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Western Clarion Mar 16, 1921

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Array WESTERN CLARKX
Official Organ of
THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CANADX
p39
Twice a Month
VANCOUVER, II. C, MARCH 16, 1921
The S. P. of C. and the Third Inte
T-   ,--.•„   ectiona rtM   sgainst acceptance of
:.„,,. of the Communist International
Ual Winnipeg,   representing  as   they
n oi the majority of that Local, can-
fe ^Jtinchanengcd-Hothinthepre.
•V.%--■     n solution, from No. 3. statements
IrMor which they have no proof, and nutter
lo the queation ia introduced.
:       :       , .-Reds" imply certain forms of ac
 itfOl of the power of  State, or
til .m artKlc in the -Workers' IW
-c^rt of the "Delegates'' to the
g ,        .Inch report must he -accorded •
| fittrary license, the terms ol afi.l-
P thereby cither substantiated or di,
The first clause in the t »db
■ ►naaya.-tln dictatorship of the
- -^ he apokenof aimnly as a weM
:,... .- ,v      What docs this mean <    Ihe
fctoiori • oi the proletariat mu«t bc propagated
;r be obtained, notwithstanding that
kkigMj    rganited  and  industrialied   count;.-.
rkcrs gain control, tbe period tr*ecee-
ination of thc capitalist class mai
he of si ration!   A pttaitag phase, and not t
Joer-ba*. struggle compared to the com non
aasenhip and democratic control of the means ol
-with productioo and dUtributioo. If that is jo
iter. Imm .,! it I** to teach thej^
:'■-  ■ • '.<> sneak o'
* A
nou i ■
Lo< tl No
fta»   ■■ d not a long d
[ei to the -ii ok
ttxi of thc tn< uns o^
tion;'
Do they inipl
I straggle?
•; so, e/hal
To itti
**** movcntei
|0bservc tht
clautl
f»!  ui \\,,rd
IfMBts in
i'hc basis
which 1
J18' furiu!
I«i hourra
ti'Mi mov|
*» QuebeJj
the Bt
^liich,
liable1
advaiu
trnal
tiidel
tl at
r»nd CI
°wn han^
to the
***** of a H
, statc wenkjj
ly *e and tl
a,"l>h-lJritj
r ''■ a more
her history,
**** goes,
f»k«n her
mentary action of much account in the struggle for
power, WC have no other programme for obtaining
ii
Irrespective of who happened to bc in attendance
at the second congress of thc Third Internationa! the
terms of affiliation are so definite as to prevent non-
revolutionary bodies from joining, and also to cause
tuch who had already joined to sever their affilia-
\ ion.
It would have been better had Local No. 3 been
a little more elaborate in their resolutions of objection, and also more accurate in their quotations
from the  These*-
With reference to reason No. 3. the terms do not
state that open civil war is in existence. "The class
struggle in almost all the countries of Europe and
America is entering upon a phase of civil war."
V\ hai about the situation in the I". S. with its Red
Raids. <«tc . ,,r the situation during the general strike
in 1919?
Perhaps Local No. 3 considers these affairs have
no connection with the class struggle.
Number four has been dealt with in a pre\ious
issue of the "Clarion." Number five is answered
b\ the introduction to thc 18 points.
As to number six. it may bc said thattherc is no
struggle for political power in so far as the S. P. of
v'  is concerned     Thc activities of thc Part "
ativc, then the question^
decided, though the e:
present time may be qucsf
In the above-mentioned
affiliation of the S. P. of
ternational, was decided.
Granting the asseveratioi
its Marxian basis; and ju<j
tional by its actions, the
cannot arise from fundami
Second International was d
C. as an aggregation of
Labor Parties who were
class.   ^^^^^^^^^^
This objection is also a
International, and is the
that  is worthy of serious]
Surely Comrade McNej
more proof of the "stinkim
affiliated with the Third
choleric  denunciation.
True, many of the  met
tions have been imprisoned
through their inability
the class stj
chaj X
PAGE TWO
WESTERN     CLARION
THE S. P. OF C. AND THE THIRD INTERNA-
TIONAL
(Continued frontpage 1)
tent, become the acid test of their understanding the
slogan of thc authors of the Communist Maniftsto:
"Workers of the world, unite. You have nothing
to lose but your chains."
Has this rallying cry no more significance to us
than its usefulness in rounding off t peroration; or
shall we in the "sight of all the world erect bound-
><*.
find our actions will be used by mas-
|gs to master class purposes.''
fer from this  that tne taking of a   •-■■-^B^B^i^i^il^i^i^^i^i^il^i^i^B^B^B^-^-^-^__
■a  tactical blunder?   Or might   ary stones by whicii the extent of tht party move
misconstrued as placing party , ment will be measured?'
affiliation in a rather peculiar P   CLARKE
[eses: "Thc daily propaganda
immunist character'" This is
it, and no doubt requires con-
^\ long disseration on thc
ftcms of antiquity may.
umunist propaganda. Unit might constitute capitis a contrast between free
slavery. Liberal bourgeois
carry articles of   this de-
'heses may prove a formidable
Is of many  comrades, against
le loss of Algiers, with its re-
.er ,be a mere trifle to French
Is a subject that cannot bc dis-
re.
riatically and regularly from all
In the labor movement (party
inions, etc.) of all reformists
Centre, and to replace  them
*\ no doubt involve us in bit-
jg thc activities of some of our
nn the labor unions, directed
rs who refuse to pay tribute to
unions, those struggles would
\detriment to the party.
[f Right, Left and Centre groups
present discussion may possi-
irfacc.
gavered in its sup-
rd fact.
b*o
Editor, Western Clarion.
Comrade—In an article in your paper of recent
date entitled the S. l\ of C. and the Third Interna*
tional. Comrade Harrington states that tin* objections whicii Comrade Kaplan dealt with re al.illation with the Third International are ot DO im,*ort-
ance, and can not justify rejection of terms impoe-
ed. He however tells us that Comrade Kaplan has
far from exhausted the objections to affiliation, and
goes on to outline tbe objections which he thinks
arc of importance. Right from the outset let me
state that thc "important objections" that Comrade
Harrington outlines I find like those of Kaplan, to
be of no importance, and likewise do not justify any
revolutionary organization irom mining the Third
International, ln dealing with the first point, 'the
daily propaganda must bear a truly communis- character." Tie states we are not informed what tht- is,
but we are told we must denounce not only the
bourgeois, but  its assistants, the reformers, <t>
Comrade   Harrington  although   contending   'hat
denunciation rarely convinces admits thc value of
same when he states: "They have their UtCS and
we don't overlook them " l'ut is it true that the
Communists do not t-'il us what the mean bv 'the
daily propaganda must bear a truh Communist
character?" I wonder if Comrade Harrington
read thc latest "Theses" of the Third IfnVrnatioral.
He will find there 21 conditions for admission,
ami not 18 as he states, Tbe "Theses" makes it
very plain what is meant by communist propaganda
Com. Trotsky in his book ' Tern-rismus and Kou
munismus-Anti-Kautttry," states the actual teaching ..j Marx is the theoretical formula of action, of
irwli
pment of revolutionary  encr*
course DC does not state   hr dees
lake lhat just as you like.    Mr coney*1"
Ing the Bolsheviki that so far aa anv      '
can give them is concerned wc wi"-^
t.
hundred-fold, to   their ttcurih  by    ??1
working class of the Marxian idiilosophy^
■ the feeble support of our joining i^*"'
al.    That is just what all Centrist, tti
comrade, that you offer revolt
since you admit that all you
m0IUr? rW
a.     t-* -        . Can Sive i-1
sup|>ort  by  joining the Tim!  Interttf   1
assistance you offer.   1  am ven   mncTafal
go begging, ,!a*<
What  the International demand, is M
pori; this you can give h\ less talk gmA ^
\'*tUl*
OUT • ommdf,
 ■ SAM !*I.:'mexb;
IN presenting a few objl ttonj again*;-$,
I expressed the hope *|u. whatever t
we came to, wc would endctror to fal
facts J know of many situations whcraJS
ma> be ignored to advantage, tad laht^
under any conditions, there .ur vvn-<* i---
cannot be ignored, without di*aMertoihoK*naf
non- them Wc can struggle with wracfc-J
BUCCCSt against ihe guile of an adverse.cfaaj
never m» wisely, but where we undertake t-*(
oursehcs we are lost, JiopclesrUv Qj £l...V|
m *.f*r ate so fooltsh »s to <-', • the ;,.•.<•: ic4|rL
sdotatJy, but, what amounts to the sitae than
ttmttcly, wc Dnconsdousl) permii our tava
cloud the real is-ue. and m»1«i only thosek
Which best suit our purp-<*
Take Comrade Fillmore -..--.. -: - aiaanaii
entirel) OVerlooJtt the real issue whsthu, Bttafl
union, but affiliation unler certain tpeckk rail
tion* These conclitiooi c gnorei tserdf
would not take issue with him it toy ef tonal
I don't care whether we .jr.- d^c-ated to or aot
aiding the dictating is in line with what I cc
to be \t\ harmony with ret tit} Ii si Stact,!;
equally carries*, as to th-* dictator nrlicttaanti
Lenin, MoaCOW or Pumpkin Ccntrr The qae«n
is. van we accept the trrjr.s '.a-I do»8. eaa *?§■
cent them withottt entireb rhanpngowucba,i
is there *n\ warrant foi *o doing? Dtaafcn*
l»arty worker* f>iciatorshtp rrooa )ft|
id Centre, Kerf or Yeik»*.o»
IK thing whatever to do**
little bntef cut*
«rnis In thetoai
l«ed ifatBtani
-jot benaa al
•• tkrdoprll
1st
401st Si
E F
IhtAve
Club.
rnt. cor
Ist.w.
,pri) \\.
lane andj
Bay Stl
Mi.
cornt
P80 St-
pacific
JS Ao>*
ire. M
llarion' WESTERN     CLA B10 N
development or decay, and therefore if our
u vvas sound in thc past, it must be equally
[•long as sv(" -••a-ntain 'l- theoretically or prac-
\ understanding of any period depends upon our
I ,j,„. ,.if    Marxism; tht   correctness of  our
:in1 i9 entirely independent <>f any period. So
.onr activities  are concerned: let us review
\\,. hive claimed that social revolutions are
ults of certain Conditions inherent to revolu-
„ periods- that   these conditions are so pro-
ced and regular, that they assume all the force
-ie'ntific laW. We hold that all human ins'itu-
,re the result, and a proper understanding of
j, to bc found, in the method  whereby   man
lv  |Us  livelihood.      That   with   each    raci.cal
... in that method, there follows a more or less
change in his institutions.    We further bold
all class societies arc constituted 00 force; that
elements Oi this force must be invested in the
, c|aSJ(,  thai   the  prevailing ideas  are  those
•h best conserve the power of that clas-.
kins' upon society of this or any other period
L capitalism proper, we see thc prime factor of
[er class domination, in the hands of the subject
Sow ibis is .- condition peculiar to capital-
ilone     \nd  we have been lead, along   with
working class  partiesi  the Bolsheviki for in-
t), to assume that one of the greatest, in fact
hief factor, of modern master class safety, lay
•• ignorance of our fellow slaves.
in of opinion that today, and for man) moons
me, there is not. and will not be. any sudden
ination of tbat ignorance in this part of the
lil.  1 am just as Srml) convinced that  when
illumination does come, society will dieplay,
as ever its custom, that infinte scorn for Ibose
ai«l elaborate plans for its future welfare. A
it..! historical record, whether we take the re-
I ancient Rome, or modern Russia,
t t> take .mother point.   Comrade Kavanagh
"Tht objection to clause 8 1 can scarce}) conceive as being seriously intended To classify
international arbitration, «»r the League of Nt-
lions, with colonial liberation movements,
->n!> .ui attempt at rdicule."
bt sure I did not mention cither arbitration
i-ea*rncs but. disarmament otherwise, it was
lol in all seriousness and without further sense
^c ridiculous, other than suggested by thc clause
when read in conjunction with clause <\ or
•tl'- that part of the "Manifesto of thc Third
[national," a document which bears thc signa-
loi Lenin, Trotsky and Zinovicv, -"Liberation
if colonics can come only through thc liberation
w working class of thc oppressing nations." Or
|n S answer to India's delegate regarding the
fl Orient -■"Communists should support na-
revolutionary movements, but only when
movements art in fact revolutionary."
jtrvc that Comrade Kavanagh speaks of civil
Mil clause H itya specifically we must support
111 wools only, but in deeds, all liberation
bents in the colonies." This is very different
jln basis of our comrade's argument, the valid-
pliich | i,.av(, 0pen; but ca„ |,c or any other
fl furnish reasons for anyone who has dis-
| bourgeois ideology supporting '' til colonial
|ion movements?" This would call for tup-
Quebec, Nationalists and, much more to the
-the Boer secessionist movement in South
'n»ch, as a matter of tactics, would furnish
icliable testimony of political idiocy. Against
Ij'dvancc the sane Marxist statement of the
^national Manifesto"; these people 'can
•inlent existence only after thc workers
»d and Prance have overthrown Lloyd
jand Clemenceau, ami taken the power into
V hands."
the question  of tactics, we read, "Every
|of a revolting colony against an Imperial-
weakent the power of that State." Historic-
jlind the reverse is true.   To take but one
Britain's loss'of the African Colonics left
[more powerful position than at any period
|sl°ry. and so far as dealing with revolution
lgoes, the loss of all her colonies would not
[her power.   But—the same causes which
lead to that loss would no doubt leave her weak,
and these same causes might give her ample means
to crush a revolution at home; a fact to which Bavaria and Hungary can sorrowfully testify. Taken
from any angle, "all colonial liberation movements"
are. most emphatically, not a part of thc task of a
Marxist.
Let us return to clause 2, and iny objection, wherein I said tbat its ultimate utility was doubtful, and
thai immediately we would be involved in a series
ol hitter struggles, which would hamper and in the
end nullif) our educational work. To me this -s a
delicate subject, s0 instead of amplifying that bare
Statement, 1 presumed as much on thc intelligence
ol hi) readers, -,s upon my words, to make my '
; oi a clear.
!' rhaps this obscurity has caused Comrade Kavanagh lo offer objections whose relevancy 1 am.at a
lo-- lo understand. Nor can 1 permit these argument* to pas> without comment.    He says:
"Is thc theories we advance are scientifically
correct and as such nt the facts of life,, thc
more  bitter the struggles the  more will their
superiority over the concepts opposed to them
he demonstrated.    \\ e have everything to gain
and nothing to lose, in every phase of the class
struggle.''
i I  s i^ a mechanical progress with a vengeance;
nol thai 1 object to a mechanistic theory, if properly
Mated, but let that go.    However, if Marx has stat-
i    correctly the conditions under which society de
vclous, certainly the struggle for   municipal office
or trade union control is not of prime importance.
Nor could the materialist conception of history
;>-«...   its superiorit) over thc religious concepton,
or an) other, in this struggle, any more than a fight
between say, "dragons of the, prime" could demon-
- :.r» lo tii"- combatants the superiority of Darwin
to Genesis. Men do not struggle in abstract term's,
!. . in concrete reality. And the question whicii dc-
cid s municipal elections, and trade union control,
is thc immediate and not the ultimate benefits, to
the rrUggles, pins of course ever present and ever
potent habits    Questions oi  wages and  taxes are
.1 e   issue.
\ni "recent events in local   history'  ought   to
have   impressed   that   fact   indelibly  on   our  corn-
ale's mind.    Thc taxpayers of Vancouver have re-
peatc 11) in the last few years refused to permit any
- \ir.i funds to be expended on public schools, although every artifice of reason and cajollery has
en invoked, and tlie schools are in a deplorable
condition. *
!:-. trade union circles any one of radical views,
whatever might be the roped his intelligence and
honest) engenders, is looked upon as a person unfit
to hold office, The radical's position, and more
so the Communists, in these bodies depends upon
quite other circumstances than struggles bitter or
otherwise. |     | %*$,
Further, no one .certainly not L said anything
stout leaving any position in the bands of anyone.
\\ h .t 1 obpect to is clause 2, the contents of which
are available t<» all who care to read them. This
clause requires that wt as t Socialist Tarty "shall bt
bound to remove systcmttkally and regularly from
all responsible posts in the labor movement	
nil reformers, etc., etc." Now, our experience has
I ecu that all men are liable to change, and particularly when in office. It would bc incumbent on our
part, unless mankind underwent a most drastic
change, to remove tome of those we had bitterly
struggled to elect. Just how far such a contingency would prove thc superiority of our view 1
leave to the "Clarion' readers.
It would not matter that the individual was suited to thc office he held, and that bis work satisfied
the majorit) of those who paid his wages; if in our
opinion he was a backslide.- we should be bound to
remove him-
Again, suppose the 1. W. YV., who have been especially invited by Zinovicv to affiliate with the Third
International were to do so. Ther concept of a
Communist would be totally different to ours. We
should then have two Third international groups
struggling to systematically remove each others
choice. This is by no means a fanciful picture, as
•recent events in iocal history" can testify.
And in these "bitter struggles' 'rarely are princi
ples thc chief isrue; very often it is purely a question of personalities, and not infrequently the result of a bar-room wrangle, or a convention, or some
other "plum" as recent local, and remote universal
history painfully records.
The members, then, takes sides, from reasons devious and wonderful, spite, policy, friendship, jealousy, but unless thoroughly grounded, and animated by principle, seldom upon class needs.
Am   1 right?   Can we expect men  ignorant of
social science to act with any class bias, regularly?
Nay, 1 can with propriety ask, can we expect it regularly from the faithful?
1 do not for one.
Man is not, despite all his boasts, a reasoning
animal; conditions sway him, and bend him, and
mold him, despite his philosophies and his creeds.
Knowledge, however, and association, are steadying influences and more than ought else I think,
should be developed.
To that end we have devoted our energy. We
may never set the world on fire, but we can seek
and accept the facts, so that should the world by
any chance become ignited, we may have some members of our class on hand who will strive to control
it. with what success I chcerfuly resign to the
future.
Xot an ambitious task to be sure, but one commensurate with our strength.
J. HARRINGTON'.
 :o:	
On the question of affiliation with the Third International, we are unmistakably confronted with
impossible conditions. Indeed, it would be hard
to draw up any set of regulations more stringently
prohibitive, more impossible to perform—in-their
chief specifications, even allowing for all the autonomy demanded by local circumstanecs. (*Note.)
What are we asked to do? To turn aside from
direct educational principles, from the furthering
of class knowledge of capitalist society, and directly
challenge the established institutions of capitalism,
powerfully entrenched in political domination. We
become therefore, one of the great crowd of "Lo
here, or lo there.'' tilting, not against the fundamental principles of society, but, in reality, against its effects, against the forces, brought into being to safeguard those very fundamentals.
We are asked to submit to repressive forces of the
State; wc are to engage in propaganda against "loyalty" and 'patriotism." against Empire and Imperialism, i.e., against the prime necessities of capitalist
society. And we are to do this, in season and out,
openly and secretly, "legally" or "illegally."
We are thus brought, at one stride, within the
pale of capitalist law. We lay ourselves open to its
power; we become "seditious" and "treasonable";
outlaws, with no option but to submit. For, wnere
is our support? The puny efforts of a class conscious minority, able to do no more than protest
against capitalist supremacy and tyranny.
In London, charged with just this very thing,
Sylvia Pankhurst was sentenced to six months imprisonment, and the British workers not only accepted it. with stoical serenity, but later,—on Armistice anniversary day—raided the office of- thc
"Dreadnought/1 of which she was editor. Probably
the comrades remember what happened to thc
youth who attempted the life of Clemenceau, and
also what became of the actual slayers of Jaures,
of Liebknecht and Luxemburg. And it can hardly
be forgotten, that for far less provocation, Canadian
authority, lately held Comrades Russell and pritchard in duress, while over thc line President Wilson
recently could refuse, unchallenged, to release Eugene Debs, on Lincoln I>ay. And why? Simply
because, in all these, and a host of similar cases, the
workers did not know enough, did not sufficiently
understand thc workings of capitalist society. Being confused in principles they are divided in council, and hence, were powerless, cither to help themselves or change the course of events.
If the workers in Britain and America, in France
and Germany,—all of them in a high state of capitalist development, and organized accordingly—cannot prevent such outrages on their own representation (and at that, the S. P. of C. would hardly admit
most of them as Socialists), what chance is there, in
a benighted country like Canada, where the capital-
(Continued on page 4.)
SI PAGE FOUB
WESTERN     CLARION
i'a
Ui
SCRETARIAL NOTES.
Western Clarion
A Je-nraal ot glatory,_ Boonemlca, PkUoaeaay,
•ad Otntat Bveata.
Published twiea » month by the Socialist Party of
Canada 401 Pender Street East, Vsncouver, B. 0.
Phone Highland 2581
Editor	
Ewtn MacLeod
gnb-criptio—
Canada, 20 issues  $1.00
Poreiga, 16 issues    $1.00
840
If this number ii on your sddreet label -four
subscription expires with next jssoe. Bsnew
promptly.
VANCOUVER, B. C, MARCH 16, 1921
RELEASED FROM GAOL.
THE release of the Winnipeg prisoners on the
28th February occasioned gladness to their
families and a warm welcome from the
workers of the whole country. Those workers who
were able by their presence to swell the welcounng
throng in Winnipeg, voiced the sentiment and appreciation of the workers of Canada for their spokesmen, who had endured unflinchingly thc jail term
of one year inflicted upon them by the State resultant upon the general strike of May, 1919, and the
'"conspiracy" charges connected therewith. While
Comrade R. B. Russell was sentenced to two years,
he was released after having undergone a year's imprisonment in Stony Mountain Penitentiary, and
was welcomed back among his fellows upon his
release which took place a month or two before tbat
of his fellow prisoners. Their bitter experiences
under the administration of the forces of the State
will temper the attitude and utterances of the three
released men, who have been elected, while imprisoned, as members of the Manitoba Legislative Assembly. After his many years of effort towards
the education of the workers, In season and out of
season, on the street corner and in the halls, Comrade Armstrong will now find himself better able to
carry the message of working class education.
Comrade Pritchard's welcome awaits him in Van-
cuouver, where he is due to arrive on Sunday, 3rd
April. Already various committees are active making arrangements to greet him.
 :o:  —
PETER KROPOTKIN.
PETER Kropotkin died on February 8th, 1921,
not many miles from Moscow, where he was
born in 1842. His early years attracted him
to studies in natural science, the investigation of
which induced him to undertake some geographical
expeditionary work which brought him notice in
scientific circles in Russia. His first noticeable contact with working class matters and interests was in
the 7(ys, when Bakunin's writings attracted him to
workmen's and students' gatherings. In St. Petersburg he spent a few years lecturing to working men
on scientific subjects. This lead to imprisonment
from which he escaped after two years. He lived
for practically forty years in England, writing many
books and pamphlets, thus making a meagre living,
interesting himself in the promotion of anarchism.
His anarchism was of course idealistic. With all
the persecution he had undergone in Russia, he
was an enthusiastic Slav still even in 1912, and while
the Balkan war lasted. In 1914 he declared for the
Allies, and exhorted his anarchist friends to war
on Germany. He returned to Russia for the first
time in 40 years after the March, 1917, revolution.
He strove for thc continuance of war on Germany.
Yet following the November revolution, while he
was in disagreement with the Bolshevik party, he
raised his voice against the intervention of outside powers. His attitude towards the Soviets was
expressed in his letter to thc English workers last
year—decentralization was required in order to meet
his theories of anarchist communism. With all thc
drawbacks of his anarchist position Kropotkin was
an earnest educator, and in spite of his "noble
birth" hia principles were thc uppermost consideration always with him.
Comrade Charlie O' Bricn reports in a brief note
that his case is again delayed. Propaganda work in
and around Rochester, N. \., is going on as uiual,
debates and lectures, classes on History and Economics have been well attended during tne winter.
* •    *
The discussion on thc question oi Third International affiliation has brought to us more manuscript since last issue than wc have room for in the
present issue. Thc latest to arrive is from Comrade Kohn, which we leave over until nexi-jssuc.
* »    *
Three new working class journals hayc come to
us trom other points in Canada since our last issue.
"The W innipeg Socialist" is published montlih for
free distribution by Local No. 3 of thc S. P, ot C.
Consequent upon the suppression of thc "Western
Clarion"' by the censor in 1918, thc Winnipeg comrades issued "The Bulletin," which had but a brief
existence. In December of that year disruptive
elements invaded the headquarters of the Winnipeg
Local, burned their organizational effects in the
street, and effected damage to such an extent that
their propaganda work was for some time hindered
and obstructed. Since then they have from time
to time issued Manifestos and Bulletins as occasion
arose, and the effort to establish a monthly paper for
free distribution will provide a medium whereby
they may address themselves particularly to the
workers of Winnipeg, outlining their point of view
on local questions as they arise. We cheerfully welcome the paper and hope for its success.
* *    *
From Winnipeg also comes 'The Soviet Aid,"
published by the Winnipeg Medical Relief Committee for Soviet Russia and Soviet Ukraine. Moneys
for medical relief may bc sent to the secretary, F.
W. Kaplan, 1% Henry Avenue, \\ innipeg. Man.
The paper is published for free distribution in order
to voice Russia's present need for medical supplies.
Future issues are promised providing the first issue
proves by results to the justified. We hope these
future issues will contain more original matter, and
less of the stereotyped statistical data that we have
seen published before. Incidentally, wc have a Caledonian kick to register: The bundle we received,
by express collect, cost $1.90; the same could have
been sent by mail at a cost of 56 cents. Thc observance of efficiency and economy will enlist work-
ing class support.
* *    •
"The Communist Bulletin," published by the Can-
alian section of the United Communist Party of
America, vol. 1, No. 1, price 5 cents, comes to hand
without announced date of publication or plac- of
birth. Thc paper is of four pages of three columns,
five of which are devoted to "The S. P. of C. and
Communism.'' This title clothes what is intended
to be taken for a review of the position and policy
of the *S. P. of C. up to date. But it is incidental
only to a mirth provoking outburst of exasperated
spleen and spite, pronounced (in borrowed phrases)
against thc "cunning' Comrade Harrington, jack
won't grow any grey hairs over that wc know, but
since this anonymous literary trifler evidently considers himself to be serious, his example may as
well bc followed for once, for his own betterment.
Comrade Harrington will not doubt have a word to
say in our next issue.
It is unfortunate that "The Communist Bulletin"
voluntarily chooses the martyrdom of thc underground channel. This is of course quite theatrical.
It is not quite so heroic, however, as its phrases.
 :o:	
THE S. P. OF C. AND THE THIRD
INTERNATIONAL
(Continued from page 3)
istic mind of thc average worker is demonstrated,
wherever he speaks, wherever he marches in procession, wherever he utters a protest, or voices a resolution?
Undoubtedly, we arc in thc hands of the powers
that be at any time, and at any given time there is
always present thc ready will to suppress and subdue—if circumstances will permit. But there is thc
rub—the circumstances. Individuals and minorities acting ahead of conditions, can be—and will be
—crushed. But not so with society at large, because in society itself resides the power, the resultant of economic conditions. And although education is not our objective, although its acceptance
is beneficial to society in changing social relations,
still that education cannot bc forced on society, cannot become its vitalizing energy, until social con
ditions determine its advent. The unfolding of the
economic process (and this implies the totality oi
social organization, effort, and activityi, ami the
furious shocks of rude experience, is the only school
wherein we learn, and is the only real source oi
power, equipping us, at one and the same time, both
with the will—forced upon us by dire necessity—
to re-model society, and also with the weapons requisite to compas the change.
We are asked, further, to dispense with the services of our representatives, in whatever <!<<>art-
ment they may he. unless they prove themselves
tborough-going Communists. But it is not mentioned how we are to recognize them, bow we an
to know (as a class) who really represents w<>rkj-*K
class interest-- And that is the crux of th- ,,,,,,.
tion.
Changing their representatives, industrially, M>c
ially. municipally, and politically, is precisely what
the working class is doing right along. It can hardly be tupposed, that iu doing this, the workrrs harbor the delusion that they are helping the ca| italis!
class. On the contrary they harl>-*r the opposite
delusion that, thereby, they are acting in their own
behalf. Those whom thc workers elect as then
representatives must be regarded in that status, tnd
held to act with that authority.
If the workers choose another than Communist
philosophy, then Communist philosophy musl stand
aside, ior it ts but a minority, facing the power    ;
the State, and supjHirted by the mass -,; k> • ••.. !;
must wait until the choice falls ujion itself        n ore
probably, until opportunity  offers the occasioi
dictatorship, in   the interests of class!,---, society
Indeed the ISth condition sums up the wh<        at
ter- ami  incidentally  begs  thc  question   ••  issue;
"It is necessary   that each  rank and Bile  svonYct
should be able to distinguish clearly tht difference
between the Communist parties and the old
"Social  Democratic" or   "Socialist" parties
have betrayed the cause of thc working class"   Exactly. Until the workers as a class comprehend the
significance oi capital,  until they have acquin
least the rudiments of social undcrstan itm,  n< thing
can be done    Or   in other words,   until thej can
"clearly distinguish" between a name and a priaci*
pie. they must grovel along in their  tlaver)
It may be objected that tactics must change with
changing conditions. fjuitc true. Tin tactics ol
the S. P. of C is the propaganda of mk ial education,
because it realizes that without knowledge there
can bc no security. And while admitting that society has developed and changed, and with it, the
working class, that development has been technical,
the change has been in the organized relations ol , reduction. Hut outside of that technique, morally,
ideally, intellectually, the working slaves, in the
mass, are sunk in the black deeps of social misunderstanding. Hence thc tactics of the S P of C rcquitt
no change, since the prime condition of their i sist*
ence is unchanged. Vet, in that persistent pro| • -:••""
da, in the truest meaning of thc words, lies hope and
triumph. Hope, because it works in harmony with
the laws immanent in social evolution; triumph, DC*
cause it is founded on incontrovertible fact
To continue that propaganda of education, therefore, unfettered by restrictions that are meaning*
less, because impracticable, and aided most magnificently by the ever-quickening urge of the economic
forces, is thc certain road to final achievement By
developing social knowledge we develop social revolution, because wc develop the understanding ol
thc principles, which make that revolution inevitable; and not only lay the foundation for suet ess,
broad and deep and secure, but at the same time
render an assistance to our indomitable comrades
in Russia, which, though it may lack the pageantry
of the spectacular, is infinitely more effective be*
cause, in thc crucial moment, it acts with the certainty of law. G. ROSS.
'N'ote.—Articles 6 and 7, and in a measure 8 and
9, arc .with minor reservations, practically what w<
arc doing now in critical form; while the rigid application of article 14, hat etrned for the S- P- °'c
the scornful epithet of  "Impossibilist."-*'   R| WESTERN     CLARION
Some Contradictions of Capitalism
I i, their lives the working class have never
A   ,!,,,;,  any  thing but work, cat, sleep, and
work again.   So accustomed are they to
.„.„■;tions ol labor they can form no concep-
tru"'-" cu'*u*
0t their being different and, consequently, arc
Litute ol any desire to change them.
Neither do they compare the great   display   of
(lass, that never took an active part in
with their own lives of toil, want
urn
riches o) a
•h-;r production,
worthless condition.
1 mansions for the idle rich, fill  them
th the comforts and luxuries only a parasitical
dass can find lime to think of, and never see thc
JoBtra-liction and incongruity between the hones
Df a capitalist datt and their own smoke-begrimed
,   , \ in ... society whereon thc benign god Democracy smiles happily.   So used are they to all this
they accept it as unchangeable, as something that
ever was and ever will be.
\:id vel it is easy to understand the cause ami
pmeni of this acceptance of their   fate and
their portion  of the wealth they produce.
rth influences have been continually mov-
; n n
jag In ; certain direction, their thoughts and Ideas
[have a!! been consciously moulded into these chan
ads ol * reasoning. They have been watched
fad train* with great care; smooth, dexterous in-
lis, who make their livelihood by understand-
jog the wants ol the master cla.ss, have through such
[amine! I information as the churches, press, plat
[formand - ols .diligently and purposely prepared
[them lo regard these things in the way they do.
The a       .    worker, therefore, if be thinks at all.
[considers that he, with the rest oi the working class,
potter)) helpless to effect any change in their pre-
•■■:    The effect of this apathetic indifference i- vct) detrimental to the working dass ts
fa whole,   It strengthens thc enemy's ruthless pow-
"■ oi Oj       ision by giving them thc authority to
prolong  iheii  existence as a   ruling and parasitic
class
But M it can be more degrading to human beings than to carry chains in obedience to their mas-
ters wishes tnd refuse to make an attempt to cast
then off?
The workers at this present stage of development
fan nol escape from thc capitalist system, necessity
forcing them to sell their labor power from day to
h»y But they can avoid some of the harmful effects ol ihe system; the perplexity of things in general, and i lass ignorance in particular, can be sue-
cessiully combated and overcome; thc brain with
» little study can be made into a proper organ,
functioning in the interests of their class, and clear
■dets and thoughts can be made to generate from
l'»s menial mechanism. No longer then could the
wind ol the working class be used as a receptacle
!,,r all tii- vile twaddle that is manufactured in cap-
1!al>v- institutions for its especial consummation.
Iri^\   labor   leaders and   shady  politicians, al
HVs at the luck and call of the master class, are
vr ready to make plausible various reforms to
1(K'1 the unthinking mass of workers.
Fluent, perfidious clergy,  with their trained elo-
<jtH.ru-  try to resuscitate from the past ridicu'ous
^perstitions or dress them up in the modern rags
sPiritiialisni to becloud the mind of the uncdu*
Ibit a knowledge of the social sciences, the
'•■■'laiu-ntal principles of    human society,    those
mP- which stimulate and arrest its growth, offset
,   sophistry of these sycophants and  swaggering
U'&compoopg ,thc labor'leader and thc politician,
reduces to comedy the services of the parson.
°ne of the great falsehoods diffused by the captt-
*.   class >s in relation to the function of capital.
°W individual!  who are thc wealthiest are al-
^'•s held up as most desirable members of society.
wnen one of these angelic characters die it
cs not the slightest difference, as far as his cap-
M concerned; everything goes on just the same.
RP>tc of all the talent and capabilities these in-
s arc said to possess, things move on in the
cate
same  uninterrupted  manner .although the capital
may have been left to a baby or an imbecile.
1 he great bulk of thc world's wealth today is
owned by stock and bondholders who, very often,
do not know the first fundamentals of the management of thc business, and certainly take no active
part in its operation.
Take the Canadian Pacific Rail and Steamship
Companies for an example. Does any one know
who the owners of those concerns may be; nor docs
it matter as far as the actual operations of these
lines of transports are concerned who holds the
pieces of paper that give them the right to collect
interest at stated intervals.
Some of these owners may have seen thc road and
rolling stock; may even have taken a trip across
the sea- on erne of their ships. But many have not,
;<»r the bondholders of these companies are not
only representatives of Great Britain and the Cnit-
ed States, but of all the civilized world.
A iat. lazy Mandarin in Pckin, who may not know
where Canada is on the map. will have his dividends scut to him with the same regularity that the
conductor of a train or the captain of a steamer re-
ceives his pay. And so long as thc roadbed is kept
in shape by the section men; so long as the mechanics and laborers in locomotive shops keep the
engines and cars in repair; so long as the train
crew- run trams and passengers to their destination,
st> long will these dividends be paid.
All these are members of the working class, as are
the key operators .agents .office staffs, foremen,
superintendent-- and managers, each and everyone
getting their living from the same source,—by selling their energy, no matter whether it bc spent in
pushing coal into a furnace, or pushing a pen in the
office, figuring out the shareholders' profts.
As the present system develops it must even enlarge thc gap between thc workers on the one hand,
and the useless parasitical class on thc other.
\\ e, sec. as time goes by, an ever increasing pile
of riches and a corresponding waste of riotous luxury indulged in by the capitalist class. They do
not put in long hours in the sweltering heat of the
boiler room of a ship to earn the meal the chefs and
cook- have worked overtime to produce, from food-
Stufft gathered from thc four comers of the earth.
The women of this class never worked in the sweatshops to earn the finery they grace themselves with,
nor for the multitude of luxuries that fill their rooms.
Not iu the mines and rolling mills did this class
work for the money they spend in the cabarets and
ballrooms of Europe.
(in everv band we rind a multitude of contradictions and inconsistencies existing that must ultimate! v stir the workers to thought. -Stores and warehouse- arc loaded to tbe roofs with thc accumulation of the necessities of life, while the people who
produced them arc out of employment because
they produced too much -enduring hardships and pir-
vation, even to starvation, because of the existence
oi an over-supply of thc good things of life.
Society women everywhere spending large sums
of money on perfume, Attar of Roses, to spray their
pet dogs with, while millions of children can't get
soap for a bath. The children of thc working class
are forced into the factory when they should be at
school, or on to thc streets selling newspapers for
the bare necessities of life.
What chance have these children to grow up into
healthy normal men and women? Some of them in
a different environment may have shown a mind
with great possibilities, naturally endowed for the
accomplishment of great tasks. A rare genius
emerges from this class in spite of all the difficulty
in their way, but think of the number that is cruch-
Cd in the struggle.
What kind of social system is this that dooms the
working class to labor long and suffer much, while
a few useless parasites start wars, panics, monopolize and usurp the wealth of thc workers?
On the one hand the workers spending their time
in mines, fields or factories,  and on the other the
capitalists spending theirs in Monte Carlo, or cruising the Mediterranean in their ocean-going yachts,
and in orgies that would have shamed Nero.
These contradictions are sufficient in themselves
to show the putridness of the capitalist system and,
ultimately, will be one of the main reasons for* its
annulment.
Thc only remedy possible for the existing poverty of the working class, is the complete abolition
of thc system that breeds and develops these antagonisms. This can only be accomplished by the
working class themselves. They must not expect
help from the other class. For it is just as much
to the interest of the master class to retain and prolong the present order of things, as it is to the slave
class to work for its abolition.
It has at all times been the method of the working class to place across the path of the revolutionary workers every conceivable obstruction that
might impede or stay the final outcome, while they
angle for the slimy fish that pose as labor leaders,
who eagerly bite the golden bait. In England, the Hendersons and Barnes; in Germany, the
Scheidemans; in the States, the Gompers; and in
this Canada of "ours," the Moores and Robertsons.
When the workers fully understand the conditions
of their slavery; how wealth is produced;, why the
producers' portion is so small; then no longer can
they be fooled and no longer will such capitalist
hirelings exist. F. A. EVANS.
 :o:	
PLATFORM
Socialist Party off
Canada
We, th* Socialist Party of Cauda, affirm oar allegiance to,
and mpport of, tho principles and programme of the rerolu-
nonary working claaa.
Labor, applied to natural resources, produces all waaltk
The present economic system ia baaed upon capitaliat owner-
ship of the means of production, consequently, all the products of labor belong to the capitalist clasa. The capitaliat
ia   therefore, maater; the worker a tiara.
So long as the capitalist claaa remains in possession sf the
reins of goTernment. all the powers of the State will be ti*ed
to pr-uc* -*n-l defend its property rights in the means sf
wrslth production and its control of the product ef labor.
The capitalist system fires to the capitalist an STsr-swell-
ing stream of pronts, and to the worker, an erer-increasing
measure  of  misery  and degradation.
The interest of the working class lies in setting itself free
Iron rapitslist exploitstion by the abolition of the wage
system, under which this exploitation, at the point ot production, is cloaked. To accomplish this necessitates tho
transformation of capitslist property in the means of weatlk
production  into socially controlled economic  forces.
The irrepressible conflict of interest between the capitalist
and the worker neeessarily expresses itself as s straggle for
political  supremacy.    Thia ia  the Class Straggle.
Therefore, we call all workers to organise nnder the banner
of the Socialist Party ot Canada, with the object of conquering the political powers, for the purpose of setting ap and enforcing the economic programme of the working class, as
follows:
1. The transformation, as rapidly as possible, of capitalist property in the means of weslth produetioa
(natural resources, factories, mills, railroads, sts.)
into collectire means of production.
2. Ths organisation and management ot industry by
the working class .
I. The establishment, as speedUy as possible, at production for use instead of production for prelt.
:o:
NOTICE TO MARITIME READERS
All "Clarion" readers in Maritime Provinces are
asked to communicate with the undersigned at once.
Comrade Chas. Lestor will soon arrive from England, and will speak at all points where arrangements can be made. We shall need funds, and
groups of workers in each place. Get busy, collect
funds, arrange meetings, and communicate with me
regarding date, etc.
ROSCOE A. FILLMORE,
R.R. 1, Oromocto, N. B. ■-snt-smmmmi
T
■cr
PAOK SIX
WESTERN     CLARION
The Statutes of the Communist International
(Adopted at the Second Congress)
In London, in 1864, was established the first International   Association of Workers, later known
as thc First International.    The Statutes of the International Association of Workers read as follows:
•That the emancipation of the working class
must be carried out by the working class itself.
"That the struggle for emancipation of the
working  class does not imply a struggle for
class privileges and monopolies, but for equal
rights and equal obligations and the abolition
of all class domination.
"That thc economic subjection of the workers to the monopolists of the means of production, the sources of life, is the cause of servitude in all its forms, thc cause of all social
misery, mental degradation and political dependence. ,
"That consequently, the economic emancipation of the working class is the great aim to
which every political movement must be subordinated.
"That  all endeavors directed to this great
aim have hitherto failed because of the lack of
solidarity between the various branches of industry in each country and because of the absence of a fraternal bond of unity between the
working'classes of the different countries.
"That the emancipation of labor is neither a
local nor a national problem, but one of a social
character embracing every civilized country,
and the solution of which depends on the
theoretical and practical co-operation of the
most progressive countries.
"That the present  revival of the  workers'
movement in the industrial countries  of Europe, while awakening new* hopes, contains a
solemn warning against a relapse into old errors, and calls for an immediate union of the
hitherto disconnected movement."
Thc    Second    International,    which was establish'^ in  Paris in 1889, undertook to continue thc
work of the First   International.   At the outbreak
of the world slaughter in 1914 the Second International  perished—undermined by opportunism and
betrayed by its leaders who  rallied to the side  of
thc bourgeoisie.
The Third (Communist) International, established in March, 1919, in Moscow, the capital city of the
Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, proclaims to the whole world that it takes upon itself
the task of continuing and completing the great
cause begun by the First International Association
of Workers.
The Third (Communist) International was formed at a moment when the imperialist slaughter of
1914-1918, in which the imperialist bourgeoisie of
the various countries sacrificed twenty millon men,
had come to an end.
Remember the imperialist war! This is thc first
appeal of the Communist International to every toiler wherever he may live and whatever language he
may speak. Remember that owing to the existence
of the capitalist system a small group of imperialists
had the opportunity during four long years of com*
pelling the workers of various countries to cut each
other's throats. Remember that this imperialist
war had reduced F.urope and the whole world to a
state of extreme destitution and starvation. Remember that unless the capitalist system is overthrown a repetition of this criminal war is not only
possible but is inevitable.
The aim of the Communist International is to organize an armed struggle for the overthrow of the
international bourgeoisie and the establishment of
an international Soviet Republic as a transition to
thc complete abolition of the capitalist State. The
Communist International considers the dictatorship
of thc proletariat an essential means for the liberation of humanity from the horrors of capitalism;
and regards the Soviet form of government asthe
historically necessary form of this dictatorship
The imperialist war demonstrated the unity of
interest of thc world's workers; it emphasized once
again what was pointed out in thc statutes of the
First International; that the emancipation of labor
is neither a local nor a national problem, but one
of a social and international character.
The Communist International breaks once and for
all with, the traditions of the Second International
which, in reality, only recognised the white race.
The task of the Communist International is to eman
cipate the workers of the whole world. In its ranks
are fraternally united men of all colors—white. \ el-
low and black—the toilers of the entire world.
The Communist International fully and unreservedly upholds the gains of the great proletarian revolution iu Russia, the tirst victorious Socialist revolution in tbe world's history, and calls upon all
workers lo follow the same road. The Communist
International makes it its duty to support, by all
the power at its disposal, every Soviet Republic
wherever it may be formed.
The Communist International is aware that for
the purpose of the speedy achievement of victory,
the international association of thc workers which is
struggling for the abolition of capitalism and the
establishment of Communism, must possess a "firm
and centralized organization.
To all intents and purposes the Communist International should represent a single universal Communist Party, of which the parties operating in the
different countries form individual sections. The
organization of the Communist International is
directed towards securing for the workers of every
country the possibility, at any given moment, of obtaining the maximum of aid from the organized
workers of the other countries .
For tbis purpose the Communist International
confirms  the following  items of its statute:
1.—Tbe new International Association of Workers is established for the purpose of organizing common action between the workers of various countries who are striving towards a single aim: 'he
overthrow of capitalism, the establishment of the
dictatorship of the proletariat and of the international Soviet Republic, the complete abolition of
classes and thc realization of Socialism—as the first
step to Communist society.
2—Thc new International Association of Workers has been given the name of The Communist International.
3.—All the parties and organizations comprising
the Communist International bear the name ot the
Communist Party of the particular country 1 section of the Communist International).
4.—The World Congress of all parties and organizations forming part of the Communist International is the supreme authority of this International.
The World Congress as a rule assembles not less
frequently than once a year. It confirms the programmes of thc different parties comprising ♦.he
Communist International; it discusses and decides
the more important questions of programme and
tactics connected with the activity of thc Communist
International. The allocation of decisive votes at
the World Congress between the constituent parties
and organizations is decided by a special regulation
of the Congress; it is necessary to strive for thc
speedy establishment of a standard of representation
based on the actual membership and real influence
of the party in question.
5—The World Congress elects an Executive Committee of the Communist International which serves
as the principal authority of thc Communist liter-
national iu the interim between the World Congresses. The Executive Committee is responsible
only to the World Congress.
6.--The place of residence of the Executive Committee of the Communist International is determined at each World Congress. ^
7.- A special World Congress of the Communist
International may be. convened cither by regulation
of the Executive Committee, or on thc demand of
one-half of the number of the parties affiliated to
the Communist International at thc time of the previous W'orld Congress.
8.-—The greater part of the work and principal responsibility in regard to the Executive Committee
of the Communist Internationa] devolves upon thc
party in thc particular country where, in keeping
with the-regulation of the World Congress, the
Executive Committee has its residence for the time
being. The party of the country in question sends
to the Executive Committee not less than Ave mem-
-er
hers with a decisive vote,    ln addition, each of the
ten or twelve largest Communist Parties is entitled
u> f^end one representative with a decisive vol.* t(
the Executive Committee. The list of these rf,)r
sentatives has to be ratified by the World Confren
Ihe remaining parties and organizations fomriflp
part of tin Communist International each enjoy the
right of sending to the Executive Committee one
representative with a consultative vote.
9 -The Executive Committee is the principal an-
thority oi thc Communist International during thr
Convention. The Executive Committee publishes
in not le>s than four languages, the central or^an
of the Communist International (the periodical the
••Communist International**). The Executive Cce>
mittec makes the necessary appeals on behalf oi the
Communist International and issues instructions obligator) on all parties and organizations forn.ing
part of the Communist International. The Executive Committee has the right to demand from affiliated parties the exclusion of groups of members
guilty of tbe infringement of international proletarian discipline, and also to exclude from the Coin-
munist International any parties that infringe the
regulations oi the World Congress, such parties
having the rijjht to appeal to the World C*oagress,
Where necessary the Executive Committee organizes in different countries its technical and auxiliary bureaux, which are entirely under the control
of the Executive Committee.
10. The Executive Committee of the International has the right to include in its ranks reore-
sentatives r with a consultative vote only» from parties and organizations not accepted in the Commun
ist International but which arc sympathetic towards Communism.
11. The organs of all thc parties and orpanira-
tions forming part of the Communist International.
as well as of those who are recognized sympathi/cr--
with thc Communist International, are obliged to
publish all official regulations of the Communist International aud of its, Executive Committee
1- The general conditions prevailing m Europe
and America make c-bligatory upon the Corn-nun-
ists of thc whole world the formation oi
illegal Communist organizations alongside of those
existing legally. The Executive Committee bit
charge of the universal application of this rule
IJ. All ihe more important political relations between the individual parties, forming part of the
Communist International are customarily carried
on through the medium of the Executive Commit
tee. In cases of urgent need, however, direct relations arc permissible, provided that the Executive
Committee is informed thereof at the same time
1-1 Trade Unions that have accepted the Coin
munist platform and are united internationally under the control of the Executive Committee of thc
Communist International, form Trade Union Sec*
tons of the Communist International. The Communist Trade Inious send their representatives to
the world Congresses of thc Communist International through ihe medium of the Communist parties ol
their respective countries. Trade Union Sections
of thc Communist International delegate a repre-
sentative with a decisive vote to the Executive committee of thc Communist International. The Executive Committee of thc Communist International
has the right to send a representative with a decisive vote to the Trade Union Section of the ComniUtV
ist International.
15-The International League of Young Communists is subject to thc Communist International an
its Executive  Committee.     One representative o
the  Executive    Committee    of thc    International
League of Young Communists with a decisive vote
is delegated to the Executive Committee of the communist   International.   The  Executive Committee
of the Communist International, on the other lu" >
has the right of sending a   representative   with ••
decisive vote to the Executive Committee of the International League of Young Communists.   He a
tions between the  League of Young Communitf*
and thc Communist Party in each country are ba#« **8TEaN     CLA110M
FAGEMYItf
V
tent.
„* -"*.■■'"",;;;*• coo****** «•««. -'»-"•»"
k-Sf* '''""'Tv ,,•> Movcmcn. and M(;a,,
JS.C ""-c, „,Ik- Commun,-. SSsW
ur*- -
B-*-
*** o| lbe Communis International
,-^\ im"'1"' iiMlrv *us a right to the
A - """^ T2ZZ2** of,**- «**
iraterna' »l1 -    -    - J
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