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Western Clarion May 1, 1920

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A Journal of
Official Organ of
Number 818
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, B. C, MAY 1, 1920
Labor's International Day
THE First of May this year of 1920, according
to custom, will be celebrated by the advanced
sections of the proletarians of modern capitalism, as
International Labor Day.
i From time immemorial the laboring class of Eu
rope have held this day as a brand plucked from the
burning, and have devoted it to demonstrations of
working-class solidarity and recognition of their
common interests against the rulers and oppressors.
Originally, in the dim historic past of our savage
forbears, the observance of this festival had been
religious in character, a day of rejoicing at the
evidence of the survival of life in vegetation after
the long winter, and for sacrificing and petitioning the demonic powers that the earth might yield
abundantly its fruits in the year to come.
In the days of the Greek and Roman empires it
was already an old established festival. The people
gathered together to render placatory 'homage,
through strange rites to Ceres (Greek: Demeter),
Goddess of Agriculture and Fruitfulness, and to
Minerva (Greek: Athena), the Goddess of Manual
Labor and protrectress of working women and working men.
The empire states of the ancient world accum
ulated their wealth and reared the mighty structures of their civil and military polity upon bloody
rapine and conquest, and up the ill requited
labors of myriads of toiling slaves:
"Monarchs and conquerors there
Proud o'er prostrate millions trod."
And such was the superfluity of human flesh and
blood, it was recorded of Rome that slaves Avere
"butchered to make a Roman holiday": butchered
in the circus by fellow slaves. Immoral? No!—
Priestly theology of the time conveniently maintained that slaves had no soul. Even Plato, the enlightened humanist, only conceded ,them a half-
The introduction of chattel slavery on such a
huge scale profoundly affected the course of
Rome's history. The lower strata of the free citizenry—the small producers—were finally ruined by
the competition of cheap slave labor and were reduced to a condition analagous to the propertyless
proletarians of modern capitalism. The state was in
the end compelled, in the interest of civil peace, to
maintain them. Doles and circuses, doles and circuses until—Rome fell—fell to rise no more, having
become economically inefficient, intellectually bankrupt and morally infamous. Tiberius Gracchus,
one of the noble minded Gracchi brothers, in Plutarch's life of that Roman, gives this account of
the condition of the poorer plebs.   He says:
"The wild beasts of Italy have their caves to retire to, but
the brave men who spill their blood in her cause have nothing
but air and light. Without houses, without any settled habitations they wander from place to place with their wives
and children; and their generals do but mock them, when at
the head of their armies they exhort their men to fight for
their sepulchres and domestic gods; for among such numbers
perhaps there is not a Roman Avho has an alter that belonged
to his ancestors, or a sepulchre in which their ashes rest. The
private soldiers die, to advance the wealth, and luxury of the
great, and they arc called masters of the world, while they
have not a foot of ground in their possession."
There is a truth in the aphorism that "History
holds up the mirror to life."
Rome fell, but prior to the fall, her agonizing decline during hundreds of years consisted of one long
record of slave revolts, of savage suppression, of
bloody massacres and exterminations, and also, in
addition, of class struggles due to conflicting economic interests among the free citizenry.
It is said, it was as these conditions began to
develop that the oppressed and toiling multitudes,
proletarians and chattel slaves alike, appropriated
the first of May as a day of special significance to
themselves. Hope springs eternal in the human
breast. After the long dread winter of their oppression, May Day would symbolize for them the
pathetic hope that they were on the threshold of
better days to come, when the earth and the fullness
thereof should be theirs: A hope which down through
the succeeding ages has been unextinguished—is un-
extinguishable while lives the spirit of man.
It is also said that white, in heathen mythology
Avas emblematic of degree in rank. It was the color
used by the gens or patrician families and by the
priesthood, Avhile that of the strictly laboring element Avas red and brown, dun and murk. White,
and shining purple could deck the bodies of those
Avho did not labor, and so these colors became a
mark of distinction and could not clothe the bodies
of those creatures smoked and smeared at the furnace and the anvil. The function of these creatures Avith no soul was to keep their masters Avhite,
clean—washed and fat.
White was the color of the aristocratic flags of
military Romans and Greeks, Avhile on the other
hand, red banners fleAV over the labor communes.
The sculptured images of Ceres, Goddess of Agriculture and Fruitfulness, and of Minerva, Goddess
of Manual Labor and of Working Women and Men,
Avere robed in flaming red. Flaming red became the
symbolic color of the suppressed laboring masses
and of struggle for freedom.
Since those olden times the ruling classes have
froAvned upon May Day: its class associations
Avere too vivid, and attempts to stamp out its observance have often succeeded for a time.
Historical data on the observance of this festival during the middle ages is very meagre because bourgeois historians and chroniclers have
suppressed accounts of it insofar as its exclusively
class associations are concerned. Typical of their
way of treating it, are their accounts of its observance in England. They report the entire population as going "A Maying"—gathering floAvers in
the country to decorate the villages; other features Avere sports and dances, chief of which Avas
the "Maypole" dance. We are pictured a "Merry
England," but to those who knoAv the history of
the Avorking-class. it is a mythical England that
is pictured.
Be that as it may, Puritanism came, and the gos
pel of salvation by Avork. Later came the machine
age, Avhen Ave have neither a merry nor a mythical
England, but a very sorrowful, grimly realistic
England for its underlying population. The machine age of the modern world in many features
has similarities Avith the ancient world. The competition ef machine production brings ruin to the
small handicraftsman, a;
proletarians appear again in the world's history.
They are the modern Avage Avorkers. And lo! A new
social phenonemon appears which the historians
and the editors can not hide: "A spectre is haunting Europe."
The revolutionary year of 1848 comes bringing
English Chartism and other forms of proletarian
political disturbances; "in France and Germany,
Avith adumbrations throughout the rest of the
Avorld. The year 1870 brings another terrifying
shock to the bourgeois world, in the Paris Commune where the Red Flag flamed again "o'er the
embattled  proletarians."     But,   again  the revolt
is stamped out, but    Let us quote Karl Marx
on that matter, from his "Civil War in France."
He says:
"That after the most tremendous war of modern times
(the Franco-German. 1870) the conquering and the conquered
hosts should fraternke for'the common massacre Of the proletariat—this unparelleled event does indicate, not, as Bismarck thinks, the final repression of a new society upheaving, but the crumbling into dust of bourgeois society ....
Working men's Paris, with its Commune, will be forever
celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society. Its
martyrs are enshrined in the great heart of the Avorking-class.
Its exterminators history has already nailed to that eternal
pillory from which all prayers of their priests will not avail to
redeem them."
And then, 1914 and the great suicidal Avar of
capitalism.    And  then,  Russia—Red  Russia—and
proletarian Communism, so often crushed to earth,
now risen again.
Our minds have travelled the long gray years
of Avorking-class travail arid struggle, back to the
dawn of history. We have been Avith the victims
of the hell of modern industrialism, Avith the villeins, the serfs, the bond thralls of feudalism, with
the chattel slaves of ''the grandeur that was
Rome," and the helots of "the glory that was
Creece." We have been Avith ovenvork and starvation, with hangings, shootings, burnings at the
stake, crucifixions, the hiss of stinging whips and
branding irons, massacres and exterminations—
and yet—the hope deferred of the oppressed of all
the ages at last draAvs nigh its realization.
Comrades 1 To pass in historical retrospect the
agonizing triumphs and defeats endured by our
class in ages past should, on this First of May,
their day as it is ours, give us understanding and
stimulate our energies for the great historic task
of the working-class to free human society from
class rule and exploitation.
In the year 1920. Ave are on the threshold of a
neAv epoch. Lei us set ourselves to our task with
the enduring courage and calm confidence for the
future which inspired the folloAving Avords of
Lenin to Colonel Robins:
"Thi< system is stronger than yours because it admits reality- It seeks out the sources of daily human work-value and,
out of these sources, directly, it creates social control of the
State. Our Government will be an economic social control
tor   an   economic   age.    It   will   triumph   because   it   speaks
the spirit of the age that now is	
 You may sec  foreign bayonets parading across
Russia. You may see the Soviets and all the leaders of the
Soviets killed- You may sec Russia dark again as it Avas
dark before. But the lightning out of that darkness has de-
stoyed political democracy everywhere. It has destroyed it
 ■ *iMaajM\,m9tmath by one flash of re-
A Problem In Credit Economy
ON behalf of the "Fight the Famine Council,"
Sir Geo. Paish visited America. His mission
Avas to obtain 15 billions of dollars, in the form of
credits, for the reconstruction of Europe. Four
and one-half years of fighting had the effect of leaving the greater part of that continent in a crippled
and helpless state. Without immediate, and material, assistance from the outside world, the whole
social structure of Europe is in danger of a complete
collapse. Only the speedy co-operation of America can ameliorate conditions and stay the cataclysm that daily threatens. What arrangement can
be made between the banking interests of the old
and neAv worlds in order to rehabilitate the famine-
stricken and war devastated, areas of the one, and
provide an adequate outlet for the surplus commodities of the other?
This, in brief, is the problem Ave are called upon
to solve. But, before plunging recklessly into the
maelstrom of Avorld finance, let us consider the line
of demarcation between money and credit economy,
and the reasons for the former giving Avay so completely to the latter.
Our authorities, on economics and finance, inform
us that the past war was conducted almost entirely
on credit. This information may seem a trifle confusing to our lay minds. In reflecting on the happenings of the past few years we are prone to conclude that the game was played through the instrumentality of men, money, guns, food, munitions,
clothing, and ships, as Avell as chemical agencies,
and mechanical contrivances emanating from human
toil, skill, saving and endurance. This is how the
situation would appear on the surface. But our
economists, wise men that they are, have roamed
extensively in the Avonderland of finance and, consequently, have discovered that the Avhole affair Avas
waged, and terminated, by means of credit.
A few centuries ago this credit proposition was of
little importance. Fighting was strictly a cash business. The wars of the Crusades; the Wars of the
Roses in England; the Peasants' War in Germany,
and the wars between the Or'eanist and Burgund-
ian houses in France were fought only so long as the
resources of the contending factions could be assembled in sufficient quantities to continue the struggle.
When Richard I. required money to pay the expenses of his expedition to the "Holy Land," he disposed of every available asset in the kingdom for
money, Avith Avhich he purchased the equipment necessary for arming, feeding, and transporting his
troops. As one chronicler has remarked: "He would
have sold London itself if there was anyone to bid
for it."
The sale of abbacies, bishoprics, and other ecclesiastical benefices supplied the church Avith the needed revenues to punish the infidelic possessors of the
Lord's sepulchre and, incidentally, increase the
landed wealth, and commercial privileges, of the
most powerful institution of the middle ages. When
Edward I. formulated his plans for the conquest of
Wales and Scotland, and when Edward III. engineered a similar venture in regard to France, their
mode of replenishing a depleted treasury Avas placing a tax on the export of wool, or else a levy of a
stipulated weight of wool on the people of England.
The arms that were forged, the cloth that was Avoven.
the grain that was reaped, and the ships that were
built had all to be paid for or confiscated before being utilized as Avar material. Promissory notes, bills
of exchange, bank drafts, and other means of deferred payment—in short, the Avhole credit system
was yet in its incipient stage, and its possibilities
scarcely anticipated.
Before acquiring that confidence in each other that
made possible terms of credit, merchant and manufacturer had first to establish law and order in the
land. The conditions existing in the early parts
of the middle ages, when mercenary barons, Avith
armed retinues, continually clashed and openly defied the central authority were not conducive to
securing cordial business relations betAveen nations,
or the various sections of any one nation. The centralized poAver must be capable of suppressing all
insurrection and manipulating the military, judicial,
administrative, and oti
from one base, instead
numerous little groups
stable government was the first requisite for a development from money to credit economy.
But, even with this condition granted, only one
step Avas made on this interesting journey. So long
as the old guild system, or handicraft production,
existed, things Avere produced essentially for use.
Whatever goods found their Avay into the realms of
exchange arrived there because there Avas too great
a quantity for the producer to consume. One commodity Avas given directly for another Avith nothing
to necessitate the suspension of payment till a future date. The gaining of a livelihood, instead of the
making of profits, Avas the chief concern of medieval lord and manufacturer. Each state Avas able to
supply the major portion of its OAvn wants, and what
was obtained from other centres Avas largely in the
category of luxuries. The great incentive to change
is found in the geographical discoveries of the 15th
and 16th centuries, opening up hitherto unknown
markets, and forcing the invention of labor-saving
machinery to fill the increasing demand for manufactured articles.
The rising capitalists of Europe sought to extend
their influence and control over the new markets.
It was imperative that they should. Here was the
opportunity to dispose of their factory wares among
the denizens of undeveloped areas. Italy, Spain,
Portugal, Holland, France and England, each in
turn, assumed the star role in the great commercial
drama. The rich natural resources of East and
West were seized Avith ruthless severity and minerals, cotton, rice, indigo, tobacco, and spices rewarded the efforts of maritime explorers who braved the
dangers of uncharted seas.
The colonial spstem Avas by no means a stimulus
to any "entente cordial" among the competing nations. The sight of profits arising from the transformation of colonial products into capital sharpened the Avits, and inflamed the passions, of merchant and trader till soon the gladiatorial combats
of ancient Rome, magnified a thousand fold, appeared in a Avorld arena. The Avars engendered
through commercial competition formed the foundation of national debts. It became profitable, and
consequently feasible, to borrow money and supplies on the strength of existing or potential resources, and these loans could be repaid out of the
plunder obtained. This new system of public credits urged the introduction of banks to facilitate exchange and regnlate credit. Soon the old method
of buying and selling, with money as a medium of
the transaction Avas obsolete in international trad-
ing. The era of credit economy had arrived through
a natural process. Markets, inventions, Avars, debts,
taxes, loans, these are the stepping stones from
medieval to modern methods.
Today, then, "our" wars bear little resemblance
to those of an earlier period. The individual Avho
wields the sabre or faces the -cannon sees the most
exciting, though the least entrancing part of the
game. Many factors have influenced the transition
from the age of chivalry to the age of shovelry. The
counting-house has usurped the glamour that formerly pertained to the field.
The organic nature of society has been Avell portrayed by the political, social, and economic events
of the past feAV years. In theory the war was a
struggle between groups of nations almost entirely
confined to the continent of Europe. But, in reality,
every portion of the civilized globe Avas directly
or indirectly participating in the fight, as what affects one section of the organism likewise affects
the whole, and today every capitalist nation is equally concerned over the formulation of schemes against
the economic forces which threaten to plunge their
Avhole establishment into bankruptcy and anarchy.
While two sets of allies—Teutonic and Entente—
had monopolized the glory of originating and conducting the elevating campaign, still neither group
was sufficient unto itself to play the game. Supplies of all military requisites must be obtained from
the rest of Christendom. It would be an' economic'
impossibility for any capitalist cbuntry to store up
a supply of materials adequate for five years of continuous slaughter. As seen before, the production
of the season is moulded by the needs of the season,
}f the pendulum SAving-
Iducing direction.   To
tn extended scale, sup
port must be derived from the ostensibly neutral
The contribution of the United States consisted
of armaments, food, munitions, stores, equipment
and, latterly, of men. Practically all of these requisites Avere sold on credit. The difficulty of obtaining those favorable terms Avas obviated by the
sale in the U. S. of large quantities of British securities previously owned by British investors, and by
the creation of credit secured by the deposit as collateral of huge masses of securities of all kinds and
descriptions. In tlie early part of the Avar the kind
of securities demanded by American bankers, as collateral for loans, was easily obtained. But, as hostilities continued and more materials were purchased, the supplies of suitable securities rapidly dwindled to such an extent that the prospects of "carrying on" looked rather shady 'till, at the Economic
Conference at Paris, the Entente Allies threatened
dire calamities against non-participants and forced
Americano join their ranks. Wtih this acquisition,
the problem of credits was solved by the issue of
American Government Liberty Loans, mortgaging
the future of Avage Avorkers, and guaranteeing supplies from the only source from Avhich production is
The loans from America to Europe, in terms of
cash, totalled 10 billions of dollars, made up of copper, coal, cloth, cotton, trucks, planes, etc. Five
years ago our economists insisted that the Avealth
of the U. S. was approximately 150 billions of dollars. Now, after a season of energetic destruction
of wealth in human lives and commodities, they
accuse us of being worth close on 300 billions. That
Ave are unable to comprehend this vast augmentation
to our resources in no Avay alters the result. One
thing peculiar about the "science" of finance is
that here Ave find the less a thing becomes the bigger it gets. The ruthless destruction of real wealth
results in a great-increase of financial Avealth.
With the Avar partially settled the considerations
that, actuated America to grant financial assistance
to her Entente colleagues are not so imposing as they
were. American capitalists having' reaped their
harvest while the excitement was on, are willing to
forget the aftermath of war. They desire to resume
the peaceful vocation of exploiting their Avage workers Avithout interference from the outside.
But not so Avith Europe. She must depend on
external sources. Her population has not sufficient food to tide them over till the next harvest,
and the coming crop will not equal their needs.
Again, the quantity of goods Europe can export in
the meantime does not nearly approach in \«alue
the food and materials she requires to import. The
problem of getting back to work is not so easy to
solVe when we consider that whole districts of
Europe have been SAvept clean'of all resources, and
that over the larger part of the continent farms,
mines, oil Avells ,and factories have been dislocated
beyond the possibility of speedy recovery.
Capitalist Europe cannot "conic back" without
the assistance of Capitalist America. The former
requires food and raw material, but, outside of
credit operations, there are no means of payment
in sight. America to remain in existence as a capitalist nation must dispose of the surplus Avealth
Avrung from her Avage-slaves in any market it is
possible to find, so must assist in the reconstruction
of Europe for her oavu salvation. The independent
attitude assumed by the small politicians, and the
yelloAv press of America, who cannot realize the
cul-de-sac in which Europe on the one hand, and
America on the other, are placed, must be avoided
or commercial suicide is the speedy climax.
But in any case, Avhatever action the rulers of
the Avorld may take, at best it can only stay the
impending collapse of the capitalist system. Fiscal
readjustment, stock manipulation, philosophical
controversy, borroAving or lending, fighting or loving, cannot do more than delay the change. Like
all previous forms of society, that succumbed when
they outlived their usefulness, the present structure is showing healthy signs of dissolution. Economic evolution is merciless in its method. The
puny minds of statesmen and diplomats cannot
Jturn aside its course. The law of change is immutable; the old order must give Avay to the neAv.
From "Soviet Russia"
3rd April, 1920
THOSE who are convinced that "bolshevik propaganda" is the source of all evil and discomfort in the Avorld find no difficulty in tracing to Russia all the revolutionary disturbances taking place
in other countries. The chief task of such persons
at present is to demonstrate the alleged origin of the
revolutionary government set up in the Ruhr district
in Germany last month, in the activities of "Russian
agents" operating in Holland and Western Germany. The Naples uprising will of course find a
similar explanation from these glib philosophers.
But others will Avish to remember that propaganda
does not produce social upheavals, but rather expresses them, formulates them, makes them conscious instead of merely impulsive. Such persons
Avill not be able to forget the conditions that have
made the recent events in Germany inevitable. And
their position can be very readily stated:
By an ingenious social welfare system, the German people had become in 1914 the best fed and
most comfortable in Europe, and an efficient educational establishment had labored hard and successfully to make them attribute their well-being to
the Hohenzollern dynasty and its institutions. Willingly, even enthusiastically, they plunged into the
Avar that was to make their country th% master of
the Avorld and spread its institutions so that they
would embrace most of Europe, and distribute the
benefits of a neAv colonial exploitation over a great
European population. Without dwelling on the
horrors of Avar, of which all Americans have read,
of Avhich a number have had real experience, and
the consequences if Avhich Americans are bearing,
together Avith the rest of the world, we merely point
out to our readers that Avhen (the attempt inaugurated in August, 1914, broke doAvn in November,
1918, it Avas as a result of a systematic impoverishment and starvation of the Central European peoples that left them the most undernourished, diseased, and desperate populations in Europe. A
government Avas set up in Germany after the flight
of the Kaiser to Holland, that Avas to secure to the
German people the liberty they had lacked under
the Kaiser, the liberty that would enable them to
avoid in the future tortures like those suffered in
1914-1918. But it soon became apparent that while
Germany now had a President named Ebert instead
of a Kaiser named Wilhelm, the policy of the government remained chauvinistic and imperialistic, as
it necessarily Avould so long as the capitalistic and
agrarian classes still remained in charge of the
policies of the nation;—many of the worst members of this set even continued to hold the bureaucratic positions that had been the expression and
instrument of their po\ver in the past. Of course
all demands of the Avorkers to control their industrial life Avere ignored.
At first, the opposition to the continued existence
in Germany of the system that had brought its people to disaster in the recent past, Avas disorganized
and ineffective. Uprisings took place before the
end of 1918 in many cities; they Avere ruthlessly
put doAvn I the neAv '' democratic' 'government; on
December 6, 1918, machine guns were used in the
streets of Berlin, and again in the early weeks ot
January, 1919; the assassination of Karl Liebknecht
and Rosa Luxemburg, Avho had ahvays stood for a
complete control of Germany by the Avorkers themselves, on January 15, is still Avithin the memory
of all. Less definitely proletarian efforts were
made all over Germany to unseat the old aristocracy, which still administered the various states
on the old bureaucratic lines. Every time such a
movement resulted in the formation of an even liberal government murder and violence Avere resorted
to by the reactionaries to put it doAvn. This is the
fact, for instance, behind the assassination of the
gentle Kurt Eisner at Munich (February 23, 1919).
The unrest springing from such situations in several cases (as in March at Munich, as a result of
Eisner's death) made possibe the establishment of
Soviet Governments (Rateregierungen). How they
were put doAvn is well known. The workers and
their leaders had short shrift. The execution of
Gustav Landauer is a typical case. In a word, Germany became a, seething mass of repression and
class hatred—a class hatred produced not by the
teachings of Marx, but by the fact that the reactionaries, Avho had no desire to carry out Marx's Doctrines, enforced and emphasised the truth of* his position to the point Avhere it became more than painfully evident. Every one knoAvs that at the first
opportunity the German people would seek to wrest
the power from the unscrupulous clique who called
themselves socialists and who Avere nevertheless
administering the country in the interests of the
powers that had been allegedly displaced on November 8, 1918.
It is one of the characteristic ironies of History
that Luttwitz and Kapp should be the inauguration
of open proletarian revolution in Germany, as Eisner's murderer had been in Bavaria a year before.
It Avas the effort to restore monarchy and Kaiser,
to whom Avould be assigned the task of organizing
Germany for the campaign against "Russian Bolshevism," that was the opportunity of the German
Avorkers to rise all over Germany and establish
governments of their own. What added contribution ''Russian propaganda" could have made to this
situation is not a question of great importance.
From My Note Book
By H. M. Bartholomew
The Editor has been saying some kind things to
me, and has suggested that I try and make this column of random notes a regular feature of the '' Clarion." I have agreed to his suggestion, but the consequence of his rash act must be placed upon his
The Socialist, in his criticism of the existing social
order, points to the endless and senseless Avaste
AA'hich is the ine\'itable fruit of uncontrolled competition. An instance of that waste can be seen in the
recent report of the Health Commissioner of Chicago, Avho vouches for the figures which follow:—
During the year 1918 there were over two million
pounds of foodstuffs destroyed in the great metropolis because of their total unfitness for human consumption. There Avere 312,068 pounds of meat,
148,969 pounds of fish, 68,233 pounds of poultry,
240,553 pounds of fresh vegetables, 102,227 pounds
of canned figs, 369,912 pounds of other canned fruits,
527,493 pounds of canned vegetables and 19,572
pounds of eggs Avasted by the commercial cold
storage firms of Chicago.
And this prodigious waste in only one city, at
the time Avhen there was supposed to be a great
shortage in foodstuffs.
* #   *
The publication of secret Treaties and of diplomatic conversations' previous to the Great War,
bring to light convincing proof of the holloAvness
of the Avar cries current during the early part of
the Avar. "War to end war," "A crusade against
Prussianism," "War to make the world safe for
democracy.'' Hoav do ' our 'Statesmen square these
pious statements Avith the damning report of the
Serbian Charge d'Affaires in London. That official reported to his government that:
"France and her Allies arc of the opinion that the war . . .
must be postponed until the year 1914-15." (Memorandum
dated September 8th, 1911).
Moreover, on February 25th,  1912, the Russian
Ambassador in London reported  to  Sazanov,  the
Russian Foreign Minister, a conversation Avith M.
.Cambon, Avhich left him Avith the impression that:
"Of all the powers, France is the only one which, not
to say that it wishes war, would yet look upon h with great
Last of all, upon February 21st of the fateful
year 1914, a War Council Avas held in Petrograd
"To elaborate a general programme of action in order lo
secure for us (Ihe Russians) a favorable solution of the historical question of the Straits." And the view was then expressed that "the struggle for Constantinople will be impossible outside of a general European war."
No Avonder the Allied PoAvers are no longer
pressing for the trial of the men who Avere responsible for the Avar!
* *    *
We must not forget that there are a good many
Prussians in Canada who are ready and Avilling to
pursue the same relentless policy attributed to the
All Highest Wilhelm. Before me is a confidential
letter sent to most of the manufacturers of Eastern Canada by G. M. Murray, formerly general
manager of the Canadian Manufacturers' Association.   This Apostle of Capitalism desires to estab
lish a bureau for the purpose of "a careful and
systematic review' 'of all the neAvspapers published in this country. This review has, for its purpose, the "black-listing" of all those journals who
dare to publish views and opinions which tend to
"hamper legitimate business." Mr. Murray has
especially in mind those journals who preach Ihe
class-war and advocate the One Big Union. He
Avould, by means of his "bureau" supervise the
"shepherding of advertisements," or as he himself
tells us:
"If a paper persistently giving expression to such views
were to lose the advertising patronage extended to it by
Canadian manufacturers it would probably occasion no surprise. Certain it is that if all manufacturers were to withdraw from it, it would not long survive."
It is the way of the Capitalist that when he cannot ansAver an argument he tries to bludgeon the
And Avhat an aAvful hoAvl the aforesaid "Canadian manufacturers" would raise if the workers of
Canada started a similar boycott of Capitalist
neAvspapers on their oAvn-
Moreover, it seems to me that those who so persistently state that there is no class-warfare vin
modern society had better read Mr. Murray's letter
foi; themselves. It is the best fighting defence of
Capitalist warfare which has come my way for a
considerable time.
* •   •
I read in a paper the other day that Sir Oliver
Lodge (Avhom "Punch" once called Sir Gulliver
Stodge) receives a salary of $1,000 for every lecture he delivers upon Spiritualism. This is the answer to those Avell meaning folk who state that religion and commercialism are diametrically opposed. What is more, it seems to prove the assertion made by a "wag" to me the other day, that
the cost of living in "spook-land" is as high, if
not higher, than it is under mundane Capitalism.
* *   *
In the village of Oust-Khoperesk, the local Soviet Avas aiTested by Kolchak's army. After cruel
torture on the rack, all five members were shot.
One of them, a miner named Grachev, told his executors that:
"I am an old convinced Communist. I learnt Communism
in the collieries, and death alone can part me from my convictions. If you offered me life in exchange for my convictions I should refuse. Only your bullets can force me to
be silent. But don't forget that in the Veronckh Government
I have four young boys, who will take a terrible revenge for
my martyrdom. They will follow the same path along which
I went for years in the fight against violence and evil.''
The "IzA'estia" commenting upon this dying
statement, says:
"Not only Grache's four sons will remember their fathers
heroic death, but all the sons of Soviet Russia, all the sons of
And the journal might have added that Socialists everywhere will not forget, but will press forward in the fight against that system which answers arguments with the assassins bullet and
strives to strangle ideas with the hangman's rope.
When I read of the courage of our Russian comrade, I could not but remember those famous lines
of Lowell:
"When   a   deed   is   done   for   Freedom,   through   the   broad
earth's aching breast,
Runs  a  thrill  of  joy  prophetic, trembling on   from east  to
And   the   slave   where'er   he   cowers,   feels   the   soul   within
him rise,
To the awful verge of manhood, as the energy sublime
Of  n  century  hursts   full-lilossomed  on  the  thorny  stem  of
A Journal of History, Economics, Philosophy and
Current Events.
Official Organ of the Socialist Party of Canada
Tssued  twice-a-month, at 401 Pender Street East,
Vancouver. B.  C.    Phone: High.  2583.
Rate: 20 Issues for One Dollar.   Make all moneys
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Address 	 PAGE FOUR
Western Clarion
A  Journal   of   History,   Economics,   Philosophy,
and Current Events.
Published twice a  month by tha Socialist Party of
Canada, 401 Pender Street East, Vancouver, B. C.
Phone Highland 2583.
Editor     Ewen MacLeod
Subscription, 20 issues   $1.00
If this number is on your address label your
subscription expires with next issue. Eenew
VANCOUVER, B. C, MAY 1, 1920
UnpIIE Searchlight," (Calgary) of April 9th,
A a capable advocate of the One Big Union,
takes exception to a clause in our editorial of April
1st commenting on the verdict found against the
labor men tried in Winnipeg. This clause Avas part
of a statement of Socialist Party of Canada policy
in regard to forms of industrial unionism.
We said, in part: "It is not our function to proclaim the superiority of one form of industrial organization over another, if any exists."
The last three Avords (they are italicised in our
contemporary's quotation from our article), compose the clause it objects to. The objection is made
on the folloAving grounds:
"It is not to be expected," the "Searchlight" article says, "that the "Western
Clarion" Avould come out as an open advocate of the One Big Union, but it is to
be expected that it would have the courage and honesty to point out to the workers, whom it is attempting to educate, that
there is a superiority of one form of industrial organization over another."
Our reply to this rebuke will provide opportunity to again set forth the attitude of the S. P. of C.
toAvard the organized labor movement in general,
and also to state its own function as a Socialist
To begin with, the writer of the article in "The
Searchlight" reads a meaning into the interjection
referred to other than Avas intended, and by putting
the Avords in italics he has to a degree detached them
from the context and given them a significance which
the original did not contain. All that was implied
by the complete statement of policy was that the
comparative merits of various forms of industrial organizations did not come within the field of S. P. of
C. activity) but that such matters were specific busi
ness for the organized labor movement to consider,
decide and act upon as affecting its members in their
immediate struggle over conditions of work and
Avages. Such matters are the business of the S. P.
of C. only insofar as to take cognizance of for its own
general purpose of bringing all social phenomena
within the focus of a reArolutionary socialist viewpoint.
As a party of revolutionary socialism, the S. P.
of C. takes its stand upon, and advocates an uncompromising class struggle for the control of the State.
It is not the comparative merits of forms of labor
organizations that concern the Party, but that these
organizations, Avhatever may be their forms, do, by
the nature of their function become absorbed by and
limited to the necessities of the day to day struggle
against the doAvmvard pressure of the conditions of
capitalism. This struggle results in a never ending
series of. what are in a degree demoralizing, because
compromizing, bargains with the capitalist class.
The writer of "The Searchlight" editorial elsewhere in his article says that craft organizations
recognize "an identity of interest between capital
and labor," while "industrial organizations declare
there is no such identity and the struggle must go on
until the wage system is overthrown."
We reply that we accept such declarations, and
any activities which may conform to them thankfully
as indications of a growth of class consciousness
among the workers, but at the same time we remember that some British trades unions have carried sim
ilar declarations for a generation or tAvo; also there
are other reasons, some already stated, others follow,
which prevent us from being unduly elated.
Individuals do not become class conscious revolutionists by merely becoming members of an organization issuing a revolutionary declaration. A labor
organization, craft or industrial, seeks to organize
all Avho are employed in the industry irrespective of
their economic and political convictions, and consequently must include Avithin its ranks very many
Avho are antagonistic to the social revolution, liberals
and conservatives, republicans and democrats, as
Avell as those opposed on religious grounds. It seems
to us that an organization, declaring against the
wages system, Avith all the revolutionary correlations
and implications attached thereto, for it to be dependable, must be a revolutionary association composed of those only avIio endorse that declaration
Avithout secret reservations.
Therefore, from the revolutionary standpoint, and
from the foregoing considerations, the respective
merits or demerits of labor organizations assume less
momentous proportions to the revolutionary socialist
on revolutionary business bent, than they do to either
the spectre-haunted bourgeoisie or to the Avorking
class partizans, of different forms of labor organization, Avho do not realize or Avho are not concerned
over the nature of the limitations which Ave have
drawn attention to.
A form of labor organization structurally adapted
to conform to the state of the physical organization
of capitalist industry will be of value to its members
when bargaining over work and wages with the employers. Its value, hoAvever, in a revolutionary sense
lies but little in its specific form, but arises from the
number of the class conscious Avorkers Avithin its
We assert that to the socialist, non-socialist and
anti-soeialist members of the organized labor movement must be left the form of that movement's re
spouses to the immediate conditions in our present
industrial and social life.
On the other hand, the business of a Socialist
Party is the propagation of Socialism Avhich is ultimately to emancipate the race from such conditions.
The S. P. of C. best serves the interests of the working class by concentrating its energies exclusively in
that business.
Our circulation is 8,000 this issue, and an effort
has been made to produce the paper in time to reach
points as far East as Winnipeg by the 1st of May.
# •       *
We announced in our issue of February 2nd, that
Local (Winnipeg) No. 3 had nominated Comrade R.
B. Russell as candidate in the Manitoba Provincial
elections to be held in or about June of this year. The
nomination now further includes the names of Comrades Armstrong, Johns and Pritchard, and all comrades Avill do well to apply their attention to the
notice elsewhere contained in these columns on the
# #       #
Local (Coleman, Alberta) No. 93, has come to life
again, after resting up since last June or so. On behalf of the comrades there, Comrade Hansen, the
secretary, sends $25 to the C. M. F., and indicates
that considerable interest is being manifested in
their oAvn affairs by the workers in that locality.
# '   *       #
As will be seen in Alberta Notes, Comrade J. F.
Maguire, secretary Alberta Provincial Executive
Committee, reports the formation of a local at
Camrose, Alberta, and says jthe Comrades at
YoungstoAvn will apply for charter at an early date.
Comrades throughout the country should bear in
mind that wherever it is possible to form and maintain a Avorking nucleus of members, the propaganda toAvards sound working-class education can
best be formulated and conducted under charter,
that is, Avith the co-operation of others throughout
the country.
# •       *
Comrade Charlie O'Brien, writing from Rochester, N. Y., April 12th, 1920, says: "The other two
Avere acquitted, but I was indicted. As yet no
date is set for trial." He sends $20 for the C. M.
F., collected by Comrade Barney Feld, literature
agent for Local Rochester Proletarian Party.
Comrade O'Brien's letter contains information also
that the Proletarian Party of the States of Buffalo,
Michigan, and Rochester, N. Y., with pledges of
support from other places has been formed. Until
otherwise provided "The Proletarian," now published in Detroit, will be their official organ, and
its Board of Directors, together with one to be
elected by each local, will be the executive committee. In the meantime, the affairs of the party
will be conducted by correspondence.
# #       #
Lectures are being delivered each Sunday under
S. P. of C. auspices in Victoria, B.C., Room 3,
1424 Government Street. The subject is "The History of Slavery," and all workers in and around
Victoria will do well to hear Comrade W. H. Cam-
field deliver this series. The course will last from
four to six weeks, and the lectures should be well
* #       *
The Avorkers, men and Avomen, of Vancouver and
surrounding district, are celebrating May Day at
Mahon Park, North Vancouver. Speeches, llter-
ture sales and children's sports will be the order
of the day, ind dancing Avill be conducted in the
evening.    SAvell the throng.
From "FORWARD"  (Glasgow), March 27, 1920.
Oh, the happy, happy Avorker!
The Lord Chancellor — Avhat is it he gets?
£20,000 a year, isn't it? The Lord Chancellor,
Birkenhead (nee F. E. Smith, in adolesence, Carson's Ulster Galloper!) gnaAvs his nails as he sits
in his ermine cloak and Avishes he Avere a happy
Avorker at £3 a Aveek and behind with his rent, and
a dose of rheumatics got by working in a wet clay-
hole, and likely to send him on to ill-health benefits
and to an early grave. Wishes he Avere a happy
worker in a but and ben, and the man next door
playing the bagpipes, and the chip shop aroma from
the shop below rising like incense.   And	
listen to him, as he Avrites of his envy in the "Weekly
Dispatch," March 21, 1920:—
"In all our big works, on the other hand, the men go there
regularly each morning, find their work waiting for them,
do it, and go home when the hooter blows, with not a care on
their minds.■ .When pay-day comes their wages will be sure,
for the law makes the workers' wage the first charge on the
"None of the anxieties of the master is shared by the
worker. The whole risks of industry are taken off his
shoulders by capital and put on the shoulders of the Capitalist.
The Capitalist has to find the money or the raw materials;
he has to find the purchaser for the finished article, he has
to bear the brunt if the purchased price does not enable him
to recover his outlay with a profit.
"If we ran short of capital, therefore, we should run short
of that without which the worker could not get his livelihood.
For the important thing about capital is that it is constantly
wearing out."
It is the loss of the Birkenhead!
The year 1919 was full of "bumps' 'for socialist
propagandists the world over, and Alberta was no
exception. Early in 1919 we were faced with the
trial and defence of Comrade MacPherson, whose
home had been raided, and who had been persecuted for having a feAV "Clarions" in his barn. A
feAV months later Comrade Paton had to be defended for daring to sign his letters "Yours in revolt." These persecutions cost about $600. Then
came the sabotage of the Post Office, when our
mail was held up, opened and delayed. For many
months we did not get a particle of literature, so
strict Avas their vigilance. However, through all
their suppression and oppression we succeeded in
getting the following Avork done: 4,000 circular letters were sent out, and 2,000 communications riV
ceived and attended to. 10,000 pamphlets and
75,000 copies of "Soviet" Avere printed and distributed, and $1,572 Avorth of literature was sold.
Many propaganda meetings Avere held, but these,
too, were handicapped as theatre managers refused
us the use of their halls in Edmonton ,Calgary and
rural towns.
The Alberta and SaskatcheAvan Provincial Executive Committee hereby ask all Socialists in these
provinces to link themselves up with the Party in
order to lengthen the chain for propaganda activities. Those desirous to become members apply to
Box 785 Edmonton, Alberta.
The comrades of Camrose have started a local
and secured a stock of literature.
YoungstoAvn comrades will follow suit in the very
near future.
Wm. M. and Mrs. Brown, $5; Oscar Motter, $1;
Local (Coleman) No.93, $25; Barney Feld, per C.
M. O'Brien, $20; Local (Winnipeg) No. 3, $10.
From 13th to 26th April, inclusive, astonishing
total, $61. WESTERN  CLARION
THAT Avondrous vagary of capitalist expediency
—the noAv notorious Peace Treaty—has been
"ratified" by all the i principal, nations except
America. And Avhether America ratifies it or not,
Avith or without reservations, the result will be
practically identical, since America cannot hold
herself isolated from capitalist processes. American capitalist acuities, like contemporary nations,
will be determined by American capitalist interests.
It would appear probable, thierefor, that Ave shall
soon be walking, in Avhat the inspired Victoria
"Colonist" in its abundant delusion, calls the pleasant paths of peace."   Alas! poor Yorick.
Just as the "great Avar" invaded all social departments, and occupied all social activities, so
Avill the "great peace" inaugurate methods of adjustment, and conditions of life, reflecting the new
vantage point of society. Thrust up from the deeps
of its unhalting dieA'elopment has come a new condition, a fresh thought, measurable not in terms of
imperial ambition, but by the gauge of omnipotent
social necessity. What the immediate future holds
in store, is yet obscure, but there is no question
that it Avill be increasingly inimical to capitalst
The burdens oi captalist society, incurred for its
maintenance and progress, are patiently throttling
capitalist activity. To develop and maintain it
self, capitalist society must further burden its staggering necessity. To do this it must have room for
expansion. But the capitalization of all countries,
the bonding of future labor and resource, the potency of high poAver machine production prevents
this expansion, because it prevents the very thing
that capital exists to accomplish,—the further accumulation of capital. Huge debts, adverse exchanges, high costs, of themselves, are of no im
portance. They are but resultants of the main
cause. All the machinery and paraphernalia of
production and exchange are sufficient to their
purpose, provided a market can be found. Unlimited credit (or debt) is no hindrance—indeed
it is the basis of capitalist intercourse—if expan
sion also is unlimited. But the moment resources
can no longer be clothed Avith the quality of capital,
expansion ceases. Therefore is the market the
prime necessity. Failure to find that, means the
failure of capitalist production, the collapse of capital itself. In all countries, noAv, there ar* revolts,
and insurrections, Avars and rumors of wars,
strikes and disorders, threats and mutterings of the
volcanic forces of bonded society, pressing on to a
neAv freedom of social organization. They are witness of the failure of the master class to find a market for its exploitation; the culmination of all slave
But the capitalist conferees battled valiantly according to their lights for their system of "freedom" — to exploit. But the economic dice was
against them; the ruin they thought to impose on
their rivals boomeranged on themselves. The bluff
of their petty subterfuges was called by social necessity; their vaunted idealism scattered to the four
Avinds; their "acid tests of goodAvill" violated at
every point and turn. The triumph of Soviet Russia, the subjection (economic) of the German Empire, was ruin and disaster for France and Britain,
the cause of dissension with America, Avhile the
territorial bayonetting of imperialism shattered
completely what hope remained for capitalist unity
of aggression and temporary success. Blundering
on the fundamental of the market, they blundered
on the fundamental of slave control, and so doing
countered the irresistible economic of social movement. Not because their councils were of guile
and deceit, or their motives ignoble did they fail,
but because their expediencies were not of social
The armistice was concluded—with the implication potential in actual peace—on the basis of that
travesty of democracy, the fourteen points. There
were to be no annexations, no indemnities. There
Avere to be self-determination of peoples, the right*
of domestic control, and social co operation for the
common good. And territory has been bartered and
mandated for purposes of commercial aggrandisement, indemnities imposed that have ruined nations. Peoples have been shuffled hither and
thither, like pawns on a chess board; wars engineered for the overthrow of foreign governments
subversive of allied interests; and the "common
good" has been bludgeoned ,and blockaded into
famine, disease, suffering and death unspeakable.
The most impassioned scorn is inadequate to express its despicable meanness, its callous hypocrisy
its inept vision, its unparalleled savagery. Truly
is the Peace Treaty: a fitting monument to capital
in extremis.
But Avhile capitalist conferences may declare
peace, no conference can enact it. Political society
is slave society, and slavery and peace cannot exist
together. So long as one class shall dominate another, so long shall strife continue, so long shall be
the insanity of Avar, the Avaste of "peace," the
duress of social misery and degradation. Class
domination means class exploitation; means pov
erty, ignorance, infamy to the subjected: Avealth
and all wealth connotes to the rulers: means com
merce, profits, markets, wars.
All those minor atrocities can be abolished only
with the abolition or collapse of their parent atrocity — political society. With social organization
resting on economic freedom, then only can peace
be, and its treaty inviolate. . R.
The Battle of Life
THE world still moves around in a vicious circle.
The clouds gather and the heavens darken,
the storm breaks and precipitates, deluging the
earth with murder, famine, and disease. Biscuits
are still being fed to the puppets that bid fair to
serve the roaring lion that seeks Avhom it may
The home of the standard of Liberty and Freedom snatches the bloody thread of Churchill to
lengthen and brighten the line with the lives of
men and women struggling for conditions that will
make Liberty and Freedom possible.
United States of America are reported to have
en route for Danzig military equipment for 200,000
men, 80 locomotives, 4,500 cars for troops transport, 5,000,000 pounds of margarine, and 100,000
tons of flour, besides a considerable amount of
grain and other materials. The "Labor Leader"
of March the 18th still further comments on the
delay of aid to Poland; protracted restoration as
urged by Mr. Hoover would end in financial ruin.
Poland is a linger of the lash in the hands of
the modern patricians that are bursting with indignation at the idea of proletarians having the
audacity to establish a system of production for
use instead of for profit.
The tyranny and abuses of the Roman Owl still
hovers and lurks among the bushes of Christian
civilization., Paganism saw the floAver of iyouth
strangled and bled, despised and tortured, gaoled
and burned because they sought to free themselves
from a hopeless servitude. Cruel and unbearable
were the conditions under which men must work
and live, crushed under the yoke of a poAverful
hierarchy 200,000 slaves rose in revolt against their
masters. Eunus, Drimakos and Spartacus were
leaders of three slave revolts that shook the Roman
world to its very foundation. The ruling class of
the old Pagan world were horrified and insulted at
the impudence of slaves striking for freedom.
When the revolutionary armies Avere crushed and
thousands of the slaves made captives a lesson
must be taught to prevent any future uprising.
7,000 of the bodies of men branded by the taint
of labor dangled upon the Roman Cross that decorated the Appian Valley. Roman aristocrats
mounted their chariots and rode daily through this
valley to witness the decomposition of the bodies
of slaves that had the nerve to attack the privileged class. A Patrician bribe resulted in the betrayal of Drimakos by a jealous rival of his own
army. Drimakos Avas tried before a patrician judge
and condemned as a traitor.   He was cast into a
dungeon and devoured by lice; thus ended the life
of a thinking member of the Avorking class.
The Roman highway of Paganism is still travelled by the divine, the noble, and the intelligent
Central Europe is bathed in the blood of those
striving to wrench themselves from the bonds of
servitude. Poland the puppet, bribed by modern
financiers Avith a morsel to keep guard and bark occasionally, might prevent the fire of Bolshevism
from spreading to other little puppets that the
capitalist refused to feed any longer. The "leg"
of Nations has beeu pulled and stretched a little
bit too long for the pants they have to wear, showing promiscuously the ugly foot that tramples on
self-determination of small nations. Armenia may
be a Avail built to blind the masses to the east, but
the live Avire betAveen European Bolshevism and
Capitalism is Poland.
Roumania has been the patrician club cunningly used to batter the life out of the Austrian Socialists. The Allied plot to crucify the forces erecting
a neAv social system has decorated the modern capitalist class Avith shame not one degree behind the
slave persecutors of the old Pagan Avorld.
The demand of France and Britain for German
military officials for trial is no doubt a subtle
effort to restore the monarchy Avhen birds of a
feather Avill flock together and restore order in
Russia.   .
"The best laid schemes of mice and men gang
aft agley."
The economic world has been moulded into a
new pattern, and according to Mr. Hoover and the
chief of the Liverpool corn exchange, there is in
the Avorld only one per cent, less of avooI and wheat
then the average for the five years previous to
1919. The European unemployed army is recorded
to be 17,000,000. Wheat surplus is said to be
20,000,000 quarters over and above the world's requirements. Yet Ave have famine, disease, and
death for the Avorkers, with gaol, deportation and
in many cases murder for those having the audacity to inform the Avorkers they must unite to break
the chains that bind them.
Local (Winnipeg), No. 3
George Armstrong,   R. J. Johns,   W. A. Pritchard,
R. B. Russell
Campaign funds are needed. Collection Cards can
be secured from, and donations made to:
P.O. Box 1762
Winnipeg, Manitoba.
The "Western Clarion" is on sale at:—
W. Love, Hastings St. E., Vancouver, B. C
Columbia News Stand, cor. Hastings and Columbia
Streets, Vancouver.
John Green, Carall Street, Vancouver.
News Stand, B. C. E. R. Depot, New Westminster.
Alexander News Stand, 204 Eighth Aveenue West,
Calgary, Alta.
S. Feigleman, 421 St. Lawrence Bldg., Montreal
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D. Goodman, Blind News Agent, Queen and Chestnut Streets, Toronto. Ont.
Labor Lyceum, 580 St. Paul Street, Rochester, N. Y. PAGE SIX
The Science of Socialism
A complete understanding of the Science of
Socialism necessitates a knowledge of the social
and economic systems Avhich have prevailed before
the rise and growth of modern Capitalism.
Noav, history is a science, to be Avritten scientifically and to be studied scientifically. In conjunction Avith a close and reasoned study of economic
institutions. When the history of any past epoch
is studied in this manner, Ave are enabled to discern
the more closely the path Avhich must be trod in the
days that are to be.
Thie Socialist approaches any historical epoch
armed Avith Avhat is termed ''the materialist conception of history."    Engels tells us that:
"The materialist conception of history starts from the proposition that the production of the means to support human
life and, next to the production, the exchange of things produced, is the basis of all social structure; that in every society that has appeared in history, the manner in Avhich wealth
is distributed and society is divided into classes or orders, is
dependent upon what is produced, and how the products are
exchanged. From this point if view the final causes of all
social changes and political revolutions are to be sought, not
in men's brains, not in man's better insight into eternal truth
and iustice, but in changes in the modes of production and
exchange. They are to be sought not in the philosophy, but
in the economics of each particular epoch"
That is to say, the political and juridical institutions existing in any given historical epoch are determined by, and can only be explained through the
system of production and distribution of Avealth
Avhich prevails during that historical epoch.
Let us, very briefly, examine the history of the
human race from the viewpoint of the materialist
conception of history, in order that Ave may accept
the past as our future guide and gain some idea of
the historical origin of modern Capitalism.
It is a commonplace among historians that mankind, in the earlier stages of its mundane existence,
lived under a system of Communism. All great investigators of that historical period of history
knoAvn as "Savagery" are agreed upon this fundamental point. Such unquestionable authorities as
Tylor, Lubbock, Spencer, Morgan, Bachofen Maurer
and others, tell us, in very decided tones, that early
man lived and had his social being in a rude form of
Lewis Morgan, in his great book "Ancient Society," assumes that 100,000 years covers the life of
the human race on the earth. Of this period, fully
95,000 years have been lived under forms of Com-
# munism. He says that during Savagely and Barbarism the essentials to .the production of Avealth are
possessed in common. Speaking of the first period,
he tells us that:
"The property of savages was inconsiderable. Their ideas
concerning its value, its desirability and its inheritance were
feeble. Rude weapons, fabrics, utensils, apparel, implements
of flint, stone and bone and personal ornaments represent the
chief items of savage life." •        &
Even during the higher social order known as
Barbarism, Avhen "it is evident that a large increase
of personal property has noAv occurred," Are find
that "the territorial domain still belonged to the
tribe in common."...Indeed Morgan says:
"That any person owned lands or houses in his own right,
with power to sell and convey in fee-simple to whomsoever
he pleased is not only unestablished but improbable. Their
mode of owning their lauds in common, by gentes, or by communities of persons, their ioint-tenement houses and their
mode of occupation by related families, precluded the individual ownership of houses and of lands."
Needless to say, during this long period of time
Avhen Communism existed, there were constant and
fierce struggles betAveen man and the terrible beasts
of the jungle, and just as terrible struggles betAveen
man and man. Indeed, for the greater part of this
historical period wars occupied a very prominent
position. The captives taken by the victors, AAfere,
at first eaten at huge festive feasts, but it Avas later
discovered, that these captives were much more profitable alive than dead. In other Avords, Ave find
the rude start of slavery, although it is certain that
for a very considerable period of time, the slaves,
thus enslaved, were the property of the whole tribe
of gentes.
By H. M. Bartholomew.
With slavery the accumulation of wealth grew
apace, the rude laAvs of inheritance expanded, money
as a medium of exchange Avas introduced, and a
primitive division of labor established. Mankind,
thanks to the discovery of the stockade, began to
gather into communities for purposes of protection
and, as the population increased and the number of
slaves grew, the old "gentile" families formed an
aristocracy. We find the genesis of classes. For it
was not long before the laws of inheritance developed so that the slaves, once the possession of the
whole gentes, became the property of the "gentile"
It Avas upon this basis of slavery that the great
empires of Egypt, Athens and Rome Avere established. The magnificence of the free i*epublics of
Athens have excited the admiration and inspired the
verse of poets and of philosophers. It was Shelley
—was it not?—Avho, in one of these moments of
inspiration wrote:
*    "Let there be  light!  said  Liberty,
And, like sunrise from the sea,
Athens  rose!   Around her born,
Shone like mountains in the morn,
Glorious states."
but the poet forgot that this liberty of these '' glorious states" existed upon an elaborate system of
chattel slavery. In Athens, at the very zenith of its
power, there were 90,000 free citizens (which includes men, women and children) 365,000 slaves
and 45,000 slave police.
The Roman Empire, at the height of its glory,
was divided, just as sharply into opposing economic
classes. And what glory! History does not give us
a finer spectacle of imperial greatness than the Empire of the Caesars. The magnificent roads, the lasting aqueducts, the completeness of the military machine, the far-flung boundaries of its power, the
stately edifice of Roman jurisprudence—here is an
impressive picture.
And this magnificence and power had its being because the overwhelming mass of the people over
whom the Caesars held sAvay were chattel slaves.
The economic history of the Roman Empire reveals
to us the great and groAving Avealth of the patricians
and the increasing poverty and misery of the ple-
bians. The huge slave-worked estates which characterized the closing decades of Roman greatness increased the gap betAveen these-two great classes. The
tribute levied from slaves increased the luxury and
wealth of the aristocracy. Luxury and debauchery,
unequalled perhaps* in all history, reigned in "the
seats of the mighty,"- while the direst and most
hopeless poverty festered below.
But the Nemesis of the Roman Empire was at
hand. The great empire fell before the attacks of
the barbarians from ■ Avithout and the discontent of
the masses from within. The polarisation of wealth
resulting from pitiless slavery soAved the seed and
reaped the whirlwind.
With the fall of Roman glory, Ave come to the close
of a long and important period in economic evolution. The knowledge of Egypt, the splendour of
Athens and the power of Rome existed because the
basis of these empires Avas chattel slavery, j No
longer were slaves OAvned in common, they have become the exclusive property of the possessing
classes. And the Avhole of the Avealth which those
slaves produced was the property of the patricians.
It must be borne in mind that chattel slavery, no
matter Iioav much Ave may deplore its multiform evils,
represented a distinct advance in economic evolution. With those evils, can be found a tremendous
increase in man's-poAver to produce Avealth, a distinct advance in the machinery of exchange of
The collapse of the Roman Empire brings us to
a period of transition and disruption. Roads fell
into disrepair, markets almost disappeared, and
there is apparently chaos everyAvhere. From this
period of transition there gradually emerges a new
and, in many important respects, a higher economic
and social order—Feudalism.
The stern necessities of the age demanded a stern
and well-nigh relentless autocracy to evolve order
from chaos. We find, then, the rise of a military
dictatorship based upon force of arms.   Castles, of
' tremendous strength, appeared in all directions—the
stronghold of the Feudal baron. The possession of
land is the reward of military service, the tie which
binds baron to king.
The serfs of the Feudal baron, although very
much at his mercy, possessed certain definite rights.
In the majority of cases they were permitted to work
a certain number of days for themselves as against
a similar (sometimes greater) number of days for
their lord. Moreover, they were required to swear
allegiance to their lord and to fight for him in times
of war.
In the growing toAvns, we find, pari passu, the
serfs, a large body of workmen and free artisans.
No matter Avhat dues they might pay to the feudal
lords, they weire (economically free. Organized
into democratic guilds, they greAv in power and were
able to defeat many of the tyrannical inroads of the
landed aristocracy and military caste. Thus organized, controlling his own tools and his own products, the artisan, secure in his privileges and safe
to rise from journeyman to master-craftsman, was
in comparison, economically free.
The power of these guilds increased, trade flourished and political institutions broadened. It was
the age of Individual Production.
And what a power these guilds of frie artisans
became! Wiliam Morris has told us of the advancement of learning and the development of art
which resulted from the endeavors of these gallant
fellows. The stately cathedrals and magnificent
monasteries of Europe stand as silent AvitUesses
of the skillful architects, decorators and builders
Avho lived in the towns of Feudalism.
Never before nor since, has man had such a glorious opportunity Owning his own tools, controlling his own product, working in his own home, able
to rise from apprentice to master — these men
achieved in the domain of art and letters far more
than could be accomplished in Shelley's "glorious
As above stated, it was an age of individual production. The bootmaker made the whole of the
boot and the cotton-spinner the Avhole of the cloth.
But individual production, no matter Avhat its
achievements were in the realm of art, could not
long satisfy the new markets opened up by the
bold seamen of Devon. Slowly, but gaining impetus
with each fresh conquest, social production displaced individual production. At first, and very slowly,
there is the introduction of a higher division of
labor, the recognition of the greater productive
power of co-operation over the older individualism.
Trade increases, first in the national market, then in
the international market. The neAv markets and the
desire for world empire hastens the process, and
greater impetus is given to the process of industrial
change by the inventions of machines by Watt, Ark-
wright, CartAvright and Hargraves.
The neAv machines spell the doom of the old individual production of wealth-by the craftsman in his
own home. Instead of the spinner Aveaving his
cloth with his OAvn rude tools in his OAvn home, Ave
find a larger and larger number of men and Avomen
spinning cotton by the aid of complex machinery in
a factory. A man no longer creates a thing, he is
reduced to a machine-slave and makes only a small
part of a thing.
Expansion of trade and the growth of markets
demand the employment of more machinery, the
building of more factories, the expenditure of more
capital. The new method of factory production
means the employment of larger and larger aggregates of machinery, which in turn spell the employment of more and more capital. In other words, we
have reached the time when the individual production in small homes gives place to social production
in large factories and workshops.
Capitalism, in short, is the highest plane in economic evolution reached by man. He has succeeded
in producing wealth beyond the dreams of Fortun-
atus, of building up a system of wealth production
AA'hich results in tremendous aggregations of riches.
He has almost solved the problem of the social production of wealth, and it remains for him to solve
the still greater problem of the social distribution of
(Continued on page 7) WESTERN  CLARION
The Farmers' Forum
IT is not the purpose of this brief article to deal
with and explain the fundamental basis of the
farmer's poverty and misery while producing
superabundantly. Possession of existing knowledge of agricultural economics would solve all his
problems, but a point of contact forms an apparently unsurpassable obstacle.
Extant literature proves scientifically that under
Capitalism the farmer like the worker undergoes
exploitation, differentiated only in subtlety of
method Avhich coming into action at' a later date
in its growth becomes more indirect, more complex
and consequently more efficacious,—on the other
hand less easy to understand.
The higher intellectual grasp of economics by the
Socialist, clarifies the situation for him. He knows
how to act. But the farmer with a lower potential, finds thie solution enshrouded in mystery.
Metaphysical arguments and conclusions follow.
The "hayseed" envelops himself with a policy of
useless temporary reforms and feels aggrieved at the
resultant poverty of his efforts.
Savagery produced the stone axe, modern civilization the keen, quick-cutting, steel tool, but comparison Avould serve no useful purpose. Both are
products of the aggregate intelligence of their historical period. The same is true of the Socialist
and the farmer, the latter being a product of an
older civilization extending into the present day.
When, therefore, many Socialist writers from
their superior vantage point hurl their keen, barbed
arrows of reason and ridicule at the farmer, they
forget that things have both a (time and place
utility. They overlook the fact that feelings, not
reason rule the Avorld; that feelings drive humanity
blindly onwards to avoid the unpleasant and seek
the pleasant. Reason only guides these feelings on
their course.    "Necessity is blind."
The farmer, in consequence is perfectly justified
in requesting from the Socialist a sympathetic attitude towards his present temporary position not
from abstract but concrete hypothesis.
Occasionally assumption is made that mental
deficiency forms the cause of the lower intensity of
farmer intelligence. Or* the contrary his average
brain power is equal to that of any other worker-
group—no more, no less. Rather should it be explained on the basis of opportunity—the possibilities are many but the opportunities are few! The
difference betAveen individuals in general lies not
in their "gray matter," not in what they are capable of knowing, but on what they actually do
It may, again, be shown that this Ioav intellectual intensity may be attributed to economic reasons.
The historical development of the farmer's machinery of production which in the last decade has
remained almost stationery, and his limited means
of communication including his newspapers, magazines, etc., not only tend to retard progress, but
give him, exaggerated notions of existing social
relationships. In addition, his rural school system
of education has not only left him ignorant, but
has saturated his mind more than the others of the
proletariat with wrong standards of life, false
statements of facts, sordid ideals, monstrous unreal ities.
Contact with continually improving new and
huge machinery, in conjunction with other influences has enabled the industrial Avorker to rapidly
discard these hallucinations, to reason from causes
to effect, and to fill his mind with positive truths.
With the farmer, the process of demolishing the old
and building aneAv is on the contrary correspondingly slow. He lags behind, a product of the older
civilization of belief and individualism.
Similarly this retardation is aggravated by his
means of communication — intercourse, language,
The ability of the individual mind to acquire
knoAvledge through individual experience is limited; that of the human mind unlimited. Further,
the desire to acquire knowledge varies in direct
proportion to the amount of pleasure derived there
from and the fluency of communication. A distinction hoAvever must be made betAveen quantity
and quality.
Having greater intercourse Avith his fellows,
easier access to scientific books, good papers, periodicals giving 100 per cent, labor vieAvpoint, the
Avage-Avorker with a greater appetite for useful
information far outstrips his agricultural brother,
content for the most part Avith 100 per cent, capitalist neAvspapers and periodicals, or with sentimental rubbishy books from the rural school
Even the farm papers—most of them heavily sub
sidized advertising media — think ' discretion the
better part of valor." They dislike the sound of
Socialism and Revolution, not apprehending the
value or true meaning of either. They carry on a
campaign of Avhat may be termed sabotage with
the stated though hopeless aim of preserving unity
betAveen a quick-moving vanguard and a slower-
actioned rear.
Occupying an unenviable and untenable position in "No man's land," they continue an open
flirtation Avith both Capital and Labor. Aesop's
fable of the Bat contains no lesson for them.
Tariff Reform, H. C. of L., Soldier Settlement,
Nationalization of Industries, State Control, are
to them fundamentals!. Group organization, and
the "closed door" a panacea for all ills. And on
analysis Avhat does it all amount to but a repetition of Avhat has been recognized for the past century—the evils and injustices and anomalies of our
social systk-m.
Hoav can the farmer protect himself amongst all
this cross-firing? Hoav can he be expected to progress Avhen he is debarred from finding out the
causes of these evils?
Yet the farm papers did their propaganda—progressive education! It is—but for the Capitalist.
It is an education Avith, a downward thrust to reaction instead of with an upAvard lift to freedom.
For 'freedom comes with the understanding begotten of knowledge, and not with belief.
The divergence of opinion between the farmer
and the artizan can be thus explained. The latter
understands the theory of surplus-value, and accordingly endeavors to limit his working day. The
farmer not having studied economics imagines that
the longer the Avorking day, the greater the chances
for acquiring a competency to support him in his
old age. Contrary to general opinion the acquisition of riches is not the farmers' aim. But while
this mode of thought obtains, conflict of opinion
between? the tAvo is unavoidable.
Though the "hay-seed" does not understand
causes, he has an ever-groAving conviction that
things are not as they should be, and that he is predestined to set the Avorld "right."
Let there be no mistake about apprehending his
motives, mistaken though they be. His earnestness
is terribly real, his lack but a guiding rein.
With such material to Avork upon, let us not attribute all the blame to the farmer for the
thoughts and actions of those Avho Avould direct him;
he has the brain poAver; incentive is not lacking. Let
the S. P. of C. supply the knoAvledge, the raAV material of the finished product—intelligence.
The Socialist Party has a surplus of this knowledge Avhich on the other hand Avill not benefit the
farmer unless he oaviis it.   In addition, its posses
sion in sufficient quantity will unify opinion and
bring the farmer into line Avith the Avage-Avorker.
To distribute—socialize this knoAvledge—educate
the farmer—if it must be done, must be the work of
the S. P. of C.
Hoav can this Avork be accomplished The farmer
in general is no reader of books, nor is he an orator,
but can and does appreciate a good speaker. This
method of approach appeals to him as none other
because it appeals to his feelings as Avell as his reason, Avhile shoAving that outside of the profiteering
interests, others are interesting themselves in his
economic Avelfare.
The courses of lectures delivered by Huxley in
England, and Lewis in America, may be cited as
exemplifying the immense amount of benefit derived
by the Avorkers by this method, the idea being to
bring a live education to such a stage that the acquired momentum, with the aid of pamphlets anl
books, Avould accomplish its OAvn salvation.
The Avay no doubt is rough and beset with difficulties, but to the Socialist mind vkich. has solved
the conventional Avith the unconventiinal, it means
only another concrete problem to be mastered.
Our "horny-handed son of the soil" Avith the
"back-bone" of Canada shall then emerge from the
chrysalis hidden by the Aveb of individualism and its
attendant lacqueys, into the free social producer,
and free social thinker.
Groups shall then cease; closed doors fly open;
race-consciousness shall reign.
Speed the plough! W. C.
(Continued from page 6)
The clash betAveen rival classes in society, the inexorable hostility betAveen the possessing class
and the dispossessed class—this has, up 'till today,
been the Nemesis of the Natiqns. For the most part,
this economic Avarfare betAveen producers and possessors has spelt for progress, and has resulted in
the evolution of higher economic and social systems.
We may rest assured that the class warfare which
divides modern Capitalism into two great hostile
camps, will result in the evolution of a new and
higher social order.
Article VII.—Trend of Modern Social Evolution.
Literature Price List
Communist Manifesto. Single copies, 10c, 25
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Wage-Labor and Capital. Single copies, 10c; 25
copies, $2.00.
The Present Economic System. (Prof. W. A.
Bonger).   Single copies, 10c; 25'copies, $1.50.
Capitalist Production. (First Nine and 32nd
Chapters, "Capital/' Vol. I. Marx). Paper, single
copies, 50c; cloth, single copies, $1.00; cloth, 10
copies, 75c each.
Socialism, Utopian and Scientific. Single copies,
15c; 25 copies, $3.25.
Slave of the Farm. Single copies, 10c; 25 copies,
Manifesto, S. P. of C, single copy, 10 cents; 25
copies, $1.50. ,
Red Europe. (F. Anstey, M.P.). Single copies,
50c.   Ten copies or more 30c each.
The Story of the Evolution of Life. (T. F. Palmer).   Single copies, 10c.
Evolution of Man. (Prof. Bolsche). Single
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The Nature and Uses of Sabotage (Prof. T. Veb-
len).   Singles copies 5 cents, 25 copies $1.
Ten Days that Shook the World. (John Reed).
Per copy, $2.00.
The Criminal Court Judge, and The Odd Trick
(E. B. Bax). Single copies', 5 cents; per 25 copies,
(All above post free).
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Labor Defence Fund
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Collection agency for Alberta: A. Broatch, 1203
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Central Collection Agency: J. Law, Secretary, Defence Fund, Room 1, 530 Main Street, Winnipeg,
Economic Causes of War
WHY did Italy go into the great Avar? Because the Allies promised her a great territorial expansion. It was not to safeguard herself
against the Balkan States, but for purely Imperialistic aims, that she annexed Carniola so that
she might obtain possession of the mercury mines
of Idria, the' caverns and grottos of Postojna (the
Avorld's greatest subterranean marvels), and her
great forest areas. She annexes the Thousand
Isles of Dalmatia, and Dalmatia itself for the
famous fisheries. Italy will make the Adriatic
Sea an Italian lake. Her own coast is sandy with
shallow Avaters, Avhile the opposite coast is high
and rocky, easy to fortify, and has deep waters
for dreadnaughts and, liners. Dalmatia, with a
population four per cent. Italian, does not look
much like self-determination of peoples, but Italy
was promised all this in the Treaty of London, so
that the others could pursue their imperialistic lust
in Syria, Persia and Mesopotamia.
The Albanians are the oldest people of the Balkans. They were granted their independence after
the Balkan war of 1913, and guaranteed the neutrality of their country. By her geographical and
strategical position on the Eastern coast of the
Adriatic, opposite Italy^ Albania 'has long been
coveted by Serbia, Montenegro, Greece and Italy,
ever since these nations decided on a policy of expansion. Albania interested Italy and Austria
before the war, but as both powers decided to get
the Avhole of the coveted territory, and as neither of
them could be satisfied with a part, they Avere forced
to conclude an agreement as early as 1900 by which
they agreed to refrain from interference and to
guarantee the independence and integrity of Albania in the event of a disruption of the Turkish
Empire.This secret understanding explains Avhy no
action was taken by Italy and Austria when the Albanians Avon autonomy at the point of the bayonet,
from the Turks in the summer of 1912, a time when
a little assistance from them would have guaranteed
independence. HoAvever, A/hen the Turkish Empire
in Europe Avas disrupted in the fall of 1912 by the
Allied Balkan States, Austria and Italy hastened
to intervene to prevent the partition of Albania
among the several Balkan PoAvers. This was when
Serbia won her way to the Adriatic, but she was
forced to retire at the instigation of Austria, who
Avas assisted by Britain at the Treaty of London.
So, again, we see that the independence of small
nations is only possible Avhen the Great Powers cannot agree as to who shall annex them. When the
war broke out in August, 1914, the Albanians believed that the poAvers would be so busy fighting
among themselves that they (the Albanians) would
be able to manage their OAvn affairs with peace.
Their hopes were soon shattered, however, as Greece
in November,. 1914, occupied Southern Albania at
the request of the Entente PoAvers, with the consent
of Italy and against the wishes of the Albanians.
The Italians later on in the game, landed at Valona.
The ink Avas barely dry on the agreement which gave
independence to Albania, by the powers Avho shouted about Belgium, Avhen they secretly cut up Albania to Serbia, Greece and Italy in the secret Treaty
of London, 1915, Avhich bribed Italy into entering
the Avar. The Albanians believing in the righteousness of the cause of the Allies, volunteered in both
the French and Italian armies, and their faith in the
uprightness of Britain Avas particularly strong.
Valona, Albania's only good port, has been given to
Italy. The Tyrol territory, given Italy in 1910, had
a population og 537,374. Of these 504,458 were
Germans, 19,578 Ladins, and 8,438 Italians. This
is another striking illustration of the self-determination of peoples based upon nationality, and Austria
iioav being helpless, Italy has practically no opposition to realizing her desires in Albania.
Italy Avas an ally of Germany and Austria because it was to her economic interest. It was about
the '70's that she claimed Egypt, Tripoli, Tunis and
Algeria as her natural colonies, because they were
opposite her along the Northern coast of Africa, but
France, also bordering on the Mediterranean, had
cast her eyes on those countries. Italy was the natural enemy of France because she checked the National Movement of Italy. In 1870, not content
Avith conquering Rome, many Italians had the idea
of occupying Tunis, but Britain to placate France at
the Peace of Berlin, after the Russo-Turkish war
1877-78, hinted to France that she had no objection
to her taking possession of Tunis should an opportune moment present itself. Britain did this because France would be tolerant to British occupation of the island of Cyprus.       ,
As many Italians Avere colonizers in Tunis, the
French occupation of Tunis, 1881, drove Italy into
the German-Austrian alliance in 1882. This bitterness of Italy against France remained until the middle of the '90's. The reapproachment between Italy
and France Avas brought about more by circumstances than through any feeling of goodwill. Tar-
dieu, in his book "France and the Alliances," says:
"On 28th September, 1896, Italy gave us a first
pledge—by accepting a revision of the Tunisian
treaties, which implied an official recognition of our
situation in the Regency. On the 1st October a
Franco-Italian treaty of navigation Avas substituted
for the one which expired in 1886. Last of all, on
the 21st November, 1898, was signed the Treaty of
Commerce which had long been desired at Rome.
The Italian commercial balance sheet at once showed
an increase of 100 million imports and 200 million
exports. Our French banks in Paris intervening
just when the German economic crisis of 1900 put
an end to the financial aid that had previously been
obtained in Berlin, saved the Roman market from
veritable disaster. But for the 100 millions of
Public Debt purchased in 1901 by the Paris market,
Italy would in that year have been unable to obtain
her economic equilibrium At this juncture
Italy was induced to draw nearer to France by the
tightness of her economic situation."
Tardieu then quotes an Italian writer in his book
"The. Financial Reasons for the Franco-Italian
Friendship," thus: "The German economic crisis
rendered it necessary that Italy should seek a
political reapproachment with France. Italy would
have been (in any case) forced to inaugurate a policy altogether friendly to France. If, through a
political blunder, such as the visit of the Prince of
Wales to Metz,the patriotic sentiments of the French
had been wounded, and the Paris market had again
begun to sell the Italian Consols, Italy would have
been obliged sooner or later to reimburse the French
money invested in them. The exchange would again
have advanced to its highest rate, Consols would
have declined to their lowest ebb, and Italy would
have found herself in an economic crisis like the one
she had such a terrible experience of in 1893. The
poAverlessness shown by the German money market
to act as Italy's banker, the need of the latter
young country's continuing her economic development, and having the aid of other nations richer than
herself, together with the fact that the Paris money
market has once more assumed the role of banker to
Italy, imposed on the government a policy which
shall be in perfect accord with that of France."
So it is quite clear that the financial and commercial interests of Italy determined her friendships Avith
France, and Delcasse said in the French Chamber
Avhen Italy reneAved her alliance with Germany and
Austria in 1902: "Neither directly nor indirectly
was Italy's policy aimed against France by reasons
of her alliances.'' Then France gave Italy to understand that she could step in and take Tripoli if she
did not oppose French designs in Morocco, which
also drove another wedge between Italy and her
Allies. French writers did not count on any defence against Italy in case of war, and Bernhardi
says in "Germany and the Next War": that Italy
may be left our of consideration as an ally. The
Turko-Italian war was over Tripoli, is believed to
have been instigated by France and Britain in 1912
for the purpose of driving the wedge between Italy
and her Allies further, yet it would make a horse
laugh to know that Britain encouraged Italy to re-
new this treaty of 1882 when it expired in 1887,
1891 and 1902 because the Italian fleet might be
necessary to check France in the Mediterranean
should the need arise. The truth must inevitably
force itself to the surface, and E. D. Morel, in his
paper "Foreign Affairs," December, 1919, quotes
an Italian paper thus: "The fundamental character
of the European Avar has been misconceived. It has
been a Avar betAveen tAvo imperialisms for the conquests of the seas and of raw material, in other
Avords, for the hegemony of the world. One of the
parties Avas credited with idealism and the other
with cupidity, the fact being that both were fighting
for their interests. In fact, France was no less militaristic than Germany, nor Avas England less grasping. This universal lust could have been defeated
only if neither party had been strong enough to annihilate the other, but had found in what power remained to its adversary a check upon its own cupidity ; self-interest Avould then have compelled the belligerents to listen to words of moderation and to
agree to a peace of compromise, which compared to
the present peace Avould have been an ideal peace."
A feAV days after this statement appeared Viviani
repeated once more that "This Avar was a collision
betAveen the forces of Autocracy and Liberty, betAveen the dark poAvers of Evil and Violence and
the poAvers of Right and Law."
Of course ,felloAv workers, might being right, the
Allies are right, no matter what the Albanians or
the Dalmatians may think of Italian expansion on
the Adriatic Sea and self-determination.
R. Sinclair, $8.50; F. Harman, $1.50; T. Twelve-
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From 13th to 26th April inclusive, total, $58.24.
Socialist Party of
We, the Socialist Party of Canada, affirm our allegiance to, and
support of, the principles and programme of the revolutionary
working class.
Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all wealth. The
present economic system is based upon capitalist ownership of the
means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist class. The capitalist is, therefore, master;
the worker a slave.
So long as the capitalist class remains in possession of the reins
of government all the powers of the State will be UBed to protect
and defend its property rights in the means of wealth production
and its control of the product of labor.
The capitalist system gives to the capitalist an ever-swelling
stream of profits, and to the worker, an ever-increasing measure of
misery and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free from
capitalist exploitation by the abolition of the wage system, under
which this exploitation, at the point of production, is cloaked. To
accomplish this necessitates the transformation of capitalist property in the means of wealth production into socially controlled
economic forces.
The irrespressible conflict of interest between the capitalist and
he worker necessarily expresses itself as a struggle for political supremacy.    This is the Glass Struggle.
Therefore, we call all workers to organize under the banner of
the Socialist Party of Canada, with the object of conquering the
political powers, for the purpose of setting up and enforcing the
economic programme of the working class, as follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist
property in the means of wealth production (natural
resources, factories, mills, railroads, etc.) into collective means of production.
2. The organization and management of industry by the
working class.
3. The establishment, at speedily as possible, of production for use instead of production for profit.


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