slight deviation of a compass
course increasingly magnifies its differential; so a
basic misconception of capitalist relations tunda-
nientally alters the pattern of growth and resistance.
Surely, it is Avell to join forces. But the union of
proletarian forces is necessarily conditioned by the
conversion of summary interest into social principle.
And AA'hoever holds that principle in concept and
purpose must aAvait the advance of those whose eyes
are yet dimmer Avith the illusions of political expediency. And whether interest or principle obtains the
ascendancy, it is through the very determinate character of forceful conditions; very little by the perorations of emotion.
Thus the first necessity is not "local organisation" but social perception. It is, however, unfortunately true that the former appeals; the latter
must be knoAvn. Local organisations are the resultants of local- conditions. They have been forced
upon labor, "Avilly nilly," in consequence of the necessity of industrial development. They are reformative in character because they are immediate in interest and objective. And they have been forced to
this immediacy by the grim struggle of daily existence. They Avere compelled to accept this form because the nature of political democracy was not at
once apparent in society; and its inherent antagonisms not yet driven home on the social consciousness.
Given the conditions of development, the eonditions
of organisation were imperative. But given the perception of the class struggle and the realisation of
conflicting class interests, the old form of organisation for immediate economic purposes becomes no
longer a prime objective. And the development of
capitalist industry negates even its economic opportunism.
Consequently, the first necessity of labor organisation, effective internationally, is the necessity of
class understanding; the clear knowledge that a
master class and a slave class are of necessity antagonistic; that there can be no social relief in conciliation and reform, and that the society of econ*-
omic freedim is to be acquainted only through the
socially acquired concepts of economic unity.
We cannot act Avithout motive; we can act
only as Ave see. If Ave want "something noAv,"
Ave must folloAV the laAv of the moment. If we
see merely craft interest, political action is meaningless. Only as the final aim of the class struggle becomes clear is the social cohesion of unity possible.
The "petty difference" betAveen the Avorkers and
their organisations is, in reality, the difference betAveen final aim and present object. And to cast
those differences aside is to know, clearly and indubitably, that in a society of trade and profit the
immediate object of working class reform is a contradiction in the terms of capitalist society. Until
that contradiction generates its likeness in the terms
of social experience; until the darkening conditions
of the common social life manifest the inadequacy of
capitalist society to secure social welfare, we cannot
"advance unitedly in the interest of the workers,"
because we neither perceive that interest, nor the
unity which that perception can alone bequeath.
R.
m WESTERN    CLARION
£a6e FIVE
What Is The I. W. W. ?
Editor's Note: The following articles have reference
to two articles by F. J. McNey which appeared in the
'Western Clarion" of November lst and 16tlT 1922. Comrade McNey's reply, as under, covers only the criticism of
Comrade Thompson; at the time of writing he had no opportunity to read the criticism of Comrade Mackay.
BY P. W. THOMPSON.
SINCE McNey propounds the question in his
headline and does not ansAver it, presumably he
is unacquainted with the answer. So I Avill inform him in the first place that the I.W.W. is neither
en aspiration, nor a scheme, nor a theory, but primarily a fact—a bond of actual living workingmen
organized in such a manner as circumstances have
proved most appropriate for getting as much for
their labor-power cut of the employing class as possible, and consciously working toward the elimination of that employing class and of all the misery and
disorder that goes with it. If McNey is unaware of
the fact that the I. W. W. is such a reality, his capitalist masters are well aware of it as is demonstrated by their very evident distaste for the I. W. W.
McNey's many fallacies appear to proceed from
an inability to differentiate betAveen a universal
principle and the exigencies of a particular problem.
To instance the matter of sabotage: If a group of
Avorkers, whether Wobblies or otherwise (i.e., unwise), at any point in the struggle deem it advisable
to use sabotage they Avill do so and it is neither necessary nor necessarily desirable that they be told to
do so in a pamphlet from headquarters. Or to take
McNey's other instance of "filling the jails:" There
is a strike on at present on the waterfront in Portland, Ore. The poAvers that be in that city decided
to arrest all Wobblies on sight. Foot-loose Wobblies
wandered into Portland and filled the jails—and got
them empty again too. They came in such numbers
that the masters in that city had to discard their
jailing policy. To grant that such methods do not
overthroAv capitalism dees not-dispose of the fact
that here a particular problem has been solved by
this particular tactic.
McNey's article is mostly concerned with politics.
Many Marxists have become accustomed to use the
term politics to describe in general the relation that
subsists between a governing and a governed class.
If they wish to so use the term there is no stopping
them; but I would recommend that they call parliamentarism parliamentarism, the class struggle-the
class struggle and bullets bullets. But while using
the term as they please they will surely note that
current convention has made the term politics practically synonomous with parliamentarism. It Avould
be ridiculous for a man with a Fahrenheit thermometer to argue Avith one Avho had a Centigrade
whether water commenced freezing at 32° or at 0°.
And it Avould be equally ridiculous for me to argue
out Wobbly quotations insofar as the term politics
coincides with parliamentarism for, no doubt, McNey would be far from recommending such as the
means of workingclass emancipation.
HoAvever it seems that in the passages taken from
"What is the L W. W.?" the term polities is used
in much the sense that McNey ascribes to it. Omitting parliamentarism, we come to the armed overthrow of the poAvers that be. McNey will probably
agree that the chances do not look particularly
bright for doing so. Engles appears to have seen
its impracticability with the advent of the machine
gun. Considering the variety of gases in modern
military use, the efficiency of the aeroplane, and
some of the more recent productions in hand grenades, the practicability of armed overthrow as fundamental to working class revolution is reduced to
zero. True, these could be used against strikers and
may be so used. Yet, for our masters to use them
a-rainst a disorganized mob attacking Avhat popular
political superstition supposes to be the citadels of
their poAver, is but to save their hides; while to use
them to destroy men organized as units of produc-
IN ANSWER TO P. J. McNEY.
tion is to cut off their OAvn bread and butter. Bullets may be incidental to the revolution, but only
incidental. The real revolution consists in the Avorkers acquiring possession of the means of production. From this they are restrained by the State,
Avhich, true enough, is a reality. So, some suggest
that Ave capture the State. It is recorded of a philosophic hobo that on seeing a dog run after a train
lie Avondered Avhat the dog Avould do Avith it if he
did catch it. Marx, Engels and Lenin all inform
us that all Ave could do with the existing State machinery if we did get it, is to get rid of it. No doubt
it is a good thing to be rid of, but that scarcely makes
it a primary objective.
By acquiring control through revolutionary industrial unionism of the process and means of production, Ave destroy the basis upon Avhich the state
rests, we destroy the means by Avhich it operates.
Large bodies of troops can be rapidly moved on land
only by trains. Strikes have shoAvn that skilled men
are necessary to keep the railroads running. There
are left autos and aeroplanes. Both require "gas."
Current demand stops any large accumulation of
crude oil and especially of gasoline. The producers
of oil can therefore decide whether or not it shall
be used against the Avorking class.
At best the social revolution is a gory than a
rosy prospect, and there are but two ameliorating
factors in it—education and organization. If McNey cannot see the advantages of the latter it would
be Avell Avere he to stick to thc former. For both are
necessary, and the I. W. W. carries on both. Good
Wobblies, instead of philosophizing on which of the
two is the more important will do their damndest
Avith both. Should a group of workers think they
could enhance their educational activities by parliamentary participation and organize a political
party for that purpose, the I. W. W. Constitution
provides that Avhile the organization as such cannot
ally itself Avith any party "or anti-political sect,"
its individual members may, but it "disclaims responsibility for any individual opinion or act which
may be at variance with the purposes (of concentrating on the industrial battlefield) herein expressed."
If members of the L W. W. have not joined any such
party it is because they have deemed no party beneficial to their interests, and looking over the current political life of the U. S., McNey will no doubt
agree that there is not much amiss'in their having
reached that conclusion.
The general trend of McNey's article might have
been compressed in the silly syllogism:
All class struggles are political struggles.
The I. W. W. does not engage in politics.
Therefore, the I. W. W. does not engage in the
class straggle.
But the Aveariest round of illogical gyrations cannot remove the fact that the I. W. W. is very much
in the class struggle and in it is performing a very
necessary and desirable function. While McNey is
Avondering if the I. W. W. has gone and got religion,
Wobblies are delighting the American populace Avith
the strains of "We'll have pie in the sky when we
die." While McNey is arguing on the premises of
his dictionary in disregard of all premises of fact,
that the I. W. W. is not a revolutionary organization,
the latter is lining up Avage-plugs Avith applications
for membership that read: "Will you study the principles of the organization and make yourself acquainted with its purposes?"—and, moreover, seeing to it that the membership lives up to that promise.
Much more objection could be raised to McNey's
article, but this will suffice for the present. And it
will have well served its purpose if it impresses any
Marxist with the fact that itvis important for us to
understand the labor movement, out of which alone
can arise the force to overthrow canitalism, as it is,
rather than as organizational prejudices might make
us wish to see it.
REPLY BY P. J. McNEY.
BEFORE I read Comrade Thompson's criticism
1 thought I, might have a job on my hands to
ansAver it. After reading it I came to the conclusion that it did not require an ansAver; it ansAvers
itself. HoAvever, I suppose 1 may as Avell comment
en it a little just to be sociable, or disagreeable, as
the case fnay be.
As there appears to be some misunderstanding
regarding my purpose in Avriting the articles, 1
might say it Avas much the same as my purpose in
yA\riting any other article, merely a malicious and depraved desire to inflict my personal and pernicious
opinions upon an innocent and unsuspecting public.
1 hold that the opinions and "beliefs" criticized in
the passages quoted, which are samples of the I. W.
W. propaganda, are reactionary, are detrimental to
the revolutionary movement aud a hindrance to
Avorking class education. Such propaganda, coming
from capitalist class apologists or from Avorking
class organizations that do not claim to be revolutionary is bad enough, but coming from a Avorking
class organization that claims to be revolutionary it
is much worse. If the I. W. W. position is correct
the Socialist position is not, and no garbling of dialectics can reconcile the tAvo. Or you may put it
this Avay. If Comrade Thompson's opinion is correct, my opinion is not. Again, we may both be mistaken. For mark this: Nothing that I say and nothing that Comrade Thompson says can decide anything. We merely put the proposition before you
as we see it, from our various points of view. Use
your OAvn judgment, and decide for yourselves.
Now for the comment: I am pleased to note in
the first place that the great problem has been solved. "Eureka" at last. The question that baffled
me has been answered by Comrade Thompson. Tho
I. W. W. is a fact! True, the A. F. of L. is also a
fact. So are all the various brands of Socialist,
Communist, and reform parties, the Ku Klux Klan,
the American Legion, the Knights of Columbus and
hundreds of other organizations. I do not remember
ever saying that the I. W. W. was not a fact, but
if I ever did make any such statement I take it back
right now, and if in my articles I have wandered
from facts into the realm of myths and "shadows"
I sincerely apologize to Comrade Thompson and tho
1 W. W.
The theory that because members of the I. W. W.
have been persecuted by the capitalist class and it;
hirelings it must therefore be a revolutionary organi
zation, that its position must be correct and that ii
must be a menace to the continued existence of cap
italism, is a theme so much harped upon that wc
must consider it here at some length, even if we do
take up a little extra space.   To assume that the
capitalist class hirelings never oppress nor persecute
the members of any organization except it is an actual menace to the existence of capitalism, is to
credit them Avith intelligence they do not possess
It is Avell knoAvn to Comrade Thompson that the suff
ragots have been as persistently persecuted as the
members of the I. W. W.   Does he hold that the suffragist movement ever Avas a menace to the existence
of capitalism?   It is also true that in the early day:
of the Salvation Army its members were persecuted
and oppressed; does this prove that the Salvatioi
Army ever was a menace to the existence of capitalism?   On the other hand, the hostility of the I. W.
W. to the Russian Revolution has been second only to
the hostility of the capitalist class itself.   And why?
Because the Russian Revolution was accomplished
by political action, and the Communists who are in
control of the situation in Russia are advocates o>
political action.   And yet, the capitalist nations of
the world have spent hundreds of millions of dollar;
trying to crush the Russian Revolution.   Suppose i'
had been crushed; does Comrade Thompson think PAGE SIX
WESTERN    CLARION
n
4
5
that the Communists Avould have been spared because they were not members of the L W.W.?
Comrade Thompson tells us that "currentconvention has made the term politics practically synonymous Avith parliamentarism." The only "current
convention" that I ever kneAV to hold that polities
and parliamentarism were synonymous Avas the I.
W. W. itself, and even the I. W. W. has abandoned
that fallacy, according to its own definition of political action in its latest publications.
"The real revolution consists in the Avorkers acquiring possession of the means of production. From
this they are restrained by the state, which, true
enough, i.s a reality." . . . "All Ave could do
with the existing state machinery if Ave did get it,
is to get rid of it."
It is not worth our while to abolish the existing
State even if it docs restrain us from possession of
the means of production. This does not require
comment, except to remark that the whole significance of the Russian Revolution, not to mention my
perfectly good definition of political action, has gone
over Comrade Thompson's head.
With regard to the question as to whether the I.
W. W. takes part in the class struggle or not, it all
depends on Avhat we understand as the class struggle.
Between the working class and the capitalist class
there is a conflict of economic interests. If we agree
that this conflict of interests itself constitutes the
"**
class struggle, then it is obvious that the whole
Avorking class takes part in the class straggle, irrespective of beliefs and opinions. On the other hand,
if Ave decide that the class struggle is the final clash
between the tAvo classes, which will take the political
power cut of the hands of the capitalist class and
place it in the hands of the working class and by so
doing put the workers in control of the means of
production, then nobody is taking part in the class
struggle in this country at present, unless we consider revolutionary propaganda and educational
work taking part in the class struggle, a view which
is open to question. You may decide the proposition whichever way you please, but note that I am
criticizing what the I. W. W. calls its principles and
revolutionary propaganda, not its function as a
labor union nor its activities in any other respect.
Comrade Thompson tells us that "at best the
social revolution is a gory rather than a rosy prosf-
pect.'' This is all the more remarkable when we remember that "bullets may be incidental to the revolution but only incidental."
There are several other questions that I would
like to take up, but I have neither time nor space
to do so here. I, may touch on some of them in
future articles on other subjects, but for the present
enough has been said already on this subject to place
the proposition fairly before all Avho care to consider it, and that Avas my main object in Avriting the
articles. I did not Avrite them to please any one. As
a matter of fact I Avas goat hunting, and just Avrote
the articles fo pass the time. As far as I am concerned this ends the discussion, and if Comrade
Thompson or any else wishes to come back Avith
further defense of the I. W. W. position, or to prove
what a low-down lying scoundrel I am, he is Avelcome to do so; 1 will not retaliate further. As I
.stated before, if thc position of the I. W. W. is correct the Socialist position is not, and the only thing
for Socialists to do in that case is to abandon their own
position and adopt that of the I. W. W. And Avhen
1 say the Socialist position, I mean the contention
that the Avorkers must get control of the political
poAver of the state before they can acquire possession
of the means of production, in view of the fact that
it is the state that restrains us from possession of the
means of production: Comrade Thompson's own
statement. On the other hand, if any person thinks
he can, by some dialectical twist of the Avrist, reconcile those two positions, he will be welcome; he
might also be able to reconcile the conflict of classes
by the same simple method.
BY I. V. MAOKAY
THE articles under the above heading in recent
ussues of the "Clarion" seem to me to fall
short of explaining the I. W. W. to the satisfaction of student? who are more interested in understanding that organization than in blaming it for
its theoretical crimes. So I will attempt to throw
more light on the subject.
In the United States there are betAveen two and
three million casual laborers—commonly called
"iloboes"—Avho work at seasonal occupations, such
as logging and harvesting, and beat their Avay on
freight trains all over that country in their efforts
to find a job. These men get no protection from the
law, and the conditions of their life "on the job"
or in their camps by the side of the railroad—knoAvn
as "jungles"—and in the county and city jails—
Avhere they are periodically placed for the crime of
having no money—are very rough and hard. These
conditions develop in them the archaic virtues of
self-reliance, endurance and loyalty to their group,
also the peculiar outlook on life that appears in the
I. W. W. song books issued before 1916.
Hobo slang has been taken over almost entirely
Ly the I. W. W.—such words as " Scissorbill,"
"Dingbat," "Fussytad," "Gaycat" (afterwards
called "S'ab-cat"), were in use amongst hoboes before the I. W. W. Avas organised—and some of these
Avords are beginning to appear in the vocabulary of
respectable socialists who have no use for sabotage.
Until 1916 the I. W. W. were feAV in numbers
compared to the disturbance they made (about 14,-
000) and were too busy fighting the horrible industrial conditions to give theories and abstractions the
attention they perhaps deserve. The average member of the I. W. W., like the average member of
every other organisation, is not adapted to study
intricate sociological problems. They fall for anything that seems sensible, and in the deeper issues
they are swayed by their leaders.
It Avas commonly understood by the rank and
file that "Political Action" Avas the act of dropping
a ballot in the bosses ballot box and letting the
bosses count it. "Direct Action" was to organise
until the slaves were strong enough to take over
the industries by force and, incidentally, to get better conditions as they went along. Words such as
Economic Action, Economic Determinism, Parliamentary Action, and so forth seeped down to them
from the learned critics in the S. L. P., and the potential Congressmen in the S. P. of A.
About 1916 the "Wobblies" organised about 30,-
000 agricultural workers, mostly harvest hands, and
caused the American Farmer great distress and the
following year they organised most of the loggers
in the great strike in the woods. Up until this time
the American "State" was decentralised and comparatively weak. It seemed i to be the policy of
Washington not to interfere in local disturbances.
So Avhen the Wobs conducted a free-speech fight oi
a strike they Avere opposed only by the local authorities and the authorities were hampered by the
tax-payers kicking at the high cost of "justice."
Lenine tells us that the "State" becomes stronger
and more centralised with pressure from Avithin or
Avithout, and the United States Avent into the war
in 1917.
There was a little incident happened in Seattle
that shoAved Iioav the Wobs were going. They had
taken in more numbers in the previous tAvo years
than they could assimilate and most of the laborers
down toAvn Avere sympathetic to them—many of the
local merchants displayed two union cards in their
windoAvs, A. F. of L. and I. W. W. 1 was at a
"Wobby" social; the entertainment was singing,
dancing and prize fights, and some of the "Petty
Larceny" element (that is the way they refer to
retail merchants) donated the prizes for the contests. An old Wob was lamenting the organisation turning "yellow" as "those birds would not
be allowed on our platform in the good old days."
The leaders of the I. W. W. were given long
terms in jail and it became dangerous to be caught
with a Wobbly card. It is very dangerous yet in
some states.
The Russian Revolution came along, led by Political Actionists, and confused the rank and file of
the I. W. W. The membership dwindled to those
hard cases Avho cannot learn by experience so it
is not surprising to find contradictions in their
recent pamphlets.
1 do not, hoAvever, agree with F. J. McNey in
his harsh criticism of the following paragraph from
page 84 of the '' The Lumber Industry and its Workers."
"Labor is the creator of capital, and existed before
capital; but without capital, labor could produce only on
a very limited scale. On the other hand, capital without
labor could produce nothing. The I. W. W. does not propose to abolish capital. What it does propose is to abolish
.capitalists. A capitalist is one who owns capital and
lives off profits produced by workers. Capital is necessary
to society; but the private ownership of capital is not
necessary; on the contrary, it is responsible for most of
the evils from which society suffers today. If all capitalists were to pass out of existence industry would go on
as usual, for it is run entirely by workers. With a system
of industrial democracy capital will still exist but'it will
be owned and controlled by the useful members of society
instead of by a parasite class."
I contend that this paragraph is sound educational tactics and also sound economics. The average Avorker understands by the term "Capital"
wealth used to produce more Avealth and by "capitalist" one Avho uses wealth/ to exploit others.
This is the sense in which bourgeois propagandists
have taught the workers to understand these two
Avords and in using them in that sense the writer of
the paragraph is talking to the workers in language
they understand—Avhich is sound educational tactics. When Ave consider "capital" and "capitalist" in this sense the paragraph becomes intelligible and consistent and economically sound as obviously we do not Avish to destroy that part of wealth
which is used to produce more Avealth while obviously Ave do Avish to eliminate those who use it in
the exploitation of labor. The aim thus stated is
identical Avith that of the Marxist. The difference
is merely one of language. Too many intellectuals
and Marxian purists are prone to place much importance on mere words whilst losing sight of the
things for Avhich the words are but symbols.
THE FARMER'S MISERY.
Continued from page 1.
selves to have been in the past, today you are approaching a recognition of the fact that as a producer you are linked up with other producers and
that the solution of your problem as an agricultural
Avorker lies in the solution of the social problem,
including the problem of exploitation of Avage workers in industry. We ask you to read our literature
and to study the position as we lay it down. Then
you will understand the factors governing your
sphere of production, and you will find common
ground with all producers of Avealth, as against
those Avho produce none yet who OAvn most of it.
HERE AND NOW.
HERE and Now registrations are like those
of the thermometer these days: up and
down. Even "on the average" they are
not what is required to maintain a healthy circulation. Like the frozen one's with the goloshes and
neck mufflers Ave aAvait with anxiety the financial
thaw.
FolloAving $1 each: F. TidsAvall, J. C. Armitage,
J. J. Albers, W. K. Bryce, H. Melbo, H. Ross, J.
BroAvn, J. Carson, C. MacDonald, J. Wedin, R. C.
Johnston, J. Staples, J. Brightwell.
Following $2 each: W. A. Pritchard, M. Dase,
Frank Williams, J. A. McDonald, J. Bone.
FolloAving $3 each: C. Lestor, J. Hubble, C. J.
Kolden.
E. J. Martel $1.25; J. Yates $3.34; Geo. Scott
$5.60; H. H. Hanson $4; O. Finnetig $1.50; Sid
Earp $1.50.
Above, Clarion subs, received from lst to 14th
Deer, inclusive, total $49.19.
Clarion Maintenance Fund.
Following $1 each: J. J. Albers, J. Gray, C. Lestor, J. Carson, F. W. Moore.
St. John, N. B. Comrades, per M. Goudie, $12.
Above, C. M F. receipts from lst to 14th Deer,
inclusive, total $17.
wmm
m****m WESTERN  CLARION
PAGE SEVEN
The Clarion Mail Bag
L
BY SID EARP.
ETTERS received up to date give much encouragement to the task-of replacing with a
true understanding, the obsolete and confused
opinions now held by the great mass of the people
in regard to the present social order. The inevitable decline of Capitalism will intensify and
aggravate the problems now facing the Avage workers to an intolerable degree. In the presentation
of new ideas in line with the social development of
today is to be found the only policy worthy of
support by progressive minded men. By that alone
can the regeneration of society be accomplished.
Writing from St. John, NeAv BrunsAvick, Com. M.
Goudie states that "prosperity" in that city is still
around the corner and seems like remaining there.
He expresses wonder as to "what are we coming
to," and encloses an order for literature along with
$12.00 for the "Clarion."   Also asks after Frank
Cassidy.   If the attitude of the comrades in St. John
is any criterion of working class intelligence, we are
certainly coming to happier days.   A good bunch!
Com. Chas. Woolings sends a nice letter from
Georgetown, Ont., with notice of change in his address.   From Elmira, Ont., Com. H. Schwartz sends
Avord that unemployment is growing apace in that
district and comments upon the activities of the
working class movement there.   Encloses tAvo dollars for the "Clarion".    Com. Geo. Schott writes
from Beechy, Sask., asking for some pamphlets suitable for beginners and enclosing six dollars for
"Clarion" subs.   Com. H. Melba sends word from
Horse Butte, Sask., that the farmers are having
quite a struggle to exist at all in that area, although
crops have been good.   He encloses a sub.   From
Riverhurst, Sask., Com. W. K. Bryce sends a sub.
From Regina Com. G. Alley sends two subs, and
two renewals for the "Clarion."
Com. M. Dase Avrites from Pincher Creek, Alta.,
asking for Paine's "Age of Reason," and enclosing
two dollars for renewal of "Clarion" subscription.
Writing from Seal, Alta., Com. II. Hanson refers
to Lestor's visit there, and expresses appreciation
of the good work done by the Party. Also encloses
four subs, to the "Clarion."
Com. Lestor sends word from Medicine Hat regarding the good meetings he has had there, and at
Calgary. He is receiving much encouragement on
his tour, and is being treated well wherever he goes.
Writing from Seal, Com. Lestor states that the farmers make very appreciative audiences and often keep
the meetings going for three or four hours. He
will send a full report of his tour when he arrives in
Winnipeg.
Com J Albers writes from Meeting Creek, Alta.,
enclosing a dollar sub. and a dollar for the Maintenance Fund. Com. H. Ross sends a sub. from Wiste,
and likewise G. W. Lobi from Erskine, Alta.
Writing from Stanmore, Com. G. Donaldson
states that Lestor has visited there, and gave three
very fine lectures. Encloses two subs, for the Clarion" and hopes that they will be able to brighten up
the movement in that district this winter.
Com. Tom Roberts sends a $6 order for literature
from Sandon, B.C., and comments upon the movement there. The spreading of sound literature
among the workers is of first importance as a form
of propaganda, and our best wishes go to Com. Roberts for the work he is doing.
An order for H. G. Wells' "Outline of History
comes from Com. J. Gray, Renata, B.C., also a donation to the Maintenance Fund.
From Spences Bridge, B.C., Com. E. J. Martel
writes a nice letter, enclosing a sub. to the Clarion" and referring to the loss sustained by the
Party in the death of Com. Teit. A brief pithy letter
comes from Com. J. E. Palmer containing $5 tor a
sub., literature order and donation to the Maintenance Fund. Good work in a "hard boiled" samp.
Two "Clarion" subs, come from Lund, B.C. Com.
J Randall sends in a sub. also a dollar for the Maintenance Fund.   Writing from East Wellington, Com.
J. Cartwright sends three dollars for the "Clarion"
and says it is almost as hard as getting the full pro-
duet of your toil under the capitalist system. He
also asks that one of the 'Clarion" writers deal with
the idea of a natural evolutionary development toAvards Socialism, and the lack of activity in the revolutionary movement on this account. Com. Cart-
Avright is of the opinion that we shall only get what
Ave Avant, when Ave know enough to go after it.
Which sounds Avorkmanlike anyway.
Com. J. A. McDonald Avrites from San Francisco
enclosing two subs, to the "Clarion" and giving a
short sketch of the working class movement in that
city. A very Avelcome letter also comes from Frank
Cassidy, who is in 'Frisco at present. He sends
Avarmest regards to all Vancouver comrades.
Tavo subs, come from Com. Frank Williams, Des
Moines. A letter from Marius Hansome, graduate
student at Columbia University, NeAv York, has been
received, favorably commenting upon Com. F. McNey's recent articles upon the I. W. W. pamphlets.
The writer asks the assistance of the "Clarion" in
his study of the Avorkers' educational movement
throughout the Avorld, also desires to be put in touch
Avith labor colleges and study groups in Canada.
Com. McNey's review Avas especially appreciated
for the keenness of point of view and insight.
Bishop BroAvn of Galion, Ohio, Avrites to inform
tis that another edition of his pamphlet "Communism and Christianism" (tAventy-five thousand copies)
is iioav ready for sale. He offers the Clarion Maintenance Fund, all the copies Ave can sell, free and
carriage prepaid. He is also donating all receipts
from the sale of this book toAvards aiding the comrades in Russia.
A letter from Francis Johnson, of the Independent Labor Party, London, England, has been received, in which comment is made regarding the success
of that party in the recent British elections.
A request for one copy of the S. P. of C. Manifesto comes from A. L. Myerson, Manchester, England. He expresses appreciation of the "Clarion,"
and comments upon the Socialist Party of Great Britain, of which he is an expelled member on account
of his attitude on the Class Struggle. He holds that
it is a struggle for political supremacy. An order
for "Clarions" and "Economic Causes of War"
(Leckie) comes from Melbourne, Australia.
A kindly letter of appreciation and encouragement is received from Dr. W. J. Curry, Vancouver,
enclosing five dollars "to assist in printing the
paper I have been reading over twenty years." He
refers to the weakness of the Labor movement in
Vancouver, and comments favorably upon the quality and style of the articles appearing in the "Clarion" of late, particularly so, "The Moscoav Trial,"
Avhich he thinks should be read and studied carefully.
The idea of "relativity," and the fact that the master class interests determine the social psychology
seem to him the beginning of wisdom, rather than
"the fear of the lord," as we have been taught.
This concludes the "Mail Bag" up to 9th December, and we now await with keen anticipation the
coming of the New Year. The question in our mind
is shared by every class conscious worker, "what
will it bring to the working class?" To us the
future is bright with promise, but whatever comes,
let us be prepared to play a worthy part.
Com. W. P. Roberts, secretary Local Hanna, reports Lestor's activities while in that—as he calls
it—"somnolent burg." TAvelve miles south of Hanna, the first meeting was held at Olive school house:
fair attendance; subject—Bankrupt Europe. Many
questions and a live interest throughout. Meeting
at local theatre: subject—Lloyd George down—Is
he out ? It was suggested by a local man of the U. F.
A. that he would like to have Lestor address a convention of that organization. We suppose, whatever the U. F. A. may think of it, that Lestor Avould
be glad to do that.
Comrade H. H. Hanson, secretary Local Equity,
reports four meetings: Excel, Lawndale, McConnell
aud Sedalia. It is an evidence of the attention the
meetings attracted that the last meetings drew
bigger attendance than the first. Com. Hanson's
report records appreciation of Lestor's forcefulness,
simplicity of language and vivid illustrations, all
of which, Avith the excellence of the subject matter,
had good effect on the audiences. This report concludes: "We feel that Com. Lestor did good work
when here and hope for his early return, if his
health will permit him to travel this Avindy, driedout,
bald-headed desert, where the slaves exist on hopes
that are ahvays a year hence."
Com. MacPherson, see. of Local Wimborne, reports fair attendance at a meeting in Trochu. Trochu,
as he says, Avas named after a nepheAv of Gen. Trochu
of Paris Commune renown.   Com. MacPherson Avas
arrested in Trochu in 1918.   His historical prejudices are maintained in healthy condition by personal
experience.   Next meeting Avas at Collingwood. Subject, "The Great World Unrest."   Meeting lasted
several hours.   Many questions and much discussion,
Which is still going on.    Next meeting Aberdeen,
Avhere some of the listeners Avho were interested
had never heard such a point of vieAv presented before.   In spite of the many calls for a longer stay
Lestor had to move on to Carbon, a eoal mining area.
And at Swalwell, Com. Beagrie had a meeting all
set up Avhen he arrived there.   In between periods
Avhile crossing and re-crossing Calgary, Lestor has
had good meetings there.
Lestor Speaks at
Fiske, Sask., Dec. 15th (evening)
M.cGee, Sask., Dec. 16th (evening)
Fiske, Sask., Dec. 17th (afternoon)
Anglia, Sask., Dec. 18th (evening)
He h due to arrive in Saskatoon on Dec. 21st,
and may be able to have meetings in Sovereign and
Milden between 18th and 21st Dec.   Comrade Ronald will arrange meetings in Fiske and vicinity.
It looks as if the Winnipeg boys Avill have to
keep on waiting until Lestor arrives. lie Avas supposed to have been there on Dec. 1st. The foregoing briefly outlines the manner of his loitering on
the Avay.
Local (Vancouver) No. 1.
The election of officers, Local and D.E.C., will
be held on 19th Dec. All members arc requested, to
attend.
SECRETARIAL NOTES.
REPORTS of Lestor's tour of Alberta are all
to the good and indicate considerable activity and interest. The letters from the various districts visited, or from some of them, are too
lengthy to reproduce altogether, so Ave present a
summary of the contents:
Comrade Donaldson, secretary Locan Stanmore,
Alta., reports that Com. Lestor delivered three lectures in two days in and around Stanmore, and
that the farmer's position was the subject dealt Avith,
all listeners being interested and appreciative.
Comrade Mrs. Hughes, secretary Local Youngstown, reports Lestor's "Al" lectures at Creslow,
Rainbow and Social. Local YoungstoAvn, it is hoped,
will benefit by a reorganization in the neAv year.
Socialist Party of Canada
PROPAGANDA MEETINGS
STAR THEATRE, 300 Block, Main Street
SUNDAY, Dec. 17th.
Speakers: W. McQuoid and C. Stephenson.
SUNDAY, Dec. 24th
Speaker: W. A. Pritchard.
All meetings at 8 p.m.
Meeting at New Westminster, B. C. in Edison
Theatre.
SUNDAY, Dec. 17th, 3 p.m.
Speaker: Robt. Kirk.
MEETINGS EVERY SUNDAY.
Questions.
Discussion. tmmam
v.
ammam
V
PAGE EIGHT
WESTERN    CLARION
The
Origin of the World
By R. McMillak
development that 1 feel almost„as if 1 should start
again and try to make it clear and simpler. Yet,
if I did, perhaps it would be no clearer to you at
the end; for all I hope to do is to set your mind at
Avork, so that you may have a broader outlook on
the Avorld, and a more intelligent idea of its origin.
Life and death and joy and woe are forever mixed
up here.   As an ancient poet said:—
Mingled is death's moan
With wail of childhood issuing from the womb;
Nor ever night did fail, nor dawn arise,
Which heard not, blent with infancy's weak cries,
The sob that speaks of darkness and the tomb.
lt seems to me that the story I have told you is
full of hope for the race, because it points forward
to greater development—to a richer, fuller development. It suggests that the German philosopher
Nietzsche Avas not far Avrong Avhen he prophesied
that1 a time Avill come when all men will be as good
as the best men are now. That seems to me to be
a far cry considering the barbarism of the world.
And yet the long ages of straggle in the past gives
one great hope for the future. We are still barbarous, even in our most civilized communities, and
it may be true (I think it is), as Nietzsche says, that
men Will some day look back on us as Ave look back
on the apes.
When I go over the story of the origin of the
earth, as I understand it, my soul is filled with a
joyous anticipation of the future of the world,
and I Avant so to live that the Avorld will
lie tbe better for my having lived. None of us ean
do much to amend the Avorld; but Ave can each do
a little, and if is all the littles that make "what the
Scotchman calls the "muckles." We are £ach but
atoms in the Avorld's progress, and the progress is
painfully slow; but Ave can each help a bit; and we
can do that best Avhen we understand Avhat the Avorld
is and Iioav it develops. Hitherto all progress has
been very sIoav, because it Avas unconscious; but noAv
that avc are coming to realize the Avay in which
Nature Avorks, Ave are bound to adopt a conscious
method, Avorking with Nature, so that our progress
will be more rapid in the future than it has been in
the past. And so this good old Avorld is bound to improve with each generation.
As I look over the chapters I have Avritten, do
you knoAv the thing that strikes me most forcibly
in all I have said? It is this: that Ave live in a
world.of miracle, in a Avorld of mystery and beauty
and glory and eternal Avonder. I have been talking
1o myself very frequently Avhen I seemed to be
talking to you, for I realize that-* have gone about
the Avorld with my eyes, only half-opened to the
glory of it all. It is a wonderful Avorld we live in,
and I am glad that I Avas born; and I am sorry I did
not understand earlier Avhat life was, for I might
have got so much more out of life while I had it.
I hope you will realize what I mean, and come to
as other savages had; and the first metal tools they    enjoy life with open eyes and grateful heart.   Your
simple question as to the origin ,of the world has
done me a great deal of good, and if my work does
you half as much good as it has done me I shall be
rewarded indeed. "
Noav, in closing, I Avant to quote a few words
from Sir E. Ray Lahkesfer's book, The Kingdom of
Man. I quote him because he seems to me to be a
great man and a good man, one who has been in
the forefront of the scientific world almost as far
back as I remember. And this quotation is on a
subject that I know your grandfather has often
thought about as he has read, and that is religion!
Hoav far does my story interfere with religion?
Listen to Avhat Sir Ray says:—
"It should, I think, be recognized that there is
CHAPTER XXII.
THE* CONCLUSION OF THE MATTER.
AFTER the Avords of the great Sir Ray Lan-
kester, I feel that anything 1 can say is feeble
and unnecessary. He tells you hoAv the history of man began far back in the life of the globe,
and hoAv man developed from the Ioav, bestial cave-
dweller to the god-like creature of today. That is
Avhat gives us hope for the future. The whole life
of the globe has been one long, slow, painful climb,
from slime-speck to philosopher, from a protoplasmic globule to an intellectual giant.
We have all been deceived by the human tendency to think that past days Avere better than the
present. The old man looks back to the days of his
childhood, and-Jie thinks that the Avorld Avas better
AA-hen he was young than it is noAv. He thinks that
the men of his boyhood were stronger and braver
and nobler than the men of today, and he talks about
the "good old times." Old men have been the
world's historians, and they have so glorified the
past—the olden times—that Ave have all been hypnotized into the idea that the golden age of the
Avorld A\ras in the olden times. But my story will
have shoAvn you that the Avhole history of the earth
has been one of gradual development, of progress,
of slow and painful climbing through the ages.
Not only have the hills and the mountains, the
rivers and the stars, the trees and the cattle, the
beasts and the birds, been developing, but man
himself—his mind and his body—have been developing. The Hindu of long, long ago sang truly
Avhen he said:—'
Slow grows the splendid pattern that it plans
Its wistful hands between.
This is its work upon the things you see.
The unseen things are more; men's hearts and minds,
The thoughts of peoples, and their ways and wills—
These, too, the great Law binds.
-
I hope you have seen, as you have been reading,
that all things Avork in response to LaAv! And the
laws of Nature are few and simple. You Avill see, in
AA'hatever direction you look, that everything has
developed from the simple to the complex, and that
nothing abides for long. In the olden time, in the
far back time, the Egyptians built pyramids, and
raised the loveliest buildings that ever had been
seen. Yet, if you trace their history back, you will
find that their mighty civilization came from the
simple savage., The beautiful carvings of their
;yenite columns Avere but the imitations of the
papyrus plants Avith Avhich their ancestors adorned
iheir huts. The fluted columns in enduring stone
were but the remembrance of the bundles of reeds
bound together' with which the early Egyptians
made their simple dwellings. Before the Egyptians
had learned the use of metals they had stone tools,
used were made in the form of the stone tools which
their ancestors had used for countless ages before
them.
All civilization began in savagery. When you
remember that the "ancient Britons" existed only
two thousand years ago, and that Avhen Caesar
landed on the south coast of England he was met
by painted savages, clad in skins, armed Avith spears
and shields, you wonder if civilized England, with
all her Avealth, refinement, poverty, and crime, can
have developed in such a brief time. Has everything
developed? Yes! Everything has developed, just
as I have been explaining to you that the world itself
has developed from a fire-mist. As you read more
widely and think more deeply—as I hope you Avill
do—you will find that the story J. have told you n0 essential antagonism between the scientific spirit
falls into line with all the new knowledge of the
mighty, the Everlasting. They claim sympathy and
friendship with those who, like themselves, have
turned aAvay from the more material struggles of
human life, and have set their hearts and minds on
the .knoAvledge of the Eternal."
One other thing I Avould like to add to that; and
it is this: We are living in a Avonderful age, in an
age of awakening, of looking upwards, of larger
ideafs and greater hopes, and I am glad to be alive
in this age; for I feel, as the old hymn says,—
We are living, we are dwelling,
In a grand, an awful time;
In an age on ages telling
To be living is sublime.
THE END.
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Critique of Political Economy  $1.65
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History of Par's Commune (Lissagaray)  $1.50
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•:o:
Avorld, and with all the facts that come under your
observation. All things develop, unfold, evolve, and
progress.
I have told you so little about the world and its
and Avhat is called the religious sentiment. 'Religion,' said Bishop Creighton, 'means the knowledge
of our destiny and of the means of fulfilling it.'
We can say no more, and no less, of science. Men
of srence seek in all reverence to discover the Al-
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